ABSTRACT
In the introduction to the Re_Map College, of the Manchester School of Architecture, the 5th and 6th year students were presented with the [Re_Map] 1812 Reader. This contained an extensive series of book and article extracts relating to the theme of the year: Rebels Against the Future. As well as critically investigating all the extracts, the students were separated into groups and asked to present an overview of selected texts to the rest of the college. This booklet contains a review of the two presentations performed by Group 5.
CONTENTS
Matthews, S. (2007) From Agit-Prop to Free Space: The Architecture of Cedric Price, London: Black Dog Publishing. _04 Wagenaar, C. [ed.] (2004) Happy: Cities and Public Happiness in Post-War Europe, Rotterdam: NAi Publishers. _26
3
THE BEGINNINGS OF THE FUN PALACE FROM AGIT-PROP TO FREE SPACE: THE ARCHITECTURE OF CEDRIC PRICE
6
THE PEOPLE’S THEATRE
Joan Littlewood, who had previously been director of Theatre Workshop at the Theatre Royal in London, came to established architect Cedric Price, London Zoo Aviary (1961), with the concept for a People’s Theatre. Littlewood believed that people should have a public space where they could activate their own lives. In reaction to the elitism of the west-end theatre, where an approach to public expression would not be accepted, Littlewood and Price set about creating a structure that could be a launch pad for finding oneself. They named this concept ‘The Fun Palace’.
“a new art of living, instead of escaping from living into rather dreary art�
8
THE FUN PALACE
The Fun Palace would be an environment where members of the public could envisage ideas and dreams in a mobile and flexible structure that would shape to the user’s needs. It would also be a place to relax or find stimulus. It’s exploratory and educational aspects would be considered a remedy for the shortcomings of the British educational system.
Addressing the shortcomings of the British education system
10
LEISURE / WORK
The Fun Palace was a response to the social and economic crisis that plagued post-War England and particularly to the way in which technology promised to erase the distinctions between work and leisure. Price believed automation had arrived, machines were taking more of the drudgery and so work and leisure were increasingly irrelevant concepts. The Fun Palace thus became a problem of finding a new architecture for the new leisure society as Price and Littlewood felt there were not any useful architectural models to base their project on.
A ‘virtual architecture’ like the fun palace, had no singular programme
12
ARCHITECTURE OF FUN
Mike Webb’s Sin Centre, 1959 was the only contemporary project that came close to their work. His design for an innovative entertainment centre was a radical departure from the architectural norms of the day, bringing vehicle & pedestrian circulation together along spiralling ramps. The Sin Centre predated the Fun Palace but became icon of the Archigram group. Price & Littlewood also found their greatest inspiration in England’s historical architecture of ‘fun’: pleasure domes, follies, music halls and public gardens, whilst London’s public pleasure gardens of the 18C at Vauxhall and Ranelagh, was the only historical model which appealed to them.
Vauxhall Pleasure Gardens
14
THE ANTI-BUILDING
Littlewood’s initial ‘idea’ prescribed no particular programme, in parallel, Price specified no particular form or fixed plan. The two both questioned if “it was possible that the users could design it as they used it”. Price’s response became a proposition of a skeletal framework, upon which activities might grow and develop. Further he developed the notion of the ‘anti-building’. Fundamentally, the varied and ever changing activities would determine the form, furthermore such variability, would not be based on obsolescence, fashion or taste (as with Archigram), but on constantly changing programmatic needs of the users. The Fun Palace, would be ad hoc, swarm like; behaviour that was unstable, indeterminate and unknowable in advance. Cybernetics and Game theory, these inventions provided Price with the means to allow the Fun Palace to ‘learn’ behavioural patterns and ‘plan’ for future activities.
.......and the anti architect
16
CYBERNETICS / GAMES THEORY
The Fun Palace would be able to anticipate unpredictable phenomena, instead of determined programme, such a project relies on probability to adjust its programme to accommodate changes and events. Cybernetics, allow dynamic systems to self-regulate and self-correct. The principles of cybernetics would prove to be crucial to the ability of the Fun Palace to (in the short-term) adapt to a constantly evolving programme. Game Theory, developed by Von Neumann, which resembles the dynamic behaviours of complex social and economic system, provided a long term strategic outlook of future programmes, for the Fun Palace. The cybernetician Gordon Pask, provided the expertise for the Fun Palace, he believed in the architect as a social engineer. In contrast, “Price had hoped that an autonomous cybernetic control system would allow users to shape their own environment�.
“technology is the answer, but what is the question�
18
STRUCTURE
Price begun sketching out plans for the Fun Palace in early 1963. After consulting with Frank Newby, Newby highlighted the three problems opposite. These issues were solved by: 1. A smaller number of cranes running the length of the building on rails 2. A more rigid grid – ‘tartan’ 3. The recent invention of intumescent paint to coat the steel The final design for the building was housed under a suspended membrane roof, with overhead cranes on rails transporting flexible wall, floor and ceiling partitions around the gridded structure. At ground floor level, the structure was left completely open to allow fluid access from all sides. During much of the design, Littlewood and Price believed the Fun Palace to be non-site specific, but now that Price had compiled a realistic plan, they set out in search of a site.
“too many cranes, clumsy vertical circulation and problems with fireproofing the steel�
20
APPROVAL
Littlewood chose not to locate the Fun Palace in the West End as she considered it “one of the most dreary and obsolete parts of London from an Architectural and social point of view”. Littlewood and Price were confident of permission as the project adhered to the ‘open space policy’ outlined in the Abercrombie Report. They got local residents on side after public consultation. Also at this time many MPs and professionals had rallied in support.
