OpenForum rapporteur's report by Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA)

review of plenaries and key panel discussions

MONEY, POWER & SEX: The paradox of unequal growth

Contents DAY 1: MONEY Keynote Conversation: Aryeh Neier, President of Open Society Foundations Key messages Major issues Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

OVERVIEW: Sisonke Msimang, OSISA Executive Director Key messages Major issues Game changing ideas Quotes

PLENARY: Who will Finance Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Development? Key messages Major challenges Key barriers Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

PLENARY: Can Global Institutions Work For Africa Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

PARALLEL SESSION: In the Shadow of the Giants: Nigeria and South Africa Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

PARALLEL SESSION: African Philanthropy Key messages Major Issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

PARALLEL SESSION: Exploding the Myths: China and India in Africa Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

DAY 2: POWER

Keynote Address: Fatou Bensouda, ICC Deputy Prosecutor And Prosecutor-Elect Key Messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

PLENARY: The Arab Uprisings: Spring Uprising or a Summer of Discontent Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Quotes

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

PLENARY: The Good, The Bad And The Ugly: How Elections In Africa Confirm And Confound What We Know About Inequality Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue for programming Quotes

PARALLEL SESSSION: Winner Takes All: Corruption And Politics Key Messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

PARALLEL SESSSION: New Generation Of African Writers & Activists Talk Politics Key Messages

DAY 3: SEX PENARY: Are Women Occupying New Movements? Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

PLENARY: The Politics of Sexual Pleasure Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

PARALLEL SESSION: Playing Politics with Gay Rights Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotable Quotes

PARALLEL SESSION: Cultural and Religious Fundamentalisms: Confronting the Backlash Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

PARALLEL SESSION: In Our Own Image: Defining ‘Africanness’ Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Quotes

Closing Plenary: Changing the Rules, Changing the Game, Changing the Future Key messages Major issues Suggestions for the way forward Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

money Keynote Conversation

Aryeh Neier President of Open Society Foundations The opening session of the OpenForum provided an opportunity for the outgoing President of OSF, Aryeh Neier, to expand on OSF’s work in Africa over the past 19 years and the rationale behind the creation of the Open Society Foundation for South Africa (OSF-SA) and the subsequent emergence of the three other Africa Foundations – OSISA, OSIEA and OSIWA. To set the tone for the OpenForum, the session was run as an informal conversation with Akwe Amosu, OSF Director of Africa Advocacy, rather than a traditional and more formal address. This gave Aryeh Neier the chance to touch on a wide range of issues from truth and responsibility to the changing world order and to reflect on the state of the human rights movement both globally and in Africa – highlighting the successes and failures and also the critical challenges that confront activists today. Key messages • OSF’s work has helped to promote some significant changes in Africa over the past 19 years. OSF now invests over US$150 million on the continent each year. • Significant and irreversible gains have been made in terms of the promotion, and consolidation, of human rights and democracy in Africa and elsewhere – especially when you compare it to the situation in the 1980s. It is unimaginable that such gains can be reversed in Africa or elsewhere. The previous period was characterised by authoritarian and oppressive military rule. There was the Soviet Union and its control of a significant part of Europe, military dictatorships in Indonesia, Turkey, apartheid in South Africa and dictatorships in many countries in Africa. • OSF made a significant contribution to the fight against apartheid in South Africa – with George Soros providing support for the first meeting of white dissidents led by Van Zyl Slabbert in Dakar, Senegal as well as funding several anti-apartheid scholars to study abroad. The South Africa Foundation was established in 1993 when the transition to democracy was underway. • Aryeh differs sharply with the ‘reconciliation’ part of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). He argues that the TRC was a compromise that was understandable at that time, given the prevailing circumstances. But he would rather have Truth and Responsibility, as he cannot imagine ‘victims embracing their torturers’ – and those responsible for atrocities should own up and take responsibility. He has since written a lot on ‘collective guilt’ – work that has been

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

inspired by a German philosopher, Karl Jaspers. • OSF’s choice of human rights and democracy work and not development/humanitarian work is inspired by the ‘need to give space to dissenting voices against oppression’ – so the South African and Southern African Foundations were established at a time when there was a wave of change from dictatorship to democracy and when support was needed to open up societies. The new Foundations were also inspired by Aryeh’s criticism of western government’s approaches to the change that was taking place in Europe following the fall of communism. • OSF’s privileged resource position should not be misinterpreted because governments, other private donors and even big NGOs command more resources than OSF, which will continue to use its funds to ensure that the voices of the oppressed are heard. Major issues • China’s relationship with Africa often does a great deal of damage to the continent but it could be beneficial. China does not raise issues on human rights and corruption. This is dangerous since a policy of non-interference can become a policy of maximum interference. For instance, in relation to its oil trade with Angola, China says that it will not require transparency and accountability from the Angolan government. This position allows corruption in Angola to thrive, despite significant pressure from other entities. • Significant gains have been made in Africa on human rights and democracy, and current developments indicate people do not want to regress. The Arab ‘revolution’, the transitions in Burma and many other events indicate that people in Africa and around the world want governments that are democratic and human rights respecting. • People in the developing world are weary of western or any other outside interventions that prop up autocratic governments. • Responding to a question about the perception in some African circles that democracy and open society values are part of an imposed western agenda and ideology, Aryeh replied that the “Western agenda is a false premise used by governments who hold and abuse power.” He added that he had not heard victims expressing opposition to open society values. • As to whether OSF imposes its agenda, Aryeh made it clear that our resources are ‘trivial’ compared to the coffers of the governments. He does not believe that OSF has the capacity to establish an ‘interest group’ with its limited funding. Instead, OSF plays a key role by contributing to the articulation of grievances. But the constituencies involved are ‘naturally concerned’ about the issues we support. OSF does not force artificial issues onto the agenda.

Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming

DAY 1

• The question of human rights and China’s role in Africa is going to become increasingly important. China’s role in Africa has the potential to add significant value to the continent but it could also be damaging – since its policy of non-interference could become a policy of maximum interference.

22 MAY

Quotes • “The articulation of OSF as supporting a western agenda is made by those who hold and abuse power – not by their victims.” • “The picture of victims embracing their torturers is not in sync with reality. We should talk about truth and responsibility rather than truth and reconciliation.” • “OSF takes risks and does not retreat, and we do this as citizens as much as funders.” • “The moment of transition is a revolutionary moment that needs to be taken advantage of.” • “Some of the gains in the human rights movement are reversible, but it’s doubtful that these would be on a grand scale. It is hard for me to imagine a reversal of the tremendous revolution that has taken place in the last three decades.” • “By and large, the human rights movement has not strayed from its path.”

Overview

Sisonke Msimang OSISA Executive Director Key messages The main message was that the objective of the OpenForum was to provide an open space for activists, artists, academicians, politicians and others to discuss inequality in Africa and the other critical issues driving change on the continent, particularly the impact of countries such as China, India and Brazil. Sisonke opened her speech with a compelling analogy about the amount of money, power and sex enjoyed by the Kardashian sisters – and the vast inequalities that they embody. For example, Kim Kardashian earns US$12 million a year – 25,000 times more than the average African earns. But Africa is a continent with a lot of potential. Indeed, The Economist, which once described Africa as the ‘Hopeless Continent’, recently changed its tune and now describes it as the ‘rising continent’ due to soaring economic growth in many countries. However, this growth – largely driven by growing demand for Africa’s wealth of natural resources – has not reduced inequality or poverty. Sisonke made it clear that there was no hidden agenda at

the OpenForum – that it was an unapologetic attempt to engage in open conversations about big issues 50 years after ‘Things Fall Apart’ and at the dawn of a new era. There was no expectation of any particular outcomes other than providing a unique space to talk: an opportunity for people from different sectors who rarely get together to talk – to get together and talk. Crucially, Sisonke made it clear that the OpenForum was a conversation that was framed by Africans because that makes its narrative different. And while the OpenForum included many participants from beyond Africa, the conversation was not intended to be focused outwards but inwards. The OpenForum was not about trying to convert those with different views. It was not intended to foster divisive debates so sexists, racists and homophobes were not invited. It was intended to spark debate among friends but also among people who were friends but did not know it before the OpenForum – and ask critical questions about the future and provide answers that could change it. The Open Forum was about fostering debate and dialogue not for its own sake but to provide solutions that will take Africa to the future. It provides an opportunity to exchange ideas about the socioeconomic and political implications of the emerging world order, including the growing influence of the BRICS. Major issues The role of China, India and Brazil as engines of economic growth on the continent and what this will mean for democracy, human rights and governance in Africa – and for the work of OSF Game changing ideas The challenges confronting Africa are immense and it is important to work together in solidarity – bringing all those with common values together to promote open society ideals.

