Volume 3 Issue 2 March 2019
Letter from the Editor in Chief Our theme this issue is “freedom” and we encourage you, readers of Falastin, to think about the word “freedom.” What does it mean to be free? When we call for freedom for Palestine, what are we asking for? Are we free? We are incredibly honored to share this issue of Falastin with you. Included here are various reflections and ruminations on the word freedom, a conversation with Aminah Musa, one of the founders of PaliRoots, an interview with Black for Palestine discussing the parallels between the Palestinian and Black liberation struggles and the need for continued solidarity with our black brothers and sisters, and much more. As always, we want to remind our readers of the responsibility we have as Palestinian Americans. Living in the U.S. comes with a multitude of privileges, and it is our duty to use those privileges to support our brothers and sisters in Palestine. Similarly, we must support those who put their lives and careers on the line in support of the Palestinian cause for justice. Now more than ever, speaking up against injustice in Palestine has been targeted by the government. For this reason, we must continue to use our voices to educate those around us about Palestine and not give into efforts to silence us. We must resist. This magazine is one of many forms of resistance. It is a reclamation of the Palestinian narrative and a refusal to be silent. Join our effort by sending us art, photography, writing, and more to litmagazine@paccusa.org. We’d like to thank our sponsors and the PACC board for supporting this magazine. I’d like to thank all of our contributors who join in on the resistance effort through art. Finally, I’d like to thank each and every reader of Falastin.
Sending you all strength and power,
Reem Farhat Editor in Chief of Falastin
Staff of Falastin Reem Farhat: Editor in Chief Aya Mustafa: Poetry Editor Marah Siyam: Fiction Editor Aseel Zeinaty and Hiba Birat: Arabic Editors Aseel Washah: News Editor I’d like to extend a special thank you to Basma Bsharat for her assistance in content editing and Ibrahim Issa for his assistance in layout. I’d also like to thank Maryam Tayeh for her amazing painting which is being featured as our cover and Massara Haseeb, whose artwork is featured throughout this issue and on the back cover.
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Letter from the Executive Director At PACC, we are focused on empowering the people of today for a better future tomorrow. To do that, we strive to do three things: 1. Ignite the Palestinian spirit, 2. Empower the local community, 3. Civically engage with the larger community. To ignite the Palestinian spirit, we are proud to continue to bring you Falastin which we invite you all to share and contribute too. In addition, we are launching our third year of the Homeland Project and we invite anyone with a passion for Palestine and is between the ages of 18 and 35 to apply. Participants will be offered a once-in-a-lifetime experience to tour the country, explore its lands, delve into its rich history, taste its vibrant culture, and rediscover the roots of Palestine and its people. To get more information and to apply visit www.paccusa.org/homelandproject. To empower the community, we provide a wide variety of events and programming. Since the beginning of the new year, we have we started a few new programs: a tatreez class, an adult dabka class for both men, an Arabic conversation class for beginners and an Arabic Class for adults. We pride ourselves in being by the community and for the community. To civically engage with the larger community, we hired our newest addition to our PACC family, our civic engagement coordinator. We are working on getting everyone registered to vote, prepared for the census , and more community campaigns! I invite you to visit our website and check out our current programs and upcoming events! With the many exciting things happening at PACC, the release of a new issue of Falastin is always a proud accomplishment And for that, I would like to thank the Editor in Chief and staff members of Falastin for their dedication and continuous hard work. I would also like to thank the sponsors of this magazine. Thank you to the Board of Directors for their support. Last, but not least, thank you for picking up and supporting Falastin.
Rania Mustafa Falastin Advisor Executive Director
@PACCUSA
Palestinian American Community Center
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@PACCUSA
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Photo taken by Hamza Siraj 4
TABLE OF CONTENTS 6 8 9 9 10 31 16
The Freedom of Letting Go by Rebecca Vineyard
19 20 22 24 25 28
قرية ”كور“ األثرية الفلسطينية يوسف قطب
31 32 34 35
Freedom? Whose Freedom? by Nooralhuda Alhashim
Dreams of Olive Trees by Ahmed Mustafa Let’s be Real by Salma Othman Freedom by Raia Ensour A Conversation with Black for Palestine قطاع غزة مرام أبو دالل On the Ground: The American Federation Educational and Cultural Exchange Mission by Richard Carpenti What Our Borders Say About Us by Monica Hernandez Palestine Legal’s 10 Things to Know About Anti-Boycott Legislation A Permit to See my Beloved by Mohammed Arafat
حياة بين الجدار آية مصطفى Holding Onto Our Roots: A Conversation with Aminah Musa of PaliRoots by Falastin Staff The Palestinian Exception to Freedom by Reem Farhat What’s Your Struggle? by Aseel Washah واقع الصناعات التقليدية في فلسطي رجاء غزاونة
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The Freedom of Letting Go By Rebecca Vineyard On my first day of kindergarten my mother knelt down to tie my shoes (I, left-handed, still couldn’t quite wrap my brain around how all the right-handed adults in my life managed to execute that action). She looked me dead in the eye, and said, “They’re going to tell you a lot of things there. You believe what you think is right.” She wasn’t talking about my ABCs, or basic arithmetic: I was going to a Catholic school, and she was talking about what I’d be taught about religion.
seemed like news coverage (specifically regarding Palestinian suicide bombers) never ended. And so Father Joe began talking about the bombing, condemning it as an act and talking about how suicide forfeits your place in the kingdom of heaven, but even more so when you’re harming or aiming to harm others. This was not news to me. But then he began talking about the bombers themselves, and how they were bad people, who did this horrible thing. And perhaps it was being Palestinian, but even as a tenyear-old I knew that this argument lacked nuance.
For the most part, I bought in; I didn’t really have a reason not to. Both my parents, like their parents be- And then, imperceptibly, it became, “those people are fore them (except my Teta, who keeps statues of the evil” and “those people are not God’s children” and Virgin Mary, pictures of Jesus, and rosaries— from “those people should be eliminated” — and he wasn’t Palestine and made of olive wood, of course— peptalking about the bombers themselves any more. pered around the house along with family pictures He was talking about all of and tatreez wall hangings) us. are or have identified as vaguely Christian. That first “Freedom used to be defiance I So I raised my hand. I stood year of school, during the wore like a prized jacket. I’d up. I said, “I’m halfweekly Friday morning Palestinian,” and I’m not mass, my class got to sit on shrug it on, and lift my chin up, sure if it’s what I want to the faded mauve carpet in daring anyone to tell me to do believe happened, but from the church at Queen of Anwhat I remember he turned gels— the privileged spot of things differently.” white as a sheet, then green, the kindergarten class. I then hurriedly excused himliked the solemn ritual of self from the room. mass; I don’t really remember specific feelings about religion beyond that. I do clearly remember the adrenaline, though. My Fast forward to fifth grade: my first year at a different heart pounding, both from discovering that someone Catholic school in town, St. Thomas the Apostle. The I’d been taught was my connection to God was a bigadjoining church had two priests: Father Joe, and Fa- ot, and from standing up, angrily exposing myself as ther Joe. The collective of teachers and students never an act of defiance. seemed to confer, but automatically just began calling them ‘Young Father Joe,’ and ‘Old Father Joe,’ which in hindsight seems deeply insensitive towards Old Father Joe. Young Father Joe, true to the connotations of his nickname, tried to seem hip and in touch with the youth: he would go into the classrooms of the 5th8th graders to talk about current events and faith.
You believe what you think is right. Freedom used to be defiance I wore like a prized jacket. I’d shrug it on, and lift my chin up, daring anyone to tell me to do things differently.
The next year, the Catholic Church’s molestation scandal broke and I decided I was done with religion. One day, Young Father Joe came into our classroom I knew faith could be something I could find within to talk about a bombing in Israel. I can’t remember if myself; it didn’t have to be dictated by a doctrine. I it was a bus or a cafe; it was the second intifada and it tell this story a lot; after all, it’s clearly a Formative 6
Childhood Memory. But I started to tell it after freedom became, instead of that jacket I’d shrug on, layers both figurative and literal that I’d shed, standing in bright lights in front of an audience. It’s still defiance, but a different kind: it’s the defiance of being vulnerable in front of people, of making
them laugh or reminding them they’re not alone. It’s wearing my Palestinian flag pin and a keffiyeh while I work my retail job on the Upper West Side. It’s not being what many people expect of an Arab woman, a Palestinian woman, yet being one, anyway.
