Philippine Collegian Tomo 100 April Issue

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

editor-in-chief daniel sebastianne daiz

associate editor gretle c. mago

managing editor venus janelle samonte

business manager frenzel julianne cleofe

features editor polynne dira

guest editors samantha del castillo kim yutuc

staff mary june ricaña

contributing members

news micah formoso john florentino perez

johnson santos ysabel vidor

features sean ingalla luis lagman

ryan maltezo

kultura arthur david san juan

illustration justin delas armas maya caitlin erfe

maria laya rona pizarro

layout angelyn castillo andrea medina

angeli mari rodenas isaiah verdejo

photography luisa elago kathleen isaac ar jay revilla

probationary members

kyle adeva dean amarillas karen buena

darlene cruz giullana david star laguio

lorence lozano elisha montemayor

jerome peñaflor john michael silerio

karlo mark tablang

administrative aide

gina bacucanag amelyn daga

ma. trinidad gabales

circulation manager

gary j. gabales

circulation staff

pablito jaena iii marvin maroto

address

Student Union Building, UP Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines

website

www.phkule.org

email phkule.upd@up.edu.ph

telephone +(632) 8981-8500 loc. 4522

member College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad)

Sa ikasandaang taon ng kritikal na pamamahayag, makikipagtuos ang Kulê sa mga isinuka na ng taumbayan ngunit muling nanunumbalik, sa mga pinunong dahas ang tugon sa ating hinaing, at sa mga maykapangyarihang nandurusta sa taumbayan para sa sariling ganansya. Ang taong ito ay magmamarka ng pagbabago sa midyum ng pahayagan, upang masigurong lapat ang bawat isyu sa pangangailangan ng mambabasang malaman at maunawaan ang mga pangyayari, at ang pangmatagalan nitong implikasyon sa mas malawak na iskema ng mga bagay.

Illustration by Jerome Peñaflor

Kapag

EDITORYAL

Sa Landas ng Pagpapanibagong-hubog

Ano mang panghuhumiyaw ng mga abanteng ideya ay nababaog kung hindi naisasapraktika sa kilos at gawa.

Ang pagharap sa pananagutan ang magpapatunay ng kahandaan at kapasyahan sa pagwawasto. Wala nang ibang mahalaga ngayon kundi ang matiyak na makakamit ng mga biktima ang hustisya mula sa pang-aabuso. Gayundin, marapat nang itakwil ang lahat ng uri ng pananamantala at pagpapahintulot sa kawalang-pananagutan dahil lang sa ambag sa organisasyon.

Dumaluhong sa kasagsagan ng halalan para sa konseho ng mga estudyante ang mga kaso ng pang-aabuso sa loob ng partidong Student Alliance for the Advancement of Democratic Rights in UP (STAND UP). Tumugon naman ang STAND UP rito at nangakong isasaayos ng organisasyon ang pagtataguyod ng ligtas na espasyo at pagbibigay-hustisya sa mga biktima.

Ang bulok na paggana ng paghahatidhustisya ng STAND UP ang nagtulak sa mga biktima na maglakas-loob na isiwalat sa publiko ang mga pang-aabusong naranasan nila mula sa mga kasamahan sa grupo. Dagdag na pandarahas ang pagpilit sa mga biktima na sumailalim sa internal na proseso, lalo kung bigo ang prosesong ito na mapanagot ang mga maysala.

Ano mang panghuhumiyaw ng mga abanteng ideya ay nababaog kung hindi naisasapraktika sa kilos at gawa. Ano pa’t ito ang madalas na ipinamamandila ng mga lider-estudyante sa pagpapakilos nila sa mga mag-aaral—ang buong-lakas na pagbaka sa lahat ng uri ng panghahamak sa iba.

Mahalaga sa ano mang proseso ng pagbibigay-hustisya ang pagkiling sa interes ng biktima: ang pagpaparamdam

na ligtas sila sa loob ng espasyo ng samahan, at pagpapakita na maibabalik ang kanilang dignidad.

Hindi nagtutunggali ang interes ng biktima at interes ng kilusan. Sa paninigurong pumapanig sa biktima ang organisasyon, nakukuha nito ang tiwala ng mga kapwaestudyanteng sumuporta at lumahok sa pagkilos laban sa mas malaki at sistematikong pang-aabuso sa taumbayan.

Sa pagpapataw ng parusa sa nagkasala, hindi makatarungan na mas tinitimbang ang ginampanan niyang papel sa pagkilos. Ang ganitong katwiran ang nagbigay-daan sa mga kapatiran sa UP na nasangkot sa karahasan na makaiwas sa ano mang parusa. Ang makailangulit na paggamit sa nakaraang ambag bilang rason ng kapatawaran ang dahilan

Dibuho ni Angelyn Castillo

kung bakit hanggang ngayon ay walang pagpapanibagong-hubog na nakikita sa mga maysala. Bagkus, kampante pa silang kumikilos at malayang nakakaiwas sa pananagot sa mga kaso ng pangaabuso at pandarahas.

Marapat na parusahan ang mga maysala, gayundin ang mga miyembro na nagpapahintulot na manatili sa parehong espasyo ng mga biktima ang mga nanamantala nang walang hinaharap na kabayaran. Kinakailangang suriin ang palyadong pagtatasa sa pamamalakad na pinag-uugatan ng mga baluktot na praktika sa organisyasyon upang makapaghulma na rin ng kaukulang parusa sa mga salarin. Mula rito, magsisimula ang tunay na pagbagtas sa pagpapanibagong-hubog.

Esensyal sa hakbang ng pagpapanagot at pagwawasto ang kolektibo dahil hindi buong pananagutan ang tanging paglagot ng ugnayan sa STAND UP. Sapagkat parte ng pagpapanagot ang mahigpit na pagbabantay sa mga naitatamang pagkakamali, hindi na dapat muling maulit ang pang-aabuso.

Tulad ng pagkundena ng ilang lokal na balangay ng STAND UP, responsibilidad ng mga naging parte ng organisasyon na makibahagi sa pagsasaayos, at kung hinihingi, ang manguna sa prosesong ito. Ngayon mahalaga ang pakikiisa ng lahat na bigyang-halaga ang pananaw ng mga biktima, siguruhing tumatalima sa marapat na pananagutan ang nagkasala, at agarang punahin ang mga kamaliang hadlang sa pag-unlad.

Bukod sa pagtutuwid ng organisasyon, mahalaga rin ang gampanin ng mga mismong instistusyon ng UP upang siguruhin ang pagresolba ng mga kaso ng pambabastos, pangha-harass, at panggagahasa. Kaya isa sa mga

nangunguna dapat dito ang mga opisina’t konseho sa loob ng pamantasan.

Ipinapakita ng kasalukuyang isyu ang kakulangan ng kapasidad ng mga organisasyon na internal na ayusin ang mga kaso. At karimarim na sa pamantasang nangangako ng ligtas na espasyo para sa lahat, matagal at pahirapan pang matugunan ang mga pambubusabos sa karapatan at kaligtasan ng mga estudyante.

Hindi maipagkakaila ang progresibo at makabayang layunin ng pagkatatag ng STAND UP. Ngunit matatag lamang na nakatatayo ang organisasyon kung nakasandig ito sa integridad ng makataong prinsipyo at tiwala ng buong komunidad sa pagsusulong ng pagbabago.

Hindi hiwalay sa sala-salabid na suliranin sa loob at labas ng pamantasan ang pagsambulat sa kaso ng mga pangaabuso. Nasa kalagitnaan tayo ng tumitinding ligalig—kung saan kasabay ng sunod-sunod na mga krisis sa bansa ang lalong paghigpit ng mga tanikalang lumalagot sa inaasam nating maginhawang buhay. Kaya kung nais palakasin ng mga lider-estudyante ang pagkilos ng kabataan laban sa kapabayaan ng pamahalaan sa mga panlipunang krisis, kailangan din nilang maipakita sa mga mag-aaral ang maprinsipyong pagtatama sa sariling kamalian at kakulangan.

Mahalaga ngayon na bigyang-bigat ang ganap na pagwawasto ng mga organisasyon sa UP. Dito lamang mag-uumpisa ang nais na pagpapalakas sa partisipasyon ng mga estudyante sa mga kampanya at pagkilos sa loob at labas ng pamantasan. Dahil sa patuloy na pagharap sa mas malawak na panlipunang suliranin, mahalagang pangunahan—higit, mahigpit na tanganan— ang pagtataguyod ng kolektibong tapat na kumakalinga sa bawat isa.

biktima ang organisasyon, nakukuha ang tiwala ng mga kapwa-estudyanteng sumuporta at lumahok laban sa mas malaki at sistematikong pangaabuso sa taumbayan.

Sa paninigurong pumapanig sa

Johnson Santos

Desire for ‘Legitimacy Boost’ Behind Marcos’s EDCA Haste–Expert

Nine years after Jennifer Laude’s death, the Philippines reopens its borders to US soldiers with questionable civilians’ safety guidelines.

Jennifer Laude would have turned 36 in November. She would have been married, moved to Germany, and completed building her dream home in Leyte. Jennifer would be described by a lot more words today if only she was not slain by US Marine Lance Corporal Joseph Scott Pemberton on October 11, 2014.

Nearly a decade later, however, lessons from Laude’s death seem to have been forgotten as President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. expedited the USD100-million Enhanced Development Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). This accord allows the US to exert a larger influence over the country’s political and military activities than ever.

Edcel John Ibarra, assistant professor from the UP Diliman Political Science Department, said Laude’s case may only be the first of many as civilians’ security and Philippine sovereignty are still left unaddressed with the impending return of US troops—all for the sake of boosting the Marcos administration’s legitimacy. Under EDCA, the country is also poised to become a flashpoint between US and China’s long-standing discord.