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

Quotes

– since the ‘success of dictatorial economies like Rwanda and Ethiopia is both artificial and unsustainable’. • Neville Gabriel added his voice to debate – by arguing • Growth without equity is unsustainable that resources in the continent far outweigh what Africa • Well-fed women will increasingly be an agitator for change receives in development aid and by calling for the State and • We are here to set the agenda – to carry the torch for those its citizens to play a much bigger role in financing Africa’s that are yet to come and to remember for those that have gone. development. He added that the young, emerging middle • The challenge is too big to be left to anyone alone class has great potential to contribute to the region’s • The game is ours to change development but it is constrained because the ‘middle class is yet to transform itself in to a political force’. • Joanna Kerr followed on by highlighting the importance of PLENARY tax justice in the future and how this will spur the middle Who will Finance Africa’s Development? class into political action and act as a trigger for building social movements This session looked at Africa’s development trajectory, and sought to understand how Africa’s development could Major challenges be financed, in light of the Euro-zone crisis, the end of the MDGs framework, the economic boom that is being • Charles Abugre spoke about the need for Africa to rethink experienced by the continent, and the growing power and the way it considers macroeconomics and ensure that importance of China, India and Brazil as investors and as enabling conditions exist for long-term production. In development partners. particular, he highlighted the continent’s young population and opportunities to innovate presented by ICTs. Abugre The renowned women and children’s rights activist, Graca also discussed the Ethiopian example – explaining how Machel, was unable to participate at the last minute but the country is experimenting with a different mode of sent a video message, which was played at the start of the development with the state playing an active role in session. She called on African governments to negotiate from bringing about industrialisation, investment in boosting a position of strength to ensure a win-win relationship and to small scale agricultural productivity and promoting income build on the fact that Africa has changed the way it sees itself growth in rural areas. The trick is how to upscale some of and the way it wants to partner with the rest of the world. She the positive lessons to other parts of the continent. also stressed that civil society organisations had a critical role • Professor Mkandawire argued that southern Africa has to play in shifting agendas and involving communities – and adopted a ‘shopping mall culture’ prematurely, which that Africa can learn from other regions where all sectors promotes a consumption culture instead of a savings culture have come together to push growth with development. And • Dr Nkosana Moyo felt that the biggest challenge facing Africa she called for solidarity and unity and an inward focus on lies in the effective management of the continent’s resources. development to take advantage of ‘Africa’s time’. African states need to make critical changes in this area. • Africa has failed to use its natural wealth as a way to fund Panellists: Professor Thandika Mkandawire (Professor the diversification of its economies. Instead this wealth of African Development, LSE); Charles Abugre (Regional continues to undermine development as demonstrated by Director of the United Nations Millennium Campaign); Neville the new wave of potential geopolitical conflicts emerging Gabriel (Executive Director of the Southern African Trust); and around mineral-related land grabs. Therefore, initiatives Dr Nkosana Moyo (Executive Chairman of the Mandela Institute such as EITI cannot continue to focus on revenue but must for Development Studies) broaden their work to include the right to information, prior Moderator: Joanna Kerr (CEO of ActionAid International) and informed consent and other human rights principles. Key messages Key barriers • Charles Abugre argued that Africa’s development could be financed with the income of its citizens, adding that the conti- • The culture of liberation and building social movements has been lost. Today’s young middle class lacks social nent offers more opportunities for manufacturing than China. consciousness and agency. • Professor Mkandawire stated that the case for domestic • In Africa’s liberation history, the state was focused on resource mobilization is much stronger than relying on solving the problems of hunger and disease, and building external resources. Indeed, he claimed that ‘who will fund knowledge but now those who run the state also have Africa’s development’ is a political question – and that vested interests in the private sector, making it difficult for by relying heavily on external funding Africa is forcing its government to play its regulatory role; citizens into choice-less democracies. He also argued that • A lot of economic activity takes place in the informal countries such as Kenya have discovered that aid only sector, yet this space tends to be overlooked particularly in makes up 4 percent of their national budgets and yet this facilitating trade; and minimal contribution is used by development partners to • Development partners are investing little in strengthening influence and shape Kenya’s entire national budget. He the capacity of the state in Africa. Instead resources are added that Africa’s development needs to be facilitated skewed towards civil society’s monitoring role. by democratic developmental states, which are inclusive

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • Document lessons from other parts of the world where it was possible to combine development with growth, equity and democracy. The role of the state in achieving this needs to be further explored and better understood. Quotes • “African governments have to radically change the way they see the potential of the resources we have” – Graca Machel • “Africa is a place where the private sector can make money not lose money” – Graca Machel • “Africa has been experiencing growth for the past decade but that has not resulted in more equity, more equality, or more fairness in the sharing of resources” – Graca Machel • “The time for Africa has come. We need to seize this time as ours. We need to work together to benefit our people first, to benefit our neighbours, our continent as a unit. No one will make it alone. We will make it when we are united in purpose, in action and with a clarity about the destiny we want to build for our children and grandchildren” – Graca Machel • “Africa is not poor; we just don’t know how to manage the resources we have” – Dr Nkosana Moyo • “Africa’s development problem is a mind-set issue and not about money” – Dr Nkosana Moyo • “We need to mobilise domestic resources…If African countries continue to rely on external funding we will end up with choiceless democracies as is the case now” – Professor Thandika Mkandawire • “The problem is the model of aid, not aid itself. In the last two years, aid has ceased to be developmental. It is being used for political stabilization purposes, it is conditional and welfarist instead of being focused on creating jobs or performing developmental functions” – Professor Thandika Mkandawire • “The success of dictatorial economies such as Rwanda and Ethiopia are both artificial and unsustainable. Both countries are heavily dependent on aid. Africa’s development needs to be facilitated by democratic developmental states, which are inclusive” – Professor Thandika Mkandawire

PLENARY

Can Global Institutions Work For Africa This panel addressed the role of global institutions in Africa’s development and how Africa should work with these institutions. The early 2000s saw increasing support for the launch of global initiatives concerned with monitoring funds from the extractive industries (the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative – EITI) and innovative financing (Global Fund To Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria) that promised to transform how funds for development were put to use. Yet these institutions – despite evidence that they have helped to change the game – are experiencing growing pains as commitment from donors, governments and key partners waxes and wanes. Yet as inequality grows, one could argue that figuring out how to make global institutions more accountable to Africans is more important than ever.

Panellists: Dr Michel Kazatchkine (former Executive Director, Global Fund To Fight AIDS, TB and Malaria); Clare Short (Chair, Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative); Yao Graham (Coordinator, Third World Network); and Liepollo Lebohang Pheko (Executive Director, The Trade Collective). Moderators: Tawanda Mutasah (OSF Director of Programmes) and Anne Gathumbi (Health and Rights Programme Manager, OSIEA) Key messages • The central point made by the panellists was that global institutions have not overall served Africa well – and that the fundamental question now was, ‘How should Africa react to the failure of global institutions to serve its interests?’ • There were two schools of thoughts: • The first was in favour of Africa continuing to participate in global institutions but working to reshape them. The proponents of this view argued that global institutions are intrinsically good, as they represent a set of values that every individual human being aspires to – but that there have been some problems in the way they have been operationalised. There are discrepancies between intentions and outcomes. • The second school of thought urged Africa to withdraw/ disengage from global institutions and promote self-reliance. • However, there was consensus in the end that the total withdrawal of Africa would be a big mistake. Rather, global solidarity efforts must be made to reshape global institutions. The nature of aid, for example, needs to be radically restructured to move away from its early conceptualisation in the 1960s as a temporary measure. Aid must become developmental. • Globalisation has changed the way we look at aid. Aid should provide space to conclude trans-boundary social contracts to fight social crises, including disease, environmental disasters and inequalities. We are in a global world where issues have no boundaries. The nature of aid must be revisited to make it responsive to fight big global issues. • Global governance and global institutions must be disaggregated in different sets of issues, such as public goods, trade, finance, etc. and there must be efforts to find a model that will serve each issue better. It is possible that certain issues are better served at the national, regional and global level. Therefore, it is how we analyse global institutions that will provide opportunities to identify problems and propose solutions. • But global institutions are not all about aid. Another emerging global institution model is the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), which is not an aid instrument but an initiative that promotes global values of transparency and accountability in the management of revenues from extractive industries. • Africa faces a big challenge as a collection of countries to define its interest in global institutions. What is Africa’s perspective on key global institutions and how they functions? And there is a contradiction in the way these global institutions operate since on the one hand they give

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

aid while on the other they do not want to give autonomy to Africa. • The problem is that most global institutions are framed under the old contract. Why should Washington and Brussels for example be the centres of global governance? • The failure of the Global Fund is not due to the nature of the institution or its agenda but to human weaknesses. It is corruption that produced obstacles to the continuation of the Global Fund. Therefore, in the effort to advance global solidarity, it will be wrong to simply abandon this noble initiative. People must come together to fight corruption. People must mobilize to request for a true democratic board that is inclusive for Global Institutions. • External conditionalities cannot bring about reform; there should be an internal conversation on how to reform global institutions. Major issues • The major issue was that multilateralism is not working as well as it should for Africa – but it will be challenging to reshape global institutions since those with the money will continue to dictate the agenda. • The increasing number of voluntary initiatives such the EITI is weakening global institutions. The UN has been weakened by voluntary approaches. • The economic recession in Europe that has led to donors cutting back on their contributions to aid will reduce global solidarity and the political commitment needed to fight global and trans-boundaries problems. Suggestions for the way forward • Africa should not turn its back on global institutions but should work to reshape them. There is need for global solidarity (intellectually, materially etc.) to reshape these institutions. • Global institutions must be designed to achieve inclusiveness, representation and accountability. To achieve this, re-designing must include all stakeholders. The way the Global Fund was designed provides a new model. It was designed by donors and recipients of donor aid (funders, governments, private sector, civil society and community). This inclusiveness produced a new model of global governance – and reinforced collective responsibility. The weakness of the Global Fund was due to corruption – not how it was designed. • There are good and bad conditionalities. Conditionalities that aim to bring about accountability are not necessarily bad. Equally, fighting poverty through imposing conditions is good. Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • Attention must be paid to the militarisation of Africa, which is not only taking up a lot of money that should go towards development but which also poses a serious threat to the stability of the continent. This speaks to the ugly nature of

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

the global order. • The need to define the kind of multilateralism that is important for Africa. • Promote an inclusive approach in the design or re-design of global institutions • Promote international solidarity as a mechanism for working better with global institutions Quotes • “Development and multilateralism have never been sufficiently analysed” – Yao Graham • “Sometimes the outcome might fall short of what we expect, but let’s not underestimate the progress made in the fight against diseases such malaria, TB and HIV and AIDS. This progress has come from global mobilisation” – Dr Michel Kazatchkine • “Despite the failures of some global institutions, the picture is not totally negative. Progress has been made through global institutions such the Global Fund in fighting inequalities and access to healthcare” – Clare Short • “We need more multilateralism” – Dr Michel Kazatchkine • “We need multilateralism of different nature and type” - Yao Graham • “We are increasingly seeing an increase in intra-elite consensus whereby powerful national (actors) incorporate selected African leaders in their meetings without giving them any decision-making power to influence the agenda” – Yao Graham • “Africa might not contribute much in terms of finance, but Africa is contributing significantly in man power” – Dr Michel Kazatchkine • “It is those in government that complain about conditionalities and not the people” – Dr Michel Kazatchkine • “The issue should not be whether Africa must withdraw or not, but how to reshape global institutions to serve the interests of global citizens” – Dr Michel Kazatchkine.

