Philippine Collegian 100 Tomo 100 March Issue

PHILIPPINE COLLEGIAN

editor-in-chief daniel sebastianne daiz

associate editor gretle c. mago

managing editor venus janelle samonte

business manager frenzel julianne cleofe

features editor polynne dira

guest editors sheila abarra marvin ang

samantha del castillo kim yutuc

staff mary june ricaña

contributing members

news micah formoso ysabel vidor

features sean ingalla

kultura arthur david san juan

illustration justin delas armas maya caitlin erfe

maria laya rona pizarro

layout angelyn castillo andrea medina

angeli mari rodenas isaiah verdejo

photography luisa elago kathleen isaac

ar jay revilla

probationary members

kyle adeva dean amarillas karen buena

darlene cruz giullana david isabel m. dulay

luis lagman star laguio lorence lozano

ryan maltezo elisha montemayor

jerome peñaflor john florentino perez

dominic porras johnson santos

john michael silerio karlo mark tablang

administrative aide

gina bacucanag amelyn daga

ma. trinidad gabales

circulation manager

gary j. gabales

circulation staff

pablito jaena iii marvin maroto

address Student Union Building, UP Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines

website

www.phkule.org

email phkule.upd@up.edu.ph

telephone

+(632) 8981-8500 loc. 4522

member College Editors Guild of the Philippines (CEGP) UP Systemwide Alliance of Student Publications and Writers’ Organizations (UP Solidaridad)

Sa ika-sandaang taon ng kritikal na pamamahayag, makikipagtuos ang Kulê sa mga isinuka na ng taumbayan ngunit muling nanunumbalik, sa mga pinunong dahas ang tugon sa ating mga hinaing, at sa mga maykapangyarihang nandurusta sa taumbayan para sa sariling ganansya. Ang taong ito ay magmamarka ng pagbabago sa midyum ng pahayagan, upang masigurong lapat ang bawat isyu sa pangangailangan ng mambabasang malaman at maunawaan ang mga pangyayari, at ang pangmatagalan nitong implikasyon sa mas malawak na iskema ng mga bagay.

Illustration by Maya Caitlin Erfe

Frenzel Julianne P. Cleofe

Patrick Kyle Adeva

Gretle C. Mago

Isabel M. Dulay

Mary June Ricaña

Johnson Santos

Karen Buena

Ar Jay Revilla

Pakikipagtuos sa Unos

Malayo sa itsura ng pagtugon ng pangulo sa mga krisis na bumabalot sa bansa, likas sa kababaihang Dumagat na sumuong sa ano mang unos upang pamunuan ang kanilang komunidad.

Matagal na dapat tayong natuto sa alamat ng Sierra Madre: walang makapipigil sa galit ng isang babaeng Dumagat. Sa patuloy na pakikipaglaban sa dambuhalang Kaliwa Dam na itinatayo sa Sierra Madre, siyam na araw na dumagundong ang martsa ng kababaihang katutubo sa Timog Katagalugan patungo sa Maynila. Ito ang kanilang pahayag ng pagpupuyos laban sa pang-aabusong kanilang nararanasan sa kamay ng pamahalaan.

Imposibleng hindi naaligaga si Pangulong Ferdinand Marcos Jr. sa bawat araw na papalapit ang mga katutubo sa palasyo. Kaya bago pa maisiwalat sa taumbayan, tiniyak na niyang mapapasinungalingan ang bawat pahayag ng laksang katutubo na naniningil sa estado—sa pamamagitan ng misimpormasyon at ng mapanghating social media na kinakasangkapan ng pamahalaan.

Hindi na kailangang gumamit ng dahas ng pangulo. Sapat nang kalupitan ang hindi niya pagharap sa 300 katutubong Dumagat na nag-alay-lakad laban sa Kaliwa Dam—isang deklarasyon ng panghahamak sa katatagang ipinakita ng mga katutubo.

Malayo sa itsura ng pagtugon ng pangulo sa mga krisis na bumabalot sa bansa, likas sa kababaihang Dumagat na sumuong sa anomang unos upang pamunuan ang kanilang komunidad. Sa kultura ng mga katutubo, sila ang higit na nagtataguyod at lumilinang ng buhay sa lupa. Minorya man kung ituring, hindi maipagkakailang malaki ang espasyo ng pinanunungkulan ng kababaihang

Dumagat sa laban ng mga katutubo sa bansa.

Sa makailang-ulit na pagsasawalang bahala ng gobyerno sa mga katutubong nagpoprotesta laban sa Kaliwa Dam, itinatag ng kababaihang Dumagat ang Imaset, alyansa ng mga katutubong Dumagat-Remontado laban sa Kaliwa Dam. Mula noon, ipinagpatuloy ng kababaihang Dumagat ang pagpapalawak sa hanay ng mga tagasuporta laban sa mga dambuhalang proyekto.

Tulad ng Chico Dam, unang iminungkahi ang pagpapatayo ng Kaliwa Dam sa ilalim ng rehimeng Marcos Sr. At sa parehong administrasyon, naitala ang pagkawala ng halos walong milyong ektarya ng kagubatan sa Pilipinas. Gayundin ang pakikipagsabwatan ni Marcos Sr. sa mga dayuhang korporasyon, at pagutos sa malawakang pagpatay sa mga katutubong salungat sa mga dambuhalang proyekto.

Hinulma ng diktadura ni Marcos Sr. ang mapang-abusong relasyon ng gobyerno sa mga katutubo at kalikasan, na siyang ipinagpatuloy ng mga nagdaang pamahalaan magpahanggang-ngayon sa ilalim ng administrasyon ni Marcos Jr. Mula noon, ano mang sibilisado at mapayapang pagharap ng mga katutubo sa kinauukulan ay tinutugunan ng karahasan.

Sa paniniil na ipinaranas ng bawat nagdaang pamahalaan sa mga katutubo, ang mga kababaihan ang higit na nasasadlak sa kawalang-katarungan. Liban sa nararanasang pang-aabuso bilang mga babae, ang umiiral na mababang pagtingin sa kanila bilang mga katutubo ang siya ring lunsaran ng gayong uri ng kalupitan.

Ayon sa ulat ng International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), kabilang

Minorya man kung ituring, hindi maipagkakailang malaki ang espasyo ng pinanunungkulan ng kababaihang Dumagat sa laban ng mga katutubo sa bansa.

ang Pilipinas sa mga bansang may mataas na kaso ng pang-aabuso sa kababaihang katutubo. Naitala ang mga kaso ito sa mga komunidad na militarisado at may matinding girian sa lupa. Mga kababaihang aktibista at katutubo rin ang madalas na biktima ng mga pang-aatake, dagdag ng IWGIA. Halimbawa na rito ang iligal na pag-aresto kay Daisy Macapanpan noong 2022, isang 68 taong gulang na environmental activist laban sa Kaliwa Dam.

Pinupuntirya man ng karahasan, kababaihang katutubo ang responsable sa 70 porsyentong produksyon sa agrikultura, ayon sa ulat ng Asia Indigenous Peoples Pact. Kaya hindi lamang usapin ng pangaabusong batay sa kasarian ang nais igpawan ng kababaihang Dumagat. Maiuugat ang kanilang pagkilos sa

paniwalang kolektibo ang ating pag-iral para sa komunidad, ang likas na yaman para sa kapakinabangan ng lahat, at ang kalikasan ay para sa kasalukuyan at darating pang henerasyon.

Ang pagkatalaga sa isang babaeng katutubo bilang lider—tulad nina Conchita Calzado, Remedios Marquez, Kakai Tolentino, kasama ng iba pang kababaihang Dumagat na pinangungunahan ang laban sa Kaliwa Dam—ay pagkilala sa malaki nilang gampanin sa pangangalaga sa kulturang kinagisnan, kakabit ng pagpapamana nito sa susunod na salinlahi, lalo sa patuloy na paggigiit sa katungkulan ng mga katutubo sa kaunlaran ng bansa.

Ang gayong pagtugon sa nananalatay na sakit sa lipunang Pilipino ang isa sa mga

bagay na magpahanggang-ngayon ay hindi maipakita ng pangulo sa taumbayan. Nananatiling bagsak ang kalagayan ng agrikultura sa bansa, malala ang krisis sa transportasyon at pampublikong serbisyo, at sumisirit ang presyo ng mga bilihing ipinangako na magiging abotkaya para sa mamamayan.

Kaya lalong nakabibingi ang pananahimik ng pangulo habang sagad-sagarang pandurusta ang lumalatay sa mga katutubo. Para sa administrasyon, mas pinahahalagahan nito ang “pagkakaibigan” na binuo ng Pilipinas sa mga dayuhang bansa. Kaya handa ang administrasyong manahimik at magpatahimik upang ipagpatuloy ng mga dayuhang kumpanya ang pagpapakasasa nila sa lupang ninuno ng mga katutubo.