Malacanang’s Quest

The long history of US-Philippines relations became the basis of EDCA, starting from

the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT). The MDT was signed to bolster military cooperation after World War II. The two nations further strengthened their relations through the 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement that allowed US troops to conduct military exercises in the country, occupy bases, and participate in the annual Balikatan Exercise.

Following the Duterte administration’s threat to abrogate VFA, EDCA’s implementation was revamped by Marcos after a meeting with US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in February. Marcos even visited President Joseph Biden Jr. last May 1 to further deepen the ties between the two nations.

Ibarra, who specializes in maritime issues in the West Philippine Sea and regional security, said the Marcos administration could be pushing for EDCA to boost his popularity among the AFP brass and Filipinos who largely trust Washington over Beijing.

“Marcos could gain a legitimacy boost from adopting America-friendly policy because there’s a growing support for US relations in light of China’s aggression,” he said. “Or perhaps he’s trying to gain favor with the military. The military gained a lot from the Duterte administration, and he fears

they are still loyal to him, and they are heavily pro-US.”

The US requested a total of nine military bases in different areas of the country, including Cagayan, Palawan, Nueva Ecija, and in Subic Bay where Pemberton killed Laude (see sidebar)

With an expanded implementation of EDCA, the US will complete an arc around China, with similar bases in South Korea, Japan, and Australia that will provide access to strategic locations should Xi Jinping’s government choose to annex Taiwan.

Washington’s expansion in the IndoPacific region was opposed by Beijing. In a bilateral relations forum on April 17, Chinese Ambassador to the Philippines Huang Xilian urged Malacanang to oppose US’s plan in helping Taiwan if the country “cares about the 150,000 overseas foreign workers.”

“We’re still waiting for details on Filipinos’ safety so it’s a valid concern. The risk for safety remains,” Ibarra said.

Back from the Stateside

The annual US-PH war games, the Balikatan, was completed on April 28 in Batanes, just a few kilometers south of

Sidebar: EDCA Sites in the Philippines

Naval Base Camilo Osia

Location: Santa Ana, Cagayan; 500 km from Taiwan

Status: New EDCA site

Cagayan North International Airport

Location: Lal-lo, Cagayan

Status: New EDCA site

Camp Melchor dela Cruz

Location: Gamu, Isabela

Status: New EDCA site

Fort Magsaysay

Location: Nueva Ecija

Status: In-use by AFP

Cesar Basa Air Base

Location: Floridablanca, Pampanga

Status: In-use by PH Air Force (PAF)

Antonio Bautista Air Base

Location: Puerto Princesa, Palawan

Status: In-use by PAF

Balabac Island

Location: Palawan

Status: New EDCA site

Mactan Benito

Ebuen Air Base

Location: Mactan, Cebu

Status: In-use by PAF

Lumbia Air Field

Location: Cagayan de Oro

Status: In-use by PAF

Taiwan. This year’s goal is to simulate responses to any attacks coming from China, a pivot from an earlier Pentagon statement that the EDCA’s purpose is to aid the Philippine military in its modernization program and response in humanitarian causes.

External threats, such as China’s aggression and presence in Philippine waters, pose urgency for the government to rely on military alliances.

“It’s important to note that the Philippine Armed Forces is not designed for territorial or maritime threats, it’s designed for domestic security,” Ibarra said.

While one of the goals of EDCA is to enhance skills in foreign and territorial drills, Ibarra said that the agreement is only a small step in strengthening the military. A 2014 study suggests that the Philippines’s attempt to modernize the military has continuously failed because of past administrations’s dependence on alliances instead of boosting its self-competence.

“At the end of the day, tayo ang dapat nagbi-build sa ating defense capability. If we rely too much on EDCA or any other alliances, talo pa rin tayo,” he said.

Once approved, the US will have temporary control of several bases in different locations across the archipelago while providing Philippines humanitarian aid, security assistance, and sale of surplus military supplies.

But Roland Simbulan, professor of Development Studies at UP Manila, said in a 2014 Senate hearing that EDCA will only isolate the country from the rest of Asia and will hinder economic growth.

“Proponents of EDCA promote the usual misconception that US forces will come to our rescue in the worstcase scenario should a shooting war over the Spratly Islands erupt between China and the Philippines,” he said in a Congressional testimony.

For Ibarra, Filipinos’s fear for their safety is reasonable as EDCA gradually becomes realized. “The danger here is baka maging overly reliant tayo sa foreign powers. The other risk remains with US soldiers committing crimes on Philippine soil.”

Human rights groups such as Karapatan called for the termination of EDCA and removal of US soldiers in the country.

“It puts the Philippines in the orbit of imperialist wars. Internally, it is bound to escalate and prolong conflict in the country and the resultant human rights violations,” they wrote in 2014 before the agreement was signed.

Under EDCA, only the US and Philippine military have the authority to resolve issues that may arise. In essence, the accord will mirror and underpin the VFA that allowed all US soldiers to walk free despite several transgressions.

Ganda’s Lost Days

Nine years later, the lessons of Laude’s death appear to be lost in the government by allowing the US military to return and bestow them with judicial powers.

“She was full of joy. She was selfless, and did not get on bad terms with anyone,” Laude’s friend Roann Labrador told Rappler, days after the discovery of her body.

The family filed murder but Pemberton was only sentenced with homicide and six to 10 years in prison. He later received an absolute pardon from former President Rodrigo Duterte.

In Cagayan, a few hundred kilometers away from Balikatan, residents protested against EDCA’s implementation, fearing for their safety from both China and US soldiers.

The same concerns were raised in Mindanao since 2002 where several antiterrorism operations were conducted jointly by AFP and US Marines that led to at least 15 deaths of Muslims. The Federal Bureau of Investigation has also reportedly conducted intelligence exercises without permission from the government or the people of Sulu.

None of these crimes have ever been penalized by Philippine laws, as Filipinos would be.

“Historically, abuses of American soldiers happened in the VFA. We must recognize this problem, and there are talks about reforming these agreements, but the risk remains,” Ibarra said.

Nine years later, the lessons of Laude’s death appear to be lost in the government by allowing the US military to return and bestow them with judicial powers.

John Florentino Perez

Expert: Accountability, Rule of Law Crucial to Stop Political Killings

As the Philippines’s culture of impunity rampantly looms, political scientists suggest strengthening the law and order of the government to provide justice and accountability.

It is through adherence to the rule of law and adequate accountability mechanisms that political violence in the Philippines can be alleviated, political scientists say, following the assassination of Roel Degamo, governor of Negros Occidental, in March.

Sen. Ronald Dela Rosa, who headed the three-day Senate investigation behind Degamo’s killing, said the province experienced over “500 murders in five years for an average of 100 killings a year,” even before the Degamo assassination. The assassination of the governor is the most recent political violence case under the Marcos administration.

Sol Dorotea Iglesias, an assistant professor of Political Science at UP Diliman, said adherence to the rule of law is essential to hold the perpetrators of political killings accountable.

“Accountability is the solution to impunity. I think the problem is that when there is accountability, sometimes it is selective, so there needs to be accountability under the rule of law,” Iglesias said.

Despite government efforts to investigate the Degamo assassination, accountability for the culture of impunity and violence still receives little to no attention, as shown in a 2022 report by the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF).

There have been more than 70 politicians killed every year for the past 15 years, with political-related deaths increasing annually. PRIF also reported that political violence cases jumped to 90.2 killings

yearly from 2016 to 2022 under the Duterte administration.

Despite the rampant killings, the country’s justice system has not caught up.

The World Justice Project said the Philippines has one of the weakest Rule of Law Indexes in East Asia and the Pacific, ranking 97th out of 140 this year—a jump from last year’s 120th rank. Despite the improvement, the Philippines still needs to catch up with its peers in East Asia, where the country ranks 13th out of 15, only ahead of Myanmar and Cambodia.

“One major political violence which peaked in 2016 and 2017 is, of course, the anticrime campaign that the former president Duterte spearheaded,” Iglesias said.

At the height of the extrajudicial anticrime campaign of former president Duterte, the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency tallied over 4,948 suspected drug suspects killed in police operations from July 1, 2016, to September 30, 2018.

Iglesias added that anti-crime related violence was rampant in parts of the Philippines. She mentioned mayors spearheading anti-crime related violence when then Davao mayor Rodrigo Duterte was linked to lead the Davao Death Squad and former Manila mayor Alfredo Lim was linked to allegedly killing criminals.

“People are taking the law into their own hands, or people are writing the law by the barrel of a gun, and so this sort of weak accountability in this country is largely a reason why violence occurs,” Iglesias added.

For Iglesias, the absence of accountability under the rule of law is rooted in the control of dominant political families in local politics. She emphasized that political dynasties are detrimental to democracy because families use their private armies to intimidate voters.

As dynasties take control of an area, families are not afraid to intimidate or kill their political rivals, Iglesias added. She mentioned the Maguindanao Massacre as an example of how powerful political families in local areas exercise violent actions against those who oppose them.

“Looking back to 2009, the Maguindanao Massacre, some people call it the Ampatuan Massacre because it benefited the political family of Ampatuan. Most of the 58 victims were journalists who accompanied the wife of Esmael Mangudadatu to file for his candidacy against Andal Ampatuan Jr.,” she said.

In PRIF’s report, from 2006 to 2022, over 927 officials in barangays, municipalities, and cities were killed. Of those, 708 were barangay kagawads, while the remaining 219 were mayors, vice mayors, and councilors in local government units.

Iglesias emphasized that the crucial solution to address political-related violence is to ensure justice and accountability for those involved in political-related violence.

