SPECIAL EDITION
VOTE EARLY! WHAT FLORIDA THINKS A NEW POLL SHOWS HOW THE STATE MIGHT VOTE
DEMANDING VOTING RIGHTS THE FIGHT FOR RETURNING CITIZENS CONTINUES
6 AMENDMENTS ISSUES ON FLORIDA’S BALLOT
CONTENTS
5
Voting Essentials
6
Publisher’s Column
8
Poll: What Florida Thinks
12
Federal Amendment 4: How do ex-felons vote
16
Black people as climate activists
18
COVID-19 Health Disparities
20
Empower Florida: Lighting a path to change
21
Talking with kids about voting
22
2020 Vision: For White Americans, racism is coming into view
24
Florida Amendments
Dr. Amelia Boynton Robinson: The Matriarch of the Voting Rights Movement
Amelia Isadora Platts was born August 18, 1911 in the port city of Savannah, Ga., and was a 1927 graduate of Tuskegee Institute. She was bestowed an Honorary Doctorate at the National Conference of Black Lawyers by Community College of Law and International Diplomacy in Chicago on May 19, 1996. In 1976, after living and working in various areas, including Selma, Alabama and Americus, Ga., where she was a high school teacher, she returned to reside in the city of her alma mater with her third husband, Mr. James Robinson of Oklahoma. During the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, she invited the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., to visit Selma, Ala. “In joining King to help free Selma, Boynton helped to develop the pattern that led to a worldwide human rights movement, and the victories in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, Southern Africa and China all bear the influence of the Selma Movement,” according to former U.S. Ambassador Andrew Young. On May 5, 1964, Amelia was the first woman in the State of Alabama to run for office in the United States Congress, garnering 10.7 percent of the vote at a time when very few African Americans were allowed to vote. At death in 2015, Dr. Boynton Robinson had been a registered voter for 83 years. Amelia Boynton Robinson is perhaps best reflected in American history as one of two women, the other being Mrs. Marie Foster, behind the six men at the front of the march, who were gassed, beaten unconscious and left to die on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma during the “Bloody Sunday” incident on Mar. 7, 1965. Amelia Boynton Robinson, enshrined the “Matriarch of the Voting Rights Movement” in 2007, continued to give of herself in service to humanity. In January 2008, she attended and supported then-Senator Barack Obama’s presidential campaign stop in Birmingham, Ala., during which he publicly acknowledged her presence and the audience rose to its feet with a thunderous round of applause. ONYX Magazine recognized her for her tireless efforts at the 2015 ONYX Awards in Orlando.
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VOTING ESSENTIALS
ELECTION DAY A
Presidential Primary Election is held on the third Tuesday of March in a presidential election year. The Primary Election is held 11 weeks before the General Election. The Primary Election is for the purpose of nominating party nominees to be voted for in the General Election to fill a national, state, county, or district office. A General Election is held in November of every even-numbered year. The election dates for 2020 are: • Presidential Preference Primary Election: March 17 • Primary Election: August 18 • General Election: November 3
Vote-by-Mail Ballot Request and Return Deadlines The deadline to request that a vote-by-mail ballot be mailed is no later than 5:00 p.m. (local time) on the 10th day before the election. The deadlines for 2020 are: • Presidential Preference Primary Election: March 7 • Primary Election: August 8 • General Election: October 24 A vote-by-mail ballot must be returned and received no later than 7:00 p.m. (local time) on election day in order to be counted. The deadlines for 2020 are: • Presidential Preference Primary Election: March 17* • Primary Election: August 18 • General Election: November 3* *A 10-day extension exists only for overseas voters for the Presidential Preference Primary and General Election only.
Early Voting Period By law, early voting must be held at least for 8 days. The mandatory early voting periods for 2020 are: • Presidential Preference Primary Election: March 7 – 14 • Primary Election: August 8 – 15 • General Election: October 24 – 31 Each county Supervisor of Elections may offer more days of early voting from one or more of the following days: • Presidential Preference Primary Election: March 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 15 • Primary Election: August 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 16 • General Election: October 19, 20, 21, 22, 23 and November 1
Assistance with Voting If you need assistance to vote due to a disability you have several options: 1. Receive personal help at the polls during early voting or on Election Day. You do not have to reveal the nature or extent of your disability. You can choose anyone to help you except your employer or an agency of your employer or an officer or agency of your union. You can alternatively get the help of two members of the Supervisor of Elections staff. See section 101.051, Florida Statutes. You will have to fill out a declaration affirming that you need help unless you wrote on your voter registration application that you would need assistance at the polls. The clerk can help you fill out the form. In addition, the person you choose to help you will have to fill out a declaration (unless that person is election staff) saying he or she will provide help. If you have any questions about receiving help in voting, please ask the clerk or inspector at the polling place. 2. Vote on a touch screen or other accessible marking device at the polls. Voting on a touch screen allows you to vote with little or no assistance and in secret. Federal and state laws require at least one accessible voting system to be in each polling place. Florida has certified accessible voting systems for use by persons with disabilities. The systems meet at least 12 major categories of accessibility standards. See section 301(a)(3) of the Help America Vote Act (Public Law 107252) and section 101.56062, Florida Statutes. 3. Vote-by-mail from the comfort of your home. In addition, you can have anyone of, other than your employer, agent of your employer or an officer or agent of your union, mark the choices for you or have the person assist you in marking your choices on the ballot. See section 101.661, Florida Statutes. 4. Participate in supervised voting, if made available at your assisted living or nursing home facility. See section 101.655, Florida Statutes. You can also request that your vote-by-mail ballot be sent to you there.