PARALLEL SESSION

In the Shadow of the Giants: Nigeria and South Africa This session looked at the political importance of Africa’s two giants, Nigeria and South Africa, and explored how the continent might benefit from a strong relationship between the two. In the months leading up to the OpenForum, a war of words had erupted between South Africa and Nigeria. And yet there are deep ties between the two countries, and many connections between its citizens. Furthermore, while there are notable differences, there are also strong similarities in their commodity-dependent economies and in the important role both countries play in their respective regions and on the continent. Panellists: Phumzile Mlambo–Ngcuka (former Deputy President of South Africa) and Professor Adebayo Olukoshi (Director, UN African Institute for Economic Development and Planning). Moderator: Akwe Amosu (OSF Director of Africa Advocacy)

Key messages • The relationship between South and Nigeria is not as bad as it sometimes appears. Nigeria supported the antiapartheid struggle and since the advent of democracy there have been a number of key agreements between the two countries. • It is arguable whether Nigeria and South Africa are giants, given the prevailing corruption and inequalities in both countries. • The failure by South Africa and Nigeria to cooperate multilaterally has been evident on a number of occasions recently such as Libya and the battle for the AU Chairperson. • Competition between Abuja and Pretoria might be visible but not exceptional – and neither is it essentially bad. There are other rivalries in Africa and outside – for instance the competition between Japan and US – that are not necessarily harmful. Major issues • The need to make private sector in both countries more accountable • The growing xenophobia in South Africa Suggestions for the way forward • We need to develop people-to-people solidarity. This will assist in reducing xenophobia • The African Union is a great space for Africa despite the current tensions • Africa must define its own objectives and set new targets Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • Engagement/facilitation of civil society partnerships with the AU and its institutions. • Support work on anti-corruption and inequality and collaborate in curbing issues of xenophobia. • Campaign for the removal of visa restrictions. Quotes • “When elephants fight, the grass suffers; when elephants make love, the grass still suffers. It is not about what they are doing, but their size” – Brian Kagoro

PARALLEL SESSION

African Philanthropy In 2010, TrustAfrica commissioned research that indicated that a significant challenge in African philanthropy is ‘that of relevance beyond local coping’. Giving amongst people with little ‘keeps the lid on poverty’ just as much as it speaks to a deeply rooted culture of mutual aid and reciprocity. A key theme is if and how African philanthropy could more effectively grapple with structural and systemic issues of poverty and injustice. This session looked at the role of African communities and individuals as key players in

financing development and social justice, tapping into new models and approaches. Panellists: Jay Naidoo (Chair of the Board of the Global Alliance for Improved Nutrition); Janet Mawiyoo (CEO of the Kenyan Community Development Foundation); Dr Wieber Boer (CEO of the Tony Elumelu Foundation); Cedric Ntumba (Chair of the SA Ballet and Deal Executive at Capitalworks); Hadeel Ibrahim (Director of Strategy and External Relations, Mo Ibrahim Foundation). Moderator: Dr Akwasi Aidoo (Executive Director, TrustAfrica) Key messages • Three key questions need to be asked when discussing African Philanthropy. • Agenda – what is the agenda of African philanthropy? • Impact – what is the impact? • Money – how do we grow AP and change the balance of aid? • The role of philanthropy is to do what businesses and governments do not do – but there cannot be the same degree of oversight in relation to spending private money as there is for public funds. • New efforts must be made to understand what communities need with mutual accountability as central to the relationship. It is also critical to engage communities from the onset of the project – and to carefully analyse its long term impact and sustainability • For Africa, it is important to have a social justice lens on philanthropy, as the fundamental question is what are we solving as everything is political? But African philanthropists do not want to put money into social justice, as they do not want to hold leaders accountable. • African philanthropists also need to learn humility as it is relatively small sector and it is not rocket science. Major Issues • The need for a long terms vision that contributes to structural transformation • Sustainability • Stakeholder involvement from the very beginning • Developing large scale socially-oriented businesses as a development model rather than as transactional model • Leveraging the personal influence of African philanthropists in addition to their money • Recognising the political nature of poverty and the many challenges that face the continent • Support movement building for social justice • Holding governments, corporates, and civil society accountable • Focus on the disease not the symptoms • The challenge of holding private money accountable to the standards of public money • The challenge of commodification of activism and ‘NGOisation’ of social movements. Suggestions for the way forward • Continue conversation via electronic means

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

• Promote the practice of institutionalised African philanthropy particularly through engaging high net worth individuals Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • Systematically work to develop a culture of African philanthropy • Going grassroots – through promoting/harnessing individual giving • Encourage African philanthropy to focus on social justice and tackle the source of the problem rather than focus on symptoms • Support social movements Quotes • “Accountability is what will make African philanthropy different” – Dr Akwasi Aidoo • “All philanthropy is reputation-laundering” – Hadeel Ibrahim • “Stop being subjects and become citizens” – Jay Naidoo • “Do not create dependence” – Janet Mawiyo • “Go out and do something and make a difference” – Dr Wieber Boer • “It’s a political challenge” – Jay Naidoo

PARALLEL SESSION

Exploding the Myths: China and India in Africa This session analysed the role of China and India in Africa’s development and explored different ways of responding to the reality of both countries’ investment patterns and their implications. China, in particular, has a reputation in Africa for economic ruthlessness, and as India advances across the continent with its manufacturing abilities, it is fast attracting negative attention as well. Yet the reality of Chinese and Indian investment and migration are more nuanced and complex and need to be looked at in the context of broader investment trends on the continent – including the investment trail of South Africa. Panellists: Buddy Buruku (Engagement Manager, AfricaChina Practice, African Centre for Economic Transformation); Howard French (Associate Professor at Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism and Open Society Fellow); Aniket Alam (Senior Assistant Editor of Economic and Political Weekly); and, Professor Zhongying Pang (Professor of International Relations, Renmin University of China) Moderator: Deprose Muchena (OSISA Deputy Director) Key messages • China has a formal trade policy and strategy on Africa, whereas India’s engagement tends to be ad hoc (based on individual agreements with different African states) and predominantly private sector driven. • India’s presence in Africa is on two fronts – in the form

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

of small trade companies and state-led companies such as the petro-chemical industry in Angola. • There are a lot of misunderstandings about China in the contemporary world. Made in China is not necessarily made by Chinese. • China’s investment has more potential positives than negatives, as it gives Africa choices and alternatives. However, it is important for Africa to pursue a trade relationship with China based on lessons learned from historic terms of trade with other partners and what these have meant for Africa. Africa needs to negotiate as a collective so as to match the scale and power of the Chinese economy. • African resources have financed development in Europe and the same mistake should not be repeated in trade relations with China. • China’s economy and its relationship with Africa are at a crossroads, which provides an opportunity for a number of problematic areas to be revisited. China has learnt a lot from the criticisms it continues to receive from the West and in tri-lateral dialogues, which continue to include China’s policy towards Africa. • China’s reluctance to engage on governance and power matters can be traced back to its problematic history with Europe and the imposition of European imperialism, which dates as far back as the 19th century. • China has different perspectives and needs from the rest of the world. Some of the countries on the continent will approach trade relations with China strategically, while others will not. The important thing to look out for is African states profiteering from this relationship at the expense of African people. • There is a misconception that capitalists often reflect the cultures of the places where they come from, hence the ‘bad’ behaviour of China in Africa. Advanced industrialised economies have the power of shareholder participation as a key accountability measure. However, this was considered to be a simplistic perception as Western capital behaves equally as badly when it can get away with it – for instance Shell in Nigeria. Major issues • A major challenge in the relationship between China and Africa lies in the capacity and asymmetry of access to technical information. China has detailed maps and technical information on Africa’s mineral deposits and uses this to negotiate with states, which often engage from a position of limited information. • The size of China in relation to single African states makes for an unbalanced power relationship. Africa needs to make a collective stand on the conditions under which they are willing to engage with China. • The size of Chinese companies registering in the continent are getting smaller and smaller and most of the business is outside the radar of the government, and as such there is a limit to how much the state can be held accountable for the conduct of Chinese companies.