“I hope this case would shine a light on impunity in local politics and increase the level of public scrutiny and scrutiny from the national government,” Iglesias said. «

Sidebar: Local officials killed in 2023

Source:

Micah Formoso

Environmental Groups Slam Creation of Water Resources Agency

The Water for the People Network calls for people’s control over people’s resources, in response to the proposed Water Resource Management Office.

Advocacy group Water for the People Network (WPN) criticized the creation of Water Resource Management Office (WRMO), stating that the formation of this office would only allow the government to transfer the management of water resources in the country to the private sector amid a looming water crisis.

This follows the Marcos administration’s plan to create the office to address the socalled water crisis threatening the country due to limited supply and the looming El Niño. WRMO’s establishment through the recently signed Executive Order 22 also serves as an avenue for the creation of the Department of Water.

In a statement, Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System (MWSS) Administrator Leonor Cleofas clarified that the president’s statement referred to the nationwide level, as the water situation in Manila is more manageable.

“The water crisis is more of a problem in water management,” said Xandra Casambre Bisenio, head of the WPN secretariat. “[Water] is not being managed efficiently so that the people will have their rightful share of water for their drinking, domestic use, production needs in agriculture and fishing.”

In the country, 37.3 percent of water supply is allocated for household use, 22.3 percent for mining and quarrying, manufacturing

and construction, 6.4 percent for agriculture, forestry and fishing, and 34 percent for other services, as revealed in the 2022 water accounts publication of the Philippine Statistics Authority.

Even with this allocation, however, a Social Weather Stations survey in December 2022 reported that only 67 percent of Filipino households have access to running water, which translates to 17 out of 25 million households.

Among the top providers of water in the country are Maynilad and Manila Water, both of which are privately owned. Provincial water districts have also entered into joint venture agreements with private water companies, such as in the case of the Lubao Water District which transferred its everyday operations to the Villar-owned Primewater Infrastructure Corp.

The country not only faces the effects of El Niño, but also urges companies to provide enough water supply during the driest months of the year. Unfortunately, with this rising demand, the number of rotational water interruptions increases across regions as well.

Just this month, parts of southern Metro Manila and Cavite experienced water cutoffs because one of the water treatment plants controlled by Maynilad underwent repair. In Baguio, the city’s Local Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Office

also issued a warning to its constituents in anticipation of a water crisis for the next two months.

The Angat Dam is responsible for supplying more than 90 percent of Metro Manila’s potable water, and its water levels were last measured at 199.76 meters. Being 19.76 meters above its minimum operating level of 180 meters, the National Water Resources Board and the MWSS assured that the current water supply is sufficient for Metro Manila residents and those living in nearby provinces until December.

Research group Ibon Foundation noted that with the establishment of the WRMO, further collaboration with the private sector over the management of the country’s water supply would lead to higher water rates and poorer service in supply and sanitation.

As a solution to the country’s water management problem, Bisenio explained that the government should revert the management of water facilities back to local government units, as well as to explore other genuine water reform alternatives.

“The Philippines is no stranger to good practices in water management,” Bisenio said. “Local water districts used to be run by local engineers and scientists, and they were able to build their own facilities and maintain them. Locals then enjoyed decent and

reasonable water rates, as well as clean and potable water.”

Returning the management of water facilities to local government units is also a measure pushed by the United Nations under its sixth sustainable development goal: to ensure access to water and sanitation for all.

“By returning the water facilities into local cooperatives and management, many people can then work on delivering water services in a service oriented way,” said Bisenio.

Waterroam, an international water advocacy group, encouraged governments to construct desalination plants for the country’s abundant supply of seawater to be filtered into clean and potable water. A sewage and solid waste treatment plant which will be able to filter more clean water is on the works under the initiative of El Nido’s local government.

Ibon also encouraged the government to engage in genuine public participation when it comes to water resource management.

“People’s control over people’s resources,” Bisenio emphasized. “This way, many people can work on delivering the service in a service oriented way and not just for profit, which is what the country needs.”

Ar Jay Revilla/Philippine Collegian

Frenzel Julianne Cleofe

Amid Pending TOFI Proposals, Youth Groups Call for Tuition Hike Pause

Still recovering from the pandemic, students from private universities are subjected to impending tuition hikes ranging from 3 to 10 percent.

The National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP), with various student leaders and youth sectors, filed a petition at the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) on April 24 to oppose the impending tuition hike in some private universities.

The appeal was filed due to the proposed tuition and other fees increase (TOFI) ranging from 3 percent to 10 percent. This, despite Filipinos still recovering from the pandemic, on top of the 8.5-percent inflation rate, which would mean additional charges to student’s tuition fee and other necessities for school, said Wyncyr Quizon, president of the University of the East (UE) student council.

“Naramdaman natin yung effect ng pandemic noong nagdaang taon. And as of now, bumabangon pa rin yung families,” said Quizon.

Among the petitioners were the NUSP and student council leaders from University of Santo Tomas (UST) and UE.

In UE, there is an imminent and recordbreaking 9.5 percent increase in tuition fees compared to the usual 4 to 5 percent. Before the proposed hike, a unit of class in UE costs P1,768.30. But once the proposed TOFI is approved, one class unit may cost P1,936, according to Quizon.

The tuition hike in UST, meanwhile, is 7 percent. But no proper communication was established to consult with the students, according to the statement of the UST Central Student Council.

When private educational institutions determine their matriculation fees, they are to submit documents containing the annual tuition and other school fees to be implemented in the following academic year.

An average tuition hike of 12.06 percent was greenlighted by CHED during the academic year 2021-2022 from 10.49 percent in the previous year.

But before imposing TOFI, private universities are required to confer with their constituents regarding the increase, according to CHED Memorandum 3 in 2012. The deadline for consultations ended on April 28, after being extended by three days.

Youth groups are forwarding to the national government, through their appeal presented in CHED, to freeze the tuition hike until the next academic year.

“Caught in between ang mga magulang at estudyante kung anong uunahin nila, kung buhay o edukasyon–[pero] pareho silang [mahalaga],” said Quizon.

With reports from John Florentino Perez and Ysabel Vidor

Gie Rodenas

In Figures: Functional Illiteracy in PH

Statistics reveal that the Philippines is grappling in a crisis with functional illiteracy, costing the Philippines 1.2 percent of the gross domestic product annually.

P257.26B

make up for the economic cost* of the illiteracy crisis. This is equivalent to roughly one-third of the national budget for education.

*USD4.72 billion converted to Philippine peso, based on 2022 average exchange rate

Illiteracy rate of Filipinos

Functional illiteracy is measured by assessing the ability to use reading, writing, and mathematical skills necessary for inclusion and participation in society.

of 10

children aged 10 struggle to read and write simple text

PISA 2018

1. Mainland China

2. Singapore

3. Macao

4.

6 million

or 8.40 percent of Filipinos aged 10 to 65 years old in 2019 were considered as illiterate at a functional level

79. Philippines

In the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA 2018), the country ranked lowest in reading comprehension

Learning poverty in the ASEAN region

The Philippines is ranked second worst among the nine* Southeast Asian countries surveyed by World Bank in 2019. To calculate, the learning poverty indicator relies on primary skill for learning: an individual’s ability to read.

*no data for Brunei

Illustration by Maya Caitlin Erfe

Fig. 2

Ryan Maltezo

Gaps in the Research Agenda

Despite the university’s commitment to be a research-oriented institution, researchers remain subjected to delayed wages.

Being a researcher in UP Diliman (UPD) involves a series of constant adjustments and compromises, says research associates (RA) Mickai Leaño and Aiko del Rosario from the College of Science. There is always careful thinking involved in deciding what food to buy, which household bill to delay paying, or whether to go to a doctor. In these instances, Leaño and del Rosario find themselves often choosing the less costly option.

Behind the efforts of researchers to contribute to society, RAs in the university are burdened by delayed wages and a lack of benefits in their laboratories and field works. This harsh reality of their working conditions runs counter to the efforts of UP in fulfilling its mandate as a research-oriented institution while effectively ensuring the welfare of its workers.

Essential Variables

Promoting research and development has always been one of the top priorities of UPD, which stems from the university’s

mandate to serve the people. According to the UP Charter of 2008, one of its mandates as a research university is to advance basic and applied research to contribute to the dissemination and application of knowledge in the country.

Being a researcher at the university for four years now, Leaño’s current research project deals with yielding viable drugs in the future for diseases such as cancer, hypercholesterolemia, and gout through a drug discovery program. Meanwhile, del Rosario’s five years of research experience at UP led her to become more passionate about bridging the gap between the limited literature on the internal seas and oceanography of the Philippines to help promote better fishery management and preserve marine-protected areas.

Research projects serve to aid the university and society at large by contributing and generating knowledge for the benefit of all. UP has consistently stood in the top 500 to top 1000 university rankings from 2017 to 2023 alongside other research-intensive

universities around the world, according to Times Higher Education. This serves as a testament to how research and development can boost the university in terms of fulfilling its purpose to serve society.

However, this development must not be made at the expense of its workers, especially for a university that prides itself on the research outputs they produce.

“Isa sa mga lifeblood ng university ay ang pananaliksik … In order for us to better serve the society, we should have a research-enabling environment para sa lahat ng mga mananaliksik regardless of their status at kung saan mang larangan sila napapabilang,” says TJ Cipriano, one of the founding members of the Alliance of STEM Graduate Students and Workers in UPD (STEM Alliance).

Administrative Bottlenecks

Despite the vital role of researchers at the university, upholding the welfare of RAs proves to be a challenge for UP.

The slow bureaucratic processes of the university regarding the distribution of wages and lack of hazard pay for project-based personnel further widen the gap between investments for research projects and workers.