Illustration “We are Rooted to Our Land” by Massara Haseeb 7
Dreams of Olive Trees By Ahmed Mustafa Dreams of olive trees A land I’ve rarely tread The clock strikes 12 My eyes had opened Glaring at the beams of light, Had lead a flame to ignite Born within a foreign land Our forefathers had never tread Instead I feel caught in between A foreigner, though born within My hair so dark, my skin is tan My eyes are brown, my beard so thick I feel the peering eyes of most As though I can never belong To take me back, before this war Back to where my blood had formed Ingrained within those rocky plains, In Palestine my heart remains Beneath that all-reviving sun So different from what sits above Within these slums a scent so foul Rotting deep into the core Within the luxury of home While I sit idly by My brothers and sisters die Mothers and fathers cry Within the olive grove Soil soaked in blood As the sky rains down aflame Sprinkling ash upon my face No more tears for me to cry No one left to embrace Only a memory I cannot erase
Illustration “Study of the Olive Branch” by Massara Haseeb 8
Let’s Be Real By Salma Othman Freedom of speech Freedom of religion Freedom of press The basic principles of America Freedom of speech Say what you want But make sure you don’t hurt The one in charge Freedom of religion Practice what you wish But make sure you conform To what society states Freedom of press Write what’s on your mind But make sure you don’t go against The lies that are being taught If we were truly free Why can’t we do What we truly feel What is holding us back from being real?
Freedom By Raia Ensour Freedom is a right that is rare. A right that our brothers & sisters in Palestine have to fight for day and night. Freedom should be the ability for a Palestinian to walk the streets of their own country, without having the fear that they might not live to see the next day. Saying goodbye in the morning, not knowing if a father will be back to see his children that afternoon, is their daily routine. Young children that should be playing are only praying to see the light of tomorrow. Since the parents are dead because of the daily bloodshed, kids are forced to work instead of doing their homework. A husband might not come back to see his wife. That is how they live their life. We hold our phones everyday, while they hold stones to watch for the tanks coming their way. We live with the cheer that we might be future engineers, while they live by the fear that tomorrow their lives will disappear. They deserve the justice that they can only observe. Freedom is its own right, No matter the fight, No one deserves to wait for an invite.
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A Conversation with Black for Palestine By Falastin Staff In honor of February being Black History Month, we reached out to Black for Palestine, a network of Black activists committed to supporting the Palestinian cause, and asked them a few questions about their work. We at Falastin would like to thank Black for Palestine for their solidarity work and acknowledge and honor the work of Black activists in standing in solidarity with the Palestinian community.
between our communities. As individuals, we have spoken at dozens of universities, community events, and conferences, including American Muslims for Palestine, Students for Justice in Palestine, and the 2018 Palestine Lives Conference in New York City. On an organizational level, we've sent representatives to speak at the Palestinian Youth Movement summer school, and at a conference in Palestine on the Israeli arms trade and its impact on global movements.
In August 2017, we sent one of our members to volunteer at a sports camp for Palestinian youth in LebaWhat sparked the creation of Black for Palestine? non. The youth were really interested and engaged with our experiences as Black people in the US, imThe events in Palestine and Ferguson in the summer mediately drawing connections to their experiences as of 2014 sparked the creation of “Black for Palestine”, an unwanted population in Lebanon. Last spring, we when Israel carried out a vicious assault on Gaza and sent a larger delegation to Baddawi and Burj el BaBlack people in Ferguson rose up in response to the rajneh camps in Lebanon. We met with youth-run police murder of Mike Brown. Palestinian solidarity centers in the camps and were able to include activists with the uprising had a moving impact on many of us from South Africa and Zambia in addition to Arab, as Black activists. There were Palestinians marching Black, Dine (Navajo), and Mexican organizers from in Ferguson, standing side by side with Black folks the US. there from day one, and people in Palestine were sending messages of solidarity to the rebels of Ferguson on social media. During this time, Palestinians published a few statements of solidarity with the Black struggle. In the summer of 2015, for the one year anniversary of the Ferguson-Gaza summer, we released a solidarity statement which had over 1,100 signatures including Angela Davis, Cornel West, Mumia Abu-Jamal, and 10 current political prisoners. Many of the people who signed the statement expressed an interest in organizing around this issue, and that is how “Black for Palestine” was born. Can you tell us a little bit about your work? Since 2015, we have held in-person network gatherings to develop relationships among ourselves, and to set an agenda for our work. Each of these meetings -in New York, DC, Detroit, and San Francisco involved building with local Palestinian organizers. We want to be sure that we are building strong relationships
Black for Palestine Members in Lebanon 10
Our main program for the start of the year is supporting the Black Christian Palestine Project, a curriculum geared at engaging Black churches on Palestine designed by one of our members and organized with Friends of Sabeel North America. Can you talk to us a little bit about Black and Palestinian solidarity? Black-Palestine solidarity has a long and rich history. Its height came in the Black Power Era of the 1960s and 70s. Revolutionaries and Black radical organizations like Malcolm X, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee , and the Black Panther Party stood in solidarity against the Zionist occupation of Palestine.
these ideologies, all non-white people are subhuman. In the media, we are portrayed as violent, uneducated savages. These narratives dehumanize us and they have real power over people’s mindsets. And that’s what sets the stage for the actual savage violence and domination that these white supremacist governments enact upon us. Let’s look concretely now: We both face occupation and apartheid. The walls that separate Palestinian areas from Zionist areas are tall and Palestinians are forced to go through checkpoints when they travel. Even toddlers are not spared abuse and violence as they walk through the streets. Palestinians in Gaza continue to protest and the IOF continues to murder or cripple Gazans demanding freedom.
Black people are also being poBlack-Palestinian solidarity goes “Despite this, our cultural liced and watched all hours of beyond the United States. Afrithe day, especially those from can revolutionary movements magic sustains. Our music. poor communities. While Palesacross the continent strategized Our dance. Our food. Our tinians are killed by soldiers, and trained alongside PalestiniBlack people are killed by cops. an guerillas in Algeria and Leb- family. They keep our spirThe state employs people to anon, since all of these moveits and our struggles alive.” control us and when they kill us, ments were seeking to free they are not held accountable. In themselves from colonialism. Due to its experience fact, white supremacists and Zionists praise these fighting the PLO in Lebanon, Israel trained the apartmurderers for keeping us in our place, while heid South African regime on combating guerilla warfare. This is all to say that it’s not just about solidarity, “liberals” wonder if we did anything to merit being killed in cold blood. Then, there is mass incarceration. but a shared investment in a world free from colonial Over 1 million Black people are in cages. While in Paldomination. Our lives are on the line, which is why estine thousands of young people are being funneled we need to support each other. into jails everyday. Can you talk to us about the parallels between experiences of Black Americans and Palestinians in Pal- Despite this, our cultural magic sustains. Our music. Our dance. Our food. Our family. They keep our spirestine? its and our struggles alive.
When we talk about parallels between the experiences of Palestinians and Black people, we have to look at world history. Black people’s communities have been occupied and policed even before the founding of the U.S.-settler colony. Palestinians also have a very long history of occupation-- most recently being occupied by the British, and now by the U.S.-backed Zionistoccupation government. The parallels in our experiences have to do with the structures of capitalism and white supremacy that flow from a specific history of violent control. Under 11
How can we support Black for Palestine? There are a few practical ways to support us, such as following our Facebook page, sharing our page and blog posts with your own networks, inviting us to speak with your communities. In March, we will be launching a monthly sustainers program on our website at blackforpalestine.com.
