Philippine Collegian Tomo 100 November Issue

EDITORS' NOTE

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

editor-in-chief daniel sebastianne daiz associate editor keian florino managing editor gretle c. mago business manager samantha del castillo features editor polynne dira layout editor venus samonte guest editors richard calayeg cornelio kim yutuc

contributing members dustin francisco andrea medina arthur david san juan adam torres ysabel vidor

probationary members news gian angnged frenzel julianne cleofe kenli rey diaz rizhel kyla dionisio micah formoso elan samuel lunas john florentino perez johnson santos features patrick kyle adeva dan basquiñas sean ingalla luis lagman ryan maltezo grace francine mendoza mary june ricaña kultura jericho igdanes illustration justin lawrenz delas armas maya caitlin erfe star laguio maria laya elisha montemayor rona pizarro layout angelyn castillo angeli marie rodenas isaiah verdejo blanca versoza photography luisa elago kathleen isaac ar jay revilla

administrative aide gina bakukanag amelyn daga ma. trinidad gabales circulation manager gary gabales circulation staff pablito jaena address Student Union Building, UP Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines website www.phkule.org email phkule.upd@up.edu.ph telephone +(632) 8981-8500 loc. 4522 member College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad)

» Sa ika-sandaang taon ng kritikal na pamamahayag, makikipagtuos ang Kulê sa mga isinuka na ng taumbayan ngunit muling nanunumbalik, sa mga pinunong dahas ang tugon sa ating mga hinaing, at sa mga maykapangyarihang nandurusta sa taumbayan para sa sariling ganansya. Ang taong ito ay magmamarka ng pagbabago sa midyum ng pahayagan, upang masigurong lapat ang bawat isyu sa pangangailangan ng mambabasang malaman at maunawaan ang mga pangyayari, at ang pangmatagalan nitong implikasyon sa mas malawak na iskema ng mga bagay.

Illustration by Elisha Montemayor

Gaya ng ilang taong pagsasanay sa pag-uulat at pamamahayag, higit na kailangan ang alisto at ubos-lakas na pangingilatis sa katotohanan—lalo na sa pagtunton at pagsisiwalat sa kung sinong dapat bigyan ng hustisya at sinong dapat managot.

02 Sino at Ano ang Kulê 04

EDITORYAL Nasa Bingit na ang Pag-uulat 06

NEWS John Florentino Perez Self-Regulation, Criticism Needed for Responsible Journalism—Media experts 09

NEWS Rizhel Kyla Dionisio In Numbers: The Repeating Patterns of Media Attacks in the Philippines 10

FEATURES Grace Francine Mendoza Silenced Warning Systems 14 FEATURES Dan Basquiñas A Conference of Failures 17

NEWS Frenzel Julianne Cleofe Humanitarian, Prison Groups Amplify Calls to Improve Jail Conditions 20

PHOTOGRAPHY Luisa Elago Scenes of Onsite Learning in UP Diliman 22

OPINION Venus Samonte Our Children’s Dim Futures 24

OPINION Andrea Medina Processing the Unsustainable Practice 26

NEWS Micah Formoso Communities Demand Decent Housing, Livelihood for Next UP President 28

OPINION Adam Torres Pride, Punishment, and Prejudice 30 #UPPREXY The UP Presidential Nominee Interview Series 37

EDITORIAL Presidential Orders

EDITORYAL

Nasa Bingit na’ng Pag-uulat

Para kay Marcos, ang malayang pamamahayag ay ang malayang pagpapalaganap ng naratibong nakasandig sa tuluyang pag-aabsuwelto sa karahasang sinimulan, at ipinagpapatuloy, ng kanyang angkan.

Nawala man ang hayag na dahas na umiral sa ilalim ni Rodrigo Duterte upang supilin ang kritikal na midya, ibang porma naman ng pagpapatahimik ang unti-unting inilalantad ng administrasyon ni Ferdinand Marcos Jr. Bagaman nananatiling baon sa kawalang-katiyakan ang mga kaso ng inhustisya, tulad na lang ng kinahantungan ng sala-salabid na imbestigasyon sa pagpatay kay Percy Lapid, isang peryodistang kilala sa kritikal niyang komentaryo sa gobyerno, lubhang nakababahala rin ang unti-unti ngunit matimping paggiba ng rehimeng Marcos sa mismong propesyon ng peryodismo. Hindi man ganoon kalantaran ang kanyang estilo ng panlilinlang, lalong nililihis ni Marcos sa atensyon ng mamamayan ang mas matinding pagkakasala sa bayan: ang matagal nang kawalang-pananagutan ng estado.

Kung Batas Militar ang naging paraan ng ama ni Marcos upang makontrol ang midya at mapuksa ang unti-unting paglakas ng kilusang masa noong

dekada ‘70, ang hatiin ang taumbayan sa dalawang panig at burahin ang batayan ng kung anong lehitimo ang balangkas ni Marcos.

Ngayong matagumpay nang napabalik ni Marcos ang kanyang pamilya sa Malacañang, mahalaga sa kanyang ilayo ang sarili mula sa anumang bahid ng pandarahas na kinakaharap ng mga mamamahayag sa bansa. Para sa kanya, ang malayang pamamahayag ay ang malayang pagpapalaganap ng naratibong nakasandig sa tuluyang pag-abswelto sa karahasang sinimulan at ipinagpapatuloy ng kanyang angkan.

Ipinahiwatig ng kampo ni Marcos ang nais nitong tahaking relasyon sa mga peryodista noong eleksyon pa lamang: iwasan ang pangingilatis ng midya, tulad na lang ng di niya pagsipot sa mga debate at panayam, at paglalako ng kanyang pinabangong imahe. Sapagkat ano pa nga ba’t wala siyang paggalang sa isang propesyong may mandatong tiyakin na nakaangkla sa

Ngayong matagumpay nang napabalik ni Marcos ang kanyang pamilya sa Malacañang, mahalaga sa kanyang ilayo ang sarili mula sa anumang bahid ng pandarahas na kinakaharap ng mga mamamahayag sa bansa.

EDITORYAL

Disenyo ng pahina ni Keian Florino

katotohanan at realidad ng lipunan ang pag-uulat, at hindi sa delusyon ng anumang lipunang minana ni Marcos sa kanyang ama.

Kaya kasabay ng lalong pandurusta sa mga lehitimong midya sa pananaw ng masa—na binigyang daan ng rehimeng Duterte—mas asahan na natin ang pagkalat ng disimpormasyon na layong maging mapanghati. Ang hindi natin inasahan, bilang pangongondisyon ni Marcos sa mamamayaning pamamahayag sa bansa, ay ang pagsasalehitimo niya sa mga vlogger at influencer, sa pamamagitan ng accreditation, bilang mga opisyal na tagapaghatid ng balita.

Hindi maikakaila ang potensyal ng mga vlogger at influencer na maghatid ng impormasyon sa paraang mas tinatangkilik ng masa. Ngunit sa panahon pa lang ni Duterte, napatunayan nang mapanganib kung paano pinondohan ng estado ang mga indibidwal na ito upang mapaniwala ang mamamayan kung sino ang kalaban o kakampi. Wala nang pasubali sa kung ano ang obhetibo at etikal, hindi na nagpakipot ang mga media network tulad ng SMNI, maging ang mga direktor tulad ni Daryl Yap, na pamahalaan ang kinikilingan ng ipinalalaganap nilang propaganda.

Sa lalong pagpapalawak ng administrasyon sa espasyong maaaring galawan ng mga vlogger, influencer, at mga tagasunod nito, ganoon naman ang pagliit ng espasyo ng mga peryodista para sa malayang pamamahayag.

Noong Hunyo 25, website ng mga progresibong pahayagan ang inugnay ni dating National Security Adviser Hermogenes Esperon sa mga komunistang grupo. Nitong Oktubre, sunod-sunod na ni-red-tag ang limang mamamahayag, ayon sa ulat ng National Union of the Journalists of the Philippines.

Hindi na lang mga aktibista at progresibo ang tinuturong kalaban ng

pamahalaan. Gayong maging midya na pumoposturang neutral o konserbatibo ay binabansagan na ring kaaway ng estado, higit na nasa peligro ang mga peryodistang tulad ni Lapid na matalas ang pamamahayag.

Makailang-ulit na tayong nagluksa sa kung paanong kalunos-lunos na naisalin sa tahasang dahas ang banta ng pamahalaan sa mga peryodista. Sa ulat ng Reporters Without Borders, bumagsak sa ika-148 ang Pilipinas sa World Press Freedom Index, isang pag-aaral tungkol sa kalagayan ng

Pangangailangan na ring puspusang kumbinsihin ang ating kapwa mamamahayag na makiisa sa organisasyon ng mga peryodista sa bansa. Isang hakbang pasulong ang pagkakaisang ito. Mahalagang pagkakataon upang sanayin ang mga peryodista sa panibagong uri ng pamamahayag na tutunggali sa inhustisya at mapanghating pulitika. Sa ganang ito, maaaring unti-unting bawiin at palawakin pa ang espasyo at kredibilidad na tinanggal ng estado mula sa mga mamamahayag.

Sa mga darating na taon, pangambahan natin ang katakot-takot na katahimikan at pagtanggi sa lahat ng pananamantala, sa lahat ng pagkakasala. Pero gaya ng ilang taong pagsasanay sa pag-uulat at pamamahayag, higit na kailangan ang alisto at ubos-lakas na pangingilatis sa katotohanan—lalo na sa pagtunton at pagsisiwalat sa kung sinong dapat bigyan ng hustisya at sinong

Dibuho

John Florentino Perez

Self-Regulation, Criticism Needed for Responsible Journalism—Media Experts

» Media experts call for strengthened internal mechanisms to tackle transgressions of journalism ethics by news organizations that use their platforms to villify progressives and activists.

It may be only through a mix of legal and internal mechanisms that red-tagging media outfits will be held accountable, experts say. In particular, the Sonshine Media Network International (SMNI) has been under fire by media stakeholders because of the former’s continuous instances of red-tagging and disregard of the Philippine Broadcast Code.

SMNI has been known to spread disinformation to discredit political opposition. In October, SMNI redtagged Rappler CEO Maria Ressa, and called Rappler a platform of the Communist Party of the Philippines. Bulatlat managing editor Len Olea was also vilified by SMNI in the same program.