Check with your county Supervisor of Elections for additional information on your district, early voting precincts, voting precincts, and other information that may be relevant to your county. All information on this page has been provided by the Florida Department of State, Division of Elections. ONYX MAGAZINE POLITICAL ISSUE 2020 5
FROM THE PUBLISHER
PUBLISHER/EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Rich Black VICE PRESIDENT Marianne Eggleston, M.B.A. MANAGING EDITOR D. Shenell Reed, M.B.A.
RICH BLACK
EXECUTIVE STRATEGIST Lena Graham-Morris EXECUTIVE ASSISTANT Maria Barnes
Family, Welcome to ONYX Magazine’s 2020 “Don’t Boo—Vote” edition. The Nov. 3 election will be one of the most critical in our lifetime—from our local elections, to our state elections, and our presidential election. How we vote will determine WHO can vote, help decide the minimum wage, make critical decisions for veterans, design our healthcare landscape, and so much more. ONYX Magazine has always been a voting advocate. In 2015, we honored the matriarch of the Voting Rights Act, Dr. Amelia Boynton, at the ONYX Awards. You may recall seeing photos of that iconic day, Bloody Sunday, where Dr. Boynton was beaten on the bridge along with the late Congressman John Lewis and countless others. She never took her activism for granted and she fought until her death in 2015. While in the fight, she reminded us: “a voteless people are a hopeless people.” So, in this edition we stand on her shoulders. We also stress that going to the polls without knowledge is irresponsible; and that’s why this issue is so important. Inside, you will find an explanation of the amendments and other issues you should consider this season. Yours will be the voices that help us shape the next two years, four years. So, read, take notes, ask questions, and most importantly, in the words of Pres. Barack Obama, the 44th president of the United States, “Don’t Boo-VOTE” on Nov. 3. As always, ONYX Magazine is here to bring you information that entertains, inspires and informs. Thank you for your support.
ASSOCIATE EDITORS Gayle Andrews Laura Dorsey Sharon Fletcher Jones DESIGN DIRECTOR Jason Jones GRAPHICS INTERN India Johnson BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT DIRECTOR Matt deJager CONTRIBUTING WRITERS Charles Ellison Allysen Kerr D. Shenell Reed Candis Watts Smith
ONYX ADVISORY COMMITTEE Deidre Parker, Chair Michelle Tatom, Immediate Past Chair Dick Batchelor Bob Berryhill Dr. Lavon Bracy Bryon Brooks Marva Brown Johnson Hon. Mable Butler Yolanda Cash Jackson Dr. Cynthia Chestnut James Clark
John Crossman Gary Hartfield Barbara Hartley Tony Hill Alma Horne Rodney Hurst Ann Jenkins Connie Kinnard Larry Lee, Jr.
Brenda March Marisol Romany Nancy Port Schwalb Margaret J. Thompson Gail Thomas-DeWitt Hon. Alan Williams Carla Williams Dr. Samuel Wright Lady Dhyana Ziegler
FOUNDERS
Lester and Lillian Seays ONYX Magazine is published by ONYX Communications and Media Group, Inc., Address: P.O. Box 555672, Orlando, Florida 32855-5872. Phone 321-418-7216. Subscription rate is $19.95 for six issues. For subscriptions and notification of address change, contact ONYX Magazine at the above address or e-mail us at info@onyxmagazine.com. Letters to the editor are encouraged. Copyright 2018 by ONYX Magazine. All rights reserved. No part of the publication may be reproduced without written consent of the publisher. Opinions expressed in this magazine are those of the writer or interviewee and not necessarily those of the publisher. Manuscripts, photos and art should be submitted with a self-addressed stamped envelope. The publisher does not assume responsibility for any materials not submitted in manner advised. Unsolicited materials are not subject to payment from ONYX Magazine.
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POLLS
WHAT T FLORIDA THINKS
he Public Opinion Research Lab (PORL) at the University of North Florida (UNF) released a new poll on Oct. 6 that shows how Floridians will likely vote on the amendments slated for the Nov. 3 ballot; what they believe about the relaxed COVID-19 restrictions; and who they want the next U.S. president to be— among other important issues. The UNF Fall Statewide Poll was conducted from Oct. 1 through Oct. 4, 2020, and consists of responses from 3,142 registered voters older than 18. Of them, 81% voted in the 2018 Florida General election, which makes the likelihood of their voting on Nov. 3 high.