In a survey conducted by the STEM Alliance in 2020, wages were delayed by an average of four months in 2019, and waiting time increased to seven months in 2020, during the pandemic. Cipriano attributes the delay to the laggard processing of documents such as financial reports and vouchers between offices like the accounting department, the vice chancellor, and the chancellor. The Office of the Vice Chancellor for Administration (OVCA), meanwhile, says that problems are because of incomplete documents and delayed remittances from funding agencies to UP.

Unlike research, extension, and professional staff who are UP contractuals and are part of the payroll system of the university, the wages and employment of

However, this development must not be made at the expense of its workers, especially for a university that prides itself on the research outputs they produce.

Illustrations by Maya Caitlin Erfe

Fig.

RAs are provided by the research projects’ external funding agencies, such as the Department of Science and Technology (DOST). Without direct contact with these agencies, RAs find themselves stuck in limbo as they struggle to forward their concerns.

In an attempt to solve the issue, the OVCA implemented the Contract of Services (COS) Payroll System for those under COS. This service has a regular payroll that runs twice a month for workers provided that they have submitted complete documents needed for wage distribution. However, only COS workers funded by the UPD internal operating budget are eligible to receive the service, leaving RAs of externallyfunded projects to deal with their own salary delays.

At times, principal investigators and project heads shell out money from their own pockets or savings to fund projects. Aside from salaries, the slow processing of documents also delays the progress of research, as laboratory materials or equipment cannot be procured.

“Sa lab namin ngayon, halos hindi na talaga pumapasok yung mga tao kasi kahit gusto mo pumasok, wala namang materials para magtrabaho ka. Tapos yung iba, naghahanap na rin ng pwedeng ipang part-time job. Nakakapanlumo na ganito yung nararanasan ng mga STEM workers sa Pilipinas,” shares Leaño.

RAs are forced to borrow money or find side hustles to make ends meet. Del Rosario started doing consultations in 2021 as a subcontractor for projects in checking the environmental parameters asked by the Department of Environment and Natural Resources. Aside from consultations, Del Rosario also accepted crochet commissions. Leaño, meanwhile, tutored students in chemistry last year for extra income.

Coupled with the absence of benefits and compensations considering the hazardous nature of the work of researchers, RAs are anxious about possible increases in expenses. This includes paying for medical bills and check-ups that are sometimes included in the documents that they have to submit for project application. This, on top of their responsibility to pay their bills at home and support their families.

Even before the onset of the pandemic, Leaño and del Rosario have struggled with the same issues on salary delays, indicating an evident systemic problem in the university.

Constant Reevaluation

For UP to achieve its goals of developing a research university, its future decisions concerning the RAs must uphold the welfare of its researchers.

As the new chancellor, Edgardo Carlo Vistan’s future decisions will become vital in developing more solutions for the university’s workers. This involves engaging in continuous dialogue with Vistan in order to provide better policy implementations, and optimizing the services of the newly established Support for Research Administration from Fidel Nemenzo’s term, says the STEM Alliance.

In the short run, the group proposed the establishment of a bridging fund that will cover the delays in the salaries of RAs across all institutes. This becomes a way to compensate for the delayed remittances of external-funding agencies through the allotment of the university’s budget for this fund. The STEM Alliance also urges the university to review and

apply the Magna Carta for Scientists, to ensure the hazard pay of all researchers on the campus. Currently, only DOSTconferred scientists under the Scientific Career System are entitled to receive such benefits from the university.

But more importantly, filling and creating more permanent items for researchers would ensure their employment and benefits. “Nag-ta-thrive ang university when it comes to research and it’s because of its science workers and RAs. Kaya kung wala tayong mga items for researchers that will provide security of tenure for them, talagang hindi natin mare-reach yung fullest potential ng university,” said Cipriano.

As issues plaguing researchers persist and with little visible effort from the university to resolve problems, RAs contemplate staying in the university. Del Rosario is compelled to stay for at least two years due to the nature of her research, but Leaño mulls going back to studying next year.

Unless the university prioritizes the welfare of its workers, researchers like Leaño and del Rosario will soon reach a point where the next adjustment they will make is to leave UP.

Fig. 4

Grace Francine Mendoza

Turning Red

Menstrual leaves would grant women rest during their cycles and diminish gender discrimination in the workplace. Legislation for it, however, faces an arduous path.

From mood swings to extreme abdominal pain, women navigate through various unpredictable symptoms as their menstrual cycles begin. For many women, these pains become intolerable, making it difficult to carry out everyday activities. Yet, despite these discomforts, they are compelled to travel to work and attend to responsibilities throughout the day.

On March 22, during Women’s Month, Gabriela Partylist filed House Bill (HB) 7758, or the Menstrual Leave Act. The bill aims to provide relief to women through paid leaves during their menstrual cycles to prioritize their reproductive health without fearing losing their jobs, not receiving pay, or being discriminated against by their male counterparts.

But while it seeks to alleviate the challenges women face during menstrual cycles, institutionalizing the bill will be a strenuous process owing to the longstanding lack of recognition of the welfare and needs of women.

A Woman’s Woe

Women are forced to deal with reproductive health concerns in workplaces due to the lack of aid and understanding extended to them by their employers. Most companies do not accept menstruation as a reasonable excuse to file for sick leaves.

Camille Besares, a 24-year-old project assistant at UP Diliman, is diagnosed with polycystic ovary syndrome. During her period, she experiences excruciating cramps that make standing, working, and even eating difficult.

“I had no choice but to tell them I had a fever since menstrual cramps were not considered a valid excuse,” said Besares. A survey by BJM Open discovered

that women face productivity loss at workplaces due to menstruation-related symptoms. The study found that about one in seven women surveyed had taken time off from work or school, and 3.5 percent mentioned that this happened nearly every menstrual cycle.

HB 7758 grants female employees up to two days of paid leaves, giving them flexible schedules to properly care for themselves while ensuring no disciplinary consequences from their employers. This helps ease Besares’ worries that taking leaves would affect her employment. “Affect, to me, means losing my job and getting fewer opportunities due to consistently having to file a leave every month because of menstrual cramps,” she said.

If the bill is passed, women cannot be discriminated against, demoted, or terminated for using menstrual leaves. Employers that do not follow these implementations will face penalties of up to a P100,000 fine and 30 days to six months imprisonment.

For Besares, paid menstrual leaves are a massive step for promoting inclusivity towards women in workplaces. Yet, the bill also received dissent from organizations. Some claimed the law would cause joblessness as employers might prefer hiring men. The Employers Confederation of the Philippines also said businesses would find it difficult to handle the cost of additional paid leaves.

A Man’s World

Those opposed to the bill argue that the legislation enables women to receive special rights, positioning them as the first targets in possible layoffs. However, the truth remains that the goal of a menstrual

Illustration by Rona Pizarro

leave is not to give special treatment but to give accommodation to real health issues women face without prejudice.

But because women lack recognition of their biological needs in medical settings, businesses do not find any reason to accommodate their needs in the workplace. A study by the University of Maryland School of Law discovered that despite women being biologically more sensitive than men and responding differently to pain relievers, women’s pain reports are taken less seriously than men’s. Women are seen as more emotional than objective, making them less credible in medical settings, thus downplaying their menstrual pains.

For Jasmine Cruz, a university research associate at the UP Center for Women and Gender Studies, it is clear to her why women are in need of more leaves. “Mas malaki yung demands sa body ng women in terms of reproductive needs, kasi sila yung nagnananak. Since mas malaki yung needs, mas malaki dapat ang ibigay na leaves sa kanya,” said Cruz.

Placing menstrual leaves under sick leaves will not be enough to accommodate women. In the Philippines, a maximum of five days of paid sick leaves are provided yearly for all employees. With menstruation being a monthly occurrence, workplaces cannot expect these five days to suffice.

Women also fear that the menstrual leave would put their future employment at risk and further cause discrimination towards them. Besares and many women are led to believe that by admitting their need for leaves, employers may see them as inferior and useless on the job, thus implying that their menstruation, a natural biological process for women, is a weakness. The lack of recognition regarding women’s reproductive health should be the motivation to advocate for policies that protect their needs.

“The mere fact na nagkakaroon ng gender inequality, ito dapat nagpu-push sa gobyerno na dapat i-monitor at i-improve yung implementation ng mga policies na nagpo-prohibit ng gender discrimination in the workplace,” said Cha Castaño, Gabriela Partylist’s Public Relations Officer.

Women of Merit

Concerns for the welfare of citizens—both men and women—must be paramount to the concerns of the economy. Workers should receive ample pay and benefit, with their well-being prioritized. The welfare of women must not be weighed according to the revenue they bring to their bosses.

According to Gabriela, big businesses reject menstrual leaves to ensure they retain “super profits.” Employers’ rationale against the menstrual policy is that giving paid leaves would cost them a lot because they still pay their employees even when they do not show up at work. However, these are only misconceptions. The Institute for Climate and Sustainable Cities (ICSC), a climate and energy policy non-government organization, challenges these claims. In 2021, ISCS started implementing a First Day of Period Leave in the company, providing female staff access to paid leaves, aiding them to focus on their health without feeling guilty.

“A leave that will allow a staff member to take care of herself cannot be measured and should not be measured for its financial effect. The management recognizes that if we ignore the potential impact on productivity that might be felt by the organization in the long term—potential burnout among women, reproductive illnesses it might be more costly for us,” said Mary Ann Calma Santoalla, ICSC’s Business Support Coordinator, in an email to the Collegian

Despite dissent from the business sector, implementing policies that protect women’s reproductive rights and role in the workplace can be accomplished if the government aligns itself with the needs of women. “Naiintindihan namin ang takot ng kababaihan na i-assert ang kanilang health benefits. This is why the government must also amplify the calls and support this bill,” said Castaño.