Iglesia ni Cristo-run media outlet, Net25, has also violated media ethics by using personal attacks against the presidential candidate, former Vice President Leni Robredo in its program “Mata ng Agila” on May 23, according

to the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR), an independent media watchdog.

Danilo Arao, a professor at the UP Diliman Department of Journalism, said red-tagging is no longer part of free speech nor press freedom. “It is actually hate speech with a clear criminal intent to make those appeals of red-tagging disappear from the face of the earth,” he said.

Advocacy group Movement Against Disinformation (MAD), in a statement, also blasted SMNI, saying that using the latter’s platform to red-tag groups and individuals may amount to violations of the network’s Congressional franchise and the Broadcast Code set by the Kapisanan ng mga Brodkaster ng Pilipinas (KBP).

Pursuing Extra Legal Efforts

Arao suggested that red-tagging media

For Philippine Press Institute Executive Director Ariel Sebellino, the public has the power to criticize media organizations. “That I think is active accountability. We just don’t leave it to digital media organizations or critics to call out SMNI,” Sebellino said.

outfits may be held accountable by discussing their transgressions of media ethics and standards. “The most that we can do right now would be more extralegal, for lack of a better word. So, what do we mean by extralegal? We question their adherence to media ethics, particularly journalism,” he said.

Journalists follow a set of rules set by the KBP, a nongovernment and self-regulatory council implementing policies for the broadcast industry that advocates for free and responsible media.

“Anyone can complain through the KBP website to hold accountable any media outlet or practitioner. You don’t need to be a journalist to file a complaint with KPB. Ordinary citizens can do that and in the day and age of the internet. You can even do that online,” Arao said.

The KBP has its own online complaint platform on its website, which serves

to investigate and assess any violation of the KBP’s broadcast ethics. The complaint platform seeks to promote a culture of self-discipline among media outlets “as a way of promoting higher professional and ethical standards in Philippine broadcasting.”

The KBP’s self-regulation scheme avoids government regulation of the press. On the same leaf, Arao believes that shutting down SMNI is also a form of government intervention in media institutions. He added that strict legal measures could backfire on journalists as these measures may have the unintended consequence of compromising freedom of speech and expression.

In September, Sen. Jinggoy Estrada filed an Anti-Fake News Bill which seeks to amend the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 by including sweeping definitions of misinformation and disinformation and other cybercrime

offenses. In the end, government intervention can be used against journalists.

“Once we depend too much on the government, there might come a time [journalists] will be punished. Say, the passage of an Anti-Fake News Law could infringe on our right to free press or even free expression or free speech,” Arao added.

Last 2020, the House of Representatives investigated ABSCBN for its “political bias,” which eventually led to the nonrenewal of the network’s Congressional franchise. Before the probe, former President Rodrigo Duterte warned ABS-CBN that they would not have a franchise grant, which would mean closure for the media outlet.

“Government intervention, particularly legislative intervention, should not be the solution. We don’t want to do

Employees and supporters of the ABS-CBN formed a human chain around the parameters of the ABS-CBN Broadcasting Center, February 21, 2020, to protest the network’s impending shutdown. /File Photo (2020)

that. We would rather push for the government to create an enabling environment for the practice of press freedom, and one of them would be to strengthen self-regulation,” Arao said.

Media Action

While calling out red-tagging media outfits is possible, it is only effective when a large audience does so. For Philippine Press Institute Executive Director Ariel Sebellino, the public has the power to criticize media organizations. “I think it’s more [impactful if] the public calls out SMNI and that I think is active accountability. We just don’t leave it to digital media organizations or critics to call out SMNI,” Sebellino said.

Sebellino stressed the importance of criticism between media outlets so that media outlets can improve their errors and missteps. “It’s very seldom that you hear ABS-CBN criticize GMA or other media organizations. I’ve observed from Rappler that it is trying to break that kind of an unwritten rule by actually writing about SMNI and Net25,” he said.

The CMFR, for instance, runs a regular segment called “Cheers and Jeers” on their website which critiques media institutions. In June, CMFR talked about Net25 and SMNI’s role in disinformation, tackling the networks’ role in spreading hate speech and disinformation against political opposition to the MarcosDuterte tandem in the 2022 elections. In one article, SMNI and Net 25 were used as examples of irresponsible journalism because of their red-tagging of government officials.

While self-criticism among media outlets is a way forward, he said that localized and smaller press councils may also be set up to handle mediarelated complaints in communities. Citing the efforts of the Cebu Press Council (CPC), Sebellino said that CPC was able to mediate dialogue between a complainant and a broadcast network, without resorting to costly legal battles.

CPC has its own review board that will assess ethics violations of media outlets. The decision of the board will then be released to the media outlet subject to the complaint and will be endorsed to the KBP for further investigation.

“I always believe in the process of having good journalism, to be appreciated by all no matter what. And people will appreciate that one day soon,” Sebellino said. “It’s a long shot to bring back public trust and confidence, but at the same time to win them over is to understand how a critical media plays in a functioning democracy.”

For Arao and Sebellino, exacting accountability from erring media outfits, especially those that engage in vilification and red-tagging, is a prerequisite for keeping the information environment safe, and political discourse healthy.

“We’re not limiting ourselves to the way we conduct because we’re journalists and media practitioners. It is encompassing, we think about how the public will be able to consume information and will be able to make sense of journalism,” Sebellino said.

As for Arao, the collective effort of the media and the audience is vital to rectify the mistakes that some media outlets have committed.

“We need that to protect people. We need that to ensure that the safety and security of journalists, activists, or any critical members of society would be promoted and their rights to be promoted and upheld,” he said.

In the end, it is only through effective self-regulation and meaningful criticism that responsible media will flourish in the country.

“At the same time, every Filipino citizen needs journalism turned out by legitimate sources of information,” Sebellino said. “I always believe that good journalism will be appreciated by all no matter what. And people will appreciate that one day soon.”

For Arao and Sebellino, exacting accountability from erring media outfits, especially those that engage in vilification and red-tagging, is a prerequisite for keeping the information environment safe, and political discourse healthy.

Kyla Dionisio

In

The Repeating Patterns of Media Attacks in the Philippines

In a span of four months, press freedom became unsettling as dangers persisted under President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. This, once again, proved how deadly the country is for journalists to exercise their right to be critical and their role as watchdogs.

another Marcos in power, one cannot assure the protection of journalists as attacks follow one after the other. Those in power may have silenced the messengers, but one thing cannot be dissipated: the message.

Rizhel

Grace Francine Mendoza

Silenced Warning Systems

» The Philippine disaster response was always focused on the provision of relief goods after the storm had passed, and on building flood control after rains have already submerged towns.

Pro-people, scientific and efficient DRRM system now!

Residents of flooded Marikina clean their city as Typhoon Ulysses left streets, houses, and belongings muddied, November 14, 2020. (File Photo)

Every year, the Philippines, due to its geographical location along the typhoon belt in the Pacific, is visited by an average of 20 typhoons, five of which usually bring great devastation to the country. And every year, despite awareness of our vulnerability to extreme weather effects and seismic hazards, with each calamity that hits, we are left wondering why the damages are still as severe as the last.

The Disaster Risk Reduction and Management (DRRM) Act of 2010 should have equipped us better in facing calamities. The law, after all, reoriented the country’s disaster management system from responding to disasters to reducing risks brought and worsened by calamities. But in the 10 years since its passage, the magnitude of our losses has not changed by much compared to before the implementation of the law. From 1999 to 2010, an average of 10,800 deaths were recorded, but from 2011 to 2022 when the policy was in place, there were about 16,000 casualties.

That there does not seem to be much improvement even with the passage of the DRRM Act shows that the government has been largely negligent in keeping Filipinos safe amid calamities.

Wherever the Wind Blows

In the first few months under the term of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., two typhoons entered the country, causing an estimated P6 billion worth of damages to infrastructure. In September and October, the Philippines was struck by Karding and Paeng in Central Luzon and South Luzon, respectively. Both typhoons displaced millions in two consecutive months, and most damages were found in the agricultural sector, resulting in losses amounting to P3.41

billion, affecting the livelihood of 89,142 farmers and fisherfolk.

Cebu City Mayor Michael Rama blamed the Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical, and Astronomical Services Administration (PAGASA) for failing to give accurate information regarding the typhoon, which led to huge losses. Marcos said that his government should have done better in preparing.

But the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) responded that they have released flood advisories, and PAGASA forecasted Paeng to hit the Visayas region and move toward Metro Manila. Whether people do evacuate after getting that information or not is another matter.

Aside from passing the blame, for the longest time, the Philippines’ disaster management focused on actions after typhoons have already wrecked the country—after they have already damaged properties, ravaged crops, displaced families, and even caused casualties. Indeed, agencies, and the local and national governments were generally reactive to disasters. The Philippine disaster response was always focused on the provision of relief goods after the storm had passed, and on building flood control after rains have already submerged towns.

Pressure Area

Politicians actually had already recognized the country’s lack of proper disaster management plans since the early 1990s. Back then, the Philippines’ disaster management system was governed by Presidential Decree 1566 of Ferdinand Marcos Sr., which followed a traditional approach of focusing only on emergency relief measures. Local government units

The occurrence of huge losses and casualties during typhoons and other calamities show we are still failing in mitigating disaster risks.

The best measure in mitigating calamities is to decrease the risks faced by the people

Illustration by Maya Caitlin Erfe

(LGU) were permitted to use calamity funds only for quick response activities without any allocation for preparation.

The passage of the DRRM Act in 2010 was supposed to mark the country’s paradigm shift in terms of disaster management. But the occurrence of huge losses and casualties during typhoons and other calamities shows we are still failing in mitigating disaster risks.

“Sa batas and perspectives, we’re good. Pero sa implementations, mukhang may hindi tama,” said Jake Cadag, a geographer and associate professor at UP Diliman who specializes in disaster studies and risk reduction.

In 2012, the Nationwide Operational Assessment of Hazard (NOAH) project was launched. Among its functions are to identify landslideprone areas, detect flood and other hazards present in the area, and measure wave surge, wave refraction, and coastal circulation. But former President Rodrigo Duterte defunded Project NOAH in 2017. In 2020, Duterte also cut the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council’s budget by P4 billion, and this year, Marcos plans to slash DOST funds by P900 million.

The DRRM Act mandates LGUs to allocate five percent of their revenues for disaster preparation, mitigation, and response. Of this amount, 70 percent should go to preparation efforts, such as training volunteers and buying equipment. The remaining 30 percent, meanwhile, will be allocated for quick response funds for relief and recovery programs for those affected by disasters.

