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United States
The Economist July 9th 2022
American conservatives
Trumpism’s new Washington army
WASHINGTO N, DC
In preparation for power, the new right builds new institutions
A
gilded conference room stocked with coff ee and lanyardwearing men in dark suits is a common enough sight in Washington. Only a sign at the door read ing “The Lies of the Ruling Class”, hosted by the Claremont Institute’s yearold Cen tre for the American Way of Life, marks this event at the Mayfl ower Hotel as something more unusual. “America’s elites are not bright, not competent and not qualifi ed,” says Michael Anton, a former nationalse curity aide to Donald Trump, in the day’s fi rst session. United in favour of economic nationalism, a restrained foreign policy and restricted immigration, many of the room’s selfdescribed national conserva tives see the “threat” to America from the left in existential terms. Yet they are brim ming with confi dence. Come November, when Republicans ex pect to retake one if not both chambers of Congress, the national conservatives hope to translate their budding movement’s en ergy into a share of that power. Thrilled by Mr Trump’s election but disappointed by his inability to convert unorthodox in stincts into action, they are intent on shap
ing a new conservative elite and agenda. Likeminded wonks and former Trump administration offi cials are busy building thinktanks and advocacy organisations, to provide the policies and, crucially, the personnel for a new Republican right. Conservatives have long relied on such places to “formulate concepts, strategies and policies that elected offi cials can im plement when in positions of authority”, says Matthew Continetti, a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute (aei), a con servative thinktank, and author of a histo ry of the American right. Years before Ron ald Reagan became president, thinktanks including the Heritage Foundation and → Also in this section
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magazines such as National Review pro moted a generation of Republicans that embraced free markets, social conserva tism and an assertive foreign policy. They provided a career for young conserva tives—and cadres for White House person nel directors and congressional chiefs of staff seeking to hire ideological allies. But Mr Trump’s unexpected election was not preceded by institutionbuilding to match his America First instincts. To staff the government, Mr Trump instead depended on outfi ts like the Heritage Foundation, stocked with many experts who had opposed him. The Republican majority in Congress busied itself with older priorities, such as tax cuts. It was the handful of dissident Republicans with ex perience and networks in Washington, like Robert Lighthizer, a lawyer appointed as us trade representative, who proved to be the most eff ective policymakers in the admin istration, reckons Mr Continetti. Among the fi rst to act was the Clare mont Institute, based in southern Califor nia. It shot to prominence for its affi liates’ defence of Mr Trump. One of these was Mr Anton. Another, John Eastman, was the le gal theorist behind Mr Trump’s bid to cling to power after the 2020 election. The insti tute has a highbrow journal, the Claremont Review of Books, and a centre on Capitol Hill near other newright institutions. A few blocks away is the Washington outpost of the conservative Hillsdale College, where Mr Anton is a lecturer. Nearby is the townhouse of a former Trump adviser,
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