• The role of China in the manufacturing industry in Africa tends to be overlooked; yet it needs to be monitored closely in relation to key human rights and development questions (including social accountability, social justice, and economic development). Currently analysts and activists are focusing on crude oil and other raw materials but the manufacturing industry is the area where social impacts are potentially higher. • India has a ‘softer’ appearance in terms of trade relations with Africa, mainly due to a shared history of colonization and the ideological influence that India had in Africa’s own liberation struggles. But in reality India’s trade relations are more harmful compared to China’s. India is behind many of the ‘land grabs’ in Africa, for instance in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Malawi. These ‘land grabs’ are all driven by India’s need to meet the food requirements of its booming population.

research that allows for informed advocacy based on nuanced perspective on matters related to China’s role in Africa Quotes • “The elephant in the room is the 150 years of trade relations between Europe and Africa. The India and China question is a small matter in this context” – Aniket Alam • “The political identity of China as a developing country makes it easier for the country to make friends in the continent. If China is to play an effective role in enhancing Africa’s governance the country itself will have to change” – Buddy Buruku

Suggestions for the way forward • Africa-China relations need to go beyond trade to include sharing lessons and models (best practice) for economic development. For instance, Africa needs to learn from, and emulate, China’s development model of special economic zones to address regional disparities and inequality in trade and development. • To overcome asymmetry related to information and increase the benefits from China-Africa relations, African states need to make more use of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) and African Union (AU) structures to improve access to information that will allow the continent to get better deals with China. • It is the responsibility of Africa’s citizens to put more pressure on Chinese companies to be more accountable when they do business in Africa. Chinese citizens will not put pressure on these companies, while corruption undermines African leaders’ capacity to play this role. • Close attention needs to be paid to India’s presence in Africa as it tends to conduct business in the same manner as companies do in India, such as underpaying workers, bribing officials, taking shortcuts and not adhering to set standards. India is also behind ‘land grabs’ in Africa that undermine vulnerable communities’ socio-economic rights. Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • Social accountability and governance monitoring work needs to be expanded to include Indian companies and Indian state investments (especially in land) • Partners need to be encouraged to take up advocacy on China • Our work on Chinese trade policy needs to look into the manufacturing sector, which is currently a blind spot • Our knowledge generation interventions could possibly include analyses of development models pursued by China to address inequality and regional disparities • We should consider supporting our grantees with

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

POWER Keynote Address

the AU to change some of the negative perceptions. She further stressed that, “the Court must be transparent and predictable in explaining its work.”

Mrs Fatou Bensouda, the Prosecutor-Elect of the International Criminal Court, reflected on shifts in the Court and its work moving forward, the reception of the Court by African states and what impact the mooted African Courts will have. Furthermore, the ICC Prosecutor-Elect considered how the views of the emerging economic powers affect the international criminal justice project in Africa – and what impact all these issues might have on overall efforts to prosecute crimes against humanity in Africa. She tackled head-on the strong anti-ICC sentiments that are brewing among ruling elites and state actors in Africa, and argued that these sentiments were not shared by ordinary people, who are the victims of abuse of power.

In response to the criticism that the Court dispensed justice slowly, with only one conviction in ten years, Bensouda explained how court processes worked, and that while this appeared to be very slow there had been marked improvement in indictments such as Libya (three months) and Ivory Coast (one and a half months). She also highlighted that it was not 10 years since the first case only began in 2005.

Fatou Bensouda ICC Deputy Prosecutor and Prosecutor-Elect

Moderators: Jim Goldston (Executive Director, Open Society Justice Initiative) and Tawanda Mutasah (OSF Director of Programmes) Key Messages In response to a question about what kind of change of conduct could be expected from the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) after she took charge, Mrs Bensouda said that both change and continuity could be expected. This is due to her advantage of having been with the ICC for seven years and learning from the challenges and opportunities of establishing the Court. As a result, she was aware of areas where things could have been done better and where things had worked well. Bensouda indicated that her foremost priority would be to consolidate gains made by the Court and ensure their implementation. She pledged to ensure that a “strong, solid team” is put in place in her office – to address one of the strongest criticisms levelled against her predecessor.

Major issues The Prosecutor-Elect noted that there was a new paradigm in international justice where the law has become a global tool towards global peace and security. Complementarity and shared responsibility with nations was stressed as an important component of international justice. This requires institutions of international stature, hence the mandate of the ICC to address serious crimes and atrocities. She argued that the law is a powerful tool to protect citizens and territories. State parties are under the protection of the ICC. She also referred to “the rule of law as protection”, and made the point that there is a powerful preventive impact of the Court referring to it as the “the shadow of the Court”. Bensouda also noted that the protection of victims would be an important focus of her work, arguing that, “When efforts fail to address massive crimes, law is a tool to address the plight of victims.” The ICC provides victims an opportunity to be represented against very powerful criminals. She said that the ICC had protected victims in many countries in cooperation with state parties and civil society.

In response to a question about how the ICC would respond to other courts such as the Africa Court on Justice and Human Rights extending their jurisdiction to try international crimes, Bensouda noted that complementarity is a principle of the Court, provided it works effectively and properly. She argued that other courts should not be created to shield or protect those who have committed serious crimes. She emphasised that other courts should not allow for impunity and that no courts should be established for that purpose.

Reacting to criticism that the Court was biased against Africa, she argued that this criticism was generally made by a few powerful people at the expense of the millions of victims whose lives have been shattered. She emphasised the importance of separating political considerations in applying the law, arguing that, “The ICC is a powerful new legal tool but can only be successful if we do not yield to political considerations.” For this reason, the Court needs support from state parties and civil society. She put forward a challenge to build a network of actors around the world to address impunity. This would change the balance of power for those who thought they could get away with heinous crimes.

Reacting to the view that the African Union (AU) and many African nations appeared to be opposed to the ICC, she observed that in over 90 percent of cases pursued by OTP to Africa, the responses from African States were positive. She pledged that her office would work very closely with

She said that her office would continue to use the full power of the law based on legal criterion and evidence. Her final point was that this is an important point of transition in the life of the Court, and an ideal time to re-commit support for the Court.

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

Suggestions for the way forward The Prosecutor saw a role for civil society when responding to a criticism that some powerful states were not under the jurisdiction of the Court and could thus act with impunity. She said that this did not fall under the mandate of the Court and that this should be the work of NGOs. She stated that the ICC would always try and seek universality of the Court’s jurisdiction. Reiterating the need for the support of state parties and civil society for the Court, the Prosecutor-Elect put forward a challenge to build a network of actors around the world to address impunity. Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming Further building consensus on the continent on the utility of the Court by using the Open Society’s resources and intellectual base to respond to the Prosecutor-Elect’s call for a network of actors around the world to address impunity. Quotes • “There is a new paradigm in international justice – law as a global tool to contribute to world peace and security” – Mrs Fatou Bensouda • “Ultimate weapon the weak and the poor have … law must be backed by good institutions and applied equally” – Mrs Fatou Bensouda • “The law is a shield for the powerless, not a club for the powerful” – Mrs Fatou Bensouda • “The rule of law as protection” – Mrs Fatou Bensouda • “We need more comprehensive institutions of international character to deal with massive crimes and atrocities” – Mrs Fatou Bensouda • “We must be governed by the force of law and not by the law of force” – Mrs Fatou Bensouda • “We’re quick to recall the words of the few elites in power, at the expense of the millions who are voiceless and suffering at the hands of the powerful” – Mrs Fatou Bensouda

PLENARY

The Arab Uprisings: Spring Uprising or a Summer of Discontent Panellists: Dr Shirin Ebadi (Iranian Nobel Laureate and human rights activist); Asef Bayat (Professor of Sociology and Middle East Studies, University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign); Mona Eltahawy (award-winning Egyptian columnist); and Dr Khaled Hroub (Director of the Cambridge Arab Media Project) Moderator: Chris Stone (Guggenheim Professor of the Practice

DAY 2 23 MAY

of Criminal Justice at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government and incoming President of OSF) Key messages This session reflected on the unprecedented uprisings in parts of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Variously referred to as ‘revolutions’ and ‘occupy’ movements, these uprisings took almost everyone by surprise, including the leaders of the affected countries and the entire MENA region. The panellists argued that the streets or public spaces, such as Egypt’s Tahrir Square, have long been important platforms for the expression of discontent in non-organisational and non-institutionalised forms. This is particularly significant in instances where representative institutions such as political parties and parliaments are regarded as unrepresentative, ineffective or captured by elites, and organised civil society organizations are either ineffective or not allowed to operate. Before the revolutions, the ideological content of the street was Islamist, anchored in Arab nationalism and largely antiIsraeli activism. By the end of the first decade of the 21st century a new post-Islamist, post-nationalist and inward looking street had emerged. The street became a space for the mobilisation, and representation, of discontent against the authoritarian governments and rulers of the day. Major issues • The so-called ‘Arab spring/revolution’ is a misnomer. The revolutions are not of, for or by Arabs but the peoples of MENA who are not exclusively of Arabic extraction. • The uprisings successfully dismantled the Euro-American assumptions of Arab exceptionalism – that because of religion and culture, Arabs do not yearn for democracy – or that their religious and cultural makeup is incompatible with democracy. • The uprisings also disproved the claim that like the slowflowing Nile river, Egyptians are “laid back people who enjoy having the Pharaoh rule them”, as Mona Eltahawy put it. • Self-determination and democracy are universal values.

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

• While some Islamic laws have moved with the times (e.g. Islamic laws forbidding usury – since in response to inflation, Islamic banks now charge interest), religion and tradition have also been misinterpreted and used to subjugate women in society and politics (women’s rights continue to be denied) • There is no organic relationship between democracy and religion – it is a convenient creation. • Radical interpretations of religious teachings, including Islam, are a reaction to perceived social and political threats. • There was no ‘Facebook revolution’ in the MENA region; rather, Facebook and other social media were means of communicating that aided the uprising. • Masculinity is sometimes measured through sexual prowess. Suggestions for the way forward • Women’s emancipation can only happen when women intellectuals take the lead in interpreting Islam. • The West should not side with dictators but with the people. • People living in (religious/cultural) fundamentalist systems must use the same religion/culture to highlight what is wrong. Speaking from outside the religion/culture won’t help, as it will appear disrespectful and hence entrench hostile attitudes. Quotes • “Old white men in Western think-tanks have always wrongly defined the Arab narrative” – Mona Eltahawy • “Democracy is not a commodity you can export from one country to another” – Dr Shirin Ebadi • “You cannot create democracy by throwing cluster bombs at people. It must be brought peacefully by people who belong to that country” – Dr Shirin Ebadi • “Non-democratic elements justify oppression in the name of Islam” – Dr Shirin Ebadi • “If both men and women create wealth today, there should be equality when it comes to its inheritance” – Dr Shirin Ebadi • “Context is the primary shaper of reality, but often the tendency is to rely on texts that are already available” – Dr Khaled Hroub. (He was arguing that the Arab Spring has often been defined by outsiders who have little understanding of the context). • “We (still) have to remove the Mubarak in our head and the Mubarak in our bedroom” – Mona Eltahawy • “Revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa were started by a man, but will be completed by women” - Mona Eltahawy • “The role of the writer is to poke painful places” – Asef Bayat • “I tell the Christian brotherhood in the US and the Muslim brotherhood in Egypt: Stay out of my vagina unless I want you there” - Mona Eltahawy • “Western companies are rebuilding Libya with Libyan money, and sometime later they will destroy it again to rebuild it again. This game will continue until Libya has run out of oil money” – Asef Bayat • “Most countries in the region have dictators enjoying Western support. But citizens are becoming impatient. China too is joining the bandwagon of exploiters ... I cannot close my eyes to the way China is supporting Iran and Syria … Even our