Some advocates, however, argue that the law gave city heads greater discretion over the use of the local calamity funds. In a study on the country’s disaster management paradigm, researchers shared an

informant’s report that politicians prefer being seen handing out relief goods to calamity-stricken communities, rather than opening new evacuation centers.

Despite economic losses from disasters, calamity funds, both of the national government and the LGUs, are not being spent. The Commission on Audit flagged the Davao City LGU for not utilizing its P711-million disaster fund. Several agencies also failed to implement projects for Yolanda and Marawi Siege victims.

For Cadag, who also served as a consultant for LGUs for their DRRM plans, this underspending of funds could mean that LGUs and agencies do not know how to use the funds or they just do not have any disaster preparedness activities.

“Meron talagang issues that restrict the use of funds, pero sa palagay ko, they are issues that can be solved. Hindi naman talaga na malaking problema yan, need lang ng additional effort to really implement the programs,” said Cadag.

And some cities did exert effort. According to Cadag, the Metro Manila Development Authority, along with other government units, is prepared for the Big One, a hypothetical large earthquake that could hit cities situated along active fault lines in the country. There had been drills, training, and projects to prepare communities for this.

But Cadag cautioned that even if authorities were prepared for such a disaster, it would still not be enough if too many people are in need of help all at once. The best measure in mitigating the effect of calamities is to decrease the risks faced by people.

Beyond the Storm

The state’s emphasis on response, instead of preparation, rooted in its perception of disasters and their effects. The government views

disasters as setbacks to development plans, leading them to invest more in activities that bring back the state of normalcy, according to a study on the politics of disaster risks. This manifests in authorities simply placing affected communities back to their prior conditions, instead of assessing why they were victims in the first place.

When severe monsoon rains caused flooding in Metro Manila in 2012, 125,000 people living in informal settlements were the main victims. In mitigating disaster risks, these displaced individuals should have been relocated to a place where they are out of harm’s way. But when the families were supposed to move out, it turned out that their supposed relocation site had also been flooded. And the additional proposed site was also flooded.

“Sa tingin ko ang solusyon ay nasa ating mga development programs. Hindi lang mga disaster preparedness programs—kumbaga yung solusyon mas malawak pa sa disaster,” Cadag said.

Damages from disasters, aside from being a result of calamities themselves, are brought on by unsolved social issues. Poverty or homelessness, for example, influences people to live in hazard-prone areas.

Mitigating disaster risks, therefore, means going beyond thinking only of the consequences of typhoons, earthquakes, and other calamities. Proposed development programs must be in line with ensuring that all individuals are provided a place that would not be submerged in water or soil, and that they are given their basic needs so they would not move to places with higher hazard risks.

There will always be storms, earthquakes, and other calamities that may strike anytime. But integrating community-based policies and determining solutions to the system’s deeply rooted problems help reduce the damages from disasters.

Dan Basquiñas

A Conference of Failures

» Greater action geared toward sustainability and inclusivity in making decisions drive significant changes regarding climate change, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.

Illustration by Rona Pizarro

Parts of Metro Manila cities and other coastal regions worldwide will most likely be underwater by 2050. Droughts and floods will worsen, and we will probably experience more frequent heat waves as carbon emissions continue to increase and warm the planet.

In attempt to deviate from this future, world leaders gathered this November for the 27th Conference of the Parties (COP) in Egypt. Here, delegates from countries are supposed to commit to shifting to more sustainable systems and reducing their carbon emissions.

But by the end of the conference, leaders were only able to agree to set up a loss and damage fund to be given to developing countries affected by climate change. There were no firm resolutions to cut emissions and phase out fossil fuels, or even commitments to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels.

The COP, an institution created to combat climate change, falls short of its goals despite its almost three decades of existence as its mechanisms are founded on faulty structures and nonexistent intent to transition to more sustainable systems.

On Unequal Ground

In its 27 years of annual meetings, the COP still has yet to show significant contribution in fulfilling its mandate to fight climate change. The COP is supposed to be the highest decisionmaking body of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), a pact of over 190 countries created during the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, which serves as a treaty of nations against

climate change.

During its annual conferences, parties adopt a decision when a consensus is reached or when there is a threefourths majority vote from the participating parties. The different countries also assess their progress in combating climate change, and draft treaties and agreements such as the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, the 2015 Paris Agreement, and the 2021 Glasgow Climate Pact.

However, members of the conference stand on unequal ground. In COP26 in the United Kingdom last year, only around one-third of the typical number of attendees from the Global South, composed of marginalized and less developed countries, were present. This means that the Global North, developed countries which contribute the most to climate change, held more power in the adoption of decisions. And in the recently concluded COP27, there were more than 600 delegates from the oil and gas industry, overwhelming the presence of African countries and indigenous communities who are affected the most by climate issues.

The presence of fossil fuel lobbyists, as well as the defense of states reliant on this industry consistently block talks about the phasing out of fossil fuels during the conferences, leading to a lack of concrete action toward this major driver of global warming.

As climate conferences like the COP continue to cater to the interests of industries and countries that contribute the most to the Earth’s decay, treaties and agreements will always be ineffective.

As climate conferences like the COP continue to cater to the interests of industries and countries that contribute the most to the Earth’s decay, treaties and agreements will always be ineffective.

Driver of Destruction

Human activities are the major driver of the warming planet. The excessive extraction and depletion of natural resources, and unrestrained dumping of wastes that could not be absorbed by the environment— all for the pursuit of purposeless growth and profit—led us to where we are now. And this is the fact that the COP has turned a blind eye to for years, which also explains the failures of its former efforts in climate change mitigation.

A study from Sodertorns University in Sweden showed that with increasing per capita income, the measurement of per capita emission of carbon dioxide also increases. This dependence of countries on noxious industries for their own growth and profit makes it hard for them to commit to a genuine fight against climate change.

Because cutting down on consumption and emissions would threaten economic growth, agreeing to treaties like the Kyoto Protocol, which commits industrialized countries to reduce their emissions, means forgoing a chunk of countries’ wealth.

The US, for instance, the world’s top producer of oil and secondlargest emitter of carbon dioxide, signed the Kyoto Protocol but did not ratify it, citing that it should not be a signatory to any protocol that did not set any commitments for developing countries. China, the number one emitter of carbon dioxide, was classified as a developing country and therefore did not have binding obligations to reduce emissions. Seventeen out of the 36 developed countries failed to meet their emission-reduction goals, trading off a habitable planet for economic growth.

After the failure of the Kyoto Protocol, another pact, the Paris Agreement, was made almost two decades after. Under the Paris Agreement, members must aim to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius. Countries have submitted stronger pledges to reduce their emissions but even if these are fulfilled, it would still be insufficient to curb the warming global temperature since, at this point, there needs to be greater effort beyond cutting back on emissions.

The failure of these treaties is rooted in their inability to bind countries and impose sanctions on those who do not meet requirements. The Kyoto Protocol, for one, employs marketbased mechanisms, showing how agreements still largely cater to the interests of the Global North and its industries. The protocol allows signatory countries to trade “rights to pollute” and for developed countries to pay developing countries, allowing them to go beyond their reduction targets.

Climate agreements did not only effectively allow for countries to fall short of their reduction targets from the get-go, but they also gave way to wide-scale destruction of the environment, according to IBON International.

The environmental harm brought by these developed countries seeking profit is borne unfairly, evident in how countries in the Global North can recover relatively quickly while the vulnerable nations from the Global South, like the Philippines, cannot effectively adapt to the drastic changes in the climate. The failure of the developed countries to uphold their end of the deal in efforts to mitigate the effects of climate change further exacerbates the damage received by vulnerable countries.

Systemic Shift

As long as leaders and institutions like the COP continue to be blind about the root and real evil of climate change, there will be no concrete results to resolve climate issues. Making actual change necessitates straying from systems focused on endless growth without bearing its consequences to the environment—and being aware that no mechanism based on this system will solve the climate emergency.

“Ang kailangan natin ay isang sistema na sustainable, pro-people, at isang proenvironment na sistema,” according to Karl Barranta, an officer of Saribuhay UP Diliman. Only by transitioning from dirty economies and systems of production to a system that allows for sustainable development can we make substantial progress toward averting the worst of climate change.

Perhaps a better solution to this climate crisis would be to halt the endless craving for never-ending growth. This is the tenet of the degrowth movement, a school of thought that has been gaining traction recently amid rising climate concerns. High-profile critics, such as Bill Gates, have expressed their objections to the idea of degrowth, but scholars insist that only by limiting production and consuming only what is needed can we make it in time to protect ecological systems and make a significant effort against climate change.

Unless we want this trend of climate issues and calamities to continue, we should think of pushing for drastic action from big players in the climate situation. Properly fighting climate change can only be attained by demanding accountability, advocating for a structural rework of economic systems, and calling for an inclusive and genuine decisionmaking body that is not driven by counterproductive agenda.

Frenzel Julianne Cleofe

Humanitarian, Prison Groups Amplify Calls to Improve Jail Conditions

» Humanitarian crises continue to swamp Philippine prisons. Advocates echo the need for consolidated reforms to ensure humane treatment and speedy trials for prisoners.

Prisoners encounter several problems for the duration of their confinement–congestion, slow-paced hearings, and health threats. Amid these issues, humanitarian advocates call for prompt action for the country’s thousands of detainees.

The 470 jails across the country only intend to hold 20,746 prisoners. In 2020, the inmate population hit 115,336, putting the average congestion rate of Philippine detention facilities at 403 percent, according to Bureau of Jail Management and Penology (BJMP) data. These institutions are guarded by only 16,949 personnel.

The pandemic further magnified the dire condition of jails and inmates. Philippine jails were reported as the most congested prison system in the world, according to Raymund Narag, associate professor of Criminology and Criminal Justice at Southern Illinois University School of Justice and Public Safety.

“Prisons are not only full to the brim, [but] they are [also] teeming with

emaciated and disease-carrying bodies,” wrote Narag in a Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) report in July 2018.

The jails’ severe overcrowding casts doubts on the capacity of the BJMP, Philippine National Police, and Bureau of Corrections to create measures in ensuring safer and more humane correctional facilities.

For instance, ideally, one prison officer should be handling only seven inmates. But, in reality, a jail guard handles 80 or, in worse cases, up to 300, according to Narag in a forum on prisoner welfare and jail conditions, organized by the PCIJ and the American Bar Association last November 15.