For women like Besares, available menstrual leaves do more than allow them time to rest. It is a step forward in recognizing the needs of women—a prerequisite for a lesser discriminating society.

The lack of recognition regarding women’s reproductive health should be the motivation to advocate for policies that protect their needs.

Arthur David San Juan

Patibong ng Prestihiyo

Malayo sa inaasam-asam na pagkakapantay-pantay, walang ibang pinangangalagaan ang pagkiling sa kabantugan ng titulo kundi ang pribilehiyong angkin ng mga edukado.

Tila isang palaro ng pabitin tuwing pista, makatawag-pansin ang mga titulong nakalawit sa tuktok ng kolehiyo upang paghirapang sungkitin ng magaaral. Taglay umano ang materyal na ginhawa sa mga premyadong bansag gaya ng Dr., Engr., Atty., Prof., at iba pa, malimit na gitgitang-laman ang paligsahan sa akademya.

Kakatwa ang eksena mula sa mga mata ng tagasubaybay: may inaangat ng kaanak, ilang binubuhat ng kaibigan, kalakhang dinadaganan ng kapwa. Hindi patas ang tunggalian ngunit tuloy ang aktibidad. Hangad na mapasakamay ang pangakong pabuya ng bokasyon, para sa karamiha’y wala nang higit pang hahalaga sa mataas na antas ng edukasyon.

Bilang sagisag ng kurso, kadalasang iugnay sa mga titulo ang impresyon ng pagtamasa ng tanyag na posisyon sa lipunan. Marka ito ng natamong awtoridad ng dalubhasa kumpara sa ordinaryong mamamayan. Kaya naman batay sa inilabas ng Office of the Vice President for Academic Affairs (OVPAA) ng UP na Memorandum 202351, o “Appropriate Use of Academic Titles,” mahigpit na kahingian sa lahat ng nakapaloob sa unibersidad ang karampatang paggamit ng mga propesyunal na katawagan.

Paghahati sa Kairalan

Malaon nang usapin ang pagkahumaling ng mga Pilipino sa pagkakaroon ng titulo. Sa katunayan, kung babakasin ang kolonyal na kasaysayan ng Pilipinas, mahihinuha na tatak ito ng parangal na iginawad ng Kastilang simbahan at pamahalaan sa mga piling pangkat.

Samantala, gantimpala naman iyong nakakamit sa ilalim ng mga pampublikong paaralan na ipinatayo ng mga Amerikanong mananakop. Dito, binigyangdiin ang kahalagahan ng edukasyon upang umakyat ng pwesto sa lipunan.

Sa pagpupundar ng mga silid-aralan bilang imbakan ng dayuhang kalinangan, hinubog ng Estados Unidos ang kamalayan ng taumbayan upang humilig sa Kanluraning pamantayan ng kaisipan. Isang “bangko ng impormasyon,” ayon sa pilosopong si Paulo Freire, kung saan iisang direksyon lamang ang pinanggagalingan ng leksyon: mula sa gurong nakatataas patungo sa estudyanteng nakabababa.

Taliwas sa aktwal na kundisyon ng tinubuang lupa, hinubog ng nasabing katuruan ang kabatiran ng mamamayan upang umakma sa industriyalisadong karakter ng ibayong bansa. Dahil hindi lapat sa estado ng bansa, nagresulta ito sa pagdagsa ng mga Pilipinong hindi tugma ang abilidad sa pangangailangan ng mga lokal na pamayanan.

Hindi nagtagal, mayorya ng mayroong sertipikasyon—partikular sa larangan ng siyensya, teknolohiya, inhinyerya, at matematika—ang lumuwas nang inilunsad ng rehimeng Marcos Sr. ang programa ukol sa pag-aangkat ng lakas paggawa noong dekada ‘70.

Dala ng kariwasaang hatid ng mga akademikong kredensyal, nasemento ngayon ang paniwala na produktibo ang tagibang na ugnayan sa loob ng silidaralan. Mas tuon nito ang simplistikong pagsasaulo ng datos, sa halip na malikhaing pagbubunggo ng diyalogo sa eskwela. Pinaiiral sa mga mag-aaral ang pasibong pagtanggap sa mga isinasaling diskurso, habang tanging mga dalubhasa ang may angking oportunidad na lumahok sa mga intelektwal na diskusyon.

Lamang, sa ganoong pagkilala sa guro bilang katauhan ng batas sa paaralan, nababaog ang papausbong sanang komunikasyon at interogasyon ng kaalaman sa panig ng kabataan. Kinahihinatnan nito ang bulag na pananalig sa atas ng sino mang maykapangyarihan.

Kaya naman kontra sa demokratikong tunguhin ng isang pambansang pamantasan, pinagtitibay ng inilabas na Memorandum 2023-51 ang ganitong pyudal na estruktura ng edukasyon. Sapagkat sa pagmamandato ng OVPAA sa karampatang paggamit ng mga titulo sa UP, nasasalangguhitan lamang ang dibisyon ng katatayuan, imbes na lumikha ng mapagbuklod na balangkas ng pormal na pag-aaral. Nangangahulugan ito ng lubos na pagsunod at pagyukod sa katungkulan nang walang alinlangan.

Paghahagdan ng Kakayahan

Sa pinakapayak nitong kagamitan, isang mahalagang pantukoy ang titulo sa espesyal na kapasidad ng tao. Nananalaytay rito ang kredibilidad para sa salita ng eksperto. Lamang, dala ng malawakang pagdakila ng publiko,

Dahil dito, tinitingnan natin ang presensya ng titulo bilang kahalintulad sa pagkakaroon ng awtoridad. Sa halip na pawang termino na sumasagisag sa espesipikong disiplina, tinatanaw natin itong simbolo ng kapangyarihan.

nagpanibagong-hubog ito upang ilugar ang edukado sa kolektibo: nangingibabaw kumpara sa kalakhan.

Ito ang bunga ng tinatawag na “symbolic interactionism,” isang teorya ukol sa asal ng tao alinsunod sa personal na pagtingin sa kaligiran, paliwanag ng sosyologong si Herbert Blumer. Aniya, kumikilos tayo sang-ayon sa kinalakhang pananaw sa mga bagay na nilakipan natin ng kahulugan. Mga kahulugan iyong nagmula sa araw-araw na pakikipagsalamuha. Paglaon, nagbabago ang mga kahulugang ito sa pamamagitan ng interpretasyon.

Dahil dito, tinitingnan natin ang presensya ng titulo bilang kahalintulad sa pagkakaroon ng awtoridad. Sa halip na pawang termino na sumasagisag sa espesipikong disiplina, tinatanaw natin itong simbolo ng kapangyarihan. Sa gayon, nasasapedestal ang dalubhasa nang higit sa madla, imbes na kaisa ng mamamayan.

Gayunman, humahantong lamang ang gayong pakitungo sa pagkabansot ng malayang palitan ng ideya. Sa pagtataguyod ng toreng garing ng akademya, nakukupot ang kritikal na paghulma’t pagtatasa ng impormasyon sa rurok ng mga namamahala. Ito ang kumikitil sa aktibong pakikisangkot ng mga estudyante sa pamantasan.

Marapat ngayong idiin na kung ito ang nililinang na kaayusan ng UP sa kanyang nasasakupan, sadyang hindi na kataka-taka kung bakit tinitingnan ng mga Pilipino ang edukasyon bilang klase ng patimpalak. Isang kumpetisyon, imbes na kolaborasyon,

para sa promosyon at balidasyon sa loob ng institusyon.

Sa konteksto ng isang pormal na tagpo, tumpak na bigkasin ang mga titulo para sa kapakanan ng seremonya’t tradisyon. Subalit labas dito, ang sukdulang pagkapit sa naabot na antas ng edukasyon ang nagkakahon sa halaga ng tao sa posisyon na ipinataw ng trabaho.

At bagaman hindi matatawaran ang pagsusumikap ng mga iskolar sa kolehiyo, mapaminsala ang palagiang paggigiit na banggitin ang kanikanilang titulo kahit sa impormal na pagsasalo-salo. Sa ngalan ng respeto, idinidikdik ng nasabing kaugalian ang pamunuang nakasunod sa prestihiyo ng okupasyon.

Malayo sa inaasam na pagkakapantaypantay na paggalang at pagkakataon, walang ibang pinangangalagaan ang pagkiling sa kabantugan ng titulo kundi ang pribilehiyong angkin ng mga edukado.

Pagbabalik sa Komunidad

Hindi kalabisang sabihin na sinasalamin ng Memorandum 2023-51 ang prayoridad ng UP sa unang sangkapat ng taon: ang pagpapalukob sa dikta ng awtoridad at ang pambabakod sa tarangka ng akademya.

Ano mang anyo ng pagpapakete ang isagawa, mananatiling katotohanan na hango ang pagsasapedestal ng titulo sa mapagtuos na katangian ng ganitong sistema ng edukasyon. Sintomas ito ng atrasadong tindig ng pamantasan—isang pagkunsinti sa nosyon na maaaring timbangin ang tao

batay sa kanyang hawak na propesyon, kaiba sa deka-dekadang panawagan ng mga manggagawa’t mag-aaral na buwagin ang gayong mapanlibak na makinarya.

Kaya kung nais talagang itulak ng UP ang pagtatatag ng espasyong bukas para sa lahat, hindi na dapat ito tumalima sa banyagang modelo ng pagtuturo. Bagkus, suriin ang alternatibong moda ng pagkatuto sa kurikulum ng mga paaralang Lumad.