(Continued on page 12)
A Conversation with Black for Palestine (Continued)
one, whether this is connecting with families fighting police brutality and murder of their loved ones, supIs there anything you’d like to tell the Palestinian porting anti-gentrification efforts of working class American community? black people to remain in their communities, and working to address some of the tensions that do exist The biggest way to help our cause is to engage with between store owners and our communities in cities your local Black communities and organizations. Part like Detroit or St. Louis. Creating the conditions for of the strategy of white supremacy in the US is to sep- empowered and self-determined Black communities arate immigrant communities from Black communiwill give rise to the strong political movements that ties and to pit us against each other. We recognize can help liberate Palestine and all oppressed people in that some in immigrant communities, including Pal- this country. estinian Americans, believe the lies that they need to be afraid of Black people or that Black people are somehow responsible for the conditions of our collec- Support Black for Palestine by visiting their website http://www.blackforpalestine.com and following tive poverty and oppression. We need all of these communities to tear down the walls that segregate us their Facebook page. and to look for ways to build in the interests of every(Continued from page 11)
Black for Palestine Members in Lebanon 12
قطاع غزة تأليفمرام أبو دالل يقع قطاع غزة في جنوب غرب فلسطين وهو عبارة عن شريط ساحلي اشتهرت غزة بصناعة الفخار حيث صنعت منه األواني الفخارية التي استعمله االنسان مثل الجرار واالباريق والطواجن الفخارية وكذلك يمتد على شاطئ البحر المتوسط بطول 04كم تقريبا ما يقارب ( 52 اشتهر القطاع بصناعة النسيج والحياكة وبعض الصناعات الخشبية ميل ) وبعرض من 2الي 04كم متفاوته بعض المناطق . المعدنية الخفيفة مثل صناعة األثاث منزلي والخزانات واطقم النوم تم احتالله من قبل إسرائيل بعد حرب ونكسة حزيران 0691يقسم واطقم السفرة قطاع غزة إداريا إلى خمس محافظات وهي على النحو التالي : أوال :محافظة الشمال وتضم كل من مخيم جباليا وبلدة بيت حانون وبلدة والمعدنية مثل صناعة الطناجر والصحون والسكاكين والمالعق بيت الهيا ومشروع بيت الهيا وبلدة جباليا وبلدة النزلة وبلدة الزرقاء .والشوك واألدوات االخرى . قبل قدوم السلطة الوطنية الفلسطينية قبل 0661اعتمدت النسبة الكبرى ثانيا :محافظة غزة وتضم مدينة غزة وضواحيها ومخيم الشاطئ ومشروع الشيخ رضوان ومنطقة الشيخ عجلين والشجاعيه وحي التفاح ومن السكان في معيشتها داخل إسرائيل كعمال بناء وحرفيين وعمال نظافة . وحي الدرج وحي الزيتون . ثالثا :محافظة الوسطى وتشمل مدينة دير البلح ومخيم دير البلح ومخيم النصيرات ومخيم البريج وبلدة الزاوية وبلدة المصدر وبلدة جحر الديك البنية التحتية لقطاع غزة يعاني قطاع غزة من ضعف شديد في البنية التحتية إذ تعاني معظم وبلدة المغراقة وبلدة ابو العجين . رابعا :محافظة خانيونس وتضم مدينة خانيونس ومخيم خانيونس وبلدة بالبلدات والمخيمات الالجئين من قلة وعدم وجود بنية تحتية لصرف الصحي وتصريف مياه األمطار وشباكات مياه الشرب إذ تعتبر %64 بني سهيلة وبلدة عبسان الكبرى وبلدة عبسان الصغرى وبلدة خزاعة غير صالحة للشرب ويعتمد معظم السكان على شراء مياه الشرب من وبلدة الزنة وبلدة القرارة ومشروع حمد االسكاني . باعة متجولين من آبار خاصة النتاج مياه الشرب . خامسا :محافظة رفح تشمل مدينة رفح ومخيمات رفح ومخيم يبنى وأما بخصوص شبكة الكهرباء فمعظم التوصيالت قديمة وباليه وهناك ومخيم البرازيل ومخيم كندا وحي السلطان وبلدة الفخاري وحي في بعض اطراف البلدات والقرى ال توجد شبكات كهرباء أصال . الجنينة . بخصوص الطرق نسبة كبيرة من شوارع المدن والمخيمات والبلدات والضواحي ال توجد بها شوارع معبدة لذلك يعاني سكان القطاع في يبلغ عدد سكان قطاع غزة حسب إحصائية اإلحصاء المركزي فصل الشتاء من تجمع مياه االمطار في معظم الشوارع وأمام المدارس الفلسطيني قرابة 5مليون فرد منهم مليون و 544الجئ من أراضي واالسواق وتفيض مياه االمطار على المناطق المنخفضة االمر الذب ، 04و 444مواطن غزاوي . يعتبر قطاع غزة أكبر بؤرة كثافة سكانية وفي العالم إذا يقطن 5مليون يسبب غرق لبعض المنازل والمحالت التجارية والمؤسسات المدنية والخدماتية . إنسان في 51ألف كليومتر مربع وهذه أعلى نسبة سكان عالميا . وبخصوص توصيالت الهاتف واالتصاالت فشبكات الهواتف المهترئة يشتهر قطاع غزة بالزراعة واعتمد معظم السكان على الزراعة اصال المحاصيل الزراعية لكي يعيشون منها مثل :زراعة بيارات البرتقال والحمضيات وزراعة كرم العنب وكرم الزيتون واللوزيات والمحاصيل وتعاني المناطق النائية في عدم توصيل شبكات هواتف الموسمية وزراعة الحبوب مثل :القمح والشعير وبازيالء وغيرها من وبخصوص البريد والبرق فال ةوجد صناديق خاصة للمواطنين ويوجد المحاصيل الموسمية والبندورة والخيار والخس والسبانخ والثوم والسلق بريد مركزي في كل مدينة ويعتبر وخدمة البريد والبرق خدمة ضعيفة جدا . والبصل وغيرها .
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On the Ground: The American Federation Educational and Cultural Exchange Mission An excerpt from Richard Carpenti’s letter to Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, provided by the American Federation of Ramallah, Palestine Eventually the Israelis and Palestinians must decide their fate. It is ultimately up to them.
The Palestinians are not free but live under a system of segregation and discrimination on the grounds of their race. We witnessed the cruel hardship many of However, as the strongest nation on earth we can and them are forced to insure to get to their jobs in Israel. should help this process in any way possible and at For example, a short trip would often take hours due the present time we are not only not helping, but, I to travel restriction imposed by the [Israeli] military. believe, actually hurting any chance for a real peace. One of the most recent examples of this was our mov- I saw an old Palestinian man trying to a long time to ing of our embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and navigate a dark and narrow border crossing Nablus. our expelling of the Palestinian Government repreUnder the gaze of Israeli soldiers armed with autosentative from Washington D.C.. matic rifles, he struggled to navigate the revolving metal security gate. I spoke with Palestinian citizens I realize that I sound pro-Palestinian, and I am, but I who, because of numerous Israeli checkpoints and am also pro-Israel and I know that it is in Israel’s best also the Israeli closing of many streets, were forced to interest to secure a just and lasting peace with their walk many times the actual distance to reach their neighbors, the Palestinians, and that this process destinations. I saw giant concrete barriers topped should begin now. with barbed wire that effectively chopped up neighborhoods. I Since the Partition Plan of 1947, at the Jalazone Girls School, “I submit that no one, in- saw, the Palestinians have had taken ostensibly protected under the from them most of the land that cluding the Israeli Govern- auspices of the United Nations had been granted to them. Toment, can deny that right U.N.R.W.A., spent tear gas canisday, with the exception of the ters from tear gas bombs shot at Gaza Strip (basically a seven by of resistance to the Pales- the school because of peaceful thirty-two mile plot containing protests. Around Birzeit Univertinians today.” nearly 2 million Palestinians sity, established initially as a totally surrounded and blockschool in 1924, I witnessed armed aded by land, sea, and air by the Israeli Government), Israeli soldiers nearby and they have, in the past, inthe West Bank has been so invaded by Israeli settlers vaded the university and arrested students. I saw and accompanying soldiers so as to resemble a picarmed Israeli soldiers surrounding Mosques and othture of Swiss cheese. er places of worship. All of the above were witnessed in Palestinian Territory. If the American people could witness what I have, on the ground, in both parts of Israel and extensively in Truly, the Palestinians even in the very limited land the West Bank, they would be appalled at the situathat they still possess in the West Bank and Gaza are tion of apartheid and the soul crushing treatment of not free as they live under a system of apartheid as the Palestinians, and they would feel, as I do, a moral onerous as the one that used to exist in South Africa. obligation to use whatever means available to stop They have a right to be free, but are not free. this from continuing. The Palestinians that we have encountered were not terrorists, but hardworking devout family oriented people. We toured music schools, art galleries, Birzeit University, and numerous social and charitable organizations. 16
Some people, in support of the policies of the Israeli government, defend such policies and refer to the Gaza Strip. They claim that Israel gave the Gaza Strip to the Palestinians and there has been nothing but trouble since. However, I believe that if, in 1776, King George III had said to the colonists, our forebears,
who wanted freedom for the colonies, that he, King George, would grant them independence only for a tiny strip of land (say a tiny slice of North Carolina) that we would have politely declined and revolted as we did.