The snail-paced hearings are what primarily contributed to the issue of overcrowding, said Kenneth Guda, a reporting fellow of the PCIJ. More than 75 percent of the total detainees in the country are in the pretrial stage, having yet to be judged in the court of law and serve their prison sentence. The pretrial

The assumption of Rodrigo Duterte as president in 2016 exacerbated the issue of jail congestion.

Katarungan sa kulungan!

stage is where the accused states their plea of guilty or not guilty.

The protracted hearings are compounded by unoccupied courts, he said, adding that it takes about a year for a judge to be when the previous one has died, resigned, or retired.

Sky-High Congestion Rates

The assumption of Rodrigo Duterte as president in 2016 exacerbated the issue of congestion. With Duterte’s violent anti-narcotics campaign, 6,191 individuals have been killed, while 307,521 have been arrested, according to the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency in August 2021.

At the height of the Duterte administration’s drug war, the average congestion rates from 2016 to 2020 remained well above 400-percent overcrowding. This peaked in 2017, landing up at 612 percent or 146,302 prisoner population.

In comparison, the congestion rate was 411 percent during the last year of former President Benigno Aquino III term in 2015. While in 2016, it skyrocketed to 511 percent under Duterte.

“May tinatawag kami na ‘balagbag,’ yung natutulog sa sahig. Sardinas ka talaga. Ang pwesto mo lang, nakatagilid ka, hindi ka pwedeng humilata. Di ka pwedeng umunat ng katawan mo kasi masisipa mo yung nasa baba mo,” said a former detainee from Manila City Jail.

Much worse than the already serious humanitarian crisis of male prisoners, the struggles of women and juvenile detainees are exacerbated. More than overcrowding, these sectors face worse conditions in jails that give little to no regard for their additional needs.

Intensified Woes

Lactating mothers, for instance, lack stations where they can breastfeed their children, despite a law requiring lactation stations in all establishments

or institutions. Minor detainees, on the other hand, confront issues concerning their psychological well-being.

In Taguig City Jail Female Dormitory, for instance, there is a 900-percent congestion rate, forcing some inmates to sleep in the hallways. The issue of overcrowding has also caused 63 inmates to use only two available toilets.

While laws to strengthen nutrition intervention programs for infants exist, like Kalusugan at Nutrisyon ng MagNanay Act, such policies are rarely given regard in prisons. This issue was brought to light in October 2020, when the 3-month-old Baby River, was forcibly separated from her mother, activist Reina Mae Nasino, who was detained for trumped-up charges. River died less than two months after separation from her mother.

Despite representing only 2 to 10 percent of the total prison population, women also have additional necessities that need to be addressed, said Cham

Katarungan sa kulungan!

The Commission on Human Rights holds a legal clinic caravan in the Taguig City Jail Female Dormitory, October 19, as part of the National Correctional Consciousness Week. /Taguig City Jail Female Dormitory

Perez of Center for Women’s Resources. She noted that there is a lack of womenspecific allocations in jails. Some would even refrain from changing their sanitary napkins and going to the restroom because of the shortage of pads and potable water.

Minor detainees, on the other hand, predominantly face the issue of deteriorating mental health. Children are often left to themselves with little to no psychological intervention during detainment, according to Ritchie Salgado, a Carmelite priest and reporter for Bulatlat.

“Putting children in shelters should be the last resort. Attention should be given to Bahay Pag-Asa centers, particularly in achieving restorative justice and rehabilitation of children,” he said. Bahay Pag-asa, a center that intervenes and supports rehabilitation of juvenile detainees.

A similar initiative is Bukang Liwayway, a minimum security camp for minors that intends to mediate the healing and reconciliation of juvenile offenders and the offended party. It follows a core program that assists in the healing of the juvenile detainee and its graduates can continue their education. Some nonprofit and nongovernment foundations give detained minors financial incentives and subsidies, granting juvenile detainees the opportunity to advance their education.

Moving Forward

There are laws that protect prisoners’ rights. Some of them are the Bureau of Corrections Act of 2013 and the Juvenile Justice and Welfare Act of 2006. The laws aim to provide subsidies to upgrade rehabilitation programs and prison facilities for detainees to reintegrate into society.

Nongovernment organizations have initiated programs geared toward helping prisoners. The College Education Behind Bars

(CEBB), for instance, aims to provide the opportunity for incarcerated individuals to further their educational attainment while detained.

“They are more than what they have done so they should be given a second chance. Obstacles should be less, and opportunities should be more,” said Aland Mizell, founder of CEBB.

While efforts to support the reintegration of inmates into society are present, such interventions will remain inadequate if correctional institutions remain inhumane.

There have been calls to address the issue of overcrowding jails. For instance, there has been a call from Kapatid, an organization of friends and families of political prisoners, to mass release prisoners, considering the pandemic. Another is the law that allows the early release of prisoners for good behavior or the Good Conduct Time Allowance Law. However, such attempts remain overlooked.

Prisoners continue to amass in detention facilities as the justice system barely has progress in resolving cases because of the slow filling of vacant positions and lack of judges. Out of the 957 regional trial courts in the Philippines, 156 remain vacant or unorganized.

Offenders have the constitutional right to a speedy trial. However, laws that expedite the employment of judges are nowhere in sight as all judges are personally appointed by the president. But until bottlenecks in the judicial system remain, jails will continue to teem with prisoners who have yet to see a single day in court.

“Even in prison, one can find redemption,” said Amelia Cabasao, PCIJ reporting fellow. “Inmates deserve a second chance to be reintegrated to the community.”

Prisoners continue to amass in detention facilities as the justice system barely has progress in resolving cases due to the lack of judges.

Luisa Elago

Scenes of Onsite Learning in UP Diliman

» Two months since UP Diliman shifted to blended learning, students and faculty are still grappling with adjusting to the new mode of learning. As the university is expected to conduct more in-person classes this upcoming semester, the Collegian followed students’ on-campus activities for this month’s issue.

Students stage a lighting rally at the end of the UP president public forum in Cine Adarna, November 11, urging the nominees to lay out concrete plans for the implementation of in-person classes, as well as ensuring the safety and welfare of students and faculty.

Members of the UP community are usually seen strolling around the university’s academic oval. On most days, though, the oval is empty due to the relatively small number of students on campus.

Only a few students have stayed at the library of the College of Business Administration, despite its reopening this month.

As classes and activities in UP are still largely held online, Vinzons Hill remains empty throughout the day, November 18.

Kristina, a second-year geodetic engineering student, conducts a topographic survey of the Sunken Garden. Despite challenges in preparing and commuting, she still prefers onsite class activities.

A psychology faculty member conducts on-site classes in Lagmay Hall with a few students on November 18. According to the professor, most of her students were unable to attend the physical classes due to financial and logistical woes.

Page design by Angelyn Castillo

Students participate in the first Kapihan sa Diliman on November 7 after over two years of remote learning. The Kapihan serves as a 24/7 study hub for all students to review and attend makeup classes.

Venus Samonte

Our Children’s Dim Futures

» Children can and should always have the avenue to address concerns and personal curiosities to trusted peers as they navigate through life.

In 2015, the house of Australian sex offender Peter Scully was raided by the police as he was believed to have hosted a child pornography site in the dark web. Investigations revealed the gruesome filming process and exploitation of over 70 underaged girls, most of which were scouted around Mindanao.

On November 9, a local trial court found him guilty and sentenced him to 129 years of imprisonment, a bittersweet end of a chapter that had originally shocked the country more than half a decade ago. But the years-long investigation, little to no anonymity for the juvenile survivors, and lack of government support for these victims all reflect the noticeable neglect of the state to protect and support Filipino children.

The inability of both our authorities and communities to protect our children from life-changing traumas forces us to assess the implementation of related policies and evaluate certain cultural practices that contribute to child neglect and abuse. With the youth being regularly at the risk of

abuse in their own homes, forced labor, sexual exploitation, among others, they are only subject to dim futures and lost lives.

For instance, the police require some three or four separate acts of maltreatment for reported cases of domestic violence to officially become considered by the authorities This alone could explain why we only come to learn cases like Scully’s. Now, it has come to a point where several individuals have already fallen into the trap all while children and witnesses themselves hesitate to reach out for help.

Underreporting could also be connected to how most Filipinos generally find a hard time to denote if discipline should always include the iron fist: Our traditional culture dictates that physical punishments are merely acts of love. However, love should not leave one with unwanted bruises or mental health issues.

The situation, at the very least, shows some improvement. Because the Philippines is a known hotspot for child exploitation, the government

Our traditional culture dictates that physical punishments are merely acts of love. However, love should not leave one with unwanted bruises or mental health issues.

has initiated various actions and policies to amend the matter. For one, the Department of Justice’s Committee for the Special Protection of Children and the Department of Education’s (DepEd) creation of a child protection unit are some of the programs that currently attempt to mitigate and protect the rights and safety of children. These efforts join hands with several policies against involving minors in cybercrime and online trafficking.

Republic Act (RA) 7610 or the Special Protection of Children Against Abuse, Exploitation, and Discrimination Act serves as the mother policy for child protection efforts on all forms of neglect and discrimination against children. The law encompasses even the state’s consideration of those who are part of indigenous communities and children who may be implicated in armed conflicts.

Hearing all of this sound like the Philippines is off to a good track, but with the UP Philippine General Hospital’s 2016 report on how most sexual abuse cases involve children

aged 13 to 15, we cannot help but wonder if the implementation of these laws and projects bear any weight at all.

For one, RA 7610 has been castigated by the Supreme Court for being too lenient in penalizing sex offenders. The court, in a 2019 decision, noted that the penalty for violations when the victim is under 12 years old is lower than the penalty when the victim is between 12 to 18 years old.

International humanitarian organization CAMELEON Association shares that a whopping 7 million Filipino children are sexually abused at least once per year, with 20 percent belonging to those under 6 years old. Unfortunately, this only includes reported cases to the authorities, so the actual numbers may be significantly higher, and harder to stomach, as seven out of ten children do not know that help is within their reach.

Hope is not lost, though. DepEd’s national child protection unit hotline will soon be implemented in every school

to bridge the gaps of the financial and developmental child-centered care programs. Just this year as well, the Anti-Online Sexual Abuse or Exploitation of Children and Anti-Child Sexual Abuse or Exploitation Materials Act was passed for the establishment of a national coordination agency against the aforementioned offenses in its name. These steps, albeit relatively lagging behind from the efforts of other countries, are still significant strides toward promoting better child welfare.