A new poll shows the Sunshine State’s support of a minimum wage hike and that some believe COVID restrictions were lifted too soon. BY D. SHENELL REED
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On the Coronavirus Numbers of positive coronavirus cases have fluctuated this fall, according to the Florida Department of Health’s daily briefing. The state saw spikes after Memorial Day, likely due to more close-quarter gatherings taking place to celebrate the holiday. As of Oct. 6, there were 718,000 total cases in Florida with 14,711 deaths. As the holidays roll in, and people long to be reunited with family, there may be an uptick in positive cases, according to experts. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention continues to warn that travel increases your chances of contracting and spreading the coronavirus and admonishes travelers to stay home as the best way to protect yourself and those you love. Fla. Gov. Ron DeSantis lifted statewide COVID-19 restrictions in September causing some voters concern. When survey respondents were asked about the coronavirus pandemic as it relates to the economy, at the state levels, “59% said they are not doing enough, 6% said they are doing too much, and 34% said the right amount is
being done. When asked about the easing of social distancing restrictions, 52% of respondents said the state government is moving too quickly, with 16% saying too slowly, and 32% about right,” according to survey results. The report goes on to show, “when asked which impacts of the coronavirus pandemic they were most concerned about, 57% said the public health impacts, while 43% said the economic impacts. These findings differ from April of this year, when the PORL conducted its Statewide COVID-19 Survey, revealing 67% of respondents were more concerned about public health, versus 31% concerned about the economy. Most Florida Likely Voters believe that face masks help slow the spread of coronavirus, at 82%.”
On the Amendments There will be six state constitutional amendments on the Nov. 3 ballot and survey respondents shared their thoughts on them. “Regarding Amendment One, dealing with the citizenship requirement to vote in the state of Florida, 78% said they would vote to change the verbiage from “all United States Citizens,” to “only United States Citizens who are at least eighteen years of age, a permanent resident of Florida, and registered to vote, as provided by law, shall be qualified to vote in a Florida election.” Amendment Two, which would raise Florida’s minimum wage, garnered 60% support, with 37% saying they would vote no. Respondents also expressed support of Amendment Three, regarding changing to an open primary election system in the state of Florida, with 58% saying they would vote in favor of the measure, 36% against, while 6% are unsure. Forty-one percent of respondents said they would vote in favor of Amendment Four, requiring proposed amendments to the state constitution be voted on twice before taking effect, while 52% would vote no. Seven percent are unsure how they will vote.” Respondents overwhelmingly supported Amendments Five and Six, both dealing with expanding homestead tax exemptions. Amendment Five, which extends the period during which benefits can be transferred from one homestead to another, garnered 68% support, with 26% opposed. An impressive 88% of respondents said they would vote for Amendment Six, which extends homestead exemptions to spouses of deceased veterans with combat-related disabilities.”
“When asked if they believe that Black people and White people receive equal treatment by the police, 56% said they strongly or somewhat disagree. When asked the same question about police treatment of Hispanic people and White people, 53% disagreed. A majority of those surveyed (53%) believe police-involved deaths of Black people are signs of a broad problem of systemic racism, rather than isolated incidents (46%).” “Regarding immigration, 22% said they would only vote for a candidate who shared their views on immigration, while 72% said it was just one of many factors to consider. Only 6% said that it was not a major issue. Immigration appeared to be slightly more important for Hispanic respondents, with 25% of those surveyed saying they would only vote for a candidate who shared their views, versus 23% of White respondents, and just 9% of Black respondents. Lastly, respondents were asked whether they support or oppose certain proposed immigration policies. Of the total sample, 49% support building a wall along the U.S. and Mexico border, 51% opposed; 79% support allowing undocumented immigrants the opportunity to become citizens, with 21% opposed; and 54% support closing federal immigration detention centers, with 44% opposed. Among Hispanic respondents, the proposals received 41%, 81%, and 55% support, respectively.”
On the U.S. President The poll shows former Vice President Joe Biden in the lead. “Fifty-one percent indicated they intended to vote for Biden, versus 45% who stated they would vote for Trump. One percent of respondents said they would vote for someone else, while 3% are still unsure. When asked whether they agree that November’s election results will be fair and trustworthy, 72% said they somewhat or strongly agreed, while 28% said they disagree. Voters seem to be split along party lines on this issue, with 86% of Democrats agreeing that the results will be fair, compared to just 58% of Republicans. A notable 42% of respondents indicated they plan on voting by mail, with early and election day in-person voting at just 29%, each.” For details about the methodology of the survey and additional crosstabs by partisanship, age, race, sex, and education, visit the Recent Polls section of the PORL Website at www.unf.edu. D. Shenell Reed is the managing editor of ONYX Magazine.