Both at international law and in morality, the Palestinian resistance to occupation is a legally protected right and is not, as the Israeli Government (and sadly also by our own United States Government), claim, a disruption of the peace process. The policy of Israel, and also of our own country is wrong not only as a The Palestinians live under occupation by a foreign practical matter (it has not succeeded in 70 years) but power. They have not only a moral right to resist, but is also legally and morally wrong. also a legal right to resist the illegal Israeli occupation. This legal right to resist occupation comes from many Before my trip, I had some opinions in the matter but sources including the Fourth Geneva Convention and they were all based on my knowledge at the time. its subsequent protocols. The right to resist oppresNow I have seen the situation on the ground. sion is universal. Again, we revolted against the oppression of a foreign power in our own Revolutionary You will soon be in a position of tremendous power. I know that you will have many tasks and responsibiliWar. ties but I submit that the struggle for a just and lasting The Revolutionaries of the past, including George peace between Israel and the Palestinians is of the utWashington, Nelson Mandela and many more, altmost importance and respectfully ask that you direct hough often initially termed terrorists are referred to your attention to this matter. as heroes today. Also Jews who were in the resistance in Poland and other places under Nazi occupation in Thank you for your courtesy. World War II are universally considered heroes today Very truly yours, by all, including the Jews. I submit that no one, including the Israeli Government, can deny that right of resistance to the Palestinians today.
Richard Carpenti
The American Federation of Ramallah, Palestine (AFRP) The mission of the American Federation of Ramallah, Palestine (www.afrp.org) is to foster cultural awareness by providing educational, humanitarian, civic, and charitable opportunities that promote the rich Palestinian heritage of the descendants of the West Bank city of Ramallah, Palestine – approximately 40,000 in the U.S. living in diaspora. American Federation Educational and Cultural Exchange Mission (AFECEM) Established in 2015 with the purpose of educating non-Arab community leaders to the rich Palestinian culture and history, the American Federation Educational and Cultural Exchange Mission (AFECEM) sponsors a select group of participants on an eye-opening, semi-annual weeklong journey through the West Bank, Jerusalem, and other Palestinian cities. The purpose of the mission trips is to educate and enlighten non-Arabs about the realities and difficulties Palestinians face daily living under occupation, the obstacles with travel, commerce, education and more, with the hopes that they will take this knowledge back to their own communities and educate others. In addition, the group will visit with local elected officials of the Palestinian Authority and will experience Palestinian culture, food, hospitality, and witness their determination for peace and freedom. To date, approximately 45 people have participated in the mission trips, including journalists, clergy, elected officials, and educators.
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قرية ”كور“ األثرية الفلسطينية تأليف يوسف قطب الصغيرة يسكنون بيوت ابائهم واجدادهم األثرية وينامون في أحضان تاريخهم العريق.
يقولون ....
مبانيها األثرية تعود لعصور البيزنطيين والرومان والمماليك وعن السبب وراء حفاظ بيوت كور التاريخية على متانتها بدون تغيرات والعثمانيين كبيرة واضحة على هيكل المباني إن قصور القرية بنيت بشكل متين من تقع قرية “كور” الفلسطينية جنوب شرق طولكرم في الضفة الغربية الناحية العمرانية كما أن الدور التاريخي والجغرافي للقرية قد أثر على وتحتضن على أرضها تاريخ فلسطين بأحد عشر معلما ً أثريا ً وبنيت ً بقاء البيوت والقصور بحالة جيدة فقد كانت مركزا للحكم والسيادة وهي على تل يرتفع عن سطح البحر بأكثر من 044متر وأهم هذه المعالم نقطة وصل على طريق التجارة إلى مصر وعدم تعرض المنطقة قلعة عسكرية يعود تاريخها إلى مئات السنين. لكوارث طبيعية ساهم ايضا ً ببقاء المباني محافظة على شكلها االصلي وان اهم معلم أثري تحويه قرية كور هو قلعة “الجيايسة” ذات التصميم ويمكن للزائر أن ينعم بنسيم البحر األبيض المتوسط الذي تطل عليه العسكري كما تحتوي القرية العديد من المقامات واآلثار التي تعود الى القلعة على بعد بضعة كيلو مترات وتعد قرية “كور” واحدة من سبع قرى تمثل شبكة ألجمل القرى الفلسطينية المطلة على البحر المتوسط، عصور البيزنطيين والرومان. ويعود تاريخ المباني األثرية في القرية إلى العهد المملوكي والعهد والقصور في قرية كور تكتسب أهميتها اليوم من ضخامتها والفن العثماني. المعماري على جدرانها التي تحتوي على الزخارف المنقوشة على أما أهالي المنطقة فيطلقون اسم (حمامة فلسطين البيضاء) على قرية الحجر وقطع فخارية ممتزجة بأحجار هيكلها وكذلك للقصور نوافذ كور ألن البحارة على متن سفنهم في البحر المتوسط يستطيعون أن ضيقة تتميز بها وان هذه القصور امتلكها في الماضي شيوخ الجياسة من بني صعب الذين حكموا المنطقة فكل زاوية في هذه القصور تحكي يشاهدوا أبنية القرية وحجارتها البيضاء. مبان عن التاريخ ،أما في الوقت الحاضر فقد هجر العديد من أصحاب هذه وعن آثار قرية “كور يمكننا تقسيم المباني االثرية في كور إلى ٍ ومبان مملوكية في القسم القرية قصورهم وانتقلوا للعيش في منازل حديثة وصغيرة ،ولكن بعض عثمانية في الجهة الشمالية من القرية ٍ العائالت من المقتدرين الذين رجعوا ورمموا هذه المباني وعادوا للسكن الجنوبي . فيها فمصاريف الترميم عالية جدا ومكلفة. وكور القرية الفلسطينية الوحيدة التي تتكون من مجموعة من القصور وشهدت قصور قرية “كور” حقبا ً تاريخية عصيبة فهي اليوم تعاني من المزينة بالقباب بنيت قبل 549أعوام وهي مزخرفة ،وتميزت قلعتها التآكل في حجارتها بفعل عوامل الزمن المختلفة فبعض هذه القصور قلعة “الجيايسة” والمعروفة بقلعة كور بتصميمها العسكري. سقطت واجهاتها بشكل كامل وبعضها آيل للسقوط وهنا يتطلع اهالي والمتجول داخل القلعة يدرك ذلك فالطابق السفلي منها يضم سجنا ً القرية إلى مد يد العون لتاريخ قريتهم بالحفاظ عليه وحمايته وترميمه للحفاظ على تاريخ عريق ما زالت له فوق أراضي قرية كور اثار تعبق وغرفا ً للحراس واسطبالت للخيول كما أنها تحوي نظاما لتخزين المياه في جدرانها بينما يحتوي الطابق الثاني على الغرف التي يقيم فيها سكان بأريج التاريخ والعصور الماضية. القلعة ولها أدراج طويلة ضيقة ومتعرجة تصل بين أقسام القلعة و وإن وزارة السياحة واآلثار الفلسطينية وضعت آثار قرية “كور” ضمن طوابقها. خطة التطوير المستقبلية لمحافظات شمال الضفة الغربية من أجل تطويرها وإدراجها في المستقبل القريب على خارطة السياحة الداخلية و إن عدد سكان قرية كور اليوم أكثر من ( )124نسمة من قبيلة الجيوسي وهم ابناء لستة عشر اخا ً وما زالت بعض العائالت في القرية الفلسطينية وهناك أعمال مستقبلية كثيرة سيجري العمل عليها .كما
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What Our Borders Say About Us By Monica Hernandez “They are here because of the policies that our country has taken, in their home countries -economic policies, and militarization, and intervention that are creating a life that is unsustainable. They have no choice.” These words sound so relevant as we read them. They are so close to the cause of our brothers and sisters that join the Great March of Return to fight the injustice and inhumane living conditions in Gaza. However, in her article, “Showing Up at the Border for Our Shared Humanity,” Sara LaWall speaks not of Palestine, but of the wave of migrant families seeking refuge at our very borders.
to the water when the water is safer than the land.” I looked at the TV screen. Women were holding their children above their heads as they pushed through the water, not knowing they were running towards Firan and that the water here would not be parted for them. They are not searching for a promised land, but a land that was once theirs. A land that we took, and now tell them they are unwelcome in.
I sat in my mother’s kitchen a few Sundays ago as we ate breakfast together. In the background, Telemundo was covering the U.S./Mexican border. Immigrants were wading through the water of a small river that separates Mexico and the U.S. as the US military waited, armed and ready to arrest them. My mother, shaking her head said, “Why are they coming here if they know that Trump is not going to let them in? Why are they bringing their children, and risking their lives?” She said it, -albeit unintentionally, with strong judgment. As if, as a mother, it was something she could never fathom. To bring me and my sister as young girls in the face of one the strongest and largest militaries in the world. But she can only think this way because we’re Puerto Rican. We’ve never known the worry or poverty that comes with not being a part of the United States.