Lampas sa tipikal na disenyo ng klase, dinamiko ang talakayang namumuo sa kanilang silid-aralan. Wala sa kamay ng guro ang natatanging aral na ipapasa sa kabataan. Bagkus, halinhinan ang paglalatag ng karunungan sa pagitan ng guro’t estudyante. Sapagkat salungat sa nakagawiang karera’t labanan ng mga numero’t sertipiko, hangad ng paaralang Lumad ang kapit-bisig na pag-unlad ng bawat isa—sa pamamagitan ng integrasyon ng mga asignatura sa sariling kultura’t kasanayan.

Sa kaparehong malas, hindi dapat limutin ng akademya na nakatali ang kabuluhan nito sa sambayanang tumatangkilik sa kanilang institusyon, lalo’t ganap lamang na maaangkin ang tagumpay ng edukasyon kung ang pakinabang ng kalakara’y hindi limitado sa ilang piling pangkat, kundi maski sa kalakhang nasa laylayan ng lipunan.

Dahil higit sa titulo, ang aksesibilidad sa pormal na pag-aaral ang kinakailangang pahalagahan, alangalang sa mapagpalayang proseso ng pagkatuto sa loob at labas ng isang pambansang pamantasan.

ng pahina ni Angelyn Castillo

Dibuho ni Rona Pizarro

Opensiba ang Hindi Pagpanig

Ang pagpanig sa interes ng Pilipinas ang dapat na iginigiit ng pangulo sa mga dayuhan—isang matapang na pagtindig na hindi maaaring gamitin ang ating bansa bilang instrumento ng digmaan.

Lorence Lozano/Philippine Collegian

Isinalaysay ng UP Repertory ang pag-aklas ng mamamayang

Pilipino laban sa mga imperyal na dayuhan sa isang kultural na pagtatanghal sa lansangan ng Mendiola ang bilang paggunita sa Araw ng Paggawa, Mayo 1. Kasama sa bitbit na panawagan ng mga nakiisa sa pagkilos noong Mayo Uno ang pagkondena sa pagpapalawig ng Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement at paggiit sa sobenranya ng bansa.

Iginigiya ng pamahalaan patungo sa landas ng digmaan ang bansa. Sa sumisidhing banggaan sa pagitan ng Estados Unidos (US) at Tsina, ang pagbaklas ni Pangulong Ferdinand Marcos Jr. sa mga tagibang na kasunduan sa mga dayuhang bansa ang magsasalba sa Pilipinas mula sa kapahamakan.

Lalong tumitindi ang tensyon sa pagitan ng dalawang imperyo sa pagpayag ng administrasyong Marcos na magdagdag ng apat na base-militar ang US sa bansa, sa ilalim ng Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). Sinubukan namang aluin ng ating pangulo ang pagkayamot ng Tsina sa pagpapahayag na hindi gagamitin ang mga bagong base-militar bilang opensiba. Aniya, gagamitin ang mga estasyon upang mas mapabilis ang pagresponde sa oras ng mga sakuna, at palakasin ang lokal na ekonomiya ng mga probinsya.

Ngunit hindi na maitatago ni Marcos ang tunay na rason sa pagpapalakas sa EDCA. Tauhan na rin niya ang naglaglag sa tunay na intensyon ng administrasyon. Halos isang linggo makaraan ang pahayag ng pangulo, inihayag ni Col. Medel Aguilar, AFP spokesperson, na gagamitin ng US at AFP ang mga basemilitar sa oras na pumutok ang sigalot sa pagitan ng US at Tsina. Dahil ang totoo, inihahanda na ng pambansang pamahalaan ang Pilipinas upang maging lunsaran ng digmaang proxy.

Liban sa malayang paggalaw ng US sa teritoryo ng bansa at sa angking kakayahan nitong maglunsad ng aktibidad, natatali rin ang Pilipinas sa pagsunod sa utos ng dayuhang bansa. Kabilang sa maaaring ipag-utos ng US ang paggamit sa teritoryo at pwersang militar ng Pilipinas laban sa sino mang kikilalaning banta sa kanilang interes.

Kinakasangkapan lamang ng US ang Pilipinas sa ikakasa nitong digmaan laban

sa Tsina. Sa lumalakas na kapangyarihan ng Tsina, kaakibat nito ang banta sa pinapanatiling kapangyarihan ng US sa mundo. Ngunit hindi dapat tayo naiipit sa banggaan ng mga bansang ito. Lamang, patuloy tayong kinakaladlad sa kapahamakan ni Marcos sa pagnanais niyang luminta sa suhol ng mga imperyal na bansa—makuha lamang ang loob ng gobyerno sa kanilang panig.

Sa ilang beses na pakikipagpulong ni Marcos sa US, makailang-ulit ding nagbanta ng pandarahas ang Tsina sa mga Pilipino, partikular sa mga Overseas Filipino Workers sa Taiwan at sa mga lokal na mangingisda sa Spratly Islands. Ngunit halip na depensahan ang mga manggagawa, mismong ang pamahalaan pa ang nag-aabsuwelto sa kaso ng pananakot ng Tsina.

Hindi na maitatago ni Marcos ang tumataas na tensyon sa pagitan ng US at Tsina. Hindi na rin nagiging epektibo ang taktika niyang magpalukob sa dalawang imperyo. Sa huli, tiyak na mamamayang Pilipino ang pangunahing tatamaan ng sigwa ng giyera.

Kapag lalo pang sumidhi ang tensyon sa pagitan ng US at Tsina, lalo kung walang isasagawang pagkilos ang pamahalaan, maaaring matulad ang bansa sa bayan ng Ukraine—siyang kalunos-lunos na biktima ng digmaang proxy ng US at Russia. Sa gantong tipo ng mga giyera, ang mahihirap na bansa tulad ng Pilipinas ang unang napipinsala sa tunggalian ng mga bansang dominante. Sa posibilidad ng pagputok ng giyera sa pagitan ng US at Tsina, kasangkapan ang Pilipinas bilang lunsaran ng kanilang sigalot, habang malayang makapaghuhugas-kamay ang dalawang bansa mula sa kahihinatnang resulta ng sakuna.

Ang pagpanig sa interes ng Pilipinas ang dapat na iginigiit ng pangulo sa dalawang dayuhan—isang matapang na pagtindig na hindi maaaring gamitin ang ating bansa sa

digmaang proxy ng US at China. Lalo pa’t ang pagpapaunlad sa kalidad ng buhay ng mga Pilipino ang dapat na inaatupag ng pamahalaan, imbes na padalos-dalos na makisangkot sa gayong gitgitan ng mga banyagang interes.

Kung nanaisin, may kapangyarihan ang pamahalaan na alisin sa landas ng kapahamakan ang Pilipinas. Sa kritikal na puntong kinasasadlakan ng bansa, kinakailangan na ang kagyat na pagpihit ng estado upang lumayo sa delubyo nang maisulong ang interes ng bayan. Nasa Konstitusyon ang mandato na kinakailangang mapagbuklod ang kapwa panloob at panlabas na polisiya para sa interes ng bayan. Sa ilalim nito, iginigiit ang kapasyahan na humiwalay sa ano mang alyansa, habang pinapanatili ang maayos na pakikipagrelasyon sa iba pang bansa.

Marahil matagal pa ang panahon bago makamit ang gayong mapagbuklod na polisiya, ngunit dapat itong tandaan ng pangulo bilang kasalukuyang miyembro ng Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) ang Pilipinas. Sa gayon, may kakayahan ang pamahalaan na igiit ang “policy of non-alignment,” o ang kalayaang hindi madawit ang Pilipinas sa sigalot ng mga makakapangyarihang bansa. Pagsuko sa soberanya ang ideyang kailangang kumabig ng Pilipinas sa malalaking pamahalaan upang manatiling ligtas at malaya sa pang-aapi ng mga naghaharihariang bayan.

Walang pangangailangan ang Pilipinas na makisali sa labanan ng mga naghaharihariang bansa. Ang marapat na tugon sa pagsubok na mang-agaw ng teritoryo o sa pangingialam sa pulitika’t ekonomiya ng bayan ay ang matibay na pagtindig para sa kapakanan ng mamamayang Pilipino. Ngunit sa bawat nagdaraang araw, lalong lumilinaw na bukod sa hindi na napanghahawakan ang pangakong maginhawang pagbabago ni Marcos Jr., siya na rin mismo ang nagtutulak sa atin patungo sa landas ng pagkawasak.

Sa lumalakas na kapangyarihan ng Tsina, kaakibat nito ang banta sa pinapanatiling kapangyarihan ng US sa mundo.

Gretle Mago

Tungkol Saan ‘Yang Tattoo Mo?

Makapangyarihang biswal na simbolo ang tattoo. Maaaring humulagpos ang mensahe ng isang tattoo mula sa balat upang udyukin ang sino mang nakakakita na alamin ang kahulugan nito.

Minsan, nasa balat na ng mismong taong nakakasalamuha natin ang sining-biswal: ang tattoo. Kaya sa tuwing nahahagip ng paningin natin ang litaw na litaw na tinta ng itim sa kayumangging balat, laging nagkakaroon ng pagbubutbot, ng isang interogasyon. Masakit ba ang pagkakalagay nito? Suportado ba ito ng pamilya o hindi? Ano ang kahulugan at halaga nito para sa taong nagpa-tattoo?

Simboliko para kay Amanda Echanis, isang bilanggong pulitikal at organisador ng mga pesante, ang imaheng kanyang balak ipatattoo oras na makalaya sa bilangguan. Aniya, ang dibuho ng ilalathala niyang libro ang nais niyang itatak sa balat—koleksyon ng mga akdang nakasandig sa personal niyang pananaw bilang aktibista.