On Racial Equality and Immigration Tensions among the races and police heightened in 2020 following the killings of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. The nation has witnessed protesting akin to the 1960s civil rights movement. Americans of all races are looking for justice and the survey addressed concerns. ONYX MAGAZINE POLITICAL ISSUE 2020 9
CIVIL RIGHTS
RESTORE MY VOTE
How to vote after a felony conviction
I
n Florida, a past felony conviction usually means loss of civil rights, including the right to vote, even after completion of all the terms and conditions of the sentence. Loss of civil rights takes away not only the right to vote, but also the right to hold public office, serve on a jury, and hold certain types of state occupational licenses. A returning citizen’s rights are taken away permanently until and unless he or she successfully completes a lengthy clemency application process and is granted restoration of civil rights by the governor and the Board of Executive Clemency. The information below will help you know whether you have lost your rights, and if so, how you can apply to get them back. If you are a returning citizen and current Florida resident, you have probably lost your civil rights if: • You have a felony conviction in Florida and have not had your civil rights restored by the governor and the Board of Executive Clemency. AND/OR • You were convicted of a felony in another state while you were a Florida resident. • You were convicted of a felony in another state and did not have your rights restored in that state before moving to Florida. (NOTE: Some states restore rights automatically, without any paperwork, and a few never take the rights away at all. If your rights were restored before you became a Florida resident, you do not have to apply in Florida.) The Department of Corrections (DOC) should have helped you with the application process at the time of your release from supervision. However, if you did not receive such assistance, you can start the process on your own, though you must not be under any form of supervision, including parole or probation. You should be aware that applying for restoration of your civil rights opens you to investigation by the Florida Parole Commission. You may also have to undergo a hearing. The process is long, and there are no guarantees that your rights will be restored, but submitting the application is often recognized as a positive rehabilitative step that may help you achieve other goals. Submitting the application also helps to change the current rights restoration process for the better. To initiate the application for restoration of your civil rights and keep your application moving, you will need to:
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• Submit the Restoration of Civil Rights application to the Office of Executive Clemency in Tallahassee. Click here for detailed instructions from the Office of Executive Clemency on how to fill out the form. You may also obtain a copy of the application by calling the Office of Executive Clemency at (850) 488-2952, or writing to the ACLU of Florida at the address on the bottom of this page. AND • Submit letters of reference or character affidavits from past or current employers, clergy, neighbors, etc. Such letters are OPTIONAL, but they may be very helpful to your application. Keep in mind that the Parole Commission may contact the people who write on your behalf. The letters can be sent to the Office of Executive Clemency, at the same address as listed on the Restoration of Civil Rights Application. AND • Keep copies at home of your completed application, letters, and any other documentation you submit. You should have your own complete record of all correspondence and submissions. AND • Call the Office of Executive Clemency to make sure all information has been received and to ask whether they need any additional information. The phone number for the Office of Executive Clemency is (850) 488-2952. You should also call periodically to find out where your application is in the review process. If you have questions during the process, you can call the Office of Executive Clemency, or you can call the ACLU of Florida at (786) 363-2711.
ENVIRONMENT
CANVASING I FOR CLIMATE Black voters are the eco-voters climate activists are looking for BY CHARLES ELLISON
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t’s not only been a summer season (now autumn) of a deadly pandemic, toxic politics, and social unrest, but the nation has been rocked by a non-stop series of environmental calamities triggered by the human-pressed climate crisis. Hurricane Sally was a destructive slow-moving mix of high winds and epic flooding battering the Gulf Coast and other parts of the South. That was after Hurricane Laura and ahead of an unprecedented number of cyclones forming in the Atlantic for what’s building up into one of the most active—if not the most active—hurricane season on record. The entire West Coast is either, literally, on fire or under a blanket of choking smoke from the said fire. This summer was the fourth hottest on record, with nights no longer cooler and city neighborhoods burning up due to little shade, too little tree canopy and still lots of pollution. Meanwhile, glaciers the size of whole states are rapidly melting in the global poles, raising sea levels and destabilizing weather patterns. When these climate catastrophes strike in the United States, it is the nation’s Black people who are hit the hardest—while lacking the resources and social mobility to confront them. More than a quarter
of the Black population in the U.S. live in the Gulf Coast states constantly hit by hurricanes, not to mention the large concentrations of Black communities in other East Coast states hit by massive flooding. They’re also living in “urban heat island” spaces that are up to 20 degrees warmer than normal, making them twice as likely to die from heat than Whites. Exposure to bad air and water quality are rampant in Black communities that are daily punished by environmental injustice by zip code. We’ll become more aware of this as fires throughout places like California and Oregon, for example, reveal high rates of permanent respiratory illnesses among Black people, especially those who do not have the economic means to move away from those areas. This is all aggravated by an unmitigated blend of systematically racist designs and generations of redlined public policy. The coronavirus pandemic, which has disproportionately impacted and killed so many Black people in the U.S., is one monstrous byproduct of the racist geographic burdens placed on Black communities. As researchers J.T. Roane and Justin Hosbey noted in their study “Mapping Black Ecologies,” “… the ongoing reality [is] that Black