Kasabay ng pagpapahintulot ni Marcos Jr. sa apat na karadagang base militar ng Estados Unidos sa Cagayan Valley nitong taon, nakababahala ang sunod-sunod na ulat ng pambobomba sa kanayunan ng rehiyon. Maging ang mga pagtatangka ng mga progresibong grupo upang mag-imbestiga at mag-ulat sa mga nasabing kaganapan ay pilit na sinusupil ng militar at media blackout. Karimarimarim ang represyong ito ng gobyerno sapagkat nitong nakaraang taon, sa ilalim ng United Nations, pinirmahan pa ng bansa ang pulitikal na deklarasyon laban sa paggamit ng mga nakapipinsalang armas sa mga komunidad.

Makailang ulit nang isinantabi ng pamahalaan ang batas, ang pambansang soberanya, upang magbigay-daan sa mga imperyal na bansang nais magtayo ng teritoryo sa Pilipinas. Taong 2019, nauna nang nagpahayag ng pagkabahala ang Commision of Audit (COA) sa Kaliwa Dam na pinondohan ng Tsina upang maipatayo. Ayon sa COA, maaaring higit na pumabor sa Tsina ang proyekto, lalo na sa tumitinding pang-aangkin ng dayuhang bansa sa West Philippine Sea. At nitong 2022, sa kabila ng pang-uusig ng mga residente at dalubhasa sa kalikasan na ipatigil ang konstruksyon ng Kaliwa Dam, malinaw na nanatiling kimi ang pangulo

Sa kasalukuyan, 22 porsyento na ang natatapos sa konstruksyon ng Kaliwa Dam, ayon sa Metropolitan Water and Sewerage System (MWSS). Ngunit habang hindi pa natatapos ang proyekto, mahalagang paulit-ulit na ungkatin ang mga deklarasyon ng pagtutol ng katutubong Dumagat dito, lalo’t kwestyunable rin ang pagkuha ng MWSS ng Free Prior Informed Consent sa komunidad upang ituloy ang Kaliwa Dam.

Sa gayon, hindi maikakailang maging mga batas na ipinasa para sa mga katutubo ay prente lamang upang umano’y pumabor sa sektor, sapagkat maging ang National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) ay kinakasangkapan na rin ng pamahalaan upang supilin ang mga progresibong pangkat ng mga katutubo. Sapat nang patotoo rito ang pangrered-tag noong nakaraang taon ng NCIP sa pamumuno ni Allen Capuyan kay Eufemia Cullamat, babaeng Manobo na nanungkulan sa Kongreso.

Sa kabila nito, bagaman bigong makamit ang pangunahing layunin na makausap ang pangulo, may nalikom namang suporta mula sa taumbayan ang mga

katutubo. Maging mga lokal na opisyal ng gobyerno sa Infanta, Quezon, at dating opisyal ng NCIP, ay nakiisa sa samasamang paglaban ng mga katutubo. Bihira ang tagpong ito sa mukha ng pulitika sa bansa, lalo’t panukala ng isang nakatataas na organo ng gobyerno ang binabaka ng kampanya ng mga katutubo.

At sa muling pagbabalik sa lungsod nina Calzado at ng mga kasamang liderkababaihan na Dumagat, pinabulaanan ng mga katutubo ang inilabas na pahayag ng NCIP ukol sa ganap nitong pagkatanggap ng pahintulot mula sa mga Dumagat-Remontado. Higit pa, ipinahayag din ng mga katutubo at ng mga kasamang tagasuporta ang ilulunsad nilang kampanya laban sa Kaliwa Dam sa mga simbahan at paaralan.

Nitong ika-14 ng Marso, kasamang kumatawan sina Wilma Quierrez at Kakai Tolentino, mga lider Dumagat ng No to Kaliwa-Kanan-Laiban Dam, sa pagsusumite ng Makabayan Bloc sa Kongreso ng House Resolution 858, isang resolusyong naglalayong imbestigahan ang mga komunidad na maaaring maapektuhan ng itinatayong Kaliwa Dam sa Sierra Madre.

Tatagos at tatagos sa ating mga isip na makatwiran ang laban ng mga katutubo. Ano pa’t alintana rin natin ang kanilang paghihirap: sistematikong kagutuman, binuburang kultura at kasaysayan, at kawalan ng seguridad para sa maunlad na kinabukasan. Kaya sa muling pagbawi ng kababaihang Dumagat sa mga espasyong pilit binubura ang kanilang sariling ahensya at naratibo, may pangangailangan para sa kagyat nating pakiisa at pagkilos.

Hindi magagapi ng kahit sino mang dayuhan ang kababaihang katutubong daantaon nang inuukit ang kanilang pagkakakilanlan sa bansa. Ito ang kasaysayang matagal nang itinuturo sa mga alamat: ang pagyabong ng kagubatang Sierra Madre ay nagmula sa pakikipagtunggali ng isang ina sa bugsong higit na mas makapangyarihan sa kanya. At hindi nananatiling nananaghoy ang isang babaeng katutubo sa gitna ng unos. Buong loob niyang haharapin ito, lapat na itatapak ang mga paa sa lupa, at kapit bisig na makikipagtuos sa mga bugsong nais gumambala sa buhay na kanilang kinakalinga.

Electrical System Woes Bar CSSP In-person Classes Return

Palma Hall, the home of the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy (CSSP) which is UP Diliman’s third-largest college, will only fully reopen after April 15 as problems with the building’s electrical system remain unresolved.

According to CSSP Memorandum CSSP-OD 2023-01 issued last January 25, the classroom unavailability issue started from the stalled renovation of the building in 2020.

The renovation was interrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic, leaving some repair works unfinished. A circuit breaker for Palma Hall has yet to be procured, leaving some classrooms, especially in the third and fourth floors, without electricity.

“The [electrical] assessment started in March 2022 with immediate assistance from the Office of the Vice-Chancellor for Planning and Development (OVCPD) and Office of the Campus Architect (OCA). This electrical assessment is very important for the continued safety of everyone,” read the memorandum.

Vayne Del Rosario, chairperson of the CSSP Student Council, said the issue with the electrical system resulted in the temporary closure of the third and fourth floors of Palma Hall, where the linguistics and philosophy departments primarily host their classes.

Del Rosario added that professors and students are forced to change the setup due to the uncertainty of room availability. Some general education (GE)

courses, for instance, are held at the Institute of Mathematics Building in the National Science Complex.

“If we narrow it down to the departments who are affected, I can say around 500 to 600 students at the very least are impacted by this change,” Del Rosario said.

The memorandum stated that CSSP classes might conduct classes in other colleges as long as permitted by the Office of the Associate Dean for Administration and External Affairs through their department. “Classrooms with electrical power supply will be designated. Nearby colleges have also offered to use their spaces for our classes, if necessary,” read the memorandum.

With over 2,400 students and the offering college of GE courses like Philo 1, Kas 1, and Soc Sci 1 and 2, Palma Hall can only host rooms on the first and second floors for the first half the semester. The college, therefore, pledged to expedite the remaining infrastructure works, adding that they remain committed in holding their courses in-person.

“The College Executive Board (CEB) notes that there are courses whose nature and content are best taught in a face-to-face setting, as well as courses that are taught in spaces not within the Palma Hall main building,” read the memorandum.

The college’s reopening is in line with the UP Diliman Office of Chancellor Memorandum FRN-23-002 in January,

which stated that colleges are required to hold in-person classes. The same memorandum also enjoined colleges to reopen its facilities like libraries and other student spaces.

The memorandum followed a similar directive by the Commission of Higher Education, which states that higher education institutions must conduct 50 percent of undergraduate class hours in-person.

Despite the university’s commitment to reopen classes, the availability of classrooms in Palma Hall for April is still uncertain, said Del Rosario.

“The departments have put in efforts. The real back up here is looking at new venues. While we push students and organizations to look at this issue. It is undeniable that there is not really enough space in the Palma Hall anymore,” Del Rosario added.

For now, Del Rosario said that the council is taking initiatives for CSSP students to use student spaces in Palma Hall, such as lending the student council’s office for student organizations and requesting departments for spaces from other colleges.

“When we consider how the college administration works, the council should push forward on addressing the concerns of the students. As the council, we plan to continue pursuing access to the Palma Hall because it is our college space. It is unfair that we do not experience college face-to-face,” Del Rosario said.

Only after the midsemester will Palma Hall be able to fully reopen.