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

Holy Book, the Quran is being printed in China while our own printing presses are sitting idle” – Dr Shirin Ebadi • “We cannot say China has a policy of non-interference because China has its way of interference” – Dr Shirin Ebadi • “Make the world a smaller place for dictators. That’s the way to bring people’s victory near” – Dr Shirin Ebadi • “Patriarchal culture is not just about men but a culture that does not believe in equality, oppressing women at home and men at work” – Dr Shirin Ebadi • “If we want to judge how democratic a society is, we look at the position of women in power” – Dr Shirin Ebadi • “Patriarchy is equivalent to haemophilia...The woman passes the disease to her son and not the daughter, and that’s how patriarchal culture is transmitted. So it’s important to educate women to see how this wrong culture is promoted and to teach them to stand up to it” – Dr Shirin Ebadi

PLENARY

The Good, The Bad And The Ugly: How Elections In Africa Confirm And Confound What We Know About Inequality This panel reflected on the role and utility of elections in Africa’s democratic development, popular participation and human security. It was agreed that the primary goal of the liberation struggle was about democracy, about freeing the peoples of Africa from colonial rule and apartheid, and ensuring majority rule. In his remarks, former Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano underscored the constraints faced by the post-colonial African State. These included addressing vast economic and social imbalances with severe resource constraints and weak (and in some cases nonexistent) institutions, while re-writing constitutions and laws to respond to the new democratic ethos and battling the residual and sometimes intrusive influence of former colonial powers. In the case of Mozambique, the post-colonial State was plunged into a civil war, which was abetted by hostile minority governments in apartheid South Africa and Rhodesia. Panellists: H.E. Joaquim Chissano (former president of Mozambique); Dr Mamphela Ramphele (Founder of Citizens Movement for Social Change); Brian Kagoro (Regional Programme Advisor, UNDP Africa Governance and Public Administration); L. Muthoni Wanyeki (former Executive Director, Kenya Human Rights Commission) Moderator: Dr Siphamandla Zondi (Director, Institute for Global Dialogue) Key messages While freedom from colonial occupation had been achieved, and the right to vote in regular and periodic elections are now the way of life, challenges still remain. In other words, what most of Africa continued to experience was the form and not the substance of democracy. For this reason, in many instances, Africans have become ‘spectators of democracy at play’. Having surrendered their sovereignty to ‘ruling’ elites, African citizens’ role in government and governance remains constrained but growing. The increasing consolidation of democracy

is evident in the successful elections (and changes of governments) in countries such as Zambia, Ghana, Botswana, Senegal and Mauritius. However, in other instances, elections have not fully delivered the will of the people. Some recent examples in this regard include Zimbabwe, Kenya, Ivory Coast and DRC. Some progress has also been achieved in gender equality, with countries such as Rwanda being cited as a global leader in this regard.

continent using the regional and sub-regional normative frameworks and entities – AU, COMESA, EAC, ECOWAS, SADC etc. Quotes

• “There is a need to recognise the magnitude of the wound of centuries of oppression for better healing” – Dr Mamphela Ramphele Major issues • “We have increased the number of good elections on our continent. We now need to define the type of democracy we • While the management of elections in some parts of Africa want to achieve” – H.E Joaquim Chissano has been better than in some parts of Europe and America, • “The major challenge becomes seeking the real participation of the transfer of power has been problematic. the people in the democratic process to make real choices that • Even with some of the instructive normative frameworks in positively affect the power” – L Muthoni Wanyeki place, separation of the state, ruling party and government • “The slogan ‘A-Luta continua’ has become ‘A-Looting remains nebulous. This raised the challenge of freeing the continues’ for the new elite” – Brian Kagoro state from the whims of the government of the day in general • “Elections have failed in Africa because they are based on and the ruling party in particular, and the enhancement of inequality” - Brian Kagoro transparency and accountability in public affairs. • “Regular conferences like the OpenForum can help push ideas • While democracy in the form of multi-party politics that can help some African countries” – H.E. Joaquim Chissano is a western concept, popular participation is not, and • “Norms and principles reflect the aspirations of the people and therefore democracy is not novel to Africa need to be reinforced on the ground” – L Muthoni Wanyeki • The narrative of Africa’s liberation history has been stolen, • “Liberation struggles were about creating (equal) conditions for privatised and re-written by political elites. all and for democracy to be established and grow” • Constraints imposed on civil society militate against – H.E Joaquim Chissano the expression of citizenship envisaged in Africa’s • “Countries which are doing things very badly today can find liberation struggles. their way to do it right tomorrow, if civil society organisations • Failure by liberation movements (mainly in southern provide alternative ways to get power to the people” Africa) to embrace the ethos and practice of plural politics – H.E Joaquim Chissano and diversity of views in contemporary societies holds • “Elections are well managed, but Africa is failing to transfer democracy hostage in the region. power afterwards” – Brian Kagoro • Ethnic-based and tribal politics are a major blot on Africa’s elections and governance. Suggestions for the way forward • Responsive and dynamic leadership is required to turn votes into democratic dividends, especially in relation to addressing worsening socio-economic inequalities. • Corruption is corrosive to democracy and therefore transparency and accountability, especially in public affairs, are key to promoting the ideals of the liberation struggles. • Bridging the gap between regional, sub-regional and national normative frameworks and everyday practice is crucial to promoting popular ownership of Africa. • There is a dire need for institutional strengthening and respect for electoral outcomes. • The ‘generative power of young people’ is the engine for Africa’s growth and transformation and should be harnessed and nurtured. • Government should not disown but partner with the private sector to promote economic and social growth. Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue for programming Promoting inter-regional election learning to enhance the credibility of elections and peaceful transfer of power. Promoting transparency and accountability across the

PARALLEL SESSSION

Winner Takes All: Corruption And Politics This panel explored the intricate links between corruption and business and political elites in Africa. Bringing together key actors in the global and continental fight against corruption, the session looked at both the prevention side – in terms of governance, ethics and social values – and the accountability side. Corruption in Africa is often discussed in highly technical terms – through work around accountability and monitoring. While this work is important, and state architecture has been established to ensure that corruption does not divert resources from important national development initiatives, it is also true that these technical discussions often do not provide sufficient space to interrogate the root causes of corruption, and the ways in which systemic corruption allows certain political systems to function. Panellists: Tendai Biti (Minister of Finance, Zimbabwe); Andrew Feinstein (Founder of Corruption Watch and Open Society Fellow); Tutu Alicante (Anti-corruption activist and Executive Director of EG Justice); Abdul Tejan-Cole (OSIWA Executive Director and former Anti-Corruption Commissioner, Sierra Leone) Moderator: Afia Kyei (Law, Justice and Human Rights Programme Manager, OSIEA)

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

Key Messages

Quotes

• States in Africa must be redesigned. They must be made to be responsible. • The starting point is building and promoting peace, stability, constitutionalism and the rule of law. • It is important to monitor how governments use budgets so citizen budgets are important. • Anti-corruption commissions must have prosecutorial powers.

• “We live in an environment where power repeats untruths until the untruths have the power of truth” – Andrew Feinstein, paraphrasing Edward Said. • “The post-colonial state has not democratised, and what’s more it has perpetuated and reproduced corruption” – Tendai Biti • “We need a politics in which integrity and values matter” – Andrew Feinstein • “The way most anti-corruption commissions are structured in Africa is such that you will never catch the big fish. You will only just catch clerks and other minnows but never the big fish” – Abdul Tejan-Cole

Major issues • Highly corrupt countries have gross human rights abuses. • Most parliaments in Africa are in fact one-party Parliaments, and it is difficult to have checks and balances in that kind of context. • Corruption is not a uniquely African disease, what makes it particularly pervasive in Africa is the nature of the African State, which is both weak and predatory. • Anti-corruption commissions and similar bodies must be disengaged from politics and politicians, if they are to have any credibility. • Multiple strategies are essential in dealing with corruption – not just prosecution but prevention and education are also critical. Suggestions for the way forward • Strong institutions are important – need to strengthen oversight commissions like Human Rights Commissions, Anti-Corruption Commissions and the Media. • Support and organise citizens and residents to demand accountability and transparency. • Political Party funding must be transparent. • To encourage accountability and transparency, contracts should be put online. • The executive should not control appointments and the staffing of anti-corruption commissions. • It is important not to put faith in individuals. The guiding narrative in writing constitutions should be that people (political leaders) are not to be trusted. Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • Public Finance Management Acts must be strengthened in Africa so that governments cannot spend money beyond a certain threshold without parliamentary and public scrutiny. • The issue of government procurement needs attention and should be part of constitutions in a way that encourages transparency and accountability. • Use of ICTs for accountability e.g. putting government contracts online. • Support the strengthening citizen groups and residents working on transparency and accountability issues. • Popularise the debate on the need for the democratisation of the state.