communities…in the African Diaspora are most susceptible to the effects of climate change, including rising sea levels, subsidence, sinking land, as well as the ongoing effects of toxic stewardship.” With Black people clearly on the front lines of climate crisis and environmental disaster (as victims and forced resistance fighters), it would seem natural for Black voters in the 2020 election to view the environment as a top issue. Indeed, Black voters could, in many ways, be the decisive eco-voters of the most high stakes election in American history—particularly as we consider the current Trump administration’s zealous hostility to and aggressive dismantling of environmental protections. This election will decide the fate of the planet and human civilization because the outcome will decide the direction of policy to fix the damage done to our collective home. Environmental issues, in fact, seem to permeate as key context throughout every major racial injustice highlighted this past summer: it was the diabolical gentrification plans of real estate companies that ended up murdering Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Ky., as police were being used to methodically push out low income Black residents for a redevelopment scheme. And there are redlining legacies in Minneapolis, Minn., and Kenosha, Wis., that eventually led to the death of George Floyd and the paralyzing of Jacob Blake. Behind every headlining viral act of open racism is an intersection of environmental injustice. Will Black voters be making those connections as they mail ballots or show up at polling places? It’s not clear at the moment. A recent “Economist/YouGov” survey found 33% of Black voters (by far the highest of other groups polled) were not sure if “the world is becoming warmer as a result of human activity,” but a higher percentage (47%) believed that the severity of recent hurricanes and wildfire is increasing. Yet, Black voters were also the most likely to say (75%) – out of all demographics – that climate change and the environment were either “very” or “somewhat important.” Interestingly enough, an August 2019 poll from Quinnipiac found Black voters split on whether it was an emergency, with 44% saying it was not. But, in the recent YouGov poll, that issue ranked fifth among Black voters (at 8%) out of the 10 most important issues, with healthcare at the top (35%). With polling of Black potential or eligible voters notoriously incomplete (since political polling firms are overwhelmingly led by White men), it’s hard to determine the size of the Black eco-electorate: or rather, that portion of the Black voting community that is mobilized by environmental issues, including climate change and pollution. What we do know is that Black people, generally speaking (and based on the polling data we have to work with), have an enormous amount of situational awareness on these subjects. Of course, it bothers them: as a Yale Program on Climate Communication found “… Hispanics/Latinos (69%) and African Americans (57%) are more likely to be “Alarmed or Concerned” about ONYX MAGAZINE POLITICAL ISSUE 2020 17
global warming than are Whites (49%). In con- “ Research suggests that Even during the early months of the trast, Whites are more likely to be “Doubtful or people of color may be pandemic—as necessary stay-at-home lockDismissive” (27%) than are Hispanics/Latinos downs placed major burdens on vulnerable more concerned than (11%) or African Americans (12%).” Black families and households confined to The issue, however, is around mobilization. Is Whites about climate smaller spaces and densely populated locathis a key issue prompting outrage and a related change because they tions which increased risks of infection— rush to the polls among Black voters? Are there are often more exposed mainstream local news and cable coverage large segments of the Black electorate moved by too often focused on the comparably minor issues around the climate crisis, toxic air, and water and vulnerable to inconveniences faced by White middle class or demanding dramatic policy changes such as environmental hazards and families. We typically hear little, if at all, clean energy infrastructure and the expansion of a extreme weather events.” about Black household or neighborhood “green economy” that creates jobs and Black startburdens when climate disasters such as hurups? The recent Yale survey shows 36% of Black respondents willing ricanes at the Gulf Coast and wildfires consuming the West Coast to “join a campaign” to address climate change (versus 37% of Lati- take place. nos and just 22% of Whites). When asked if these issues would sigYet, Black people do understand that they are prime targets of zonnificantly influence their decision in the 2020 election, 60% of Black ing and redlining decisions that push them into pollution zones, and voters surveyed ranked “environmental protection” as their 11th top they know they’re families are suffering from high rates of chronic issue out of 29 top issues listed and 53 percent ranked “global warm- illnesses such as asthma and cancers that are directly correlated to ing” as their 16th top issue—that’s impressive compared to just 44% pollution and climate change impacts. They also understand, such as and 35% of Whites, respectively, on the exact same issues. the case with Hurricane Katrina in 2005, that they frequently find “Research suggests that people of color may be more concerned themselves the least unprepared for and most economically displaced than Whites about climate change because they are often more by climatic disasters. exposed and vulnerable to environmental hazards and extreme Black communities also, instinctively, realize that as the climate criweather events,” reported the study. “One particularly important sis intensifies, the racism of scarce resources and space will get worse. example is that people of color are more likely than Whites to be But, as a July focus group survey by Third Way of Black communiexposed to air pollution. Inequitable exposure to environmental ties in Detroit, Philadelphia and Greensboro correctly noted “...even problems such as this may also explain, at least in part, why Hispan- though they’re concerned about the environment worsening around ics/Latinos and African Americans report greater intentions to engage them, Black Americans aren’t necessarily counting climate change in climate activism.” among their top priorities—and they’re not hearing people speak to What we’re seeing in the Yale survey (which was conducted in 2019 them on the issue in a manner that resonates.” Environmental advobefore the pandemic hit) is that Black voters are, potentially, more acti- cacy movements often express frustration over the public’s inability vatable on environmental health and climate crisis than White voters. to put electoral pressure on policymakers about issues such as climate Yet, the mainstream news, discourse and protest around eco-issues is change. Maybe it’s because they’re not really talking to Black voters steadily focused on White concerns and White conversation. about it…or investing the time and money it takes to do just that. Charles Ellison is a veteran political strategist and executive producer/host of “Reality Check” on WURD radio (Philadelphia & D.C.). He is also publisher of theBEnote.com. 18 ONYX MAGAZINE POLITICAL ISSUE 2020
VOTING ESSENTIALS
THE DOMINO EFFECT COVID-19 impact on African American health and health education
H
BY ORA L. STRICKLAND, PH.D.