John Florentino Perez

design by Isaiah Verdejo

Micah Formoso

Environmental Groups Blast DENR Plan for Carbon Credit Systems

For environmental groups, a carbon credit system may not be suitable for a low-emission country like the Philippines.

Environmental groups have criticized the plan of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) to implement a carbon credit system, deeming the proposal as an unsustainable solution that would not benefit a lowemission country like the Philippines.

This, following the announcement of the DENR in December 2022 that the agency will be pushing for a law to institutionalize carbon credit systems. In the proposed system, governments can issue carbon credits to businesses, which will then allow them to emit specified amounts of carbon dioxide or other greenhouse gasses in a certain amount of time.

“Carbon credits favor countries that are heavy on emission,” said Chito Arceo,

national education coordinator of the Youth Advocates for Climate Action Philippines. “Countries such as the US and EU member-states are all for carbon marketing as they benefit from the system because of their high emissions.”

The Philippines only contributes 0.48 percent of the total global greenhouse gas emissions, according to 2019 United Nations (UN) estimates.

In December 2022, DENR Secretary Ma. Antonia Yulo-Loyzaga said there may be a need to craft legislation for carbon credits. She added that the DENR will be working with the Climate Change Commission (CCC) to develop a carbon credit framework, which will hasten the country’s global

commitment to reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 75 percent by 2030.

After the approval of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997, carbon marketing systems were introduced to decrease carbon emissions. In such systems, businesses are granted carbon credits by governments under a cap-and-trade program, where governments set a cap on carbon emissions and businesses can trade allowances that will permit them to emit a certain amount of carbon dioxide.

A trial carbon credit market was started in September 2022 at the Tokyo Stock Exchange, following Japan’s goal of becoming carbon neutral by 2050. Companies can trade existing carbon credits, known as J-Credits, to monetize

Climate advocates joined the nationwide climate strike last March 3 to call for the junking of the Philippine Mining Act of 1995. The local action held at Vinzons Hill, UP Diliman was part of the simultaneous protests held across the country. (Dominic Porras/Philippine Collegian)

businesses’ reduced emissions if they also pledge and disclose their emissions reduction targets in accordance with government regulations.

In 2019, Japan emitted 8.54 metric tons of carbon emissions, its lowest recorded, according to the World Bank.

“Carbon credits are a popular scheme internationally,” said Jon Bonifacio, National Coordinator of Kalikasan People’s Network for the Environment. “The Philippines is just complying with it, and in doing so, reduces the problem of climate change to only one problem–carbon emissions, which is not the case.”

Climate action is divided into two categories: mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation focuses on merely reducing carbon emissions. Adaptation, on the other hand, focuses on adapting to the changes brought upon by climate change, which is a fundamental aspect of climate action.

The National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council is one effort of the country in climate adaptation. However, it has been criticized as merely reactive to extreme weather events with

no long-term plan for climate action. In the country, the leading policy on climate action is the Climate Change Act of 2009. Establishing the CCC, the law mandates the development of the Local Climate Change Action Plan. But, as of July 2016, only 160 out of 1700 LGUs had such plans in place.

“[The discussion] of climate change only comes to the forefront during extreme weather events,” noted Bonifacio. “There’s no long-term plan, and the plans that do exist are not promulgated well enough to be used by grassroot groups effectively.”

In 2019, the Philippines experienced one of the costliest typhoon seasons, with 29 storms, 17 typhoons, and four super typhoons. That same year, then Antique Rep. Loren Legarda filed House Bill 2184, also known as the Low Carbon Economy Act, which aimed to establish a cap-andtrade system for the industry sector.

“Instead of carbon credits, we have to consider more climate adaptation measures, kasi hindi naman tayo high carbon-emitting countries,” said Bonifacio. “That starts with studying how climate change manifests in the Philippines.”

Arceo also noted that there must be a need to institutionalize laws for loss and damages to fully understand the source of the climate crisis. Loss and damages refer to the negative consequences that arise from the risks of climate change. During the last Conference of Parties, the UN recognized a clause for loss and damages, and created a fund that aims to provide financial assistance to nations that are most vulnerable and impacted by the effects of climate change.

Ultimately, the carbon marketing system may not be the most effective way to mitigate the effects of climate change in the Philippines, environmental groups said. Instead, the government should consider studying climate change mitigation and adaptation strategies first at the local level, they added.

“There is still a need to recognize and assess the losses garnered from the climate crisis, especially from the environment, the people, and biodiversity,” said Arceo. “Pero, alalahanin natin na while the fight for climate justice is long and tedious, it will be achievable with collective action from the youth and other sectors.”

Frenzel Julianne Cleofe

Agriculture, Trade Groups Blast PH Approval of RCEP

The Philippines has entered another free trade agreement with other ASEAN countries, despite the agriculture sector decrying importation and liberalization of products.

Photo

Trade and agriculture groups are opposing the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) as the treaty would once again reduce the country’s trade barriers to the detriment of the local agriculture sector. This, following the country’s move to join RCEP after the Senate approved the agreement on February 21.

RCEP is a multilateral free trade agreement (FTA) where the Philippines will open its market to other countries: the 10 ASEAN member-nations and ASEAN FTA partners, namely, Australia, China, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand. The agreement aims to reduce import and export restrictions, allowing RCEP nations to gain more market access to members of the treaty.

“The country is not equipped for RCEP because the baseline for agriculture liberalization is already very low due to the other FTAs that our country has agreed to,” said Joseph Purungganan of Trade Justice Philippines in an interview with the Collegian

In the Philippines-South Korea FTA, for instance, the Philippines will lift 96.6 percent tariffs on South Korean imports, while South Korea will drop 94.8 percent tariffs on Philippinesourced products. In 2020, before the FTA was in place, South Korea already exported USD7.31 billion worth of goods to the Philippines, while the Philippines accounted for USD3.05 billion in exports to South Korea.

On top of the 93 to 95 percent tariff reduction of existing FTAs, RCEP will

further reduce trade barriers for up to 98 percent of agricultural products, among others. Purungganan said farmers are already grappling with low profit and have yet to fully recover from the effects of previous agreements that also liberalized agricultural products. For him, RCEP will only exacerbate farmers’ plight due to yet another FTA.

The Philippines has already implemented similar free trade policies such as the Rice Liberalization Law, which lifted import restrictions on rice to supposedly reduce the cost of palay. The law, however, failed to protect the producers as farmers’ net income per hectare decreased from P32,976 to P19,680, according to an analysis by think-tank IBON Foundation.

Purungganan described RCEP as a “new generation [and] modern FTA,” as the treaty also deals with intellectual property rights, investments, services liberalization, digital trade, and electronic commerce, among others.

“[RCEP is] too ambitious, too comprehensive of a free trade agreement that will not benefit the Philippines in the long run,” said Purungganan.

Worse, the agriculture sector will not solely bear the weight of RCEP as consumers, too, will be affected by the agreement’s adverse consequences, said Danilo Ramos, chairperson of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP).

“Hindi totoo na kapag dumarating ang mga imported, at kahit pa marami, ay mumura [na ang mga bilihin],” Ramos

said. A kilogram of rice costs P40 to P45 on average, while sugar is worth P75 to P100 per kilogram as of March 2023, which is costly for workers whose minimum wage only stands at P537 in Metro Manila.

Strengthening local production is what the country needs, not importation, according to Ramos. There is a need to consolidate plans to be competitive as the agreement may leave the country vulnerable to cheaper imports, he also added.

House Bill 8512 of 2018 is an initiative that KMP is counting on. It is a proposal that seeks to address the country’s concerns about food security by allocating a P495 billion budget for programs that will financially and technologically support farmers. However, the bill is still pending with the House Committee on Agriculture and Food since November 2018.

RCEP may take effect as early as May 2023, but proposals to equip the country with resources and laws to be competitive have not been strengthened, putting the Philippines at a disadvantage.

“For us, the silver lining is we have reopened the debate on trade liberalization. There is a recognition that these issues exist,” said Purungganan. “The Philippines is not ready for RCEP. But we will hold government leaders to account. We will not stop raising concerns on the neoliberal economic policies that do not benefit the agriculture sector and the nation.”

The RCEP Agreement is part of the World Trade Organization agreement.

The 15 RCEP-participating countries account for about 30 percent of the global GDP, making it the largest trade pact in history.

RCEP will treat imports as if they were domestic products by lifting or reducing custom tax and import licensing procedures for agricultural goods.

Among the 15 members of the RCEP, the Philippines has the worst trade deficit, pegged at nearly USD40 billion.

RCEP comprises 20 chapters, which include trade in goods, investment, intellectual property, dispute settlement, among others.