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

PARALLEL SESSSION

New Generation Of African Writers & Activists Talk Politics This session looked at the emerging literary discourse on the continent, particularly in relation to African leadership (not only in the realm of politics) since Chinua Achebe’s declaration in his novel that ‘things fall apart.’ Over the past five decades, Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, Ayi Kweh Amah, Ngugi wa Thiongo and others have played an important role in giving voice to the political and social aspirations of Africans. Today, a new generation of African writers and artists have emerged and they are no less eloquent about the contemporary challenges facing the continent. The crisis of leadership that has dominated African politics over the decades continues to provide fodder for the imaginations of new artists. Indeed, many of today’s writers and artists channel the infamous statement that, “politics is the business of getting power and privilege without possessing merit.” Panellists: Binyavanga Wainaina (Kenyan author); Petina Gappah (Author and Open Society Fellow); Ory Okolloh (Google’s Policy Manager for sub-Saharan Africa); Femi Kuti (Nigerian singer and political activist); and, Simphiwe Dana (South African singer and social activist) Moderator: Bibi Bakare-Yusuf (Co-founder of Cassava Republic Press) Key Messages • Writing has been focused on self-sponsorship – there is little investment around the publishing industry and this will affect the way writers influence and shape the political debate. • Additionally, writers from Africa are choosing to be too careful, practicing self-censorship, according to the dictates of foreign publishers and governments in their own countries. This has resulted in writers refraining from experimenting and seeking to break boundaries. • The issue of being labelled an ‘African writer’ is unappealing. Writers are simply writers, and not type cast, as if an ‘African writer’ is a different category to other writers. • The development of artists in Africa is hampered by

travel restrictions to neighbouring countries. Visa requirements are a huge barrier to intra-cultural and talent exchange in Africa. • Technology has, however, allowed the virtual breaking down of territorial boarders, thereby opening up new spaces for African artists, art, music and authors to access audiences faster and widen their footprint. • The lack of support for the promotion and development of the work of artists in Africa was blamed on poor leadership, and lack of political will to follow through on commitments to open borders, empower artists, and focus on development of art on the continent. • The language barrier is a major challenge, especially in contexts where local languages are not promoted as much as they should. Writers are forced to communicate in English to audiences that often do not understand it due to illiteracy and other historical challenges. Language is what defines a person, and it acts as a historical repository for self-preservation at traditional, cultural and racial levels. There is now ample opportunity to capitalise on the possibilities available through technology. • Art has not lost its capacity to speak truth to power

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

SEX PLENARY

• Women are clearly in revolutionary movements but they are not being seen or counted. Important to document women’s involvement in revolutionary movements beyond asking what the role of women has been, but taking a The session sought to explore the extent to which new deeper analysis of women’s ideas and theories of change global protest movements against economic inequality and strategies for new ways of being. The question ‘where have the potential to challenge economic models and are the women’ implies a sort of performance – that phenomena that work against women and rest on unequal women need to ‘show’ up for onlookers. This does not relations between women and men. The panellists were appreciate the lived realities of women within and around also expected to broaden the debate into whether women struggles and movements. are in fact occupying new movements in the context of • Activism has been co-opted by ‘professional activists’ the global ‘Occupy’ movement and to what degree this and NGOs – what has this meant for people who are movement has affected the women’s movement in Africa. engaging in activism every day but aren’t being paid for The panel opened with three key questions; is the question their services. The commodification of struggle has meant ‘ are women occupying new movements’ the right question activism has to look a certain way to qualify as ‘true to be asking at this moment; are the panellists the right activism’. There is a need to examine the role NGOs have people to respond to the question; and is this in fact the played in collapsing women’s movements and the lack of right way to ask the question. accountability of NGOs. • Professionalization of struggle does not put class at the Panellists: Staceyann Chin (Jamaican poet and activist); Yara centre of the issues. Taking back power is important but Sallam (Human Rights Defenders Programme Manager at Nazra how do we re-think how we take back the power? How for Feminist Studies); Hakima Abbas (Executive Director of do we democratise at the community-level not just at FAHAMU); Darlene Miller (Senior Research Specialist at Human presidential levels. Sciences Research Council) Moderator: Zandi Sherman (Feminist activist) Suggestions for the way forward Key messages & issues • Finding new ways of organising beyond organisations, budgets and the traditional limited view. To create a new • The discussion shifted from the objectives initially stated culture of resistance beyond NGOs and ‘formal’ structures to a deeper analysis of the Arab Spring as a ‘significant’ is necessary for long lasting change. game-changing occurrence for the women’s movement and because it highlighted the challenges of women’s Quotes participation in mass global movements. • The word ‘occupy’ has anti-colonial vestiges that will have • “Using the word Occupy has anti-colonial vestiges” an impact in terms of the women’s movement in Africa. – Hakima Abbas Terms are also dangerous to use and we have to be careful • “I resist occupation and African women are resisting of terms - using the word occupy assumes there is no occupation and not occupying but taking back what is ours” ownership. – Hakima Abbas • It is problematic to think of the resistances we are seeing • “I am interested in poking at some of our passions and making in North Africa as new movements and that women have the conversations jump off the literary, critical, familiar, not been resisting exploitation for centuries in a myriad of hamster wheel of conference activism” – Staceyann Chin ways. • “We do not use the term Arab Spring. We don’t use it in Egypt • Understanding class is a fundamental aspect of tackling because it was a Western term that was imposed on us by issues of global economic inequality. A discussion about American journalists” – Yara Sallam economic inequality necessarily means deconstructing the • “Can you imagine if we called the revolutions in Libya, Egypt role of class in our organising systems. and Tunisia African revolutions, not the Arab Spring – to • Women are organised in many different groups. Having reclaim the fact that these countries are also African countries, young women’s presence in the public sphere is a gain and the nationals of those countries are also African” for the feminist movement. A conversation about women – Yara Sallam occupying movements came back to the meanings of the • “Militarisation is the worst thing that can happen to women” – feminist movement and what this movement means for Yara Sallam women and men. • Revolutions are not moments they are processes over time. • “Revolutions are not a moment they are a process” – Hakima Abbas • Understanding the politics of media coverage and how this • “The revolution will be completed by women” – Darlene Miller reflects class and power struggles are important. Are Women Occupying New Movements?

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

PLENARY

The Politics of Sexual Pleasure

DAY 3

What lies behind the urge to determine what women should wear, how they should act and whom they should desire? This session sought to understand the politics around women’s rights to sexual pleasure, the policy implications of the desire to control women’s bodies and, more importantly their sexuality, as well as how masculinities are often framed in ways that encourage violence and unhealthy sexual relationships. Panellists: Kopano Ratele (Professor at the Institute for Social and Health Sciences, UNISA); Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah (Communications Officer, African Women’s Development Fund); Rudo Chigudu (Feminist activist); and Zanele Muholi (South African photographer and activist). Moderator: Jane Bennett (Director of African Gender Institute) Key messages The panellists were challenged by the moderator to grapple with why, in the context of poverty, disease and conflict on the African continent, the conversation about sexuality and pleasure is important (or not). She related her experience of running workshops where up to 70% of the participants when asked whether, against this backdrop, the conversation on sexual pleasure was relevant or not, felt that it was irrelevant. In thinking about why the conversation was important and how one might link the conversation about politics, power and sex, the panellists argued, among other things that women are essentially ‘getting fucked in the bedroom and in the boardroom – both without much pleasure’ – and that how we claim the power in those two spaces is much the same (Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah). Further, that even when you are hungry, poor or have suffered a loss, this does not negate the need for pleasure (Zanele Muholi). Kopano Ratele noted that sexuality is part of the person. Being touched is the most fundamental thing that people crave. You might think you want sex but you would rather be touched. Sexuality permeates our lives. Money and power are important but sexuality is deeply connected to both these concepts. Rudo Chigudu noted that one can lock the door when having sex as a means of ensuring privacy but in reality women are in bed with the State, the Church and their fathers, among others. As long as these actors are in the bedroom the struggle will continue. The panellists also addressed themselves to the seeming contradiction between the notion that the conversation about sexual pleasure is unimportant and the lengths that the State, religious institutions and society more generally will go to suppress it. Given the purported irrelevance of

24 MAY

sexuality, Kopano Ratele asked why then ‘queer desires’ should trouble African leaders so much. He suggested that perhaps it could be an alibi for failures in other areas and for African forms of masculinity. He also used the example of how the apartheid government in South Africa used the law to control and define the body e.g. the Immorality Act and its amendments; the Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act; and the less obvious ones like the Native Administration Act and the controlling of public spaces. He noted that one cannot talk about race without talking about sexuality and the attempts to control desire, things and people. Sex is about power in different forms and desire organises social relations. Sexuality is vital in how we talk about ourselves. It was noted that sex and sexuality are often portrayed in the religious and linked political discourse as nasty, dirty and immoral, and that there are more important things to talk about. The question was asked (but not answered): if sex is so unimportant, why are there so many mechanisms for its suppression? Other areas of state interference were raised in respect of abortion, censorship, pornography and the sale and prohibition of sexual aids. Major issues Sexual pleasure and the construction of language: The question was raised as to why, if sex is meant to be pleasurable, so many expletives or statements of aggression use sexual terms e.g. “I’ll fuck you up” or “screw you” etc. In response the panel suggested that many expletives imply “power over” e.g. you fuck or get fucked. Also in terms of language construction, it was noted from the floor that the health sector deals in very negative language e.g. disease, mortality etc. The language of sexuality should be much more positive and lively and we need to bridge this divide.