ealth disparities that have long challenged African Americans are widened with the coronavirus pandemic. Sadly, that’s no surprise. Surprising is one reason for this: some medications more often used in African Americans to treat underlying health conditions may create a “perfect storm” to worsen COVID-19 infection and fatality rates. Early on, experts connected health conditions—such as diabetes, coronary artery disease and certain kidney diseases—and the severity of the virus’s effect on the patient. What I, and a peer research team, discovered recently is that some commonly used medications, like ACE (angiotensin-converting enzyme) inhibitors, can set off a chain reaction immunological response in patients with the coronavirus in which the body attacks itself (aka, cytokine storm) and deteriorates rapidly. It is an understatement to say this compounds the plight of African Americans’ health, particularly for those employed on front lines with greater exposure to contracting coronavirus. However, practitioners, even those who are attuned to the distinctions of the African American patient, can enhance care with clinical insights to provide more individualized care.
Most hospitals have shut down onsite clinical training to protect the health of their patients, staff, and nursing students. But in doing so, are effectively stunting nursing students’ career aspirations by prolonging the duration of their education. This, in turn, prolongs the financial burden to remain enrolled and slows the conduit into the nursing workforce to a crawl by creating a backlog for state-mandated licensing exams. This domino effect is hindering nursing programs and points to an imminent staffing shortage as older nurses leave the workforce due to pandemic and fewer nurses replace them. This is an outcome the African American community can ill-afford, as Black and African American nurses make up only 10% of the nursing workforce, according to the National Council of State Boards of Nursing (NCSBN). There is a marked need in the profession for more diversity to provide culturally competent care. But, without clinical instruction, the already meager numbers will decline. Rather than wait for clinical training doors to reopen, nursing programs must create their own solutions to keep the pipeline of practitioners flowing. At Florida International University, we have pivoted to simulated and virtual delivery of clinical training for undergraduate
Students at the Stimulation Teaching and Research Center
The pre-pandemic use of universal protocols to diagnose and manage patient conditions should be a thing of the past. Treating underlying conditions and COVID-19 without worsening outcomes requires increased clinical observations for African American patients; accelerated contact tracing; and a deeper understanding of the individual patient condition at the cellular level to identify susceptibility to a cytokine storm and mitigate adverse reactions. Integrating elements of genetics, immunology, epidemiology, virology, public health, and other diagnostic tools is essential to fight this pandemic more proficiently. Adopting an “enhanced diagnostic mindset” early across all health education curricula is necessary to evolve professionally. But doing so has its own difficulties as the health education pipeline is squeezed by pandemic-induced restrictions, especially for the nursing profession. Nursing programs around the country are facing a challenge to provide in-person clinical training as many facilities halt clinical rotations for students during this pandemic. Clinical training is a requirement for graduation and eligibility for professional licensing exams mandated for practice.
nursing students through online learning and our acclaimed Simulation Teaching and Research Center mock hospital to bring the clinical experience to them. It is a move we made confidently based on our experience as contributors to a 2010 NCSBN landmark study concluding that up to 50% simulation education can be effectively substituted for traditional clinical experience in all prelicensure core nursing courses. While the pandemic is a catalyst for this transition, the emergence of simulation education signals a paradigm shift for health education institutions to become more self-reliant, preserving and expanding the clinical learning experiences essential to propagate the health care workforce. Admittedly, there are no overnight solutions to these and other challenges beleaguering our health systems and communities. But just as dominoes fall one by one, so too will these obstacles. As health advocates at all levels continue fighting the good fight with action, information, innovation, leadership and, most of all, hope, the solutions we need appear within reach. Ora L. Strickland, Ph.D., FAAN is the dean of the Nicole Wertheim College of Nursing and Health Sciences at Florida International University. ONYX MAGAZINE POLITICAL ISSUE 2020 19
COMMUNIT Y
EMPOWER FLORIDA Lighting a Path to Change BY ALLYSEN KERR
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hen entrepreneur Gary Hartfield founded Empower Florida in 2015, he saw a major gap in the healthcare industry. The problem: a lack of resources and training for business owners serving the elderly and developmentally disabled. The solution: an organization positioned to equip these providers for growth and change. Florida is home to an estimated 472,644 people with an Intellectual and Developmental Disability (IDD), according to the Florida Developmental Disabilities Council. More than 20,000 providers and frontline workers manage group homes, Assisted Living Facilities (ALF) and nursing homes daily. Empower Florida exists to serve their needs. “We believe that if agency owners are better informed, they will be empowered to develop and maintain viable businesses that create employment opportunities, as well as, provide