Here’s what you need to know about RCEP

EXPLAINERS

Patrick Kyle Adeva

Redefining Intelligence

As AI tools become increasingly better at generating content, a question arises: Are machines becoming human-like, or are humans becoming machine-like?

Hi. Can you write an introduction about AI-use in UP using the style of the Philippine Collegian?

As UP continues to blaze the trail in the field of education, the emergence of artificial intelligence (AI) brings new opportunities to expand the frontiers of knowledge. From improving personalized learning experiences to addressing critical societal issues, the potential of AI in UP is limitless. With the right approach, AI could be the key to unlocking unprecedented academic progress and innovation at the university.

Indeed, AI might just change the way education is conducted. As AI learns more, it becomes able to answer exams and even write this article, with my professors, as well as my editor, being none the wiser.

But as the machine becomes more human-like, what separates a chatbot and a student only becomes more apparent. After all, while both learn by cramming down inputs, predicting patterns and analyzing data, they are only the initial steps in learning—what comes after all the lessons is what matters. In this sense, perhaps AI is not a replacement, but a fellow student or teacher who can assist our learning.

Who are you?

I am ChatGPT, a conversational AI developed by OpenAI. I am designed to communicate with humans and answer a wide range of questions to the best of my knowledge based on the data that I have been trained on. In humankind’s pursuit of efficiency and

ease of doing things, the use of AI becomes inevitable. In truth, AI-powered tools are already more prevalent than we think. It is the one that suggests the words “to follow up” as we write “Hi! I would just like” in an email to an unresponsive professor.

Machines become this smart by consuming large amounts of data from humans and then analyzing patterns to create self-operating algorithms. Two types of AI currently exist: reactive machines that only operate based on current data, like our opponents in online chess, and limited memory AI that forms inferences and predicts future actions, such as self-driving cars and ChatGPT.

Eugene Rex Jalao, the AI program coordinator at UP Diliman (UPD), says that with AI’s ability to summarize textual data, it can perform functions from solving codes to creating yearly lesson plans for faculty in seconds.

ChatGPT’s AI uses natural language processing to interpret inputs and create human-like outputs. A user gives it a prompt, it predicts the best possible answer or provides data based on pretrained knowledge, then it generates text as output.

This is how ChatGPT was able to write the introduction for this article. “I have been trained on vast amounts of text from a variety of sources, including the Philippine Collegian. This training has allowed me to learn their structure, tone, and style, and to generate text that is similar to what one might find in the publication,” the machine explained.

AI should not be regulated nor be construed as a threat, and instead be utilized to improve the learning process.

Illustration by Justin Lawrenz Delas Armas

Yet, as AI’s proficiency in text expands beyond predicting words in emails, its ability to answer exams and create passable essays raises issues on academic integrity. Do we credit the machine for summarizing important data? Or is the output still owned by the student who learned how to create the perfect prompt?

Are You a Friend or a Foe?

I am neither a friend nor a foe. I am a tool designed to assist and provide helpful responses to your queries. My purpose is to help you find the information you need and to assist you in your tasks to the best of my ability.

AI, like any machine, cannot be judged as good or evil. Just like any tool, its actions and subsequent effects are dictated by the user’s intention.

Leander Marquez, an assistant professor of philosophy at UPD, has considered prohibiting the use of ChatGPT in his classes, but admitted that he would not be able to tell if students pass essays made by AI. Despite this, Marquez refuses to believe that the essay has become dead as an academic requirement. He likens the situation to a math teacher still giving exams in basic operations despite the accessibility of calculators.

“It’s worrisome, yes, but I don’t see it as threatening. At least para sa’kin, to the point na it threatens the credibility of education or the educative process,” Marquez says.

Meanwhile, Peter Cayton, an associate professor at the UP School of Statistics, has actively involved the use of AI in his classes. In his class policy, he allows students to use accessible AI tools like ChatGPT to improve their writing, but not to make it for them.

As AI use becomes more prevalent, the faculty of the UPD AI program said that the university must revisit its academic integrity rules to include AI. Marquez and

Cayton also expressed their willingness to use a university-certified AI checker that would add a measure of security against academic dishonesty.

However, Jalao believes the proper way to address AI should not be strict regulation. Instead, emerging technologies should be leveraged in a way that improves everyone’s lives.

“The same type of AI can be used for good or bad. The correct way to answer that is to push for the ethical use of AI, whatever form that is,” he says. A bill creating an agency that would ensure AI complied with ethical guidelines and oversee its developments was filed in Congress on March 1.

AI should not be regulated nor be construed as a threat, and instead be utilized to improve the learning process. Professors should follow suit in this natural wave of technology, as its uses largely outweigh its risks, he says.

Yet despite the growing shift towards AI tools, Marquez still emphasizes the responsibility of students to develop their education unassisted by generated content. He expects UP students to adhere to the motto of “Honor and Excellence” regardless of how accessible these tools are.

Will You Replace Students?

No, as an AI language model, I cannot replace students. While AI technologies have the potential to enhance the learning experience, they cannot replicate the unique perspectives, experiences, and creativity that students bring to the classroom. Students are not just passive receivers of information; they actively engage with the material, ask questions, and form connections that are essential to their learning.

AI would not be a threat to education if students are not simply reduced to being machines or regurgitators of theory. If anything, AI’s proliferation

only exposed today’s education process as eerily similar to the programming of a computer.

AI and humans are both learners but what separates them is the ability to create, not generate, knowledge. When classrooms turn students into automatons, their ability to develop critical thinking becomes undermined. Education should instead encourage students to become conscious beings that are able to engage with the world, not imprisoned by the information and instruction fed to them.

The attainment of true learning comes from discourse, which cannot be programmed through lines of code. So while computers can self-optimize and make themselves more efficient, they cannot evolve to become more intelligent. AI cannot replicate the educative process because machines do not have the capacity to create knowledge as humans do. Education is dependent on the exchange of new ideas between student and teacher, attained from dialogue and critical thinking.

Moreover, ChatGPT is not perfect. Its inaccuracy and fabrication of certain information are its biggest weaknesses. Cayton views AI as something that still needs human guidance. “It is a tool you can use only if you are knowledgeable about what you are writing or what you are doing. It still has the potential to make mistakes because it is not able to perceive intelligence like us humans,” he says.

AI will not replace professors or students just like how it will not replace the essential aspect that makes education a truly transformative experience. Intelligence is not just about acquiring knowledge, but sharing and exchanging it with others. Education should be firmly grounded in this human element, or else the line between man and machine will continue to blur.

Gretle C. Mago

Pagbabalik-tanaw at Pagpapanibagong-lakas ng Org Culture sa UP

Ngayong nanunumbalik na sa dati ang buhay sa loob ng pamantasan, hamon sa mga organisasyon sa UP kung papaano nila muling itatatag ang kanilang ugnayan sa mga iskolar ng bayan.

Dibuho ni Maria Laya

Bago magpandemya, hindi nagtatapos ang araw ng isang estudyante sa UP sa kanyang huling klase. Madalas, sa mga tambayan sa Vinzons Hall at sa malalawak na espasyo ng bawat gusali sa iba’t ibang kolehiyo mamamataan ang mga estudyante kahit pasado alas singko ng hapon.

Makikita pa nga ang ilan sa kanilang nagbibilang ng kita mula sa pagtitinda ng mga red velvet crinkles at graham balls—mga produktong patok para sa income generating project (IGP) ng mga organisasyon sa UP upang pondohan ang kanilang mga proyekto at benepisyaryo. Ang iba naman, paikot na nakaupo sa sahig habang nagkukwentuhan; nagpa-plano ng mga pakulo sa mga ilulunsad nilang aktibidad.

Nang magpandemya, online ang naging espasyo ng lahat upang magtrabaho at mag-aral. Umusbong ang mga paraan ng paggamit ng internet upang ipagpatuloy ang buhay nating mga estudyante, kabilang ng mga org sa UP. Natali tayong magdamag sa mga iskrin, nangapa sa kada Zoom call kung nakikinig pa ba ang kausap o hindi, at nahirapan sa pagharap nang mag-isa sa tambak ng sari-sariling gawain.

At bagaman unti-unti nang nanunumbalik sa pisikal na mga klase at aktibidad sa unibersidad, sadyang mahirap isabuhay ang dating gawi o prepandemic na org culture sa UP. Ipinakita ng nagdaang krisis ang hindi maiiwasang pagbabago ng mga samahang pang-mag-aaral sa gitna ng unos, gayundin ang panahon kung saan higit itong kailangan sa buhay ng mga iskolar ng bayan.