Members of the community are also expected to do their part by being open to the discussion of sensitive and critical topics as an early intervention effort that will save more lives than we could ever imagine.

Children, by their own rights, can and should always have the avenue to address concerns and personal curiosities to trusted peers as they navigate through life. Society molds our people. Both our communities and the government, then, should provide programs directed to the care of our children because, ultimately, it takes a village to raise a child. «

Members of the indigenous community gather to celebrate the 30th anniversary of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and World Children’s Day. /Lucky Dela Rosa (2019)

Andrea Medina

Processing the Unsustainable Practice

» Attaining sustainable development is still something I strive for in our society, but I grew disconnected from it as I became more aware of our realities.

FIRST PERSON

I grew up in educational institutions appreciative of the environment. In both of those Katipunan schools, I was always reminded to be good stewards of God’s creation and keep clean as we go. The word sustainability was thrown around a lot in these classrooms. The sheer exposure to the idea combined with my interest in making things more efficient are the main reasons why chemical engineering resonated with me more in comparison to other fields.

Now, as a third-year chemical engineering student, I took the opportunity to apply for an internship at one of my department’s laboratories with its research focusing on sustainability. Contrary to most laboratories, it has a dry lab environment where computational analyses are done by computer models instead of actual experiments.

Because of the laboratory’s theoretical nature, my internship plan for this semester mostly consists of reading literature. During our first week, I had

to complete a module of videos and research journals to expand my basic definition of societal sustainability–economically inclusive, environmentally sustainable, and well-governed.

Such an ideal—frankly utopic—vision of society, however, is still very much far from reach. Our economy, for one, exists within the society and the society exists in the environment. It is easy to visualize our physical limitations with this ecocentric worldview, as changes in the environment will directly impact our society and economy, and vice versa.

To achieve this, the environment must be maintained to ensure safe living conditions for society. Consequently, good governance is required to implement policies that safeguard these natural resources all the while allowing development. This definition of sustainable development feels so grand and ambitious. My younger self would be thrilled to know there were already engineers and scientists striving for the same goals she had.

At this point of my education, it is a contradiction between upholding my values and pursuing my chosen career path.

Although, chemical engineers alone will not attain sustainable development given the realities on the ground.

As a chemical engineering student, I do know that there are processes essential for continued development. The chemical process industry precisely operates on this–the industry focuses on converting raw materials into commercial products on a large scale. Many of the things we use daily, like fuel, medicine, and food, most likely went through a factory optimized by a chemical engineer. We would not be where we are now without the many contributions of chemical engineering to society.

However, the way these processes are currently created focuses too much on profit instead of sustainability. When unit operations and processes are discussed in my chemical engineering majors, it is often mentioned to choose the method that maximizes economic gain. Companies dislike the idea of shifting to greener technology because they believe it would reduce their profits in one way or another.

I get taught what type of units are the most cost-effective yet efficient in each situation. It is sometimes coincidental that maximizing its profitability also meant recycling some of the raw material back into the feed streams of a process to reduce waste.

In fact, the concept of sustainability has become the newest marketing strategy in the industry. As environmental issues arise, consumers start to demand for more sustainable products. Greenwashing is now commonplace in advertising. For example, metal straws are presented as an alternative to singleuse plastic straws. Companies desire

to look environmentally aware, despite being the perpetrators of harmful practices themselves.

In profit-driven engineering, reduction of environmental impact is only an afterthought. Oil and gas industries utilize extraction methods inherently destructive to landscapes and inhabiting wildlife. Plastic, once a novel idea that allowed for the convenience of easy packaging of various items, can now be found polluting our rivers and oceans.

I cannot help but think that I will inevitably end up as a character in this system where production is valued over necessity. I do not want to end up working under corporations practicing unsustainable production for profit. At this point of my education, it is a contradiction between upholding my values and pursuing my chosen career path.

The promise of infinite growth without repercussions to the environment and, in turn, the quality of our lives, is a lie that I continue to struggle against. Perhaps, it is possible in the future that with our chemical engineering tools and processes, we can cut back on our consumption and pollution—even growth itself—to set our path toward a truly sustainable growth and society.

Chemical engineering will always remain relevant in society, but it loses its value over time when the profession continues to separate itself from its social responsibilities. The most I could do now as a student is to master the foundations and immerse myself in the people advocating for sustainable engineering, as our collective frustration may translate into transformation of the industry that we are all disappointed about.

In profit-driven engineering, reduction of environmental impact is only an afterthought.

Adam Torres

Pride, Punishment, and Prejudice

» In a relatively patriarchal society that benefits their interests, it is unclear why heterosexuals call for special laws to “defend” their rights, much less secure their already predominant ideologies.

Coming out of the closet is perhaps the most complicated conversation to have in a Filipino household. You can spend weeks, months, and years picking the right words to finally articulate what you feel only to be met with disappointed stares and sheer disbelief from the people you hold most dear.

But the struggle does not end after one or two difficult conversations.

In a predominantly Catholic country, what follows is a never-ending process of accepting one’s true self amid those who cannot reconcile gender rights with religious freedom. Such is the impact of political leaders and institutions that condone bigotry sugarcoated by rigid interpretations of religion.

Earlier this month, Manila 6th District Rep. Bienvenido Abante, who is also a pastor, took a turn for the worse by filing yet another homophobic bill in Congress.

Despite the glaring heteronormativity found in the constitution, religious

fundamentalists have found one more way to assert their resentment toward the LGBTQ community. This time, a premise for prejudice is explicitly expressed in House Bill (HB) 5717, seeking to protect heterosexuals from fictitious experiences of oppression.

In an attempt to justify his proposal, Abante subtly invalidated the existence of queers by acknowledging heterosexuals as the “actual and direct creations of God,” as if their normative orientations granted them the privilege of being the only ones with rights. This was just the tip of the iceberg in his deplorable explanatory note which touched on several biblical passages to defend the supposed need to freely express and impose cisgender beliefs.

As such, it is clear that differences are not what divides the country, but rather, the reluctance to recognize these differences and accept them in good faith. While religious fundamentalists, like Abante, are busy grasping at straws, the LGBTQ community still awaits the passage of the Sexual

equality now!

SOGIE

Despite notions of equity and fair play, the Heterosexual Bill of 2022 effectively proposes the opposite of these principles.

Orientation, Gender Identity, Expression, and Sex Characteristics (SOGIESC)

Anti-discrimination Bill in hopes of embracing their identities without shame or compromise.

For many conservatives, an imagined threat lies in the realization of SOGIE rights because it stands against their dogmatic exercise of religion. But the fact of the matter is that rights are neither rivalrous nor excludable. It is ludicrous to think that ensuring equal access to basic rights and services would diminish the freedoms possessed by cisgendered individuals.

In this war of acceptance, two decades have passed since the anti-discrimination bill was first filed. Battles have been won and lost in both chambers of Congress, but some lawmakers remain unafraid to challenge the prevailing heteronormative attitudes in legislation. Its hindrance has been tied to several misconceptions that perpetuate a convoluted perception of SOGIE rights among reluctant conservatives.

At its precipice is the belief that SOGIE equality would warrant legal biases for the LGBTQ community. This, however, could not be more wrong in its assertion that queer rights precede that of heterosexuals provided that the bill aims to eliminate SOGIE-based discrimination, to which everyone is entitled.

After all, a wider space for queer representation does not translate to diminished rights for the heterosexuals. It just so happens that LGBTQ discrimination is much more prominent in a society that favors the interests of those who conform to the status quo. Indeed, this social phenomenon calls for a wider reorientation of public institutions, but the SOGIE bill is a stride in the right direction. By upholding the 1987 Constitution’s promise of equal protection under the law, all Filipinos should be protected from SOGIEbased discrimination, regardless of their labels and beliefs.

Like Abante’s proposal, the secular mandate of our government is often ignored by conservative officials when no legal doctrines can sufficiently defend their discriminatory propositions. For this reason, dogmatic beliefs and heteronormative standards can engender discussions inside the session hall.

With one look at its fine print, the religious undertones behind HB 5717 are amusingly conspicuous. The drafted document boasts several biblical verses which aim to further legitimize the oppression felt by the LGBTQ community, insofar as declaring that conformity is the only viable way to end one’s discrimination.

Despite notions of equity and fair play, the Heterosexual Bill of 2022 effectively proposes the opposite of these principles. It serves as an outright insult toward genuine advocates of SOGIE equality who tirelessly lobby for gender rights and equal opportunities.

By setting this bill into motion, Abante turns a blind eye toward the prejudice that queers experience on a daily basis may it be at the workplace, at home, or in the academe.

In a patriarchal society that benefits their interests, it is unclear why some heterosexuals call for special laws to “defend” their rights, much less secure their already predominant ideologies. This bill will merely prompt the hostility of religious fundamentalists and push for the weaponization of their religion against perspectives that contest their own.

Regardless of what one believes, every Filipino deserves to be seen as their authentic self. In the face of differences, the challenge of unlearning heteronormativity will be essential in liberating the LGBTQ community from the shackles of violence and discrimination. The SOGIE bill remains at the forefront of this cause.

Twenty years have gone since the SOGIE bill was introduced, yet Congress continues to hold out on its passage due to its inability to reconcile religion and politics (Adobe Stock Photo).

Page design by Angelyn Castillo

Micah Formoso

Communities Demand Decent Housing, Livelihood for Next UP President

» As the selection for the next UP president approaches, the UP communities demand housing, livelihood, and security.

Inside the 493 hectares of UP Diliman are some 18 communities, mainly composed of generations of former and current UP employees and their families, and the urban poor.

As the selection of the next UP president approaches, the Kariton ng Maralita, a group dedicated to defending the rights of the urban poor, shared the demands of those living in the university–decent housing, livelihood, and security.

One of the main problems facing the urban poor is the demolition of their houses as the communities are considered illegal settlers in UP lands. Houses in the communities are being torn down as they are being reclaimed by the university.

Ella Cruz, one of the convenors of Kariton ng Maralita, shared that the presence of the UP president was not always felt by the communities. “Maraming galit dahil hindi nararamdaman [ng UP communities] ang presensya ng UP president, at dahil hindi pinapakinggan ang kanilang mga adhikain,” she said.