The reality is, Trump’s attempt to “Make America Great Again,” is a front for making America White Again. What he defends as an attempt to ensure our national security is an effort to keep people of color out of America, regardless of the good that they bring to it. An example is the introduction of the Muslim Ban which denies entry into the U.S. from the Muslim countries of Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria and Yemen. While the ban was defended as an attempt to protect us from terrorism, it did not include any of the countries that actually housed the 9/11 hijackers: Saudi Arabia, Egypt, or Lebanon.
“How can you say that?”, I responded, in a far more blatant disgust. “They are us. They are Latinos just like us. They are seeking a better life, because their countries are ruined from what our government and military has done, out of pure greed and fear of socialism.” I was referring to the extensive history of the U.S. intervention in Latin America during the 1980’s. A history she knew nothing about. “This is a long time coming. We have created this mess. They are coming here because they have nothing! Their survival depends on it.”
Trump’s mission to whitewash America doesn’t stop at a Wall or a Travel Ban. Far more vicious than that, Trump has set out on a mission to make an example of those who are striving relentlessly for a better life. Since 2017, the Trump administration has admitted to separating 8,000 family units, a term they use to describe a group of family members that does not include grandparents or extended families, which allows us to assume that these numbers are actually far greater. The New York Times reports that there are over 12,800 children being detained by the U.S. Government. The separation of children from their families is not only a violation of rights but a sinister plan to create trauma for present and future generations that will discourage migration into the United States from Latin America.
I thought then of a sheikh who once interrupted a tajweed class to speak to us, the sisters. He spoke of the story of Prophet Musa (AS) when the Israelites were fleeing Pharoah, Firan. He said, “You only flee
According to Amnesty International, a 39 year old women by the name of Valquira, arrives at an official port of entry to request asylum. A day later, her seven year old son is forcibly separated from her. She
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said, “They told me, ‘You do not have any rights here, the hopes of the right to return, bred by pain, made and you do not have any rights to stay with your strong in a way that they should have never had to son.’” experience. And Friday after Friday, they gather, ready to die, to send a clear message: We Will Not Give We’ve heard the stories of children kept in cages, ex- Up. We Will Return. And we can look at the images periencing abuse, and even sexual assault. Inforand the videos and think the way that my mother mation being lost, resulting in children possibly never does as we see children become martyrs. How can being able to be reunited with their families again. they allow the children to die? Why are there children I’ve seen countless videos and read countless stories there? The thought has slipped into my mind, I of children being completely unresponsive to their shamefully admit. But this too is years, decades in the parents once reunited, some not even wanting to look making. The water has come to a boil and we have to at or be held by their mothers. accept the same thing that Israel does. That there is enough here for all of us. While Americans are now opposed to getting stuck with the bill of a $25 billion wall that Trump once It’s what I said to my mother as I regrettably, but necpromised Mexico would pay for, we don’t realize essarily, scolded her. “There is enough here for all of how much we’re already paying for. A new facility us. It’s not fair that we live here so comfortably, with just opened up in Tornillo, Texas which cost $750 a everything at our fingertips, while others starve at day per child. It offers the children no schooling or le- our expense. They’re coming here, regardless of who gal services. or what is waiting at the border, to send a clear message. We deserve a chance too, to be Men, to be Human, to Across the ocean, we’re paying far more for a differ- be Mothers. Our children deserve futures too.” ent wall, check points, military spending, and an apartheid that hits us all so close to home. Children What do our borders say about us? And if we allow are arrested and detained with no legal representathis wall to go up, and for children to continue to be tion and are beaten, tortured, and traumatized. Moth- ripped from the arms of their parents, what does that ers are forced to live day to day in fear that they may mean for our most vital human principal? What does never see their sons again. Generations are raised on it mean for our humanity?
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Palestine Legal’s Ten Things to Know About Anti-Boycott Legislation Republished from PalestineLegal.com with permission from Palestine Legal 1. 26 states have already enacted legislation that targets boycotts for Palestinian rights.
4. Even some county legislatures have waded into the debate.
Anti-boycott laws have been enacted in the following states: Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky* Louisiana*, Maryland*, Michigan, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New York*, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Texas, and Wisconsin*.
Some counties have also considered anti-boycott measures. For example, Rockland and Nassau Counties in New York passed anti-boycott ordinances or resolutions. A proposal in New Castle County, DE, failed to pass.
5. Keep in mind, none of the anti-boycott bills and laws take away your right to boycott for Palestinian rights or to advocate for such boycotts.
*The governors of Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, New York and Wisconsin signed anti-boycott executive orders. Visit www.righttoboycott.org for an over- Instead, these initiatives rely on one, two, or three of the following components: view of anti-boycott legislation. Blacklists. Some of the anti-boycott bills/laws require 2. Activists have successfully defeated anti-boycott the creation of blacklists of activists, non-profit organizations, and/or companies that are engaged in boylegislation in several states. cotts of Israel (including, in some cases, “territories For example, in 2018, activists in Missouri defeated an controlled by Israel”). It's 21st century McCarthyism. anti-boycott bill. Anti-boycott bills in Washington Interestingly, putting together a list of boycott supState and Montana failed to advance in 2017. In 2016, porters isn’t as straight-forward as some lawmakers activists defeated anti-boycott bills in Maryland, Vir- expect, as Illinois discovered. The lack of procedural ginia, and Massachusetts. A Maryland coalition declarity on who is subject to such singling out and punfeated the same bill again in 2017, after which the ishment for their political views is one of the big legal Maryland governor issued an anti-boycott executive issues with these laws. But even addressing the proceorder. In New York, activists successfully stopped dural flaws would not overcome the underlying First two anti-boycott bills from passing the legislature be- Amendment concerns raised by these blacklists. fore Governor Cuomo signed an anti-boycott execuProhibition on government contracts. Some of the anti tive order. At the federal level, pressure from civil liberties groups and concerned citizens succeeded in -boycott bills/laws aim to punish individuals, nonprofit organizations, and/or companies that support preventing Congress from passing the Israel Antiboycotts for Palestinian rights by prohibiting the state Boycott Act (IABA) in 2018. or local government from entering into contracts with 3. Other states and the federal government are still them. So, for example, under some anti-boycott laws, the United Church of Christ or the Presbyterian considering anti-boycott bills. Church (USA) could be prohibited from contracting Anti-boycott bills are pending in some states, includ- with the state to run social services like soup kitchens, ing Missouri and Mississippi, along with amendhomeless shelters, or youth programs because of their ments to existing anti-boycott laws in Arizona and endorsement of boycotts for Palestinian rights. PenTexas, in response to litigation challenging those sion fund divestment. Many of the anti-boycott bills/ laws. laws require state pension funds to divest from companies that boycott Israel (including, in some cases, Go to https://palestinelegal.org/federal for infor“territories controlled by Israel”). mation about anti-boycott legislation pending in Congress. 22
6. These anti-boycott bills/laws are unconstitutional that boycott and divestment campaigns are protected and will fail. by the First Amendment. The Supreme Court has long held that political boycotts – like boycotts for Palestinian rights – are a form of expression protected by the First Amendment. The government may not condition the receipt of government benefits on the requirement that a person forgo core political speech activity. Nor can the government enact measures that chill our speech rights.