Orye

Imposible na walang org ang hindi nakapukaw sa kuryosidad ng isang iskolar ng bayan sa kahabaan ng kanyang danas-kolehiyo. Lahat ng espasyo sa UP, maging kasulok-sulukan ng mga gusali, pasyalan, at kainan ay nagsilbi nang tambayan ng mga ito.

Miyembro man o hindi, madalas ding bukas sa estudyante ang imbitasyon ng mga grand pakain, educational

discussion, at forum na pinangungunahan ng mga org.

Ngunit bago ang dekada ‘60, konserbatibo at eksklusibong pangakademiko ang motibasyon ng pagtatatag ng mga organisasyon sa UP. Halimbawa na lamang ang University of the Philippines Student Catholic Action na pinangunahan ni John Delaney, isang Heswita at dating chaplain ng UP Diliman na may hayag na pagtuligsa sa komunismo.

Nang matunghayan ng mga estudyante ang tahasang panggigipit ng pamahalaan sa kalayaan sa loob at labas ng pamantasan, napagpasyahan ng mga estudyante na lisanin ang kumikitid nang espasyo ng UP upang mag-organisa kasama ng mas malawak na masa.

Sa pangunguna naman ng Student Cultural Association of the University of the Philippines na itinatag ni Jose Maria Sison, nakabuo ng alyansa ang mga kabataan upang magsagawa ng malawakang protesta laban sa Committee on Anti-Filipino Activities ng Kongreso. Ang matagumpay na tagpong ito ang nag-udyok sa pagkabuo ng Kabataang Makabayan, kung saan si Sison din ang unang naging tagapangulo.

Mahihinuha sa kasaysayan ng mga org sa UP noong dekada ‘60 ang mahigpit na pagkilala ng mga estudyante na karapatdapat ang bawat isa na umunlad mula sa lipunan. Mula rito, sumibol ang masikhay na partisipasyon ng kabataan sa pagkilos lampas sa pansariling motibasyon.

Sa pagdaan ng panahon, sumibol sa pamantasan ang mga kalipunang may sari-sariling adhikain. Itinayo ang mga provincial org para sa mga estudyanteng mula sa probinsya, avocational org para sa mga estudyanteng may parehong hilig na aktibidad, at cause-oriented org para sa mga estudyanteng mayroong partikular na adhikang nais isulong.

Magkaiba man ang paggana at ang komunidad nitong binubuo, iisang tunguhin ang lumilitaw sa mga organisasyon sa UP: ang makapagmulat ng nakararami sa mga isyu at adbokasyang kakabit nito.

Sa ating paglahok sa mga katipunang kapanalig sa interes at paniwala, iginaganyak natin ang ating mga sarili na makisangkot. Sa pisikal na pakikisalamuha at pakikipagdiskurso, mas lumalalim ang ating pagpapahalaga sa pangangailangang magkaisa.

Sa ating paglahok sa mga katipunang kapanalig sa interes at paniwala, iginaganyak natin ang ating mga sarili na makisangkot. Sa pisikal na pakikisalamuha at pakikipagdiskurso, mas lumalalim ang ating pagpapahalaga sa pangangailangang magkaisa.

Ito ang mahalagang katangian ng mga organisasyon sa UP na nawala noong sumambulat ang krisis ng pandemya sa bansa.

App Process

Mahalaga sa org ang sama-samang pagkilos. Dala nito, kahingian ang personal na pagkilala sa mga taong nakakatrabaho. Ngunit nang dumating ang pandemya, maging ang pisikal na pagsasama-sama ay naging suliranin para isagawa ito.

Ang pagpapatibay sa communality o pagkakapit-bisig ng isang komunidad ang unti-unting nawawala sa bawat org bunsod ng pandemya, ayon sa pag-aaral ni Iva Melissa Magsalin mula sa Ateneo de Manila University. Pinatunayan lamang ng pagaaral na ito ang naging karanasan ng mga organisasyon sa UP nang magpandemya.

“Talagang nangangapa kami sa isa’t isa. Nung pandemic, pagkapasok mo sa org sumalang kaagad sa org work, eh. Hindi muna nagkapalagayan ng loob,” ayon kay Edrian Divinaflor, estudyante ng BS Psychology at kasalukuyang pangulo ng COPE UP, samahang itinatag noong 2017 na may layong magsulong ang mental health awareness sa unibersidad.

Tulad ng mga opisina at klase, napilitang manatiling online ang mga transaksyon at pagtitipon ng mga organisasyon sa UP. Gamit ang mga social media tulad ng Facebook at Discord, naging espasyo ang internet upang mapanatili ang ugnayan ng mga miyembro sa isa’t isa.

Naging malikhain ang mga org sa paghahanap ng bagong pamamaraan upang ilunsad ang mga aktibidad na ginagawa na nila pre-pandemic. Kasama rito ang pagpapalawig ng kanilang saklaw na audience. Naging flagship project ng termino ni Divinaflor noong nakaraang taon ang COPE Caravan, isang buwan na pambansang kaganapan

na bukas para sa lahat ng nais matuto tungkol sa mental health.

Gayunman, sa kabila ng paggamit sa teknolohiyang mas nagpapadali ng komunikasyon, higit namang humirap ang konsolidasyon ng trabaho at komunikasyon sa mga kasamahan noong pandemya dala ng online fatigue. Sa samut-saring impormasyong nagpabalisa sa mga tao noong pandemya, maging ang patong-patong na gawain sa klase, nakadagdag ang org work sa pagkapagal ng mga estudyante.

“Sobrang dormant ng mga online platforms [for communication] … Dumami man ang members, kaunti lang ang active at participative. Hindi rin masyadong nagkakilanlan ang mga members, at mas tinuturing lang ang mga kasamahan bilang kasama sa trabaho,” ani Marco Cuadra, kasalukuyang pangulo ng UP Physics Association, akademikong samahan na itinatag noong 1980.

Tulad ng suliraning hinarap nina Divinaflor at Cuadra noong pandemya, nakaapekto rin sa mga aktibidad ang mababang partisipasyon at membership, ani Carlo Salcedo, pangulo ng UP Harong, provincial org ng Camarines Sur na itinatag noong 1995. Aniya, maging ang kalidad ng trabahong inaasahan ay hindi madaling matamo.

Bagaman unti-unting nagbabalik ang pisikal na mga klase at aktibidad ang UP, umusbong ang panibagong problema sa mga org tulad ng humihinang partisipasyon ng mga “pandemic babies,” o mga estudyanteng hindi na nakaranas ng prepandemic na buhay sa UP, at sa muling pagpapakilala sa kanila sa dating “org culture” sa UP.

“Marami silang hindi na naabutan tungkol sa mga org sa UP. Hindi nila alam kung ano’ng meron sa Vinzons Hill, yung dating IGP ng halos lahat ng org na red velvet crinkles … Maging on-the-ground participation ay mas kaunti na. Not just rallies and educational discussions but kahit yung mga alternative classroom learning experience sa UP,” ani Divinaflor. Malaking bigwas ang paghina ng partisipasyon ng mga estudyante sa mga aktibidad at adbokasyang inoorganisa ng mga organisasyon sa UP. Kaya sa

muling pagbabalik ng mga estudyante sa unibersidad, kahingian ngayon kung paano muling bubuhayin ang aktibo at mayamang org culture sa UP.

Culmination Night

Maaaring mag-umpisa sa mga simplistikong dahilan ang pagsali natin sa ano mang samahan. Gayunman, nagkakaroon tayo ng pagpapahalaga sa nilahukang org sa pagtagal ng panahong nakikiisa tangang adbokasya ng kalipunan.

“We try to know the commitment level of each members, kung light tasks lang ba or heavy workload yung kaya nila … Ngayon talaga, mas mahalaga yung understanding sa members at may sense na marunong magsaluhan sa mga bagay-bagay. At syempre, ma-feel nila na nasa safe space sila sa organization,” ani Divinaflor.

Ngayong tila nanunumbalik na sa dati ang buhay sa pamantasan, pagkakataon na ng mga organisasyon sa UP na bawiin ang mahabang panahon na watakwatak ang org culture sa unibersidad dulot ng pandemya.

Sumailalim man sa pagbabago ang mga organisasyon sa UP sa gitna ng unos na nangyayari sa ating lipunan, laging sisibol ang pakikisangkot ng mga estudyante sa mga organisayon sa UP. Kung may pinatunayan man ang nagdaang pandemya, ito’y ang patuloy na kabuluhan ng mga organisasyon para sa mga estudyante ng UP.