Tulad ng paggamit ni Amanda sa tattoo bilang paraan ng pag-oorganisa, kapasyahan din ng mga tattoo artist sa bansa na gamitin ang kanilang kahusayan sa pagta-tattoo upang sumama sa kampanya para mapalaya si Amanda. Isa rito ang inilunsad na Free Amanda Echanis Network (FAEN) noong Abril ng Tatuan Para sa Kalayaan (TPK) para makalikom ng tulong sa mga pagdinig ng kaso ni Amanda.

Mula sa simpleng imbitasyon sa mga kakilala, umabot sa ibang rehiyon, maski

sa labas ng bansa, ang bilang ng mga artistang lumahok sa proyekto. Gamit ang malikhaing kaparaanan, nais ng proyekto na imulat ang nakararami sa kalagayan ng mga bilanggong pulitikal sa bansa; himukin ang kalakhang lumahok sa pagbalikwas sa kaayusang gumagapos at nagkukulong sa mga inosente.

Laylayan ng Kultura

Nakakulong pa rin sa negatibong kaisipan ng karamihan ang pagkakaroon ng tattoo, bagay na nagmula sa pananakop ng mga dayuhan sa Pilipinas. Nang dumating ang mga Kastila bitbit ang sarili nilang relihiyon, nakita nila ang gawaing ito bilang pagano. Ngunit ang totoo, nakaugat sa pagpapahalaga sa komunidad ang pagta-tattoo ng mga katutubo. Ang bawat disenyo at pwesto nito ay may katumbas na kahulugan para sa kanilang araw-araw na buhay at pananampalataya, ayon kay Lorenz Lasco, isang mananaliksik sa UP Diliman.

Sa paglaon ng panahon, hindi na lamang paglabag sa utos ng Bibliya ang iginuhit na pagtingin sa tattoo—tanda na rin ito ng paglabag sa batas. Bilang palatandaan sa pagkakasala, ipinalaganap noon sa Japan ang paglalagay ng marka sa mukha at braso ng mga bilanggo.

Walang pagtatangi sa mga ganitong pagtitipon. Kahit sinong dedikado matuto at nais pasukin ang sining bilang propesyon ay maaaring makibahagi.

Maaaring magpadala ng mensahe sa Facebook page ng Free Amanda Echanis Network para sa mga nais lumahok sa Tatuan Para sa Kalayaan. Bukas din ang organisasyon sa mga nais tumulong sa kampanya para sa pagpapalaya kay Amanda Echanis at iba pang bilanggong pulitikal sa bansa.

Dibuho ni Maria Laya

Lipas na rin ang paniniwalang nakapaloob lamang para sa mga kalalakihan ang pag-ta-tattoo, ani Sta. Ana.

Ngayon, laganap na ang art collective, o ang samahan ng mga tattoo artist. Walang pagtatangi sa mga ganitong pagtitipon. Kahit sinong dedikado matuto at nais pasukin ang sining bilang propesyon ay maaaring makibahagi. Nakatuon sa pagpapalago ng kahusayan ng bawat artista ang mga kolektib, pati na rin ang pagbibigay ng espasyo upang makilala ang mga nag-uumpisa pa lang na tattoo artist.

Gayong pasimula pa lang ang karera ng maraming tattoo artist sa bansa, kinilala ni China De Vera, miyembro ng FAEN at matalik na kaibigan ni Amanda, ang katapangan ng mga tattoo artist na lumahok sa proyekto. Aniya, higit sa ilalaang oras, materyal, kita at trabaho, ay ang pagtanggap na maidikit ang kanilang sining sa usapin ng mga bilanggong pulitikal sa bansa.

“Ito ay politikal na statement rin [nila] na pwede maging counter doon sa [stigma]. Nakikita ng tao ang tattoo, bagaman hindi

hayag yung mensahe. Pero malalaman mo kapag nakakwentuhan mo na yung

Matagal ang iginugol na panahon bago tanggapin ang tattoo bilang porma ng sining at paggigiit ng kalayaan sa sariling katawan. Ngunit kasama sa pagtatama ng maling kaisipan ang proseso ng patuloy na pagpapaliwanag isang bagay na hindi naman ipinagdadamot sa sining ng pagta-tattoo.

Laylayan ng Sining

Maging sa larang ng sining ay nasa laylayan ang tattoo. Bagaman nasa kategorya ng “body art” ang tattoo, mababa pa rin ang pagtingin dito bilang porma ng sining. Ito’y dahil sa kahirapan na maipreserba ang tattoo kumpara sa mga tinaguriang fine art, o porma ng sining na pasok sa high culture.

Madalas na pananda na mataas na uri ang isang sining kapag napapabilang ito sa mga museo, art gallery, at kamay ng ilang indibidwal. Dahil hindi madaling i-preserba upang ilagay sa mga museo gayong imposibleng ring ikahon sa galeriya ang isang tao mahirap para sa mga institusyong pangsining na markahan ang halaga ng isang tattoo. Bukod pa rito, manipis ang kasasayang pangsining ng tattoo dahil malayang nakakagala sa mundo ang isang tattoo.

Hindi nag-iisa ang tattoo sa iba pang porma ng sining na patuloy na di kinikilala ng mga institusyong pansining. Sa mga pampublikong espasyo, mahahanap ang street art na kadalasang may pulitikal

na mensahe. Gayundin ang sining at panitikan ng mga rebolusyonaryo na bagaman may ginagampanang papel sa panlipunang pagkilos, patuloy na hinahamon ang mga iskolar na iginigiit na hiwalay ang pulitika sa sining.

Ngunit dahil walang tao o institusyong pumapagitna sa tattoo artist at sa kanyang kliyente, malayang naitutulay ng porma na ito ang diskurso sa sining maging ang diskurso sa materyal na mundo. Dahil maaaring personal na magkaroon ng koneksyon ang artista at ang nakatatanggap ng sining, nabubuo rin ang pagkakataon upang sila ay malayang makapagpalitan ng opinyon sa halaga, simbolo, at katuturan ng sining.

Ito ang nakitang kalakasan ni China nang iminungkahi niya ang TPK: “Hindi rin naman kasi nasa bubble itong mga artist na ito. Alam nila yung nangyayari [sa lipunan] … Accessible yung art form at accessible silang kausap. Hindi sila nananahan sa mga museum, sa mga exhibition hallways, sila ay nasa studio nila na madaling mapuntahan,” ani China.

Makapangyarihang biswal na wika ang tattoo. Hindi natatapos sa paglapat ng karayom at pagsirit ng tinta sa loob ng balat ang pagpapasa ng mensahe. Maaaring humulagpos ang mensaheng nais iparating ng tattoo artist sa kliyente nito; tumagos sa iba pang makakakita upang udyukin ang kanilang kuryosidad na alamin ang kwento sa likod ng tattoo.

Paglaya sa Laylayan

Hindi itinago ni China sa mga tattoo artist ang pulitikal na layunin ng proyekto. Bagaman sa umpisa ng pagoorganisa ay may ilang tumanggi, batid ni China na isang mahabang proseso ng pangungumbinsi at pagmumulat ang inisyatiba ng kanilang pagkilos.

“Maraming pwede i-exhaust eh, pero kapasyahan pa rin ito ng artist. Eventually, mamumulat din sila hindi lang sa krisis ng pulitikal kundi maski sa [kadikit nitong]

ekonomikal at kultural. Kung paanong binabalahaw ng neoliberal na lipunan ang mga artist,” ani China.

Sa sining natin hinahanap ang pagsipat sa kasalukuyang takbo ng lipunan. Tulad nito, sa kongkretong mukha ng lipunan din natin inaangat ang magiging porma at nilalaman ng ating sining. Sa tulak ng lumalalang kalidad ng buhay at kabi-kabilang krisis, lalong lumalaganap ang paggamit sa sining bilang komentaryo sa lipunan, ayon sa art critic na si Ben Davis sa kanyang librong Art in the After-Culture: Capitalist Crisis and Cultural Strategy.

Gayunman, kasabay ng ganitong abanteng pagtingin sa sining ay ang malawakang disimpormasyon at polarisasyon tungkol sa mga isyung panlipunan. Kaya mahalagang napapanatili ng sining ang kakayahan nitong magluwal ng matatalas na diskusyon tungkol sa mundo, ayon kay Davis. At higit na mahalaga rin ay ang pagpapaunlad ng kasanayan upang mas maraming tao ang makatamasa at makatanaw nito.

Kaya sa mga batayang sektor natin madalas nakakasalamuha ang progresibo at makamasang sining. Ibinabandera ng mga kababaihang pesante sa mga sakahan ang mga telang bitbit ang panawagan sa reporma sa lupa. Ginagamit din ng mga mangingisda ang mga telang panlayag bilang sining at protesta laban sa reklamasyon ng mga karagatan. At ngayon, ang tattoo bilang kampanya sa pagpapalaya sa mga bilanggong pulitikal.

Madalas, dulot ng nananatiling negatibong pananaw sa katuturan ng tattoo, madali nating makaligtaan ang halaga ng sining sa lipunan. Pero nasa mga taong tulad ni Amanda, sa mga artistang nagnanais ng makahulugang pagbabago sa lipunan, matutunton ang patuloy na paggigiit sa kakayahan ng sining na umalalay sa ating pag-usad. Mananatili itong paanyaya sa publiko na makibahagi sa paglikha, lalo’t maaaring magmula rin sa kanila ang pagbabago sa paglikha.

Sa sining natin hinahanap ang pagsipat sa kasalukuyang takbo ng lipunan, tulad nito, sa konkretong mukha ng lipunan din natin inaangat ang magiging porma at nilalaman ng ating sining.