high-quality services for the clients they serve,” Hartfield, Empower Florida’s chair, said. While this community’s needs are significant, one of Empower Florida’s major initiatives is to address the need for training. The Agency for Persons with Disabilities requires direct-care providers and owners to obtain eight continuing education credits (CEUs) annually. Likewise, waiver support coordinators (WSCs) are required to obtain 24 CEUs annually. Empower Florida developed an annual conference where attendees could earn CEUs. Conferences have grown from 200 attendees at the Children’s Board of Hillsborough County to more than 600 held in convention centers and hotels in Tampa, Miami and Orlando. The organization has an impressive list of key stakeholders, including the Social Security Administration, the U.S. Department of Labor, the Agency for Persons with Disabilities, Florida Division of Workers’ Compensation, as well as federal and state legislators and other subject matter experts. In 2020, Empower Florida had a new challenge on its hands: the novel coronavirus. Before COVID-19, the organization was planning its annual conference—the date set, the speakers secured, and the hotel reservations booked. Hartfield and the board members had a decision to make—ride out the uncertainty or postpone the conference. They chose the latter. The safety of its members was much more critical. By April, the provider community could feel pangs of this growing crisis far and wide. In addition to the everyday challenge of running their businesses, now providers had to agonize securing gloves, gowns, and face masks, managing mandated precautionary measures for group homes, Assisted Living Facility, or nursing homes. “Many of our clients, who work in the community, had been terminated or furloughed, leaving the weight of caring for additional
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residents on the shoulders of owners and operators,” Hartfield said. “The IDD and ALF communities were struggling to find accurate and timely information and resources as costs and uncertainty continued to rise.” Once again, Hartfield and Empower Florida saw an opportunity to respond to the need of the provider community. Although the conference was not possible, the nonprofit could still connect with their members virtually. Hartfield enlisted Empower Florida’s marketing agency, Prymel Elements, to devise the logistics. “The organization needed a simple yet reliable way to connect with its members, so we came up with a plan,” said Prymel Elements Principal and Creative Director Allysen Kerr. The plan included utilizing the nonprofit’s budding email list and social media platforms to market the webinar and register people. It worked with 358 attendees registered. The first webinar took place in April via Zoom. Titled: “COVID19: Helping Providers Navigate What’s Next – Understanding Labor Laws and Disaster Relief Funds,” the webinar focused on labor law updates and explained disaster relief. The first webinar was an overwhelming success, Hartfield said. Since April, the organization has held a webinar each month, hosting more than 2,370 total participants to date. Hartfield plans to host an in-person conference in 2021, but until then, this virtual solution will support the organization’s mission to equip providers for growth and change. To learn more visit, Empower-Florida.org.
PARENTING
GROWING GOOD CITIZENS Teach your kids about voting.
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lection Day is (nearly) here! Voting is one of the primary ways we participate in our democracy, but it can be hard to know how to talk to kids about voting, especially during this contentious election season. Election Day is a great opportunity to help your kids understand how our country works—and to talk about your beliefs and values. Wondering how to get started? Here are seven tips for kicking off the conversation with your little citizens.
1. Illustrate the Concept of Voting Even preschoolers can grasp the idea that voting is a way for people to make decisions. To bring the concept home, go grassroots! Try having a family vote about something that really impacts your child’s day. For example, vote about what to make for Sunday dinner, what game to play, or what book to read. For older children, try introducing the concept of nominating a meal or game before the vote—or get them on a soap box and let them make a speech to advocate for their favorite choice! 2. Share Your Beliefs You can tell your kids who you are voting for and why. Talk about the things that are important to you and your family in this election—after all, many of the decisions we are making today, from environmental protection to affordable education and job creation, will impact our kids as they grow. 3. Teach Respectful Disagreement For young children who are still learning how to be kind and considerate to others, this combative election can be tough to understand. But this is a great time to teach kids that it is perfectly fine to disagree with people—and that we can all practice listening to other ideas with respect. Talk with your child about how you handle disagreements in your home. Use concrete examples, like: Sometimes we can solve a problem together, remember when you and your sister wanted to play with the same doll, and you decided to take turns? Remind her that grown-ups lose their tempers, too and that it is OK to apologize when we do. Talk about how to manage big feelings by taking time to calm down in a quiet space or with a deep breath. 4. Reassure Them During election season, media stories about hard-to-understand issues may cause kids concern. One of the best tactics is to focus on kid-sized solutions. For example, if a child is concerned about environmental issues, give him opportunities to help in ways that are understandable and immediate by turning off the lights or recycling.