Maaaring may ilang tradisyon sa org culture na hindi na ipagpapatuloy. Mabisa man o hindi, parte lamang ito ng hamong umangkop upang mapaunlad pa ang mga samahan, pagsusuma ni Magsalin. Samakatuwid, mahalaga na nasisigurong kaisa ang bawat miyembro sa layunin at adbokasyang bitbit ng bawat organisasyon sa UP.

Napagtagumpayan na dati ng mga organisasyon sa UP na maging isa sa mga tagapanguna ng pagkilos para sa pagbabagong panlipunan. Kaya imposibleng hindi natin muling mahanap ang ating lugar upang isulong ang ninanais na bukas, sa loob o labas man ng pamantasan.

Isabel M. Dulay

Sibuyan Mining Fiasco Bypassed Law, Threatened Locals’ Wellbeing—Advocates

Sibuyan residents demand accountability and environmental protection after illegal nickel extraction results in multiple violations.

Altai Philippine Mining Corporation (APMC) continued their nickel extraction from Sibuyan Island, Romblon without the necessary permits, which environmental groups say risked Sibuyanon’s well-being and the island’s ecological balance.

To halt the transportation of nickel ore in San Fernando village, the residents formed a human barricade to block APMC’s trucks but they were forcibly dispersed by local authorities on February 3. A video of the violent dispersal went viral across social media.

The unauthorized tree-cutting to pave the way for mining resulted in damages to the habitats of the local animal species. This triggered protests which reportedly left two individuals injured However, residents say that several other individuals sustained injuries during the incident.

“When it comes to their farming and even yung pangingingisda nila, [are] all at risk

if mining continues,” said Jon Bonifacio, national coordinator of Kalikasan People’s Network for the Environment.

The incident began when APMC started operations based on the exploration provision of their Mineral Production Sharing Agreement (MPSA) and began nickel ore extraction and transportation absent the additional permits.

APMC’s contract requires that other permits, including those from the local government, environmental clearance, and permit to construct a port, are acquired before exploration and extraction for sampling.

The MPSA contract was initiated between APMC and the government, which authorized the corporation to conduct mining operations over a given land area in exchange for the government receiving partial allocation from the profit of the project.

Initially, APMC was granted an exploration permit in 2011 but was later ordered to halt operations by the Mines and Geosciences Bureau due to lack of “social acceptability.” The order was lifted in 2021 during the Duterte administration and APMC promptly renewed the permit in July 2022, explained Rodne Galicha, chairperson of Bayay Sibuyanon, a group that advocates for the mining operations removal on the island.

The exploration permit was authorized under the Philippine Mining Act of 1995. But despite requirements of the mining law, APMC was able to operate without the necessary permits, leaving Sibuyan Island at the losing end.

APMC was unable to present the complete documents from the barangay and the Philippine Port Authority to construct a private port as well as their environmental compliance certificate, effectively breaching the conditions stipulated in its MPSA.

“It doesn’t mean that if they have the mineral production share agreement and exploration permit, they can [already] do other things. The MPSA says they need to acquire permits that are necessary and desirable, and failure to do so may be grounds for the cancellation of their mineral production share,” said Galicha.

In response, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) suspended APMCs transportation permit and instructed the Provincial Environment and Natural Resources Office of Romblon to review and file possible charges against the company for illegal tree-cutting and damage to marine resources.

The delayed response in addressing APMC’s operations has impacted nearby water sources and habitats of endangered species. “On a national level, it took a while from the start of

the people’s barricade until naglabas ang DENR ng statement on the issue. It took a lot of pressure from civil society for that to happen and the same thing on a regional level,” said Bonifacio.

APMC has withdrawn and temporarily suspended operations following the order issued by DENR. However, their equipment remain within the area and has not yet been disposed of, leaving the possibility of their return.

Environmental advocates call on the DENR to scrap the existing MPSA, and enact House Bill 259, also known as the People’s Mining Bill, which aims to reorient the mining industry to prioritize local development of extracted minerals and resources over foreign multinational conglomerates.

The bill proposes nationalizing the mining industry and achieving self-sufficiency through government-sponsored national

industrialization, by localizing the workforce and equipment while prioritizing community development, environmental protection, and indigenous rights.

A 25-year mining ban has also been proposed to suspend mining operations and enable the protection of environmental resources as suggested by Galicha. However, Executive Order 130 issued by former President Rodrigo Duterte to lift the ban on open-pit mining, considered the most destructive kind of mining, is an indication of the government’s disapproval of such a ban.

“Kailangang i-nationalize yung mining industry kasi hindi talaga sasapat na we just cater to the whims of international companies who come in and extract so much. Kailangan ma-reorient yung production so that the development in livelihood stays here,” Bonfacio said.

(Sibuyan Island, Romblon/Facebook)

Mary June Ricaña

Persistence of Memory*

I realized, perhaps, like Tita Lubi, our lives depend on remembering. At a time when the state could so easily arrest or even murder anyone for merely speaking up, memory becomes key to survival.

Photos from Adobe Stock Images Philippine News Agency The Official Gazette

Elisa Tita Lubi remembers as if her life depended on it. At 80 years old, she could recount the details of how she was introduced to activism more than 50 years ago and how this would eventually lead to her many arrests under a state that fears women who speak up and fight back.

She remembers the names and stories of those at the receiving end of human rights violations as if they were hers. How could she not, she told me. She had to fight for them, and with that came the need to know and learn how to best campaign for justice. It was exactly this determination of hers that made her the chairperson of Karapatan, an alliance for the advancement of people’s rights.

Over our hourlong conversation, I realized, perhaps, like Tita, our lives depends on remembering. At a time when history is so easily erased, to not forget is necessary. At a time when the state could so easily arrest, kidnap, or even murder anyone for merely speaking up, memory becomes key to survival.

Awakening

Being an activist is a constant revisiting of ideas—those that got you started, and those that keep you going. Tita remembers what sparked her political agitation more than five decades ago.

Unlike others who joined the movement in their student days, it was only in 1972, when Tita was a junior executive at an American company that she was introduced to activism.

Although she studied at UP Diliman, first as an engineering major and then as a journalism student, her life then revolved around her sorority where she became the grand archon. “Before my activism, I was [in] sorority. Naglalakwatsa ako, hindi ko masyadong iniintindi ang aking mga subjects because I was busy with our cultural events and performances.”

For a month in 1972, Central Luzon was struck by four consecutive typhoons, bringing massive floods in the region and killing 700 people. Student activists visited Tita’s company, asking for donations to help the affected. They carried with them short comic books entitled “Bakit May Baha?” detailing how carbon emissions of large foreign oil companies affect the climate situation in the country.

It was then that she realized how our realities connected with politics. She became more involved with the students aiding Central Luzon and became more familiar with activism.

But that was not the turning point yet for Tita. It came when Ferdinand Marcos Sr. declared Martial Law very shortly after. News outfits were filled with stories of student activists being arrested, forcibly disappeared, or even murdered, including Tita’s friends.

“I decided na hindi pwedeng galit lang ako kapag may nangyayaring injustice. I have to do something about it,” she said. This would then be part of what she always comes back to in her over 50 years of relentless pursuit for justice.

Remembering

A year into Tita’s activism, she would come to experience the dangers that came with the lifestyle. Tita remembers and shares each of the state’s rights violations against her, especially now that the narratives of Martial Law survivors like hers are being swept under the rug by an administration that profits on twisting the past.

In 1973, she and Nelia Sancho, founder of Gabriela and her sister in the sorority, provided shelter for three male student activists from UP Los Baños. On October 28 that same year, the house was raided by military personnel targeting the activists.

“I decided na hindi pwedeng galit lang ako kapag may nangyayaring injustice. I have to do something about it,” she said. This would then be part of what she always comes back to in her over 50 years of relentless pursuit for justice.

PROFILES

Tita recalls the events as if they just happened yesterday: First, they heard footsteps. Then, there was banging on the door. The army entered their room, grabbed their mosquito nets, and soon, Tita, Nelia, and two other women activists had armalites pointed at their faces.

One of the three male activists, Cesar Hecaro, was shot dead. Tita would pause for a bit before continuing with her story. “Ganun pala yun, eh. Kapag namamatay ka, may gurgle,” she said, motioning at her right ear. “Ang tagal na pero naririnig ko pa rin yun palagi.”

The other activist, Vic Ladlad, jumped out of the window into the fish pond, and survived to be the peace consultant of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, 20 years later. The third one, Fred Malicay, was brought downstairs— then a gunshot was heard.

Tita, Nelia, and the other two women activists were brought to the headquarters of the Military Intelligence Group in Camp Aguinaldo where Tita would experience her first detention for 19 days. They were released because the general who arrested them was Nelia’s distant uncle.