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

Sexual pleasure and pornography: The panellists were asked to engage with the question of whether one can find a middle line with respect to pornography – that is, how do you strike a balance between individual preferences/private enjoyment and exploitation and the public good? Most agreed that this is a difficult balance to find and acknowledged the potentially negative impact of pornography in respect of exploitation etc. Kopano Ratele suggested that the more conservative the policy environment becomes, the more there will be a need for distraction, and people will find alternative outlets. In the context of structural or state suppression of sexual pleasure and the resulting proliferation of pornography: “The orgasm will out...” Sexual pleasure and reproductive rights: Rudo Chigudu pointed out that the prevailing view in many societies is that sex is for procreation. By criminalising or banning abortion, the state is essentially punishing you for having sex by making you keep the baby. In Zimbabwe, access to abortions is restricted, thereby restricting sex for pleasure. In Ghana abortion is not illegal but is widely perceived as illegal, so women are dying from backstreet abortions. It was also noted that sexual pleasure seldom forms part of the agenda at, for example, reproductive rights conferences and this needs to be addressed. Sexual pleasure and HIV/AIDS: The panellists engaged with the idea that we need strategies to respond to the argument that it is irresponsible to discuss sex as pleasure and power in the age of HIV/AIDS and that we need to grapple with the messaging of balancing safe sex and pleasure. In navigating the language of sexual health, it was argued that the ABC construction and messaging (Abstain, Be faithful and Condomise) undermines the intelligence of young people. Sex without a condom is better, they know this, so don’t hide it. Messaging needs to get them to use a condom but thought needs to be given to how this message is nuanced and conveyed. It was also suggested that alternatives to sexual intercourse, such as masturbation, need to be de-stigmatised and promoted. So beyond traditional constructs, how are people having sex? Sexual pleasure, power and control: Nana Darkoa Sekyiamah made the point that sex is not necessarily always that pleasurable. Almost 70% of women have never had an orgasm, which can lead to feelings of inadequacy. Equally, many women are inhibited and afraid of their own bodies. The feeling of having no control of their physical bodies is closely linked to the inability to assert themselves in other spaces. A point made from the floor is that it is difficult for young women to claim their sexuality - you are either a slut or you are conservative. There is, therefore, a need to challenge what sexual pleasure is and to define it for ourselves because pleasure is power and freedom. For example, in Zimbabwe, owning a sex toy is a crime. What business does the state have in the bedroom? Currently, politics and policy control pleasure. The failure in Africa to recognise lesbianism as a legitimate lifestyle or choice was

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

also raised, the tendency being to dismiss it as a fashion or a fad. The point was made that while it is dismissed as “nothingness”, at the same time it is dangerous, e.g. “curative rape”. Why has nothingness become so risky? Sexual pleasure and people with disabilities: It was suggested from the floor that people with disabilities are missing from the debate on sexual pleasure. A sign language interpreter suggested that we need to do more for deaf people who do not have access to information. They learn by seeing. What they see is what they believe and more materials need to be made available for them. Power, money and sex work: A sex worker noted from the floor that she is in the business of power, money and sex, using sex as a commodity. She challenged the panel to develop a legal defence for her given that prostitution is a criminal offence. It was suggested by Kopano Ratele that one could argue that if an academic can use his/her mind to make money, why then can someone not be allowed to use his/her body in the same way? What are the social, cultural, political constructs that make the former acceptable and the latter not? Suggestions for the way forward • More needs to be done to bring the conversation about sexual pleasure into the public space. • We need to construct the arguments about the politics of sexual pleasure and the links with power and money more articulately. • We can use imagery, blogging etc. to encourage people to talk about sexual pleasure and break existing stereotypes. Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • The need to better link sexuality and the power and class struggles, and to place these debates at the structural level. • The need to bring sexuality into the conversation, including government and international NGOs; • Sexual pleasure and disability need to be introduced and promoted within the existing discourse. In terms of disability, the more you create images and write about it, the more you normalise it. • There is need to strengthen advocacy with regard to institutionalised state suppression of sexual pleasure. • Stronger links need to be made between the reproductive rights discourse and that of sexuality and sexual pleasure. • Likewise in the field of HIV/AIDS, the language of ‘safe sex’ needs to be reformulated to recognise sexual pleasure and power. Quotes • “In the context of structural or state suppression of sexual pleasure and the resulting proliferation of pornography, the orgasm will out...” – Kopano Ratele • “A better life for all equals better sex for all” – Jane Bennett

PARALLEL SESSION

Playing Politics with Gay Rights In recent years, the issue of homosexuality has caused much controversy on the African political landscape. The UK has indicated that it will withhold development assistance from states that do not respect gay rights. The pronouncement has been controversial, sparking fierce debate within the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) sector, dividing activists, and raising serious questions about the notion of ‘donor ’driven political agendas even as it supports the overall aims of an emerging movement for the civil rights of homosexuals in Africa. This session sought to understand the broad responses of key actors to the issue of homosexuality, from donors, to heads of states and government. Panellists: Happy Kinyili (Programme Officer UHAI – East African Sexual Health Rights Initiative); Joel Nana (Executive Director, AMSHeR) Moderator: Phumi Mthetwa (former Director of the Lesbian Gay Equality Project) Key messages There is a growing trend of gay rights being used for relationship leveraging at the domestic and international levels and also in the foreign politics discourse. In as much as western donors can trade aid for gay rights, African countries with newfound resources (like Uganda and its oil) can also use their mineral resources and wealth to remain homophobic. Homophobia has been made a homosexual problem, and not a societal problem. We need to interrogate who determines what a social injustice is.

• There is a rise in Muslim, Christian and cultural fundamentalism in Africa. But we also see some increase in support from religious leaders, e.g. Rev Sembereka in Malawi who has just been appointed the Special Advisor in the Office of the President in Malawi. Suggestions for the way forward • The LGBTI struggle should be located within the broader social justice struggle. • The LGBTI movement should be in solidarity with other groups when it comes to fighting socio-economic and political injustice. • LGBTI activists need to pause and define and articulate what they want from international solidarity. • Donors should invest in community leadership at the country level so that identification of challenges and solutions can come from the community. • International solidarity should be informed by stories from the ground, unique as they are, and should be country and situation-specific. • There is need for the LGBTI movement to partner with other mainstream CSOs. • The movement should not give up on engagement with religious fundamentalists and leaders. Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • Treating homophobia not as a homosexual issue but a broader societal issue. • Targeting interventions at locating the LGBTI struggle within the broader social justice movement for local and domestic solidarity building. Quotable Quotes

The LGBTI movement has come a long way and has become more assertive, moving beyond individual struggles to having a targeted voice beyond asylum seeking and crisis interventions. But international solidarity, like aid conditionality, in some cases tends to undermine initiatives at the national level. Indeed, what is solidarity and what does it entail? LGBTI activists have found themselves asking for international solidarity without pausing to ask themselves what they really want from solidarity action.

• “International solidarity should allow us to tell our own stories and appreciate our uniqueness” – Julius Kagwa • “We have not had stonewall in Cameroon nor Uganda, we should let the African LGBTI discourse happen organically; this should not be a cut and paste exercise” – Joel Nana • “Homophobia is not a homosexual issue but a social injustice and therefore a societal issue” – Julius Kagwa

Major issues

Cultural and Religious Fundamentalisms: Confronting the Backlash

• LGBTI individuals are being used as bargaining chips in regional and international politics/ • African leaders are increasingly using LGBTI issues as a distraction from their socio-economic and political failures, especially around elections. • The international solidarity offered is driven by the international agenda and not by the real issues on the ground. Often groups are expected to have a ‘selling point’ to get any attention. • The broader civil society sees LGBTI rights in isolation and not as part of broader human rights discourse.

PARALLEL SESSION

The significant gains made by the women’s movement (and in certain countries, the LGBTI movement) have sparked a patriarchal backlash with African ‘traditions’ and fundamentalist religious views being increasingly used to halt – and even reverse – decades of progress. There has been a growing call to move away from certain concepts that are decried as ‘Western’ impositions – but to what extent and for whose benefit? And how do Africans preserve key traditions in a rapidly modernising world, while also enhancing – rather than undermining – women’s rights and livelihoods? When

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

other forms of discrimination (except homophobia) are largely accepted at a normative level, as being unacceptable, why is it that the resistance to the progress of women, and to challenges to male identity, remain so rigid? And what is the best way for women (and other non-traditional minorities) to combat this backlash? Panellists: Petina Gappah (Author and Open Society Fellow); Mark Gevisser (Author and Open Society Fellow); Binaifer Nowrojee (Executive Director, OSIEA); and Hauwa Ibrahim (Nigerian human rights lawyer) Moderator: Jessica Horn (Writer and activist) Key messages Fundamentalism is about intolerance and absolutism. It is absolutist and seeks to erase the presence of anything else but itself. Fundamentalism is also damaging because it is largely divisive. Indeed, religious fundamentalism is not about religion but instead it is about bigotry and intolerance. Religion gets a fundamental streak when it is essentially captured to advance a bigoted agenda, and this happens in both Christianity and Islam – it happens everywhere. There is real tension between the rights of groups and the rights of individuals. The question though is: “When people purport to speak on behalf of groups, who exactly are they speaking for?” Fundamentalism creates a tight space in terms of organizing – meaning that one has to be smart about how to organize in this tight space. Major issues • The foot soldiers of fundamentalism are mostly the poor. • The elites who drive and organise fundamentalism are also interested in controlling the economy in order to lock in their power. • Fundamentalists are very organised and vocal, which is why alliance building is very important in defeating them. In Kenya, the constitution-making process became emotive after some well-organised churches tried to use the issue of sexuality and abortion to undermine the constitution. These churches (mostly evangelical) were well organised in their messaging and had a lot of funding from some evangelical churches in the USA. In outreach meetings when the public were invited to speak, you would have ten people getting up to take the microphone all with the same message: No to abortion and gays. So, although the constitution was largely progressive, there was a huge campaign to reject it because of the issue of abortion and gays. • Fundamentalism is also deployed by powerful elites to deflect attention. Notions of tradition and culture are sometimes used to distort issues. • There seems to be no recognition that culture is active and alive as opposed to something that we wait to be handed down. Fundamentalism seeks to put limits on our culture, to say this is against our culture – full-stop.