Three Ohio newspapers editorialized against the antiboycott bill in that state, as did New Jersey’s largest newspaper. Newspapers in several states have published op-eds critical of the anti-boycott bills, including New Jersey, New York, Virginia, and Texas. News outlets, including the Intercept and Vox, have reported on the constitutional concerns raised by antiboycott bills and whether such bills should be a legisSeveral courts that have considered anti-boycott laws lative priority. have agreed. In September 2018, a federal court blocked Arizona from enforcing its anti-boycott law, 9. Anti-boycott laws undermine our fundamental finding that the law likely violates the First Amendrights and social justice causes in general. ment. A federal court also issued a preliminary inOur legislators should be in the business of protecting junction against Kansas' enforcement of its antiboycott law. The ACLU's case challenging the Arkan- our rights, not punishing us for exercising them. We sas anti-boycott law has been dismissed, but plaintiffs should hold legislators who support these antiboycott bills accountable for their efforts to stifle colare appealing that decision. Some state legislatures have amended their anti-boycott laws to avoid these lective action to make change. One thing is clear: there is a growing disconnect between the grassroots lawsuits, but the underlying constitutional concerns remain unchanged, and these laws will continue to be and the political establishment on the issue of Palestinian rights. Many Israel advocacy groups and the challenged. politicians who blindly support them are wrong to believe that they can legislate that disconnect away. 7. These bills/laws are a sign that Israel advocacy You can’t change hearts and minds by slandering a groups are losing the debate at the grassroots. human rights movement and taking away fundamenAcknowledging the rapid growth of boycott, divest- tal rights. ment and sanctions activism, particularly on college campuses, Israel advocacy groups are turning to “more favorable turf” for their efforts to suppress crit- 10. You can help. icism of Israel: the legislative arena. The leader of one Look for action alerts to oppose legislation in your Israel advocacy group boasted, “[w]hile you were do- state and in the U.S. Congress, or contact your legislators and let them know what you think about these ing your campus antics, the grown-ups were in the bills. Stand up for your right to boycott by writing to state legislature passing laws that make your cause local and national media. Join or start a local coalition improbable.” to oppose anti-boycott legislation or to start your own 8. Anti-boycott bills/laws have galvanized activists boycott campaign and show that such legislation will not scare you away from exercising your right to boyfor Palestinian rights and free speech allies. cott! New “Freedom to Boycott” coalitions have formed to fight anti-boycott bills in several states, including Maryland, New York, Ohio, and Virginia, as well as at the federal level. These coalitions are raising public awareness about boycotts for Palestinian rights in the media, exposing the anti-speech agenda promoted by the backers of these bills. For example: The New York Times editorial board criticized the Israel Anti-Boycott Act as “clearly part of a widening attempt to silence one side of the debate.” The LA Times editorial board was unequivocal 23
A Permit to See My Beloved By Mohammed Arafat The separation wall surrounds me, It’s everywhere, I can’t even see, It’s unwanted and very high, Sometimes I wish I can just fly, Out of my big jail, Which made my face so pale, They separated our land, Where I really cannot stand, My family is on the other side, In the land, which is already occupied, I want to hug them, I want to kiss my mother’s hands, And her feet, I want to…. I want to see my father, My nieces and nephews. It’s a dream, a big dream. My first love is behind the wall, Despite it, in love we did fall,
I delayed my wedding for five years, We longed a lot, and shed tears, Sometimes I escape the watchtowers, To hear her voice, and throw some flowers, Sometimes I try climbing the wall’s stones, But I fall, breaking my young bones. We have a very big farm of citrus and fruits, I missed its trees, the branches and its roots, My grandfather waits for me since a decade, To help him watering the plants, which are fade. I am on one side of the wall, and he is on another, I have none, and he has my father, mother and brother. My old friends are stuck as well, With letters, they tell me their life is hell, Unsmiling soldiers with helmets are everywhere, Without permits, I cannot go anywhere, neither to the old city nor to the capital, Neither to my family, nor to my beloved.
Illustration by Mohammed Sabaaneh 24
حياة بين الجدار تأليف آية مصطفى محاصرة بالجدران جدران تفصلني عن الغوالي جدار السجن يفصلني عن أبي وهناك جدار يحرمني من الصالة في القدس وجدار آخر يمنعني من ظل شجرة الزيتون وجدار قبيح يمنعني من التدريس ورؤية أصدقائي وجدار قاس يصعب علي زيارة أجدادي وجدار فاسد طردني من منزلي ولكن بغض النظر عن عدد الجدران التي تحبسني لدي أمل أني قريبا ً سأسير بحرية في بلدي
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Holding Onto Our Roots: A Conversation with Aminah Musa of PaliRoots
By Falastin Staff
March is Women’s History Month, and in honor of this month, we wanted to highlight a strong Palestinian woman doing amazing work for the community. Aminah Musa, along with her brother Hussein Musa, and their father, Zach Musa, founded PaliRoots in 2016. Since then, they have built a strong following of “PaliRooters” consisting of supporters from all around the world. To support the mission and work of PaliRoots, visit their Instagram @PaliRoots and support their brand by visiting their website! Can you talk to me a little bit about the history of PaliRoots? We began PaliRoots on September 1st, 2016, and it took us about a year to build up our company with a product line. We launched with about 30 products. I am the lead designer of the company and also the founder. My brother Hussein is my business partner and founder as well; -he does most of the business operations behind PaliRoots. And my father is the third founder and our investor. It’s a collaborative family company that we are proud of.
ly to make clothing, but to speak of something. The reason why we put a map on a shirt, or on a hat, or the colors of the flag, is because it raises questions to people who may not be aware of what that color or symbol is. That’s really important because people need to know more about Palestine and why we love our land so much. Our roots have been set there and that is where our home is and people need to understand that because that is something they can connect to. We’re also a movement because we have done a lot of work in terms of charity to help people, so we are a brand with a purpose. So far, we have donated $250,000 to projects.
Can you tell us more about your projects? What is the process like? We don’t like to say we donate 10% to a charity organization, -instead what we do is we create a project because we believe that is a greater form of making change. First, we contact people on the ground like NGOs in Gaza. We have someone on the ground named Wafa who works with the Middle East Children’s Alliance (MECA) and we ask the organization We have values that we make sure we are constantly what the current needs are. They tell us what they in line with. One of those is that culture is a very big need and we prioritize from there. If the needs are part of our identity. Over the years, Palestine has food and water, that’s the first thing we do. We also been portrayed in a way that only focuses on our try to create sustainable projects, which are pricier but struggle. We believe there is so much more than worthwhile. If it is a project which requires little that. We try to focus on the brighter side of things funding, we pull from the 10% of profits which go to when it comes to Palestine. We charity; -if it requires more, we educate people about Palestinistart fundraisers. Crowdfunding an culture, heritage, and history. “Palestine will never be in has been one of the greatest tools We believe in unity and that anto achieving our purpose and yone can join us. You don’t have the shadows, Palestine will our mission through PaliRooters to be Palestinian to be a part of forever live on in light. “ generous donations. Everytime PaliRoots, you just have to be a we’ve done a fundraising properson who has empathy. One ject, we’ve exceeded the number thing we always keep in mind when interacting with we needed and we use it for another project as well. our supporters is that Palestinians have a strong sense We also hire talented photographers and videograof hospitality so we emulate that. The way we speak phers from Palestine which creates jobs. Everytime to you is the way our culture teaches us to speak to we’ve done a project through PaliRoots whether it is others. winter bundles or Eid gifts, we purchase locally from Palestinian businesses which helps them sustain their I’ve often heard PaliRoots to be described as a businesses. movement. What does it mean to be part of a movement? I know you recently came back from a trip to PalesTo be a part of a movement, you need to have a purtine. Can you talk to us about the trip? pose behind what you do, and our purpose is not onI went to Palestine for 45 days. One of the most mem28
orable moments was visiting the second largest refugee camp in Palestine called Aida in Bethlehem. It is filled with the most beautiful children, green eyes, beautiful skin, and I saw so much beauty in these kids and their laughter and how they don’t let the struggle affect them and just live in the present. They’ve definitely taught me to be more humble and to cherish and love life more. The living conditions there were tough. People were living on top of each other in small rooms and it was difficult to access water. We also explored our connection with the land. The next day after we landed was “Plant a Tree Day”, so we decided to plant two olive trees. We named one “Pali” and the other “Roots.” We made a video about it discussing how we should build more trees in Palestine and how there is an issue with trees being cut down from settlers, which is heartbreaking to watch and is something I’ve witnessed with my own two eyes.