Three years later, Tita was arrested for the second time under the dictatorship. By that time, she had been working as an organizer of peasant women but came to Manila for an assignment. She was arrested by the same general who led the raid in 1972.

“Naalala niyo po ba ang mga mukha nila?” I asked her. “Of course. You never forget their faces,” she said.

Tita expected to see a better society when Marcos was toppled from his position. But what came was still far from what she had hoped. Despite the

change in presidency, the majority of Filipinos still suffered under a system that only favored the rich.

In 1989, she was once again wrongfully arrested for subversion, and languished for a little more than six months in prison. It had been her longest imprisonment, but it was nothing compared to those who were jailed for years, she said. Members of Gabriela from all over the world campaigned for her release, and when she got out of prison, she joined the organization as head of its Commission on Women’s Political Rights and later on as the founding vice chair of the Gabriela Women’s Party in 2000.

In all her life, Tita thought that Marcos Sr. would be the worst president—then came Rodrigo Duterte.

During Duterte’s crackdown on activists, Tita was charged for attempted murder for allegedly having been in a running gun battle with the military at 75 years old. The case is still ongoing.

In these four arrests and detainment of Tita, she had experienced psychological torture and sexual molestation. “I think in terms of torture, talagang nire-reserve nila ang rape para sa mga babae, pero syempre may mga lalaki rin,” she told me. “Pero talagang kung kumilos ka na, syempre ay handa kang mapatay, handang mangyari ang kung ano-ano.”

Never Forget

Tita has lived to see another Marcos and Duterte in power, 51 years since she became an activist, and she is only bracing for the worst.

At present, the Marcos-Duterte tandem is keen on erasing the crimes of their parents. The 2022 presidential election is proof of how far the Marcoses have

gotten in distorting the events of the Martial Law era, and how Duterte has managed to paint those who struggle for justice as enemies of the state.

As perpetrators like Marcos and Duterte evade accountability, to resist and exact retribution is to continue remembering their atrocities—and Tita has been committing to memory every grave offense against the people.

Along with Karapatan, she sees to it that no human rights violations are unaccounted for and no political prisoner goes forgotten. The rights organization ceaselessly documents and reports any human rights violations, and strives to uphold the welfare and legal rights of political detainees. Tita has been a part of the alliance since its inception in 1995, and now, she has been its chairperson for five years already.

Currently, Tita shared that they were retracing all previous human rights cases after Gigi Reyes, former chief-of-staff of former Sen. Juan Ponce Enrile, was released from prison using the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. Reyes, who was detained due to her involvement in the Pork Barrel scandal, argued that she deserved to be released after nine years of no progress in her case. It would hopefully serve as a precedent to release political prisoners who have been jailed for far too long.

Tita Lubi never wavered in defending human rights despite all odds. At 80, she remains steadfast in fighting for the rights of the Filipino people, and her reason for doing so 50 years ago is unchanged: “We still have not reached the society that we want. We’re still in the struggle, and we can’t leave. Everyone counts.”

*Apologies to Salvador Dali.

Dalawang Dekadang Pakikibaka

Dalawang dekada man ang lumipas, nakaukit pa rin sa isipan ng mga manggagawa ng Toyota ang inhustisyang tinanggap nila mula sa mapang-abusong kumpanya.

Disenyo ng pahina ni Darlene Cruz

Johnson Santos

Photos from TMPCWA, Adobe Stock, Toyota Motors Philippines

Sa isang hampas sa batok, dumugo ang ulo ng isa sa mga manggagawang nagwewelga sa harap ng Toyota Bicutan Plant, Marso 2001. Dito nagsimulang magsigawan at magkagulo ang mga obrero at gwardya ng kumpanya.

Sariwa pa rin sa alaala ng 227 miyembro ng Toyota Motors Philippines Corporation Workers Association (TMPCWA) ang marahas na dispersal sa kanilang dapat ay payapang pagkuha ng natitirang sweldo mula sa kumpanya, matapos silang tanggalin sa trabaho nang walang pasubali.

Noong Marso 16, nagkasa ang grupo ng protesta sa harap ng Japanese Embassy upang gunitain ang ika-22 anibersaryo ng kanilang pagkakatatag, at ang higit dalawang dekadang pagpapatuloy ng panawagan nilang makuha ang hustisya sa naging danas sa Toyota.

Gulong ng Buhay

Sa Toyota Bicutan Plant, ang hanay ng mga manggagawa ang bumubuo at nag-aayos ng mga parte ng sasakyan na ilalabas sa mga showroom. Dito, 11 taong assembly man si Jason Fajilagutan bago matanggal sa trabaho kasama ang iba pang mga kasapi ng kanilang unyon noong 2001, gayong kasama siya sa Board of Directors ng unyon ng mga manggagawa. Halos kasabay niyang natanggal sa trabaho ang asawa sa economic zone sa Laguna. Kaya sa kawalan ng pagkakakitaan, naging dagok sa kanila na buhayin at pag-aralin ang dalawang anak.

“Ang hirap. Nagsisimula ka pa lang na magtayo ng pamilya tapos nawalan ka kaagad ng trabaho,” ani Jason sa Collegian

Bilang isa sa mga lider ng samahan na nanguna sa pagkilos, kasama si Jason sa mga pinag-initan ng kumpanya at kalauna’y tinanggal sa trabaho. Aniya, maraming beses na hinarap ng kanilang grupo ang banta sa kanilang buhay. Ilang beses na binisita ang kanilang mga tahanan ng mga pulis, at regular din silang pinagmanmanan ng mga di kilalang lalaki. Gayunman, ang kanilang mga hinarap na pagsubok ang nagtulak sa kanilang maging matapang.

“N’ung nagsisimula pa lang, may pagaalinlangan. Pero katagalan, naimulat mo na ang sarili mo. Kahit saan ka mapunta, kailangan itaguyod mo ang karapatan mo,” aniya.

Ilang taong man siyang nagtrabaho sa car manufacturing, hindi pa rin siya tinanggap sa mga trabahong sinubukang niyang pasukan, gayundin ang kanyang mga kasama, dahilan para humanap na lang sila ng ibang pwedeng pagkakitaan.

“Hinaharang kami mismo ng mga kapitalista, tinatawagan ng Toyota [ang ina-aplayan naming kumpanya],” kwento niya. Pinili na lang ni Jason na mamasada ng jeep bagaman kulang pa rin ang kinikita niya upang mabayaran ang kanilang mga gastusin sa araw-araw.

Tulad ni Jason, matinding hirap din ang naranasan ng iba pang mga miyembro ng unyon. Sa paglipas ng panahon, hindi mapigilang magkawatak-watak ang grupo upang magkaroon ng hanapbuhay, lalo nang magsara rin ang planta noong 2004, at naging dealership na lamang.

“May mga naging driver, yung iba nasa ibang bansa kaso inabot nang matagal kasi hindi makakuha ng NBI [clearance]. Pero nandun pa rin yung pagkakaisa na pare-pareho kaming nawalan at inagrabyado,” ani Joey Javillonar, isa sa mga lider ng grupo.

Apatnapu’t walong taong gulang na si Jason, at 26 na taon dito ay ginugol niya sa pakikibaka kasama ang iba pa niyang mga kapwa-manggagawa sa Toyota.

“Napakahirap. May namatayan ng anak, kinamatayan ang paglaban. Bagaman nagpapatuloy dahil baka may pag-asa,” ani Jason. “Kahit sa edad namin na ito, sana magkaroon pa rin ng hustisya.”

Makina ng Dahas

Sa mainit at magulong planta sa Bicutan, Parañaque isinilang ang ideya ng pagtatatag ng TMPCWA noong 1992. Bunga ito ng matagal nang masalimuot na kalagayan sa planta simula noong

unang dumating ang Toyota sa Pilipinas, taong 1988. Maliban sa mababang sweldo, wala ring maayos na bentilasyon ang loob ng pagawaan dahil sa hindi akmang disenyo ng istruktura ng gusali.

Noong Pebrero 14, 1999, nagpetisyon ang unyon na maghalal ng sole and exclusive bargaining agent (SEBA), o representante ng unyon, sa mga rankand-file employees. Sinubukan ng Toyota na pigilan ang pormalisasyon ng grupo ngunit bigo sila matapos ibasura ng Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) ang kanilang apela—at nang ideklara ng ahensya sa sumunod na taon na sa hanay ng mga manggagawa dapat manggaling ang SEBA.

Gayunman, hindi tinanggap ng kumpanya ang kanilang hinihinging umento sa sahod at pagkilala sa unyon. Bilang tugon, nag-organisa ng dalawang araw na strike sa harap ng Bureau of Labor Relations ang 135 manggagawa noong Pebrero 21, 2001.