During the fire in Village A in May, Cruz said that while the victims were thankful for all the help and assistance extended by the other members of the UP community, the UP System administration headed by UP President Danilo Concepcion lagged behind in their actions.

The UP administration has given no assurance regarding a relocation site for the affected residents, especially for those who were renting in the area. Over six months after the fire, some of the affected residents are still staying in the Pook Amorsolo basketball court, Village A basketball court, and Sampaguita Residence Hall.

“Nananawagan kami para sa agarang aksyon ng UP president at matulungan ang mga tao na mabigyan ng sarili nilang bahay sa loob ng UP Diliman,” Cruz said.

Aside from the delayed response of the UP administration toward the affected residents, those living in Pook Malinis and Pook Arboretum have also

Karapatan sa paninirahan, ipaglaban!

As the selection of the next UP president approaches, the Kariton ng Maralita, a group dedicated to defending the rights of the urban poor, shared the demands of those living in the university–decent housing, livelihood, and security.

experienced the demolition of their houses to make way for infrastructure projects. In Pook Arboretum, houses are being torn down in preparation for the construction of the UP Philippine General Hospital Diliman.

Instead of focusing on displacing the residents of Pook Malinis, community leader Amalia Alcantra called on the UP administration to assist them in their pursuit for stable work and livelihood.

“Gusto namin ng marangal na trabaho,” she said. Many in Pook Malinis are not regular workers and some are employed as construction workers who are paid by the day. Other members of the community are “nagkakariton,” pushing their wooden carts around every day to collect scrap metal they can sell.

Alcantara called for the university’s assistance in giving workers regular jobs to allow them to provide better for their families. During the pandemic, she noted that it was the students who setup donation drives and tried their best to help the communities. In contrast, there was a lack of support from the UP administration when they attempted to continue demolition efforts back in June 2021.

In their calls for livelihood, Alcantara also encouraged UP to protect the livelihood of farmers in Pook Aguinaldo who are

being prohibited from farming on the lands. Last September 8, 2021, the farmers were given a cease-and-desist order from the Diliman Legal Office, ordering them to “harvest their crops and vacate the lands within 60 days.”

The farmers and their predecessors have been occupying the lands during the Spanish occupation, long before the existence of the university. The area is now owned by the university and has resulted in a long-lasting land dispute.

According to Republic Act 9500, also known as the UP Charter, UP lands shall solely be used for academic purposes. The university also has absolute ownership over such landholdings, including those covered by original and transfer certificates of title.

“Sana ibigay na ng unibersidad ang mga lupang ito sa mga magsasakang pilit na inaalisan ng pagtataniman,” Alcantara said.

Aside from their calls for housing and livelihood, Cruz also called for the tightening of security measures in and around the campus. In the UP communities, she explained, many residents are red-tagged and sent death threats every day.

As a community leader, Alcantara shared that she regularly receives death threats

sent through her Messenger account. In Pook Malinis, police surveillance has also become more prominent as officers allegedly surveyed the area and asked for details on certain members of the community.

“Ang hinahangad namin sa UP president ay hindi payagan ang pagpasok ng militar at kapulisan sa community,” said Alcantara.

The Department of National Defense terminated its 31-year-old agreement with the university due to allegations of recruitment of communist groups inside the campuses. The termination of the UP-DND accord effectively allowed the military to enter UP campuses without prior notice to university officials.

Since its termination, UP students have been harassed and red-tagged. In May 2022, two student leaders were threatened and asked to turn themselves in to local authorities. In September, student Kara Taggaoa was arrested over a mobilization organized against the passing of the Anti-Terror Law in 2020.

“Hindi dapat ihiwalay ng UP ang community dahil andun sila sa loob ng UP,” Alcantara said. “Dapat pahalagahan ng susunod na presidente ang community at subukan pang matulungan ang community.”

A signage near the front of Pook Malinis, emphasizing their presence as members of the UP community. (Micah Formoso / Philippine Collegian)

The UP Presidential Nominee Interview Series

UP President Danilo Concepcion’s term is nearing its end. Under his leadership, UP has seen massive infrastructure projects, curricular overhaul, and the changing role of UP under a country beset by the pandemic and crises.

As Concepcion’s term dawns, the national university is once again searching for its next leader. Six nominees have forwarded themselves for the top job. They are Catanduanes

Alain T. Azanza, lawyer and former 1-Ang

Angelo A. Jimenez, UP Diliman

Pacheco, and former UP Los Baños

This month, the Collegian editorial board interviewed all six nominees vying to be UP’s 22nd president. An extended version of the interview is published on our website which can be accessed by scanning the QR code above. The nominees’ interviews have been condensed and edited for clarity.

State University President Patrick

Edukasyon Rep. Salvador B. Belaro Jr., lawyer and former UP Regent

Chancellor Fidel R. Nemenzo, civil engineering professor Benito M.

Chancellor Fernando C. Sanchez Jr.

Photos by Ar Jay Revilla & Luisa Elago

Patrick Alain T. Azanza

Philippine Collegian (PC): Your vision paper is entitled “Unibersidad ng Panghinaharap.” How do you imagine that in concrete terms?

Azanza: Data-driven dapat ang UP, and if we have eight constituent universities, we should have a cyber university. There should also be automation and digitization, so that when we go to the level of the UP Board of Regents, the policies are based on data. Data will give you options—not emotional, not political—but just plain data to tell you, “These are your options, regents.”

PC: From that, in terms of learning, should UP go largely virtual?

Azanza: Iyon ang mas nakikita ko. I’d like to bring the university to where it should be, in terms of curricular modernization and research orientation para higit tayong maging siyentipiko, makabago, at nakakasunod. When you, for example, study history in the future, I could foresee that you will be studying history in terms of virtual facilities that you will get yourself into, 3D or 4D.

PC: You have a very visionary outlook. But then again, UP is an academic institution—we have shared governance here. Do you think you can realistically execute all your plans?

Azanza: The vision can be calibrated. But it goes back to data. If you seem to be against my proposal, then I present to you the options, based on data. With predictive analytics and AI, we can predict the consequences of the proposals and options I am giving my colleagues. And I trust the UP mind, the UP faculty, and the UP student to make the right decisions.

PC: How do you envision yourself as an administrator?

Azanza: My track record will bare me at hindi ko kailangang maglubid

ng kahit anong salita. Iba yung istilo ng pamumuno ko at sinabi ko na ito noon sa UP that I believe in shared governance. I believe that the students, faculty, and staff are co-equals of the president. I will make sure na hindi ninyo kailangan humingi sa akin ang mga datos at impormasyon. Has there been a UP president that has ever done that? I doubt it. Even the time of Francisco Nemenzo Jr. who is supposedly a progressive mind, hindi naman, di ba? So ganito ang klase ng pamumuno na meron ako at hindi ko ito sinasabi na parang pinangangako lang—ginawa, ginagawa, at gagawin ko ito.

PC: But you have been long separated from UP. How do you plan to govern a university, given that some call you an “outsider?”

Azanza: I have not really disassociated myself from UP. I have relationships with the UP community, and in fact noong height ng COVID-19, nakipagugnayan ako sa Red Cross ng UP and gave assistance also to UP Los Baños students na tinamaan ng COVID-19. Sa tingin ko maling sabihin na outsider ako dahil I have not been seperated from UP, especially with the alumni. I’m very much a part of UP and if you look at me, my DNA is UP. People are saying na I’m not UP, then they’re dead wrong dahil yung pagmamahal ko sa unibersidad at sa ating bansa ay laging naroon. Hindi ito nawala.

PC: From your vision paper, you want to strengthen UP’s ability to fund itself. How will you reconcile that plan with UP’s public character as the national university?

Azanza: Nais kong i-emphasize that I never said na hindi tayo kukuha ng suporta galing sa gobyerno. Ang sinasabi ko nga as much as we can get, let’s get that because the state owes us. Ang vision ko is not something commercial. Hindi siya basta-basta komersyalisasyon lang, kundi, something na magiging “playground” ng ating mga estudyante dahil maeexpose sila sa industry practices. To

that end, I think we have to review the agreement that we have with Ayala in the TechnoHub and UP Town Center.

PC: How, then, will you deal with communities living inside UP campuses?

Azanza: Hindi mo lang sila basta aalisin, kailangan ng komprehensibong pagpaplano, meron kang relocation area ng mga komunidad, kasi tao sila. Within your UP land, maga-allocate ka ng lupa para sa kanila. Dapat may social equity side itong lahat ng mga economic zones or development natin sa ating mga pag-aari ng UP.

PC: Who do you think is the most capable of the five other nominees?

Azanza: As I’ve said, I’m data-driven. The number of reactions won’t lie—ang second sa akin ay si Fidel Nemenzo. I’ll go for Nemenzo. Dapat ganun naman. Numero lang ang magsasabi ng katotohanan.

Graphics and layout design by Blanca Versoza

Photo by Luisa Elago

Philippine Collegian (PC): Why did you accept the nomination to become the 22nd university president?

Belaro: I accepted the nomination because I want to serve the university. I owe so much to UP. My story showed that everything that I have right now is traceable to my UP education. I want to thank UP for the goodness it has brought to my life, from being a probinsyano to being a congressman. Perhaps a UP presidency who is aware of all these vicissitudes, all these ramifications, all these nuances would be able to bring out the best in UP at this time.

PC: You plan to expand UP’s diversity, in terms of admission. How do you plan to diversify UP’s student mix?

Belaro: It’s a whole package. My vision for the studentry is from admission to graduation. And even to job-seeking, you should have a nurturing environment which should be made possible by UP. In the UP charter, we are mandated to be inclusive, we are mandated to also come out with procedures by which to ensure such inclusivity. That proposal of 10 students per barangay is only a proposal, it could be modified. I also think that we need to review the socialized tuition system to be reflective of current economic needs.

PC: Do you think the free tuition policy isn’t enough?

Belaro: We need more scholarships. Because of existing policies in the university, some students who really are deserving still cannot make it. For instance, if you are a probinsyano, you have to think of the living costs in the university, so that’s where scholarships would be more effective.

PC: Expanding scholarships need money. How do you intend to generate resources for UP?

Belaro: We need not go far beyond the UP charter. It is not a matter of values, it is not a matter of priorities, it is a matter of duty. What you have to do. You have to follow the charter. That is my call. So it’s not a matter of imposing your own values, it’s not a matter of imposing your own priorities.

PC: You said in your vision paper that UP must consider getting funding from private sources like public-private partnership projects. What do you exactly mean?