Sean Marcus Ingalla

Restoration of Regimes

The presence of the dictator’s son at the British monarchy’s coronation signals not only the parallelism of the past but also the continuation of the Philippine horrors.

Nostalgia steers one towards the fantasy of a possible future as much as it drives them to revel in a glorified account of the past.

Following the death of Queen Elizabeth II last year, the crown has passed to her son, King Charles III, whose coronation on May 6 was attended by numerous important figures around the world—including Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.

Marcos Jr.’s attendance at the coronation corresponds to his objective of cementing his legitimacy in both the domestic and international scene to serve his interests. It works in his favor to recognize the power of Charles who, much like Marcos Jr., represents the continuity of a system engendered by inequality and maintained by ceremonial glamorization. Both are men who benefit from their predecessor’s looted wealth. In fact, the nepotism runs as far as Charles and former First Lady Imelda Marcos sharing moments together before as friends, according to the statement that Marcos Jr. issued.

The extravagance of this undertaking buries the specter of a bloody past that bore witness to deaths just to maintain the longstanding institution of the monarchy. The British Empire inflicted horror on their colonial subjects through

economic underdevelopment and violent repression. India, the most populous colony of the empire, suffered more than a hundred million deaths within 40 years due to exploitation enacted by the colonial ruler.

Despite being supposedly ceremonial in nature, the monarch remains as the nominal head of state of 14 countries. The illusion is so strong that the abject devastation the monarchy caused seemed to have dissipated when glorified condolences poured in upon the death of Elizabeth, with narratives emphasizing her individual goodness seemingly decoupled from the forces that brought her power into being. In Marcos Jr.’s tribute to her, he said that the late queen represented “a true monarch’s great dignity, commitment to duty and devotion to all those in her realm.”

By separating the individual from the historical context upon which their

institutional power is predicated, the same arrangements of domination persist, underpinned by denialism and injustice. The former empire can now be absolved, notwithstanding the blood that their conquests cost.

The Marcoses are no strangers to this tactic of sanitizing the past to advance their project of a future consolidated by their ilk. Marcos Jr. is deploying the same techniques used by his father in securing his regime: fabrication of lies, appeal to abstractions of unity, and stifling of dissent. He is facilitating the continuation of the systems of subjugation, now aided by a wider disinformation network.

In maintaining and publicly celebrating apparatuses of oppression, Marcos’s attendance at the coronation aligns with his foreign policy that is connected to his aim of rehabilitating his family’s reputation after his father’s ouster. Marcos’s campaign for restoration is geared towards a greater material end.

International backing, through economic and military ties from countries such as the US, was crucial in Marcos Sr.’s dictatorship. In exchange for fewer restrictions on trade and more maneuvers favorable to foreign countries, collusion with superpowers enabled the Marcoses to plunder enormous wealth which they have yet to return to this day.

Marcos Jr. aims for a repetition of this. His pivot to the West by purporting the slogan of being friends to all is detrimental to Filipinos who have nothing to gain from this self-serving measure. He has expressed his intent, multiple times, to welcome more liberalized agreements with Europe and the US while also entertaining expanded military aid from them.

Although it is undisclosed whether Marcos Jr.’s supposed casual meeting with British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak pushed through, he said in a briefing prior to the coronation that he intends to maintain the same relationship with the UK and talk about trade agreements with Sunak.

Decades of subservience to foreign interests only deprived the country of development while local collaborators gained exorbitantly. For one, the recent intensified thrust for the reform of the country’s charter will derail the triumphs that came with subverting the Marcosian 1973 Constitution. This will further open the economy to foreign capital while simultaneously removing the institutional remnants in the 1987 Constitution that condemn Marcos Sr.’s tyranny.

The presence of the dictator’s son at the British monarchy’s coronation signals not only the parallelism of the past but also the continuation of the Philippine horrors: intensified looting of wealth, enslavement to Western hegemony, and death of dissenters. The very same system that molded these forces of subjugation can never be relied on to exact justice for the atrocities it instigated.

The downtrodden only have themselves, and it is through their communal contestation that conscientization must emerge. To dispel nostalgia, realities of the past must be unraveled and grounded in their continuities to the present.

Sean Marcus Ingalla

Extracting Destruction

Endless extraction will always be the imperative of a system that treats monetary gain as its prime objective. The ecological destruction will never be resolved by the same approach that caused it.

Earth pulses with life. It teems with vitality, nurturing and sustaining other life forms that are intrinsically interconnected with each other. Such is the recurring theme that binds the belief systems upheld by many of the indigenous peoples (IPs) in the Philippines. From the Bungkalot to the Ifugao, their profound affinity to the land serves as the crucial foundation for their relationship with the environment founded on the principle of regeneration.

Contrary to this worldview of stewardship that respects the right of nature to undergo its renewal and restorative process, the domination of market forces driving over-extraction did not only cause ecological breakdowns, but also subsumed rehabilitative approaches to the clutches of profitability. The market’s influence pervades the theme for this year’s Earth Day, espousing “Invest In Our Planet” to urge enterprises to “drive value for their institutions and society through green innovation and practices.”

Genuinely committing to ecological recovery means divorcing from the dogma of unlimited extraction premised on the profit motive. As long as responses to the crisis continue to be confined in efforts centered around maintaining the pursuit of instant return in the present, no amount of investment can remedy the disastrous future that awaits the coming generations.

As demonstrated by the experience of IPs deceived by extractive investments, reliance on the dictum of capital expansion is futile at best and fatal at worst. Comprising only 10 to 15 percent of the national population, IPs are at the forefront of environmental defense as their ancestral lands cover about 85 percent of the country’s key biodiversity areas. Because of corporations desecrating their mineral-rich lands through aggressive extractivism, IPs suffer from displacement, dispossession, repression, and widespread environmental destruction that disrupt their way of living.

For one, the Bungkalot, Tuwali, and Ifugao of Nueva Vizcaya have been subjected to the devastating operations of open-pit mines of the Australian-Canadian company Oceanagold Corporation since 1994. This intrusion caused extreme water contamination, death of native trees, harm to biodiversity, and violent repression of residents. Despite all of these, Rodrigo Duterte’s administration in 2021 approved the renewal of the corporation’s permit effective for another 25 years.

The large-scale operations that utilize open-pit mining have long inflicted detriment on communities.

Despite passing laws that supposedly regulate this industry, the country continues to be beholden to foreign mining companies. The Mining Act of 1995 has been criticized for the disproportionate benefits that Filipinos derive from it due to its emphasis on exportation, its prioritization of extraction over sustainability, and its weak accountability measures.

In an attempt to mitigate the adverse repercussions of their actions, mining companies such as Oceanagold tout the banners of social investments and “responsible mining.” They forward their corporate social responsibility efforts to engage the communities by promoting organic farming, reducing their emissions by cutting down on fossil fuels, and committing to ecofriendly ways such as reforestation and sustainable infrastructure.

But not only are these lip service, these approaches aim to sanitize their image and detract people from the gravity of their actions through faulty palliatives. Residents are still deprived of their resource management systems that govern their mutual relationship with the environment. Due to this, as with the case in Nueva Vizcaya, people are more vulnerable to disasters, native hardwoods are cut down in exchange for plantation species that are already dying, and agricultural activity is stunted by 30 percent.

This conformity to market fundamentalism runs counter to the IP’s core principles of communal ownership and stewardship of the environment rooted in an important tenet of their belief: that the ultimate return of taking care of the environment is its conservation for many others in the future to inherit. Endless extraction will always be the imperative of a system that treats monetary gain as the prime objective. To borrow the words of the activist and poet Audre Lorde, the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. These communities’ ecological destruction will never be resolved by the same approach that caused them.

Green growth is legitimized by proposing that governments must only incentivize efficient technologies

and means that will save us from environmental ruin. However, the principal problem is that we are extracting beyond the amount that the Earth can regenerate. If anything, a more efficient method of extraction only hastens our collective downfall. Studies show that even when countries adopt the best practices of efficient resource use, we will still expend them excessively, which is why green growth cannot be reconciled with any earnest rehabilitative measure.

Drawing from the lessons of the international divestment campaign, disempowering these corporations and taking away their social license must be advanced by undercutting institutional and governmental support for them. This entails adherence to mining bans, soliciting monetary reparations from companies liable for environmental harm toward their victims, and ensuring the democratic participation of communities in key decisions on the use of their resources. With a recognition of the role that international corporations such as Oceanagold play, reparations must also be demanded from foreign entities, that will then be directed towards those vulnerable to climate impacts as seen in the loss and damage fund discussed at the last Conference of Parties 27.

What is needed is a shift from the highly privatized regime toward the rule of the commons where people actively participate in and benefit from resource allocation. This is where funds from the government and those recouped from corporations must be funneled into: rehabilitating communities, repairing ecosystems, addressing environmental vulnerabilities, and providing them with economic security so they would no longer have to rely on the employment of extractive industries.

Like the Bungkalot, Tuwali, and Ifugao at the Didipio mine, renewal is at the core of the indigenous peoples’ relationship with nature. Resisting systemic forces that fundamentally alter this relationship is integral to our struggle for environmental justice. For in our recognition that the land is an entity with its own right to regenerate and be preserved, another generation will be assured to revel in a life of abundance and security.

Illustration by Star Laguio

PASAKIT NA MALASAKIT

Mga manggagawa ang dahilan kung bakit patuloy na naitataguyod at lumalago ang ekonomiya ng bansa. Gayunpaman, sa katiting na pagtutumbas ng estado sa lakas na ibinubuhos ng mga manggagawa, lalong bumubulusok tungo sa pasakit na kalagayan at kalidad ng buhay ang mga ordinaryong Pilipino.

Dibuho ni Justin Delas Armas