ABSTRACT
In November 2010, the Re_Map college of Manchester School of Architecture and a group of students from Braunschweig Technical University carried out a 4 day international workshop in Essen, Germany, entitled Spatial Justice: The Democratisation of Space. As part of this Anglo-German partnership, the groups were asked to: re_imagine a public space within the city as one of democratic and selforganising systems with architectural interventions that are designed to effect behaviour and exchange in a convention that align more directly with the understanding of the word ‘public’. This booklet is an overview of Re_Pott’s proposal for Essen Hauptbahnhof. It explains how the monopoly of Essen’s Central Station has been altered so that a local identity can be realised. Also included are places and buildings explored during this trip in the Rhineland area of Germany.
CONTENTS
3
INTRODUCTION
_04
OBSERVATION
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CONCLUSION
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RE_POTT RHINELAND
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INTRODUCTION
NARRATIVE
Spaces are the result of human activities. At the same time, spaces are structuring activities: They make activities possible or inhibit them. In this context, spatial justice becomes an issue. Based on Lefebvre’s ideas on the “production of space”, Edward Soja, a political geographer, urban planner and professor at UCLA, has defined access to resources as the starting point of spatial justice. He says: “Spatial justice is not an alternative to social, economic or other forms of justice, but rather a way of looking at justice from a critical spatial perspective. Besides the visible outcome of spatial justice or injustice, the underlying process is important to understand to be able to intervene and give direction to this development...” (E.W. Soja: “Seeking Spatial Justice”)
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The process and active forces of spatial justice or injustice are discussable at all scales: On a global scale, economic forces and environmental conditions bring about unequal access to resources. Global migration is characterized by the absence of spatial rights. On territorial scale, spatial injustice is evident in the restrictions to internal migration, in environmental conflicts and in issues of land tenure or military occupation. On the urban scale, instances of spatial inequalities occur in issues of access to tenure and property, in production modes, in the transformation of neighbourhoods, in the field of mobility and in planning practices. On the scale of urban detail, injustice appears in the design and quality of public space, in questions of access, usage and in the design values applied. (Brook & Dunn, 2010)
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INTRODUCTION
CONTEXT
In this context (the city of Essen) we will be looking specifically at ‘public space’ and the controversies surrounding the privatisation of the public realm. It is acknowledged that the steady accretion of privately owned territory has significantly altered the legal ownership of spaces normally perceived as ‘public’. The condition of subtle demarcation has come to define the type of social and physical activity that is ‘acceptable’, this is further nuanced by devices such as electronic surveillance measures (to ‘protect’ space). Much of these incidences exist within the context of a risk averse and litigious political and legal system wherein ownership becomes concomitant with responsibility and creates a feedback loop of behavioural systems which sanitise and stullify the ‘life’ of the city. Within these regulatory confines people regularly adapt the city to their own needs by the ad-hoc modification, appropriation and reconfiguration of the city and its elements. (Brook & Dunn, 2010) A public space that has become unjust with regard to spatial justice is Essen Hauptbahnhof. The following pages will identify in what ways Essen Central Station is an appropriate location of spatial injustice and how this can be reversed. The image opposite shows the location of Essen in the Rhine district of Germany and the position of Essen HBF in relation to Essen city centre.
ESSEN CITY CENTRE
ESSEN HBF
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OBSERVATION
OVERVIEW OF ESSEN HBF
After an exploration of Essen, Re_Pott identified Essen Hauptbahnhof as their area of interest. This station serves as an interchange hub for pedestrians, buses (H), underground (U Bahn), and the combined city centre and suburban railway (S Bahn) networks. It also houses commercial units and transport authority offices. Essen HBF, located south of the city centre, is a pivotal hub of the city and has held great prominence throughout the growth of the town. The WWII weapons factories of the Krupp works in Essen became so important that a sign facing the station welcomed visitor Benito Mussolini to the “Armory if the Reich� in 1937. The station complex can be accessed by pedestrians from the north, south and west. The north entrance addresses the through route to the city centre, while the south faces the business district. The west side opens up to an underpass where there are a series of bus stops. Elevators down to the U Bahn are situated to the north and south entrances, while the S Bahn is accessed on the second level. Inside the station, the layout is organised such that the ground level serves as a linear arcade, flanked by commercial and transport authority units, with access to a first level via to circulation points. The first level has a similar structure, with commercial units to the west and access to the S Bahn to the east.
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OBSERVATION
HAUSORDNUNG_RULES OF THE HOUSE During initial observations in and around the station, this sign was identified outlining the ‘Rules of the House’. That fact that it is only located in two locations and is A3 size means that it goes mostly unrecognised. The rules and regulations it dictates allow for minimal interaction between commuter and building. They strip the station of any personality as the only activities allowed to take place involve the commercial and transport authority units the building is comprised of. Re_Pott believe that this controlling environment is unacceptable for a building of such use and importance within the public domain. This poster inspired the following set of observations and investigations that address the approaches of ‘control’ around the station.
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OBSERVATION
SURVEILLANCE
Informed by some of the texts in Re_Map’s 1812 Reader concerning capitalism and control, Re_Pott investigated the distribution of surveillance cameras in the station. It was interesting to find that there weren’t as many ‘obvious’ CCTV units than initially perceived, especially in comparison to Manchester Piccadilly station in the UK. This could by attributed to the design of the station, straight channels allows for only a few cameras, as there aren’t a huge amount of secluded areas. The reason for a lack of CCTV may also be to do with a heavy security presence. Throughout observations of the station, copious groups of Deutsche Bahn (the German rail company, DB) security and local police patrol the station. This number increased one day in particular due to bomb scares in other stations in Germany. As the diagram shows, four cameras were located within the station complex.
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OBSERVATION
IMPLIED ROUTES_LIGHTING
The linear layout of the overhead lighting encourages a progressive motion through the station. It doesn’t promote investigation of surrounding structure. This is achieved by bright lights and advertising from the commercial units. The pattern changes to a dispersed gridded formation to the north and south entrances and reflects the behaviour of the people in these areas, as they slow down, wait and gather. This idea of implied routes is supported by the actions of the security forces that move people along who are waiting in doorways.
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OBSERVATION
MATERIALITY
There is a clear definition of control evident in surface materiality in and around the station complex. The diagram indicates the hierarchy of texture as it changes from Class 1 with the station to Class 3 at the station perimeter. Class Class Class Class
1 2 3 4
– – – –
Inside station complex Outside north and south entrances Around edge of station periphery Multitude of surfaces beyond limits of station complex
Class 1
Class 2
Class 3
Class 4
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OBSERVATION
GUIDE ROUTES
Accompanying the theme of materiality and control, these guide routes are needed and assist the blind around the building. The diagram opposite locates the extents of the routes around the building. They comprise of linear paths that are interrupted by square nodal surfaces at important interchanges for other entrances/exit of the station and cash machines. It seems they don’t link up physically with other routes along the ground, although they may link to the systems in place within traffic lights, sound emitters, to ensure the visually impaired cross the road safely. They also end at bus stops.
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OBSERVATION
MOVEMENT_ACTIVE Vs STATIC
As Re_Pott consisted of six members, the same investigation was able to take place in numerous locations simultaneously. The diagram opposite show the seven locations at which the photos, shown on the following pages, were taken from at 11am, 3pm, and 7pm on the same day. The purpose of this investigation was to see how different areas of the station were used at different times of the day. The resulting images illustrated that many parts of the station are used intermittently during the day due to bus, train and underground arrivals, which you would expect. During the whole observation time at the station, there was an increase in people at peak time as well. This investigation also highlighted the lack of urban furniture in the public domain. This issue is explored in more depth in the following investigation.
Location 1 Location 2 Location 3 Location 4 Location 5 Location 6 Location 7
11am
Location 1
Location 2
Location 3
03pm
07pm
11am
03pm
07pm
Location 4
Location 5
Location 6
Location 7
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OBSERVATION
URBAN FURNITURE
Following on from the previous investigation into movement around the station, Re_Pott identified that the reason there is not much stationary activity is due to the lack of seating available for the public. There are only two opportunities to sit in the whole station complex that are outside commercial units, and they are located at the north entrance. This is due to the Linking back to the rules where it states ‘it is not allowed to sit and lay on the floor and the stairs’. It was noticeable that some people used to environment in their own way to satisfy their needs, although when people do this, security do move them on.
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OBSERVATION
COMMERCIAL Vs TRANSPORT_USAGE
Essen HBF is comprised of predominantly commercial units located along the station arcade on the ground and first floor. There are also additional row of commercial units to the east of the station arcade facing the underpass. The transport authorities are located to the south and above the station via located stair wells. They appear to be pushed away from the centre of the station complex to give more emphasis to the commercial aspect. There is also the Bahnhofs Mission centre that helps homeless and disabled people, located just outside the north entrance which is even more dethatched to the complex than the transport authority units.
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OBSERVATION
COMMERCIAL VS TRANSPORT_SIGNAGE
In light of the comparison between the presence of commercial and the transport authorities’ elements around the station, this investigation highlighted the amount of signage that is allocated to the two disciplines along the main elevations inside the station complex. It is evident that the every surface available at eye height has been utilised for some sort of advertisement. Transport information accounts for around 10% of all the facades studied¬, this mainly consists of maps and directions to platforms. The other 90% is commercial unit names and window displays. Signage for transport is paramount to finding one’s way round a transport interchange. Admittedly, most transport information is hung down from the ceiling, but this does not eradicate that nearly all the facades within the station, therefore the units themselves, are commercial. There is no integration of public aspects to the complex.
Facade 1
Facade 2
Facade 3
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CONCLUSION
SUMMARY
Re_Pott have identified the following issues with ESSEN HBF that are examples of spatial injustice within this public building. Atmosphere_ • Controlled, dictated and watched • CCTV presence • No meeting place indoors that isn’t commercial orientated • No music or element of culture, local or national • Supermarket-like lighting arrangement allows for no internal texture, depth or architecture to the internal complex • Regimented material surface • No seating area • All commercial units are given to generic companies, there are no independent retailers Political_ • No integration or fusion with the public bodies of Essen • Dismissal of all n on-commercial units with station complex, such as Bahnhofs Mission and transport authority offices • Heavy presence of DB police that takes away control of local enforcement Transport_ • Only links to national network
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CONCLUSION
REALITY
In conclusion, Essen HBF, along with many other stations in Germany and England, has become a generic transport environment. When travelling around the public infrastructure of Germany, the same images appear again and again: Kamps, DB Bahn, Starbucks, McDonalds, dm, EVAG. If someone woke up in the middle of the station they could be forgiven for thinking that they were inside, Cologne, Berlin, Dusseldorf, or any other central station. ESSEN HBF represents the generic German station. Gone are the days of character that gave a feeling of place and a unique identity. Through conversations with the German members of the group, and general knowledge of the German transport system, Re_Pott....... under DB control. So this public building, along with many others round Germany, is controlled by a national body. On a national level, the DB controls the S Bahn, ICE (InterCity Express, high speed train), the IC and the RB, at the a local level the EVAG is charged with the buses, trams and local brands. This means that Essen HBF is run by national bodies that are not site-specific.
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FUTURE
PROPOSAL Re_Pott believe that Essen HBF should: Atmosphere_ • Less controlled environment, or if it is controlled, that control is with the people of Essen • Open up the usage, create a synergy centre that advertises the culture and tourism attractions of Essen. The Tourist Information is located north of the station, but why not integrate it? • People meeting from all over the world • Have a ticket share centre where people can swap tickets that they are no longer going to use to help save money and encourage public transport • Incorporate a performance space to house busking and displays • Change in lighting arrangement to encourage gatherings, and allow • Incorporate Bahnhofs Mission into the station and if there is a need for disability assistance they could be there to help. This will make them more recognisable • Change the surface and façade texture incorporating local designs, art works and sculptures • Include seating within public areas to the station and internet cafes • All shops to be local businesses Political_ • Promote local identity via Essen City Council, separate them from the DB promote local business Transport _ • Possibly link to French network rather than German, should use the location of close proximity to West Europe to strengthen ties and encourage cross integration Re_Pott’s goal is to give a sense of place and identity back to Essen in a building that will be constantly used and appreciated.
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Re_Pott
University of Essen 2011_11_19 After Re_Pott Proposal presentation Moritz_Nasar_Jan_Elena_Patrick_Paul
Theatre Essen
Philharmonie Essen
Museum Folkwang
Schokoladenmuseum Koln
Cologne Cathedral
Zollverein