Belaro: We have this problem: We don’t have money. UP is very expansive, it has eight constituent units. How do you finance that? We have no choice but to generate money. And if you don’t generate resources, you will be doing a disservice to your duty as UP president. Pinabayaan mo eh. Yun dapat ang maintindihan natin. There’s nothing wrong about investment, as

long as it’s in accordance with the mandates of the university. May mga lands tayo. Ano gagawin natin sa mga lands natin? Maximize it. Ba’t ayaw niyong gamitin? Nakatiwangwang.

PC: Do you commit to not allow the displacement of UP communities without concrete plans for their relocation?

Belaro: Let’s come out with our social reengineering schemes for all these lands of UP which have informal settlers. Other than that, if you don’t do anything, you will have another decade—it’s useless, the university does not profit from it.

PC: What are the major changes that you plan to implement in the university?

Belaro: Ang gusto ko maging hallmark ng administration kung ako’y mapipili ay I want to strengthen the public university mandate of UP. May perception kasi ngayon na parang ang ginagawa lang ng mga taga-UP ay nagra-rally lang for the sake of rallies, which is not true. Under the charter, we are mandated to become a public service university, so we really have to expand our extension services. For example, if you’re an agriculture student, go to the countryside and teach them the latest technology.

PC: In relation to that, what are your priority issues?

Belaro: As primarily a teaching university, we need to maintain being the number one. We need to train the faculty members of other universities. I propose sa graduate school, tanggalin na yung mga mahigpit na maximum residency rules, especially for working professionals. Walang problema kung dadagdagan mo yung mga bigat ng mga kurso, pero pabilisin mo naman. Cut to the chase of the program.

PC: Who among the five other nominees will you select to be the next UP president?

Belaro: I would go for Angelo Jimenez. He has legal experience and global experience, and he is a former student leader. UP is the national university. You cannot lead something you have no experience on.

Salvador B. Belaro Jr.

Photo by Andrea Medina

Angelo A. Jimenez

Philippine Collegian (PC): What motivated you to accept the nomination to become the 22nd UP president?

Jimenez: I thought this was a period of transition and the most important challenge for UP, or any other institution today, is change. I know about the anxieties and stress that many of us undergo today. But what I really want to say is that we cannot base the future on our anxieties and fears. We have to found it firmly in our hopes. I have known UP ever since. I’m very optimistic about our collective energies and talents. All we need today is just enough courage to move one step at a time so that we can cross the challenge of the pandemic and its aftermath.

PC: From being a member of the UP Board of Regents (BOR), what can you bring to the UP presidency?

Jimenez: The most important thing was a deep insight on systems perspective. We are eight constituent units with important institutions inside like the UP Philippine General Hospital and Philippine Genome Center which highlights our public service component. I was also a member of the BOR finance committee, and I know what I do because I am always following the money in that committee.

PC: One of the most striking parts in your vision paper was your plan to digitize UP. How far will you digitize UP?

Jimenez: We have survived two years of online learning. We have survived and it has kept us together. A little bit bloodied on the nose, but it has kept us together. We have to start with our learning management system. Yung SAIS talaga, I wouldn’t say it’s a complete failure, because it will only be a complete failure if we did not learn from that. Number two, we have to use the internet of things and digital technology for learning delivery as well. We have to learn.

PC: You also said you want to focus on graduate and post-graduate programs of UP. What aspects will you improve in those programs?

Jimenez: We have only about 35 percent of our faculty holding PhD degrees. The ASEAN average is much higher than that and we need to catch up with that. We need postgraduates because they may be oriented towards research. We need to improve the quality of our programs by providing incentives to our faculty to, say, teach in other UP units, especially those far from Manila. If we want our great professors to move around, we need to give them resources like housing. Those are the issues we would want to resolve to improve the quality of our programs across UP.

PC: Speaking of resources, how do you envision resource generation under your term?

Jimenez: It is not so much the funding that makes an entity a public entity. It is the policy and decision and the government structure—if those are controlled by the public, then it is a public institution. If public-funded money can be used to provide the human resources needed for the private sector, for me, there is no conflict in looking at it the other way around—private sector partnering with the university to produce knowledge that can serve the people. The point is, universities must be relevant and responsive. There must be a match between industry needs and the product of our universities.

PC: The UP president is, arguably, also a national leader. If you’re selected, what kind of relationship do you plan to have with national government agencies?

Jimenez: We are a government school with a very clear mandate under the law. And this mandate requires us to engage with them. We also have to strengthen our public diplomacy. Right now, there are some sectors targeting us, calling us communists, and whether you like it or not, there are some people who get swayed by these things. And these kinds of things can sway policymakers as well, especially during election time.

We need to pass legislation to improve certain policies, like the Balik Scientist program which doesn’t allow dual citizens. We really need to engage the national government.

PC: How do you plan to address redtagging?

Jimenez: Red-tagging is not innocent. It is targeted. Funded yun. Everyone’s vlogging. Why can’t we do our own vlog? But this time, factual, very clear communications, targeted, betterexplained. So we have to come out in public as something different.

PC: Among the five other nominees, who will you pick to be the next UP president?

Jimenez: But I would go for Fidel Nemenzo. I know him, and he has a record. His weaknesses are known as well, strengths are known. You can maximize your strength and try to minimize the weaknesses by supporting. You have to support the winner, whoever he may be.

Page design by Blanca Versoza

Photo by Maria Laya

Fidel R. Nemenzo

Philippine Collegian (PC): Why did you accept the nomination to become the 22nd university president?

Nemenzo: I love this university. After I became chancellor, I had the chance to visit other UP units. Hindi naman lahat ng disiplina ay narito sa Diliman. I started seeing the importance of the university. That’s why some people suggested running for president. Malaking challenge siya, pero you need to start thinking about the university it’s no longer about local issues and local communities.

PC: Speaking of communities, how will you protect them, especially as UP is keen on expanding its physical campuses?

Nemenzo: Kung ako tatanungin, I’m not fond of buildings. Kapag ang isang area ay hindi ginagamit, hindi ito necessarily nakatiwangwang. It still has its value. Ideally, sana wala na masyadong

bagong buildings. Kapag kailangan ng physical places, siguro explore yung pataas. Ang kailangan is housing. Matindi yung pangangailangan for it.

PC: How will you establish a “smart UP?” What are the steps that you would take to make blended learning inclusive for other students?

Nemenzo: Definitely, di na tayo babalik sa full face-to-face kasi andyan ang development of technologies. Pero, kailangan nating bumalik sa face-toface kasi naroon ang social experience ng education, and I miss that. Without that, it’s not the university I know. Basically, face-to-face should be the default, but we have learned enough about the use of new technologies. So if there are situations that require us to shift, we can do this.

PC: What courses should be held remotely?

Nemenzo: Marami sa graduate courses, gusto nila ay remote. But it’s different when you interact with people especially sa undergraduate level. Sa undergraduate, nothing beats onsite education. And, definitely, ang mga courses na nangangailangan ng fieldwork at laboratories dapat bumalik sa campus.

PC: Let’s move to your plan of an “agile UP.” In your vision paper, you plan on promoting academic freedom, inclusivity and openness. How do you exactly plan to defend academic freedom?

Nemenzo: Even before I was chancellor, I was already speaking in defense of academic freedom and against red-tagging. Ngayong chancellor ako, nagtayo ako ng multisectoral committee na ang focus ay security for our students, faculty, and staff. We have also provided legal assistance for those who were experiencing harassment and red-tagging. And if I become president, I would direct the chancellors to honor the commitment of the university to academic freedom.

PC: You also wrote in your vision paper that you want to create a nurturing and enabling environment for the UP community. How?

Nemenzo: You can only do your work well when the university is looking after your well-being. If you have work relationships that are affirmed rather than constricted. Sa faculty, halimbawa, it’s not only providing incentives for research, but it’s also creating a culture where you take care of each other. For our staff, it’s also looking after their needs. For students, you tell me. I can’t promise that I can give everything, but we will try giving as many benefits as allowed by law.

PC: In terms of academics, you were the only nominee to mention the general education (GE) program. Can we expect a review and reform of the GE program under your term?

Nemenzo: We had big debates on GEs. I really wanted more GE units. I still think we should not further reduce our GE units. This is the time we strengthen yung “tatak UP” education. This means developing the capacity for critical thinking. Ngayon kasi may push for STEM, at totoo namang mahalaga yan, but we need people who are well-versed in their disciplines who know how their actions impact on society.

PC: You have been an academic all your life. Some say that UP tends to “inbreed” among its ranks of administrators. What can you say to that?

Nemenzo: This is an academic community. Why is it a disadvantage? We will not be running a corporation here. That requires a different set of practices. I’m not saying an academy should be run by academics but that’s a different type of leadership. But right now, what I offer is academic leadership. A leadership that’s an academic who knows the programs, culture, importance of the life of the mind, and the defense of the life of the mind and academic freedom.

PC: Among the five other nominees, who should be the next UP president?

Nemenzo: This might not be popular with students but I will go for Fernando Sanchez Jr. But I really hope that he has learned his lessons from six years of chancellorship and that he will have to be more sensitive to the situation of his constituents, especially the students.

Photo by Marial Laya

Benito M. Pacheco

Philippine Collegian (PC): In 2016, you were also nominated for the position of UP president. You were not selected then, so, why did you try again this time?

Pacheco: The main reason is that in the last six years, especially the last three years during the pandemic, I realized that as an ordinary faculty member, longer term jobs came to be not in any surreal way. It’s just that the experience is very jarring. It may just be a natural thing that this time my proposal could carry the day. And as I said in the forum, wala namang masama sa take two.

PC: You said your experience was jarring, as a faculty member during the pandemic. Based on your experience, what do you think should be the future of UP education?

Pacheco: Not everything is new. Many of these things have evolved in the past. But now, it’s been jarring in a sense that it has been accelerated, like our use of UVLê. We were so hung up with physical attendance in class when we could have allowed students to be present online. Rather than be trapped with the limitations of time for a term of president, you could lead the community envisioning further, farther, and longer. Mas longer and farther reaching ang vision ko.

PC: Speaking of vision, you also talked about democratic access to UP. How will you further democratize UP admissions?

Pacheco: Accessibility of information and details about options in campus, starting from there, sana, ma-open up natin. Also, what if we come up with a formula from every city and municipality to send students to study in UP. I don’t want to call it a quota, I want to call it a local competition. Admissions should not be based on academic grades alone. We also have

to reset the admission parameters so that we don’t unintentionally put too much advantage on those who are very well-prepared to take the exam.