Another thing we did was visit Beit Jala Hospital with PCRF. We went to a local toy store and bought a bunch of toys, and passed the toys out to the kids, and they were so happy. The reason we visited that specific hospital was because it we are having an ongoing project with them where we are donating 100% of the proceeds from our Palestinian tees to provide chemotherapy supplies for these kids. There is a huge shortage of medical supplies in these hospitals, and it is difficult to see. We went to visit the kids and make sure we’re actually seeing these projects on the ground and not just watching through videos. Where do you get the inspiration for your lines? We think about the story we want to tell. For example, let’s talk about the Hooreya collection. That word is not talked about, but that’s the thing Palestinians want: Freedom. But why don’t we talk more about this word and why it is so important to us? To start it, we looked at images that inspire us, other clothing brands, and we pulled from people around the world who are doing something great. If we see a jacket we love, we’ll try to make it Palestine related. If you define the word freedom, it is the power to act, think, and speak without hindrance or restraint. What we mean by that is it’s not just freedom to free the country and the land, it is the freedom of expressing yourself. The freedom to visit who you want and do what you want. It means to have free will as a human. The biggest thing that psychologically, mentally, and physically kills a human is not being able to do something you want to do. That is why people in Palestine are frustrated, it is that they cannot even speak. People often say that as Palestinian Americans we have to speak for the voiceless. I disagree with that, they are not voiceless, we just need to amplify their voices. The Hooreya collection does that, it sparks conversations. People will ask what it says and you can explain the Hooreya jacket and what it means. What is the intersection between fashion and identity? We believe everything that you wear should express where you come from. Not only your personality, but your identity. So with PaliRoots, there is not one product that does not have the Palestinian map on it. Even our colors, we call the color olive green “Zaytoon” to represent olives and olive trees which are a huge part of our culture. Living here in the United States, you have work, or school, or kids, -life can
Pictured: Aminah Musa wearing the “Horeya” tracksuit
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Holding Onto Our Roots (continued)
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get hectic. But if you wear something and it has the map of Palestine, you’ll think of Palestine. Palestine will never be in the shadows, Palestine will forever live on in light. You’re being reminded of it constantly, and that’s what I think our clothing does for people.
ian American, the person that truly inspired us to start a business for Palestine was my grandfather.
My grandfather fled from Palestine at a very young age because of the war there, and he faced a lot of struggles moving to Puerto Rico, then Peru, then here in the United States. He told us the reason he left Palestine to America wasn’t to leave his land; -the reason he left Palestine was to give us the opportunity to How does being Palestinian American affect your work with PaliRoots? build an empire and build a life in a country so free, My parents raised me with many things to keep con- to help our people back home. That is our purpose. scious of and among those is the ability to have empa- That really stuck out to us, and we thought, if we thy for other people and put myself in their shoes. So wanted to start a company, it had to be for Palestine. every time I see videos of what’s happening in Pales- We want to teach people the empathy we need to tine, I can’t help but think of my family. As a Palestin- have for each other. Where do you see PaliRoots five years from now? This is just the start of something much greater. We dream really big at PaliRoots and there is nothing stopping us from being where we want to be. We are going to have more ongoing projects. We want to build a strong Palestinian community worldwide where we can have an event and 20,000 people show up. Where we can have Palestinian artists show up. We believe PaliRoots is going to be everywhere, department stores, supermarkets. People will be seeing PaliRoots a lot more in the next few years inshAllah, and that is our goal, and we believe we will get there because the PaliRooter community will get us there. The ultimate goal is to raise more awareness for Palestine. We were talking about this, wondering, what’s really the solution? When do you think we will find the solution? We believe the solution for Palestine will happen no more than fifteen years max. I think Palestine will get there in fifteen years and that is because a company that started in 2016 has informed so many people, and that company we believe is PaliRoots. That is our mission and goal. Do you have any final words for our audience? Let’s keep the culture alive always.
Pictured: Aminah Musa (right) and her family planting olive trees in Palestine 30
Freedom? Whose Freedom? By Nooralhuda Alhashim allow us to conveniently exist as such, then we fail to The mere attempt to define freedom for an average person is a complex one as the crossroads of our indi- attain absolute freedom. The Palestinian activist must vidual experiences place us at the steps of subjectivi- be given the freedom to sometimes exist away from ty. Nonetheless, there must be a consensus on the the spotlight, without the pressure of having an opinmeaning of Palestinians’ freedom; hearing the word ion on every political matter, and surely without reitself generates a familiar thought process within any minding them that they didn’t ‘Free Palestine’ as a Palestinian mind. Perhaps our collective experiences means of diminishing their work’s importance. On as a people born stripped from freedom allow us to the other end, Palestinians who exist outside the title meet in that familiar pathway, somewhere in a liber- must be given a chance to reclaim their Palestinian ated homeland free of massacres and checkpoints. identity when they decide to do so. Though often acEven so, this does not assume homogeneity upon us; cused of pleasing Western ideals and colonialist our diverse diasporic experiences and scatteredness mindsets, some may still be attempting to navigate across the globe can only supthe fears imposed on them by port individualized perspectheir immigrant parents imtives on freedom. Sure, all Palposed on them, while simulta“As first and second genera- neously rejecting their identity estinians share a geopolitical lack of freedom. However, the tion Palestinian Americans, because their community decades of diaspora and the claims them unworthy of the we must be aware of the influ- Palestinian title. The culprit in complexity of the politics in the places our families settled ence our environment has on both extremes is society, no have led us to very personaldoubt. But we must reflect on something as raw and personized oppression. the instances in which we al as identity.” compose society for others, It is no news that millennial and most importantly, the afPalestinian Americans have termath of internalizing the strong opinions on identity and Palestinian freedom. societal expectations surrounding us. Many times though, we fail to acknowledge the length of the identity spectrum we exist on. The deTo complete this reflection, it is crucial to remember scription of Palestinian Americans spans from the ste- that the above examples have been looked at through reotypical SJP activists: constantly in revolutionary a lens of a young Midwesterner, whose knowledge is attire and hatta laptop stickers; proudly reminding limited to what exists outside of Palestine, in a relayou of what they stand for in every given opportuni- tively short period of time. While many readers share ty. The other end of the spectrum has Palestinians that same perspective, we must be reminded that our who prefer to claim a less intense identity; usually by existence outside of our homeland doesn’t make the existing within a charming Lebanese or vague Middle quest for our own Palestinian freedom any less valid, Eastern identity. This reflection aims towards somewhile the means and levels of which we express our thing beyond deciding which position of the specloyalty to the Palestinian identity does not entitle us trum we should identify with, or which one is ideal; to claim it with exclusivity. For a complete definition, rather, it aims to incorporate the concept of freedom we must also think of Palestinians in different locainto each of these identities. tions, and most importantly, different generations. A non-geopolitical definition of freedom may never be As first and second generation Palestinian Americans, and should not be - agreed upon amongst all of us we must be aware of the influence our environment around the world, but a personal definition must exist has on something as raw and personal as identity. If for me and you today, defying what is simply conwe exist on any particular position of this spectrum venient for us. So, what is yours? merely because of the fact that our friends or family 31
The Palestinian Exception to Freedom By Reem Farhat “O say does that star-spangled banner yet wave O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave?” Freedom is defined as “the condition or right of being able or allowed to do, say, think, whatever you want to, without being controlled or limited.” The United States is often defined as a free land, and in many ways, it is. When compared the strict conditions in Palestine perpetrated by the Israeli occupation, the US is free. I can drive to the grocery store without fear of getting stopped at a random checkpoint. I can attend any University I would like to. I’m fairly certain my home will not get demolished by the government.
In his speech at the UN marking the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People, Dr. Hill called for solidarity with the Palestinian people. Dr. Hill pointed out parallels between the Palestinian struggle for justice in Palestine and the African American struggle for justice here in the United States. Dr. Hill called for clear action, stating that, “Our solidarity must be more than a noun. Our solidarity must become a verb.” He called for peaceful organized action in solidarity with the Palestinian people.