A site was located on the bank of the Thames
22
SUMMARY
The Fun Palace was an idea of an adaptable, responsive structure, facilitated by the technology of the time that encouraged creativity and participation. Joan Littlewood and Cedric Price were denied land use approval for their combined concept in September 1963 because of ‘certain legal and planning difficulties relating to the site’. The chairman of the LLC Parks Committee however, Sidney Melman, continued his support by vowing to find another site for the project. To this day, the Fun Palace remains un-built.
“These are not so much projects but generic ideas about new ways of making environments responsive to the needs of their users�
25
Matthews, S. (2007) From Agit-Prop to Free Space: The Architecture of Cedric Price, London: Black Dog Publishing. _04 Wagenaar, C. [ed.] (2004) Happy: Cities and Public Happiness in Post-War Europe, Rotterdam: NAi Publishers. _26
Cumbernauld – Tomorrow’s Town Today HAPPY: CITIES AND PUBLIC HAPPINESS IN POST-WAR EUROPE
28
A SOCIAL CONDENSER
Cumbernauld is a 1960s Scottish new town created as a population overspill for Glasgow City, located 14 miles to the southwest. It was planned by Sir Hugh Wilson (precinct centre), and featured Geoffrey Copcutt’s megastructure focal point Designated in 1956, the 1st phase was completed 10 years later. The New town pioneered ideas in social and economic development. It was the only British New Town to break ground during the 1950’s because it was designed as an integrated town, where dwellings were grouped closely around the central area with separated pedestrian and vehicle routes.
“an exemplary model of community architecture�
30
FACILITIES
The town centre was based around principles of shopping, business, entertainment and public buildings. Described as futuristic, it had multi level shopping facilities situated on walkways, a health centre, hotel, ice rink, a college & ambulance facilities over eight floors and car parking below ground level.
The town aspired to be the safest town in Great Britain
32
MEGASTRUCTURE
Cumbernauld was the centre stage that addressed societies need for a more dense and sophisticated response from the planners than those given by the pre-modern Garden City. It sought to get away from segregated neighbourhoods whilst still encouraging a culture of mobility. Initially there was a density of 95 people per acre. This increase in more urban areas had 120 ppa – roughly the same as the re-planned down-at-heel Gorbals area in Glasgow.
“an artificial landscape governed by the ideals of communication and flexibility a massive rigid frame with shifting changeable contents�
34
ARTIFICIAL LANDSCAPE
Cumbernauld was designed to be an attractive dwelling area of intense activity. It was built along linear structure, which then became the template for all shopping centres, and actually packed in more in than its predecessors. Copcutt proposed the levels contain a ‘kaleidoscope of advertising’, speculating that if pedestrian-based shopping centres became obsolete in the future, then his centre could become a gigantic vending machine through which the motorized user drives to return revictualised – a astute anticipation of today’s service stations. In this mixed urbane centre of traditional housing areas the complex itself offered live drama and the church organised discos. However the entertainment scene of Glasgow still eclipsed the provision in Cumbernauld, which seemed more suited to young families. The town itself became a cinematic backdrop for TVs dramatic car chases with its decks and ramps providing the perfect scenery. The successful setting of Cumbernauld led to other New Towns such as Coventry, Stevenage and further afield in Rotterdam. This showed that people prefer shopping away from traffic, in pleasant spacious areas, but still within close proximity to their cars or buses.
“kaleidoscope of advertising�
36
INDUSTRIAL SHOWSPACE
The Development Corporation built on the success of centres of this kind, the New Towns of Coventry and Stevenage – proved people liked shopping away from noise and danger of automobile traffic. They promoted Community-oriented (design), with easy access to cars and buses, parking and short walking distances to shops. Literature marketed Cumbernauld as ‘Britain’s new industrial showplace’ – highlighting the financial benefits, attractive social amenities, government grants and easy availability of loans.
“Britain’s new industrial showplace”
38
MARY GILLIAT
Autumn 1966, Mary Gilliatt writing for the Country Life, described it as ‘too much monotone, too much grey, too little change in the light and shade that are essential if character and individuality. However, convinced of overall appearance, she gave praise to ‘the gleaming massed cube structure of the centre’, the astonishing variety of housing types and shapes, and the gradations of roofing which gave everyone a fair share of sunlight and views down the hill to the woods.’
“too much monotone, too much grey”
40
ALASTAIR BORTHWICK
Borthwick commented on ‘the blank walls at street level and windows in unlikely places’. However he recognised the benefit in terms of sunshine and clear views these windows provided. Highlighting the chief advantage of the town ‘that it was actually planned as a whole’. The needs of dwellings were made to harmonize with a variety of patterns of movement. Conventional street patterns were avoided in favour of roads in and around neighbourhoods, the integration of privacy within the New Town, a new concept for council housing in Scotland, at the time. Borthwick, criticised Cumbernauld as a place which is ‘still a one-class town’, and suggested early stages of the self-made culture may have been slow and uneventful. In his view however Cumbernauld was a unique New Town, as unlike others, here the town centre was on everyone’s doorstep. A new model, a hybrid of country and town.
“still a one-class town”
42
DEMISE
Cumbernauld was still an important area for business, but began to change dramatically. Its pioneering quality of its ‘self made culture’ began to disappear and moved back to the metropolis of Glasgow/Edinburgh. Rather than growing in its design nurturing environment, it outlasted its usefulness and became a social experiment that inevitably ended after its test phase.
“This extraordinary structure, sited along the ridge of the hill, was demolished by bulldozers in the spring of 2001�
44
HIGH DENSITY CITY
Idea of the social city has moved away from centralised visions of C20th, monoculture, to the model of a reinvigorated high-density city centre. ‘The vision for Cumbernauld that was once so effective as a provisional urban model seems parochial in the light of our 21st century nomadic inclinations. However, the social ideas behind its planning can be seen reflected in more recent suburban developments.’
“Tomorrow’s Town Today”