PC: You also planned to remove the maximum residency rule (MRR), adding that students should pay if they exceed the average number of semesters to complete a degree program. That still sounds like MRR. Any clarification on that?

Pacheco: Wala na dapat stigma na mag-gap year o kaya ang pagiging part-time student. Free tuition must continue for those in low-income families, especially if the extension of stay is for these uncontrollable reasons. Secondly, yung iniisip ko ay magbabayad ka na ng tuition only if babaguhin mo yung major because you will take a lot of resources. In that case, you are requested to donate. It’s not going to be a return of MRR. They are welcome to extend one more year basta mag-contribute sila.

PC: Moving to the topic of resources, how do you plan to complement the UP budget from UP’s own resources, like lands, for instance?

Pacheco: We have to sit down and have a common and shared understanding of what we have and eventually, make them part of our shared vision. There could be academic core zones that could be temporarily used for something else. But if the need arises na ititigil na ang activities in this part cause we agreed that this is part of the academic core zone, then it should prevail. Kung minsan kasi, in-allow na forever nang na-encroach ang pagiging academic core zone dahil binigyan ng exceptions.

PC: In your vision paper, you also floated the idea of admin staff or REPS to serve as faculty members. How do you envision that to be implemented?

Pacheco: There are mainly REPS who are really very qualified to be teachers. Some admin staff are very experienced and also with advanced degrees and training. A person who is very wellversed with auditing, both by advanced degree and experience, how come she

could not be a lecturer in business? I think she could be. It’s not going to be wholesale. My plan is for those who are qualified and willing.

PC: How should UP be under a Marcos presidency?

Pacheco: We have had many UP presidents who are apparently not from the same political party as the president, but they showed their conviction. We should have shared visions. If the shared visions are so well–discussed and none of us would be extremists ideologues. In that way, we elevate the level of discourse.

PC: Do you think UP should be a social critic?

Pacheco: Being a critic is colored in other people’s lenses as people who cannot say anything good. A true critic knows how to pick out the most-appreciated things but also the deficiencies or what is lacking. The same spirit, but I would only use the term “social examiner.”

Page design by Blanca Versoza

Photo by Andrea Medina

Philippine Collegian (PC): You have been an administrator for a very long time. In 2020, you attempted for a third term as UP Los Baños (UPLB) chancellor, but you were not chosen. Why try for the UP presidency now?

Sanchez: I felt that I have more to give to the university. During my administrative stint, I saw a lot of things that could still be done to improve how UP does things for all its constituents. Naroon pa rin yung passion to serve the university, naroon ang sincere desire ko to contribute on building UP as the national university.

PC: Your vision paper is dubbed “Synergy in Diversity.” How do you plan to unite and synergize the UP community given that a significant part of your former constituents in UPLB opposes your nomination?

Sanchez: In any leadership, there will always be what we call opposition. The technique here is how to make them work for the good of the university. And you can only do that by talking and dialogues. Hence, if you can process that dialogue, we can come to an agreement. Ayaw ko ng word na compromise, because it should be an agreement on how to tackle issues.

PC: Do you pledge to be open and consultative?

Sanchez: Yes. I will do that. Basta ang timing ay maayos, because dialogues should be properly scheduled.

PC: You have pending cases before the Ombudsman. Do you think the charges will affect your performance should you become the 22nd UP president?

Sanchez: Honestly, no. It would not affect my performance as the president elected because those cases were a rehash of old cases. In those cases, I only acted to advance the interests of UP.

PC: How do you envision the future of UP education under your term?

Sanchez: We need to improve the internet infrastructure. Kailangan pa rin yan in preparation for the next pandemic. We need to have good internet connectivity not only for instruction but also for research that our faculty can use to communicate with their college abroad. And of course, students can do research.

PC: In your vision paper, you want to strengthen inter-UP collaboration as well as the academe with sectors outside UP. How do you exactly plan to do that?

Sanchez: Ang ibig sabihin nito, hindi lang UP ang responsible sa pag-resolba, halimbawa, sa food security. It should be all constituent units contributing to address the problem. Sana, magkaroon tayo ng collaborative image, because we need to harvest the nongovernment organizations, state universities and colleges, and local government units. Paano natin mapupuntahan yan? Through our extensive alumni network.

PC: How do you envision resource generation under your term?

Sanchez: We should have a plan on how to efficiently utilize our land resources on whatever category. But the most important thing, kailangan, sa resource generation, ang benefit ay doon sa UP constituency, scholarship grants, research supports. Kailangan din nating mailabas ang patent at intellectual property ng ating mga scientists at mai-transfer sa private sector para mapunta sa mga target beneficiaries. Pag nag-generate tayo ng resources, importante rin yung magbigay tayo sa maintenance, kasi palagi na lang na sinasabi sa atin na gawa nang gawa building, pangit naman ang maintain. Nasisira ka agad, hindi nagagamit.

PC: How do you plan to strengthen UP’s public service mission? In relation to that, how do you envision your relationship with national government officials, especially Malacañang?

Sanchez: As long as we depend on the national government for our budget, we need to deal with Malacañang. Of course UP will be UP, we have ideology and UP is the conscience of the nation. We need to partner with the national government, kasi we need to have financial independence in the long term. So, para hindi tayo parang laging mao-obligate to do something that we don’t want to do, diba, because of financial needs.

PC: What are your plans to address the problem of red-tagging, especially when the victims are your constituents?

Sanchez: I will not allow any indiscriminate red-tagging in all UP campuses, if I become a UP president. I’ll guarantee yung academic freedom, to express what they want, what they believe, without fear of retribution. I’ve already done this as chancellor when the NTF-ELCAC red-tagged UPLB students. Of course, nagalit sila, but the point here is, I’m the chancellor and I have to protect my students against harassment.

PC: Aside from you, among the five other nominees, who do you think should become the next UP president?

Page design by Blanca Versoza

Sanchez: Chancellor Fidel Nemenzo.

Fernando C. Sanchez Jr.

Photo by Ar Jay Revilla

Interviewed on November 22 via Zoom.

EDITORIAL

Presidential Orders

Amid another Marcos presidency, the selection of the 22nd UP president could be one of the most consequential in the university’s history.

UP has long been regarded to possess two roles: a knowledge creator and a social critic. As a community of academics, the university is expected to produce discoveries for the Filipino people and forward better alternatives. Such responsibilities fall on the next president of the university especially as UP charts its post-pandemic plans amid the redux of a Marcos presidency and attacks on UP’s public character.

Undoubtedly, the next UP administration will have a large sway on what UP will be beyond the president’s six-year term. He will also have a huge impact on what UP’s role will be as the national university, and in turn, affect how UP will be situated in the country.

It will be no easy task as assaults are hitting the university from all fronts. The next university president will have to deal with a state-backed red-tagging spree that threatens academic freedom and the security of university constituents. The same government headed no less than the dictator’s son, President

Ferdinand Marcos Jr., too, mulls over slashing the university’s annual funding, inevitably diluting UP’s public character in the process. The selection of the next UP president, then, could be one of the most consequential in the university’s history.

The pandemic worsened, as much as it had exposed, the gaps in our education sector, and at the same time offered other possibilities on ways to conduct learning. While technology allowed the flexibility of remote learning, the past two years challenged the relevance of lessons taught in classes. We pondered if the theories we have learned do matter in real life, in the face of a global catastrophe, amid worsening sociopolitical affairs.

It is in this light that the next UP president must foremost be an academic, one who understands the demands of learners in relation to what is required of an Iskolar ng Bayan. As an academic leader, the next UP president must know how to implement UP

The next UP president must foremost be an academic, one who understands the demands of learners in relation to what is required of an Iskolar ng Bayan.

by Keian Florino

EDITORIAL

education responsive to the needs of both the faculty and students; and not just some capricious metrics like world rankings.

After all, relevant and holistic UP education is the foundation of UP’s extension and public service. Hence, the UP education framework is a precursor to UP’s mandate as a public service university. UP’s aim is not only to produce good builders, writers, and scientists, but also to ensure that they have a strong commitment to serving the Filipino people, in line with the university’s role.

But a quality and relevant UP education will only happen in an environment that allows the free flow of ideas. Amid threats to the university’s academic freedom–including financial autonomy–UP requires a strong-willed leader who is willing to stand up for his constituents’ democratic rights in the face of a government hell-bent on silencing its critics.

UP, after all, cannot be a knowledge creator and social critic if the next president kowtows to Malacañang. Cutting-edge research and incisive creative works will not flourish in an environment besieged by censors, military officers, and rabid redtaggers. Criticisms and proposals for better alternatives will not thrive in an environment where dissent is vilified.

The university community has long called for a UP president who embodies his constituents’ demands. However, with the UP Board of Regents (BOR) being the elector of the UP president, political considerations are contemplated. It is not a secret that Malacañang has some infuence over the selection process as three of the 11 members of the BOR are appointed by the president and are envoys of presidential desires. What is essential is

to ensure that the next UP president will emerge with the complete backing and mandate of our three sectoral regents, representing the UP faculty, students, and staff.

We have confidence in our sectoral regents because they represent the interests of the larger UP constituency. We are confident that they will pick the nominee who is capable and committed to upholding academic freedom and his constituents’ democratic rights— decent wages, and a humane and appropriate mode of learning.

The dangers of selecting a president who does not fully support the interests of the UP community and the larger sectors outside the campus cannot be overstated. At the same time, a plethora of challenges awaits the next UP president who must demonstrate commitment to UP’s mandate of being a national university, in the service of the country.

The challenge for our next leader, then, is to hold the fort. But he can only do that if his constituents fully support him. And that will only happen if the BOR picks the nominee that has the widest backing of various university sectors—students, faculty, staff, alumni, campus residents, vendors, jeepney drivers, among others.

So, while the challenges of a postpandemic university squarely fall on UP’s next top administrator, the university will only be able to choose the leader we need if the BOR listens and follows our demands and campaigns. It becomes an urgent task, then, to consolidate our ranks and form the broadest coalition among the UP community–at the soonest possible time–to ward off the possibility of a regressive UP president. Such are the challenges that await both the next UP president and the larger UP community.

The challenge for our next leader, then, is to hold the fort. But he can only do that if his constituents fully support him.

Illustration by Justin Lawrenz Delas Armas