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

Suggestions for the way forward • Alliance building and working together are important if fundamentalism is to be tackled. • Engagement and humility are also critical in this struggle because it’s not about us but about the issues and the people who concern us. • When you are fighting fundamentalism sometimes respect and engagement may not be enough, one may need to confront and challenge. • Ultimately there is no single strategy – it all depends on the obtaining set of circumstances. • Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • Movement building and alliance building. • Strengthening support to marginalised communities is important so that they are not bullied out of important national discourses. Quotes • “The most important and powerful force that unites us is our humanity and dignity” – Hauwa Ibrahim • “How people organise is determined by objective reality not by text books” – Jessica Horn

PARALLEL SESSION

In Our Own Image: Defining ‘Africanness’ This session looked at popular culture produced by Africans and sought to understand how Africans are representing themselves through the production of Nollywood movies, through the proliferation of music videos, through popular magazines and tabloids that celebrate African celebrities, etc. As the continent becomes increasingly urban and as access to social media increases exponentially, people’s ability to buy into ‘brand Africa’ also increases. Yet, development approaches remain static, not recognising the new ways in which young people in particular as seeing themselves and their own mobility (economically, through consumerism, etc.). This session asked whether there was a disconnection between traditional development approaches that seek to ‘develop’ Africans and new ways in which Africans live, love and work. Panellists: Zola Maseko (Award-winning film director); Abey Mokgwatsane (CEO Ogilvy, South Africa); Regina Jane JereMalanda (Editor of New African Women magazine); and Kobby Graham (Editor of DST magazine) Moderator: Pumla Gqola (Associate Professor of African literary and gender studies, WITS University) Key messages There is need for a wider distribution network for African media throughout the continent. And it is important to represent ourselves and our space in the media in a positive light, to alter the generally negative stereotypes we hold about ourselves, our cities and our countries. The media

have a huge responsibility towards achieving this goal. Africans youth must be encouraged to develop into leaders of tomorrow, as they are ‘reluctant leaders’ at the moment. There is need for an African News Network. Major issues • There is a need for progressive publications that do not shy away from carrying provocative content for fear of losing advertisers who are more interested in market size than content. • We must challenge negative stereotypes about our countries, cities and people. • There is a need to sensitise African governments to provide greater support for the arts and cultural industry in general. • African artists face the challenge of defining their target market. Who should the writers write for or the filmmaker produce films for – is it the local market or the global? • It is complex to define Africanness in an increasingly global world. Suggestions for the way forward

story that is always told, and fill in the blanks. The blanks are where all the interesting things are happening” – Kobby Graham

Closing Plenary

Changing the Rules, Changing the Game, Changing the Future Four participants were selected to represent the three days of the OpenForum and the Youth Forum that was held on the day before. Sisonke Msimang asked them all to highlight the key idea that they were each taking home after the OpenForum Panellists: Tutu Alicante (Anti-corruption activist and Executive Director of EG Justice); (CEO of the Thebe Foundation); Bibi Bakare-Yusuf (Co-founder of Cassava Republic Press); and Samar Mezghanni (Tunisian writer and youth activist) Speaker: Sisonke Msimang, OSISA Executive Director Key messages

• Creating media networks that incorporate different media • Tutu Alicante – Struggles are interlinked as articulated platforms such as bloggers’ networks, to distribute content by Zimbabwe’s Finance Minister, Tendai Biti in the panel to a wider African audience. on corruption and that “When people get together, • Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in anything is possible.” future programming • Mokgethi Tshabalala – “The last three days challenged • Supporting or fostering the establishment of an African me to the core…” It is amazing how – if those who had news network money understood the potential – African philanthropy • Supporting or fostering the setting up of an African media could participate in setting a social justice agenda. Despite distribution network our wealth, Africa philanthropy is ‘welfarist’ and lacks the • Sponsoring or funding publications that do not have to tone substance that will change the social justice agenda. down their radical/progressive ideology in order to retain • Bibi Bakare-Yusuf – “We still have difficulty, and advertisers, or make ‘emergency’ funds available to step in many of us do not know how to talk about sex. We on an ad-hoc basis if a publication loses an advertiser due cannot talk about sexual pleasure without feeling very to such content uncomfortable. Instead, time and time again, we return to putting our sex and sexuality in a discourse of sexual Quotes danger and sexual violation.” • Samar Mezghanni wanted to know if we (at the Open • “I’m African, I’m sexy and I know it!” – Regina Jane JereForum) are contributing to creating the inequality in our Malanda societies. “When we meet in these fancy hotels, wear • “I don’t need to define Africanness for myself – I wake up and I or fancy clothes and using our fancy words, are we not just am. I don’t need to define, this is how an African man sits, contributing to the paradox of unequal growth?” goes to the toilet; it’s natural. In my films, it’s natural” – Zola Maseko Major issues • “I don’t just want my neighbour to watch my film. I want the world to watch it. I don’t want to make one film for Europe and • Where struggles intersect is where we will find the critical one for Africa. I want to make one film” – Zola Maseko mass of people and enough social mobilisation to tip the • “Painting and writing are very solitary. Imagine someone scales of power. People are naturally concerned with masturbating… Whereas moviemaking is a huge orgy; what affects them and we end up with many small and everyone is in there! It’s a mixture of all the arts: you have ineffective ‘movements’. These need to converge, we need architecture, painting, fashion, lighting etc. So my relationship to find the common ground and make sure that everyone, to the other arts is very strong” – Zola Maseko, responding to including the most marginalised, is included. question on how his art form relates to other form arts. • Tutu quoted Malcolm X who said that “I am for truth, no • “Money, sex and power are the core stereotypes that people matter who tells it. I am for justice…” He was making the aspire to...I think that pure art is about challenging those point that not just those affected, but also allies must be conventions” – Abey Mokgwatsane pulled into the conversation and must be shown how they • “Tell the whole story. We [at DUST] are trying to avoid the are disadvantaged in the long run when social inequalities

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

are not addressed. • People, some with the help of the NGO sector, are realising that the agency for change lies with them. • There is power in talking about pleasure and reclaiming our bodies and what we choose to do with them. We have to realize that like our culture and our religion, our sexuality is also central to our being and trying to separate them is not always possible or healthy. Suggestions for the way forward • As Africans we need to create an alternative narrative since we best understand our continent – a narrative that can be critical without painting us as backward. • We should learn how to relook at our lives. What needs to happen for us as Africans to celebrate who we are? Can we learn to see ourselves as multidimensional? We are not one people, we are many people but from one continent. How can we use our “African-ness”? No other continent can evoke so much pride – when we call ourselves African we say it with pride (most of the time). • The OpenForum wanted to put inequality in the agenda and has done so very successfully. We must each take what resonated with us and make sure that we address it in our day-to-day living, not just in our work, but also in our private spaces. The need for change across our continent reaches far into the private. • We must make sure that being a woman, a gay man, a poor or black person does not matter, that we have equal opportunities to the best education, the best health, the best jobs and be judged for our abilities and not for who we are or from where we come. Big ideas that Open Society Foundations could pursue in future programming • Need to ensure that the inequality on our continent is a key topic of conversation, and a conversation that moves us forward. • In the 1990s debt was on the agenda. There was push from everywhere on the continent and beyond. There is need to mobilise in a similar way around inequality. • We need to look at the events in North Africa and stop calling it the Arab Spring because it is equally part of an ‘African Awakening’. When we see the revolution as part of us, what would it mean to us? How will we see it differently? What are the lessons that we take away from this beginning of the African Awakening, and how do we shape and encourage more peaceful change on the rest of our continent? • There is need to engage the current aid system. There will always be new challenges, and issues have the tendency to cross borders. As Africans we must create our own ‘pot’ from where we can address ‘the common good’. How do we start this conversation? How do we make sure it is a continental discussion and how do we set realistic targets that our decision makers will buy into? And if they do not buy into it, how do we go ahead and create our own African pot?

Money, Power & Sex: The paradox of unequal growth

The Open Society Foundation for South Africa’s strategy is to support and engage in activities that focus on the delivery of a needed service. In doing so it has decided it will act in a limited number of priority areas and with projects which will initiate change and produce demonstrable results within two years; seek major ventures or fresh ideas that would not see the light of day without the resources and assistance of the Foundation; and, seek to act in co-ordination and co-operation with other organisations and funding agencies to ensure that resources are optimally used. The Foundation will seek to ensure that in its work all projects should have an ongoing institution-building impact; an emphasis on sustainability; and, a mutually reinforcing impact wherever possible. The Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa promotes public participation in democratic governance, the rule of law, and respect for human rights by awarding grants, developing programmes, and bringing together diverse civil society leaders and groups. Based in Nairobi, with an office in Uganda, the initiative supports work in Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, and Sudan as well as regional organizations whose mandate encompasses eastern Africa. OSIEA’s work takes place in a region where democratic gains are simultaneously being made and reversed and its key goal is to amplify the voices of Eastern Africans to call for accountability from their governments. The initiative supports local and regional groups working to advance democratic governance and public accountability, challenge corruption, strengthen free media, and end stigma and abuse directed at marginalized groups, such as ethnic minorities, people affected by HIV, sexual minorities, and drug users. The Open Society Initiative for West Africa is dedicated to the creation of open societies in West Africa. OSIWA seeks to promote inclusive democratic governance, transparent and accountable institutions and active citizenship in West Africa. OSIWA’s long term vision of West Africa reveals a prospering region where open society values prevail. We envision a West Africa that is more integrated and where democracy thrives – a region where people enjoy basic freedoms, everyone can participate meaningfully in civic and political life, inequalities and inequities are minimized, exclusion gives way to greater appreciation for pluralism, and governments are accountable and corruption is on the wane. The Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) is a growing African institution committed to deepening democracy, protecting human rights and enhancing good governance in southern Africa. OSISA’s vision is to promote and sustain the ideals, values, institutions and practice of open society, with the aim of establishing a vibrant southern African society in which people, free from material and other deprivation, understand their rights and responsibilities and participate democratically in all spheres of life.

The Open Society Africa Foundations would like to thank the OpenForum’s technical partners: