American Indian Housing Issues in the United States

Running head: AMERICAN INDIAN HOUSING!

American Indian Housing Issues in the United States

Peggy A. Anderson HSG 4467W: Housing and the Social Environment December 12, 2014

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Abstract This paper looks at the current housing issues experienced by American Indians living in the United States and explores options to reduce housing hardships for American Indian households.

Housing issues are defined and identified using Morris and Winter’s Housing Adjustment Theory as a basis to categorize and analyze information gathered from government websites and peer reviewed journals. Many of the housing related issues affecting American Indians originate from discriminatory behavior of policy officials, lending institutions, educational institutions, and property and real estate managers. Much work needs to be done to limit discriminatory policy and practices toward American Indians by both public and private parties in order to increase the availability of affordable and healthy housing for this underserved group.

Keywords: American Indian, housing, discrimination

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American Indian Housing Issues in the United States American Indians and Alaskan natives are among the most housing burdened groups in the United States. In 1996, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) commissioned a detailed study of the housing needs of American Indians and Alaskan natives (Kingsley, Mikelson, & Herbig, 1996). The report highlighted the severity of the poor housing and economic situation of American Indians. As part of a recent congressional mandate overseen

by HUD, the Urban Institute Center for Public Finance and Housing has been conducting an updated version of the 1996 report to reflect changing housing needs for American Indians. The new, updated report is scheduled to be released December of 2014. In lieu of the completed report, I have assembled data from the 2010 census and the 2011 American Housing Survey, among other resources, to identify trends in housing conditions and norms for the U.S. American Indian population. A discussion of what needs to be done to mitigate the dismal state of housing affairs for American Indians is included at the end of this report.

Methods There have been several studies and observations made concerning issues of housing among American Indians. This project analyzes data from both primary and secondary sources.

Information gathered includes: household demographics, population, age and gender, employment, education, tenure, housing affordability, household size, household composition, and housing type. In order to discover major contributing factors from this research that might indicate reasons for the inadequate housing conditions experienced by American Indians, the Morris and Winter Housing Theory will be applied (Morris, & Winter, 1996).

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The Morris and Winter theory uses the idea of normative behavior and subsequent deficits to layout a framework for analyzing a group’s housing situation. Morris and Winter’s theory accounts for many different aspects of a household’s demographics, environment, and culture to identify whether or not that household may be experiencing dissatisfaction and to predict what they might or might not do to gain satisfaction with their housing situation. The theory also accounts for any external constraints which might prevent a household from becoming satisfied with their housing situation. The constraints used to analyze the American Indian (AI) housing situation for this report include AI household culture and predispositions, AI household organization, resources available to AI households, housing market available to AI households, discrimination against AI. In addition to accounting for household factors, Morris and Winter’s housing theory looks at the norms and resultant deficits of the physical structure, or housing units, that the AI households occupy. The housing unit factors accounted for in this report include unit space or size, the tenure of the unit, housing type, the quality of the housing, and the neighborhood the housing unit is located.

Analysis POSSIBLE CONSTRAINTS FOR AMERICAN INDIANS TO ACHIEVE HOUSING SATISFACTION Culture and Predispositions The cultural behaviors and beliefs held by many American Indian households may influence their satisfaction or dissatisfaction with their housing based on what would normally be expected for that group. For example, the quality of a housing unit is deemed satisfactory or non satisfactory depending on a household’s predispositions.

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American Indian race is self identified on the U.S. census survey with a section for identifying tribal affiliation. Of the self identified American Indians, about 17% of single-race AIs and 33% of multi-race AIs failed to include a tribal affiliation in the 2000 census survey (Liebler, & Zacher, 2013). Liebler and Zacher (2013) conducted a study to try and understand what might cause so many self identified American Indians to omit tribal affiliation. The study found that AIs with higher education, better english skills, who live in their homeland, live with other AIs, or live with some one who speaks an AI language or they themselves speak an AI language are more likely to identify with a tribe in the census survey (Liebler, & Zacher, 2013).

American Indians with less education, poor english skills or demonstrate little interest in AI heritage are less likely to identify a tribal affiliation (Liebler, & Zacher, 2013).

There are 556 federally recognized American Indian tribes in the U.S. (DOI, 2014).

According the the 2010 U.S. Census, the self identified American Indians and Alaskan Natives living in or near the tribal areas of a federally recognized tribe accounted for less than one percent (0.6%) of the total U.S. population (DOI, 2014). Nearly a quarter (24%) of surveyed American Indian households identified themselves as American Indian and Hispanic mix (HUD, 2013). Twenty eight percent of American Indian households are living at or below the poverty level compared to 14% of the total number of white only households in the U.S.(HUD, 2013).

Organization Similar to predispositions, the organization of a household plays a big part in housing satisfaction. Household organization is largely determined by the individuals within the household, but is often influenced by society or cultural beliefs. Housing satisfaction depends on

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what a household deems normal or not normal for living arrangements. For example, a household with young children might find it adequate for their children to share a room and therefore would be satisfied by a smaller house, whereas another family with young children might find that it is unacceptable for their children to share a room and would be dissatisfied with a small house.

There are approximately 815 thousand American Indian household in the U.S. (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). The majority (68%) of American Indian households are made up of families living together (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). Thirty nine percent of family households are headed by a married couple whereas 13% are single men, and 12% are single women (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). Additionally it is significant to mention that over half (52%) of American Indian adults 30 years of age or older are responsible for grandchildren 18 years of age or younger (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). Slightly more than two thirds (65%) of the American Indian population is aged 16 to 64 with a fairly even distribution of males to females (DOI, 2014). Florida houses the largest community of adult aged American Indians with 69% of its total American Indian population being 16 to 64 years of age (U.S. Department of the Interior [DOI], 2014). Only 7% of the total American Indian population in the U.S. is 64 years of age or older, most of which are female (DOI, 2014). Even though there is such a small percentage of the American Indian population 64 years of age or older, 15% of all households are headed by elderly individuals (HUD, 2013). Comparatively, 23% of white only households are headed by elderly individuals (HUD, 2013). Alabama has the largest elderly population with 94% of the states total American Indian population being 64 years of age or older (DOI, 2014). South

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Dakota has the largest population of American Indians 16 years of age or younger (38%) (DOI, 2014).

Resources The amount and type of resources available to an American Indian household is arguably the largest predictor of how satisfied that AI household will be with their housing situation. This is especially true when there are other priorities for which those resources must be used. With limited funds available to an AI household, the household must develop a hierarchy of priorities.

Among the minority groups, the adult American Indian workforce has the lowest employment rate (50%) (DOI, 2014) compared to the African American workforce (52%), Hispanic workforce (59%) and white workforce (59%) (U.S. Department of Labor Statistics [DOL], 2011). Only about a quarter (24%) of the American Indian workforce holds a full-time, year round job (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). The American Indian workforce also has the largest unemployment rate at 18% (DOI, 2014). This rate is higher than the African American unemployment rate (16%), the Hispanic unemployment rate (13%), and the white unemployment rate (9%) (DOL, 2011). Alabama has the highest percentage of the American Indian working population (65%), with Arizona having the least (39.6%) (DOI, 2014). Kansas has the lowest

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Image 1: Unemployment Rate Comparison (%) Chart by Peggy Anderson.

Data gathered from the U.S. Department of Labor (DOL), 2011.

rate of unemployment among able-bodied American Indians (3%) with Arizona having the highest (27.6%) (DOI, 2014). The industry in which the majority of American Indians are employed is in education services, and healthcare and social assistance (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). Within this industry, about a quarter work in management, business, science and the arts, with a quarter working in service positions (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). The median income for an American Indian household is $35,000 with about 23% of households receiving some additional forms of financial assistance (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011).

Due to cultural influences and ideas about time and work, many Native Americans have difficulty conforming to the dominant work culture as well as not having equal access and

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transportation to jobs creates a deficit in the amount of money they have to spend on housing and other daily needs (Pickering, 2004) The 2008 graduation rate for American Indians enrolled in a 4-year program through an accredited college was 39% which is significantly lower than the graduation rate for white students (60%) but similar to that of African Americans (38%) (Knapp, Kelly-Reid, & Ginder, 2012). Of the population of American Indians 25 years of age and older, just over a third (34%) have completed some college or associates degree while only 13% have earned a bachelors degree or higher (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). Only about a third (30%) of school aged children three years of age or older are enrolled in school (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011).

Market Although public housing in the United States has become less popular with the increased use of other federal housing choice programs, public housing on reservations is very prolific. According to one study, 80% of housing units built on reservations were either funded or directed by one HUD program or another (Biles, 2000). Financing for individuals on reservations for housing can be tricky. The unique considerations of the treatment of ownership regarding reservation lands makes it difficult for lenders to provide mortgage resources to American Indians living on the reservation (Biles, 2000).

Discrimination Adolescent American Indians lose their resilience when faced with discriminatory action or events (Lafromboise, Hoyt, Oliver, & Whitbeck, 2006).

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IDENTIFYING NORMS & DEFICITS OF HOUSING FOR AMERICAN INDIANS Space American Indians tend to have larger families on average which means they require larger dwellings as a norm. (Sandefur, & Sakamoto, 1988).

Tenure Almost half (46%) of American Indian housing units are renter occupied (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). In comparison, only about a third (30%) of white housing units in the U.S. are renter occupied (HUD, 2013). The average American Indian household size for owners (3.20) is slightly larger than that of renter households (2.96) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). About two thirds (61%) of American Indian households with a mortgage are paying less than 30% of their income on housing expenses with the average monthly housing costs equalling $1,207 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011).

Structure Type New construction housing, that which has been built in the last four years, accounts for only 2% of the American Indian housing stock as well as 2% of the white only housing stock (HUD, 2013). Manufactured or mobil homes account for a slightly higher percentage (one percentage point) of the American Indian housing stock as compared with that of white only housing units (HUD, 2013). Like many homes in the U.S., just over two thirds of the housing units occupied by American Indian households are single family attached or detached, most of

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which (29%) were built between 1960 and 1979 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). Nearly half (47%) of the housing units occupied by American Indian households use gas as a primary means to heat their homes (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011). The majority of of American Indian households (86%) have access to one or more vehicles (U.S. Census Bureau, 2011).

Quality Because of a lack of AI community resources, quality of housing available on reservations and the quality of housing affordable to non-reservation dwelling AI tends to be poor (Biles, 2000) (Sandefur, & Sakamoto, 1988).

Neighborhood Almost half (49%) of all American Indian housing units are located in the west, whereas only 17% are located in the midwest (HUD, 2013). The majority of American Indian households are living in tribal communities whose boundaries are located within a single U.S. state. Only 29 tribal communities span two to three different states boundaries (DOI, 2014). Almost two-thirds of (60%) of American Indian households live in Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSA) (HUD, 2013). MSAs are defined as densely populated core urban areas with a population of 50,000 or more (U.S. Census Bureau, 2013).

Results Strong community bonds and immersion in traditional cultural practices on a daily basis create a more rooted sense of tribal identity. Individuals who live with other American Indians,

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speak native languages at home, or live with others who speak native languages at home are more likely to self identify with their native tribe. Having a strong association with native cultural roots predisposes a household to want housing which would lend itself well to performing the necessary daily tasks and social gatherings common to that tribe. In other words, strongly associated native households will have a harder time conforming to non-native housing standards.

Other constraints facing American Indian households include larger family sizes compared to non AI households. A larger family size limits the availability of adequately sized housing units in which to comfortably contain the entire family. Additionally, larger housing units tend to be more expensive and thus out of reach for many AI households.

High unemployment among working age American Indians and low average yearly income reduce the amount of financial resources available to secure adequate housing. Federally funded housing programs are often used to assist AI households with getting into a home.

Directly identifying instances of discrimination against providing equal access to educational, financial, and community resources for AI is often difficult to do. Observing statistical data about financial and educational achievements provides a picture of the unbalance compared with the dominant population but in itself fails to demonstrate a direct link to discriminatory behavior. Lafromboise, et al. (2006) have identified that AI children who believe they have been victim to discriminatory behavior, whether real or imagined, become less resilient to future acts of discrimination and can have difficulties adjusting to life in non-native communities.

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Conclusion & Discussion The statistical data collected reveal a depressing trend in housing and social environment for American Indians. As is often the case with minority groups, discrimination in education, employment, and financing contribute to the poor condition and availability of housing for American Indians. Miscommunication and misunderstandings perpetuate discriminatory behavior. The findings of this study indicate that the cultural differences between American Indians and the average middle class white American play a significant part in the amount, type, and quality of housing available to AI households. Miscommunication can also make it difficult to effectively determine what needs are being met and what needs remain unmet for the group with access to fewer resources. As the standards for housing are set by the majority population, minority populations are faced with Projects or programs designed to expose discrimination would help promote better treatment of AI individuals and communities. The current conditions under which a significant portion of American Indians are living might be improved through better employment and education programs aimed at assisting able-bodied individuals to obtain gainful employment.

Increased income would provide much needed financial resources to invest in better living conditions and cultural enrichment. Sensitivity to AI cultural practices and way of life must be practiced on behalf of policy officials to ensure compatible and meaningful programing to increase AI access to socioeconomic resources. Consulting or including AI community leaders in decision making processes for new and existing programing would go a long way to create program sustainability.

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