It was this call for justice which caused him to be fired However, as a United States citizen, born and raised from his position as a political commentator on CNN. in the states, there are clear ways that I am not free. Now, more than ever, speech calling for justice in PalNotably is the restriction of free speech when it comes estine is being ostracized and targeted. And that is to Palestine. Palestine is ofprecisely why it is so imten described as the excepportant to continue to tion to free speech, and fedspeak up against injusThe attempted silencing of Con- tice, to use the rights giveral legislation has been passed to prove that very gresswoman Ilhan Omar and Dr. en to us by the Constitupoint. tion and to make sure the Marc Lamont Hill shouldn’t only call for justice is not siFederal legislation targeting be concerning to us as Palestini- lenced. the Boycott, Sanctions, Dians, but as Americans. vestment movement (BDS) Congresswoman Ilhan passed in the Senate on FebOmar, in a series of ruary 5th. The legislation tweets, pointed out the does not outright criminalize the boycott of Israel, but power of the pro-Israel lobby in Congress. It is widely it holds that if states want to pass laws targeting com- known that special interest groups have great influpanies that engage in BDS, the federal government ence over members of the United States government. will not prohibit such legislation. Special interest money is used to fund campaigns, and well funded campaigns are more likely to win This bill is a clear infringement on the First Amendelections. ment. It directly violates the precedent set in NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware Co. which holds that the right to Omar’s comments were perceived as anti-Semitic, boycott is upheld under the First Amendment. As and while Omar apologized for any offense which United States citizens, we have the responsibility to may have been taken, she stood clear on her position hold the federal government accountable to following against the pro-Israel lobby. the Constitution. Such a blatant restriction sets a danIn a solidarity letter with Ilhan Omar, “Jews For gerous example. The right to peacefully object to inIlhan”, held that, “There is absolutely nothing antijustice is a necessity in a democracy. Semitic about calling out the noxious role of [the Which is exactly what Dr. Marc Lamont Hill and Rep- American Israel Public Affairs Committee], which spends millions each year to buy U.S. political supresentative Ilhan Omar did. 32
port for Israeli aggression and militarism against the Palestinian people.” However, in the aftermath of her comments, Omar faced a multitude of Islamophobic and racist attacks. Recently, Jeanine Pirro, a Fox News commentator, questioned Ilhan’s loyalty to the United States due to her wearing the hijab. On her segment, “Justice with Jeanine”, Pirro stated, “Think about it: Omar wears a hijab. Is her adherence to this Islamic doctrine indicative of her adherence to Sharia law, which in itself is antithetical to the United States Constitution?” Despite comments like this, and the multitude of Islamophobic and racist comments Ilhan Omar has been
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facing since joining Congress, such attacks have not been strongly condemned by other members of Congress. The attempted silencing of Congresswoman Ilhan Omar and Dr. Marc Lamont Hill shouldn’t only be concerning as Palestinians, but as Americans. These unchecked efforts are dangerously infringing on our rights to free speech, which is one of the most essential parts to a functioning democracy. With laws in place which inhibit free speech, like Anti-BDS legislation, and the pattern of attempting to hinder those who speak in support of justice for Palestinians, one must question what it means to be free, and if we, as
What’s your struggle? By Aseel Washah
I’ve never been to Palestine because my family was exiled in the war of 1967. My connection to Palestine stems from the love that my teta, the arabic word for grandmother, has for her homeland. She is the eyes through which I see Palestine. The house she once grew up in with her five brothers carried the joys of ignorance she once had, away from the outside world. Her village, like many others, carried thousands of olive trees that she learned to pick from with her brothers. All that's left now is barren land.
go to Palestine and to see family. Unfortunately, I have none left for me to go to. I fight for Palestine, so people don’t have to have a similar story to mine.
I have this struggle with my connection to Palestine. My love for that country cannot be from the environment because I have never been there. It stems from the culture and the people that I encounter daily. I have Palestinian blood running through my veins, yet I don’t have family there because it has been taken away by the oppressors. My family resides in Jordan and America. I struggle to understand whether my love for the country “Her pain in that moment was the is how I understand the seed that has blossomed into my pas- injustices and atrocities that occur, or because I sion to help those that struggle with call myself Palestinian.
My grandma only ever mentions Palestine when we least expect it. When she does mention Palestine, it’s always with a distant fondness. She rarely talks about the struggles and pain finding their home.” of leaving, and focuses But I’ve come to realize on the beauty of her lifethat my connection to style there. One way my Palestine runs deeper teta connects with her youth in Palestine is through because I don’t have family there, -it is the culture cooking. Making warak dawali and emajanat and and the struggles that my people face there that ties spending hours perfecting her cooking brings her me to the land. My ancestors that have lived with back to Palestine. their neighbors peacefully until the tragic events of 1948 are what drive me to experience a life in my The struggles of leaving her homeland have only homeland. been mentioned once. My teta fled during the Naksa in 1967. She had to leave behind her brothers and brought only a backpack, and her four children at the time. She traveled by foot from a small village near Ramallah called el- Jeeb, to Jordan. When she recalled, the atrocities of the war zone she was left in tears. So, Teta only went so far before she could no longer share. Her pain in that moment was the seed that has blossomed into my passion to help those that struggle with finding their home. Sharing stories of the past is an integral part in spreading the truth. Teta’s experiences are full of pain and joy. My oldest uncle, who was 9 at the time, remembers people dying around him as bullets penetrated their skin. He, too, left with my grandmother and his younger siblings. I only ever get glimpses now of what it would have been like to 34
واقع الصناعات التقليدية في فلسطين تأليف رجاء غزاونة
تعرف الصناعات التقليدية بأنها تلك الصناعات ذات االمتداد التاريخي وأمريكا. ّ التي تقوم على تحويل المادة الخام إلى منتج مصنع يعكس طابعا تراثيا ً تستورد المادة الخام وهي الطينة واألصباغ من هولندا وإسبانيا وقد قامت محاوالت من قبل مصنعين محليين إلنتاج المادة الخام محلياً ،إال فلسطينيا ً بحيث تحمل هذه المنتجات تعابير ومالمح تاريخية أو دينية أن تكاليف اإلنتاج كانت أعلى من تكلفة االستيراد بسبب عدم توفر جميع (*). وتصنف الصناعات التقليدية في فلسطين إلى فروع رئيسية اتفق عليها المواد الطبيعية الالزمة في التربة الفلسطينية. صناعة خشب الزيتون: هي: الخزف – الزجاج اليدوي التقليدي – الفخار – التطريز اليدوي – البسط تعتبر صناعة خشب الزيتون من أقدم الصناعات التقليدية في فلسطين حيث تعود تاريخها إلى القرن السادس عشر ،وظهرت مع قدوم البعثات والسجاد اليدوي – منتجات خشب الزيتون – منتجات الصدف – التبشيرية إلى األراضي المقدسة ،وبدأت بصناعة المسابح عندما حاول الخيزران – القشيات – الشمع. الرهبان الفرانسيسكان تشكيلها من بذور الزيتون ،وتطورت هذه صناعة الخـزف: يعود تاريخ صناعة الخزف في فلسطين إلى فترة ال تقل عن 044عام الصناعة إلى إنتاج أشكال دينية تسوق إلى السياح المسيحيين في منطقة حيث كان األتراك هم أول من أدخل هذه الصناعة إلى فلسطين من خالل بيت لحم. عمليات ترميم المسجد األقصى في القدس الشريف ،وأقيم أول مصنع للخزف في القدس عام 0655لمتابعة أعمال الترميم من قبل شخص تستخدم في هذه الصناعة أخشاب شجر الزيتون الضعيفة التي ال تحمل أرمني ال يزال مشغله يعمل في مدينة القدس حتى يومنا هذا. ثمارا فهي بذلك ال تتسبب في أضرار على القطاع الزراعي ،وقبل عام 0691كانت أغلب األخشاب تحضر من سوريا واألردن ،أما بعد االحتالل فأصبحت مناطق رام هللا ونابلس هي المورد األساسي لهذه وتعتبر مدينة الخليل حاليا ً المدينة الفلسطينية األولى في إنتاج الخزف المادة. حيث أنشأ أول مصنع في عام ،0695وازدهرت هذه الصناعة على مدى العقود الماضية حيث ارتبطت هذه الصناعة بهذه المدينة ،وازداد يبلغ عدد مشاغل الزيتون في الضفة الغربية 054مشغالً يعمل بها حوالي 944عامالً ،ويتخذ العمل الطابع العائلي في %62من منشآت عدد المصانع ليصل إلى خمس وعشرين مصنعاً ،فيما أنشء مصنع واحد في مدينة بيت لحم وآخر في مدينة البيرة،إال أن هذين المصنعين هذه الصناعة ،كما تقع هذه المشاغل ضمن نطاق المنازل حيث تتبع عادة لسكن مالك المنشأة ،التي ورثها غالبا ً عن أبيه وأجداده وعلى ذلك قد أغلقا بعد قيام انتفاضة عام ،5444كما أغلقت عشرة مصانع في فإن مهارات هذه الصناعة تكتسب من خالل العمل منذ الطفولة في مدينة الخليل.. يبلغ عدد العمال العاملين في هذه الصناعة حوالي 044عامل ،بمعدل المنشأة. تتوزع المبيعات السنوية لهذه الصناعة وفق التوزيع التالي %94 :تباع 9-0عمال في المنشأة الواحدة يتم تسويق %14من اإلنتاج محلياً ،و محليا ً للسياح %04 ،تصدر إلى الخارج خاصة إلى إيطاليا وألمانيا %14منه يصدر إلى إسرائيل ،و %54يسوق في الدول العربية وأمريكا(*). خاصة األردن ،أما الباقي وهو ما يشكل %54فيصدر إلى أوروبا
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A series of original short stories, poems, opinion pieces, interviews, artwork, photographs and so much more! We’re providing our PACC community with the chance to contribute in any of the following categories, you just might get published. To contribute, email litmagazine@paccusa.org
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