5. Get Them Excited About Elections If you vote by mail, show your children the ballot. If you head to a ballot box, take your child with you if you can. By showing your kids that you think voting is important, they’ll be more likely to grow up participating in the voting process, too. 6. Use Math to Explain Election Results Represent the election results with a jar of bottle caps, crayons, or other household objects. Start with 100 objects and then divide them into two jars to represent the percentage of the vote each candidate received. Use words like more and fewer with younger children. Older children may want to help you count or write numbers on cards to label the jar for each candidate. 7. Point out Signs of Election Season There are a lot of signs an election is near including bumper stickers, election signs, television commercials, and even campaign phone calls that interrupt dinner. Point out these concrete examples of election season and encourage your child to notice them as well. After all, these signals encourage us to learn about the candidates and remind us to vote! This article first appeared in KinderCare and has been republished with permission. ONYX MAGAZINE POLITICAL ISSUE 2020 21
COMMENTA RY
For White Americans, the picture of racism as a systemic issue is finally coming into to clear view this year. BY CANDIS WATTS SMITH
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he first wave of the Black Lives Matter movement, which crested after the 2014 police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, had the support of fewer than half of White Americans. Given that Americans tend to have a narrow definition of racism, many at that time were likely confused by the juxtaposition of Black-led protests, implying that racism was persistent, alongside the presence of a Black family in the White House. Barack Obama’s presidency was seen as evidence that racism was in decline. The current, second wave of the movement feels different, in part because the past months of protests have been multiracial. The media and scholars have noted that Whites’ sensibilities have become more attuned to issues of anti-Black police violence and discrimination. After the first wave of the movement in 2014, little systemic change occurred in response to demands by Black Lives Matter activists. Does the fact that Whites are participating in the current protests in greater numbers mean that the outcome of these protests could be different? Will Whites go beyond participating in marches and actually support fundamental policy changes to fight anti-Black violence and discrimination? As a scholar of political science and African American studies, I believe that lessons from the civil rights movement 60 years ago can help answer those questions.
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Principles Didn’t Turn Into Policy The challenges that Black Americans face today do not precisely mimic those of the 1960s, but the history is still relevant. During the civil rights movement of the mid-20th century, Black freedom fighters made concerted efforts to show White Americans the kinds of racial terrorism the average Black American lived under. Through the power of television, Whites were able to see with their own eyes how respectable, nonviolent Black youth were treated by police as they sought to push the U.S. to live up to its creed of liberty and equality for all of its citizens. Monumental legislation such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 passed, purportedly guaranteeing protection from racial discrimination in many public spaces and equal opportunity to register to vote and cast a ballot. Additionally, Whites were increasingly likely to report attitudes that many would now view as nonracist over the next decades. For example, White Americans were more willing to have a non-White neighbor. They were less likely to support ideas of biological racism or the idea that Whites should always have access to better jobs over Blacks. But these changed values and attitudes among Whites never fully translated into support for government policies that would bring racial equality to Blacks.
White Americans remained uncommitted to integrating public schools, which has been shown to drastically reduce the so-called racial achievement gap. Whites never gave more than a modicum of support for affirmative action policies that sought to level the playing field for jobs and higher education. This phenomenon—the distance between what people say they value and what they are willing to do to live up to their ideals—is so common that social scientists have given it a name: the principle-policy gap. White Americans’ direct witness of police brutality led to a shift in racial attitudes and the passage of significant legislation. But even these combined changes did not radically change the face of racial inequality in American society.
Going Backward By the 1970s and 1980s, political leaders would capitalize on Whites’ sentiments that efforts for racial equality had gone too far. That created an environment that allowed the retrenchment of civil rightsera gains. The Republican Party’s so-called “Southern Strategy,” which aimed to turn White Southern Democrats into Republican voters, succeeded in consolidating the support of White Southerners through the use of racial dog whistles. And the War on Drugs would serve to disproportionately target and police already segregated Black communities. By the 1990s, racial disparities in incarceration rates had skyrocketed, schools began to resegregate, and federal and state policies that created residential segregation and the existing racial wealth gap were never adequately addressed.
From Understanding to Action? Scholars have tried to reveal the intricate and structural nature of racism in the U.S. Their analyses range from showing how racial disparities across various domains of American life are intricately connected rather than coincidental; to highlighting the ways in which race-neutral policies such as the GI Bill helped to set the stage for today’s racial wealth gap; to explaining that America’s racial hierarchy is a caste system. But my research shows that White Americans, including White millennials, have largely become accustomed to thinking about racism in terms of overt racial prejudice, discrimination, and bigotry. They don’t see the deeper, more intractable problems that scholars— and Black activists—have laid out. * In July 2013, the Black Lives Matter movement began with the use of the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter on social media after the acquittal of George Zimmerman in the shooting death of a Black teen, Trayvon Martin, in Sanford, Fla. The movement became nationally recognized for street demonstrations following the 2014 deaths of a Black teen, Michael Brown, in Ferguson, Mo., and a Black New York resident, Eric Garner. This article was originally published by “The Conversation.” It has been published here with permission. Candis Watts Smith is an associate professor of Political Science & African American Studies at Pennsylvania State University.
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No, coronavirus can’t cancel Christmas. But unsafe practices could steal your joy. This holiday season, remain socially distant, wash your hands frequently and MaskUp! Stop the Spread of COVID-19. Do it for someone you love.