“Handa na tayong lumabas ano mang oras kung patuloy na ipagkakait ng management ang CBA. Oo, maaari tayong masaktan sa welga. Oo, maaari tayong magutom sa piketlayn. Subalit may pagkakaiba ba ito sa unti-unting pagpatay sa atin sa loob ng 12 taong makabaling-likod ng pagtatrabaho?” pahayag ng grupo noong 2001.

Tagumpay na naunsyami ang paggawa sa planta na nagdulot ng kawalan ng kita na umabot sa mahigit P50 milyon. Dahil dito, tinanggal ng Toyota ang 135 empleyado, kabilang ang 92 miyembrong hindi sumama sa rally noong Marso ng 2001. Ang desisyong ito ang lalong nagpatindi sa protesta.

Naghain ng apela sa National Labor Relations Commission ang TMPCWA kasunod ng kanilang pagkakatanggal, ngunit kinampihan ng ahensya ang TMP. Anila’y dulot ng intimidasyon ang naging resolba ng unyon.

Umakyat hanggang sa Korte Suprema ang kaso at taong 2007, ibinaba ang pinal

na desisyong ligal ang pagkakatanggal ng mga manggagawa at hindi kailangang magbayad ng Toyota ng severance pay. Ito ay sa kabila ng rekomendasyon ng International Labour Organization (ILO) na pabalikin sa trabaho ang mga tinanggal na unyonista o bayaran ng severance pay, dahil wala umanong nilabag ang mga trabahador.

Hanggang sa kasalukuyan, mayroon pa ring mga miyembro ang hindi nakakatanggap ng bayad galing sa Toyota.

Matapos ang Deka-Dekadang Alipato

Nawalan man ng seguridad sa trabaho, walang pagsisisi ang mga manggagawa. Karapatan ng mga obrerong Pilipino ang pag-hingi ng mas maayos na sitwasyon sa trabaho, ani Jason.

“Kung malayang bansa talaga ito, dapat ma-exercise namin ang aming constitutional rights. Ang mga ginagawa ng kapitalista ay lalong nagpapahirap sa amin,” ani Jason. “Dapat utusan ni Marcos na magkaroon ng tiyak at tunay na reporma sa karapatan ng manggagawa.”

Ngayon, bagaman lumipas na ang ilang taon, patuloy na lumalaban ang grupo upang maitaguyod ang tunay na unyong pang-manggagawa sa Toyota, at maibigay ang nararapat na kabayaran sa kanilang pagkakatanggal. Hinihimok ng unyon ang pamahalaan at ang gobyerno ng Japan na tulungan ang mga manggagawang naghihirap at lumalaban.

Naging matagal man ang magulong laban ng TMPCWA, naniniwala silang may pagasa pa rin ang kanilang panawagan. Nitong Pebrero, matagumpay na nakuha ng mga manggagawa sa Toyota Japan ang hinihinging umento sa sahod. Bunsod nito, ipinangako ng TMPCWA na magpapatuloy ang adbokasya ng kanilang grupo para sa lahat ng manggagawa.

“Maraming nangyari, maraming paghihirap, subalit naiigpawan ng ehemplong naibahagi namin sa mga ka-manggagawa na tumindig, mag-unyon, at magorganisa,” pahayag ni Jason.

Tulad ni Jason, matinding hirap din ang naranasan ng iba pang mga miyembro ng unyon. Sa paglipas ng panahon, hindi mapigilang magkawatak-watak ang grupo upang magkaroon ng hanapbuhay, lalo nang magsara rin ang planta noong 2004, at naging dealership na lamang.

In Numbers: Global Statistics of Online Violence against Women Journalists

In 2022, the International Center for Journalists published a fulllength study commissioned by UNESCO entitled “The Chilling: A global study of online violence against women journalists” reporting the extent of gender-based violence against journalists on a global scale.

Online threat experience

A global survey conducted in the research discussion paper published a year prior garnered a total of 901 respondents from 125 countries. The global trends were quantified as percentages based on the sample size of 714 respondents who identified as women unless stated otherwise.

Sources of online violence

News report themes that trigger online violence

49% gender

49% experienced harrassment in private messages

18%

experienced hateful language with sexist undertones

13%

48% experienced surveillance in their everyday lives

received threats directed at their close ties

57% anonymous or unknown attackers

41% orchestrated disinformation campaigns

37% political actors

44% politics

31% human rights

16% disinformation

self-censored on social media

described mental health impacts

experienced abuse and attacks in the physical world that they believe started online*

Impacts

withdrew from online interaction felt physically unsafe as a result of online violence increased physical security sought medical or psychological help

took time off online to recover

30% 20% 20% 17% 13% 12% 11% 4% 4% 2% 27 @phkule KULÊ@100

missed work due to the potential of online attacks manifesting in real life quit their jobs quit journalism altogether

Source: UNESCO (2022)

Infographics by Andrea Medina

1941 - 2023

Former UP College of Mass Communication Dean Luis V. Teodoro was a forme editor of the Collegian. He advocated for a free press, and pushed for an ethical and pro-people media for most of his life.

Teodoro published scholarly works on the political economy of the Philippine media. In 2014, he became the founding chairperson of Altermidya, a network of independent and progressive media outfits, institutions, and individuals.

Illustration by Maria Laya

Luis V. Teodoro

Karen Buena

Nasyunalismo Para Kanino

Hindi tumitigil sa panunumpa ng kanang-kamay at pagbigkas ng litanya ang nasyunalismo. Bagkus, tumutungo maski sa paglilingkod, pag-aaral, at pananalangin nang may pagsusuri para sa bansa.

Bagong akademikong taon, bagong gamit sa paaralan. Nasasabik si Macky, sasabak na naman siya sa mga panibagong pagsubok nang may bagong bag, puting medyas, kumpletong bilang ng notebook, at makintab na sapatos. Tulad ng normal na araw sa eskwela, hindi pupwedeng mahuli si Macky sa flag ceremony. At pagdating sa Panatang Makabayan, minabuti niyang hindi magkamali sa bago nitong linya.

Nitong Pebrero, naglabas ng kautusan ang Kagawaran ng Edukasyon hinggil sa pagrebisa ng isang linya sa Panatang Makabayan. Mula sa nakagisnang “nagdarasal nang buong katapatan,” babaguhin ito sa “nananalangin nang buong katapatan.”

Ayon sa konsultasyon sa iba-ibang samahan gaya ng Language Society of the Philippines, Pambansang Samahan sa Linggwistika at Literaturang Filipino, Language Study Center ng Philippine Normal University, at indigenous cultural communities ng Moro at Muslim, mas taimtim at ingklusibo ang salitang “nananalangin” sa samutsaring relihiyon dahil wala itong tinutukoy na iisang paniniwala. Ani pa ng Office of the Undersecretary for Curriculum and Teaching, importante ang pagbabagong ito sa identidad natin bilang Pilipino sapagkat ang salitang “dalangin” ay nakaugat sa wikang Tagalog.

Gayunpaman, hindi bihira ang pagbabagong ginawa sa Panatang Makabayan. Sa katunayan, nagkakaroon

ng mga mungkahing rebisyon sa mga pambansang awitin, simbolo, at panunumpa hindi lamang sa Pilipinas, kundi pati sa ibang bansa. Sa mga suhestyong ito nilalayon ng estado na paigtingin ang diwa ng nasyunalismo ng mamamayan para sa bayan.

Pagbagtas sa Naratibo

Hinulma ang mga pambansang simbolo, awitin, at panunumpa para kumatawan sa imahen at diwa ng bayan. Isa rito ang Republic Act 8491, o ang Flag and Heraldic Code of the Philippines, na nagmamandato sa mga opisina ng gobyerno at sa mga institusyong pangedukasyon na magsagawa ng flag-raising ceremony tuwing Lunes ng umaga at flaglowering ceremony tuwing Biyernes ng hapon. Kahalintulad ito sa gawain din ng ibayong bansa.

Isang halimbawang mainam tingnan ang pagdaragdag ng pariralang “under God” sa Pledge of Allegiance ng Estados Unidos upang ilarawan kung paano pinagtitibay ng estado ang ideya ng nasyunalismo.

Taong 1954 nang pirmahan ni Dwight Eisenhower, dating pangulo ng Estados Unidos, ang paglalakip nito bunsod ng sinusulong na kaisapan sa Amerika. Ayon sa tala ng mamamahayag na si Becky Little, itinutulak sa panunumpang ito ang mas kaaya-ayang itsura ng buhay sa Amerika dala ng paggabay ng Diyos, kumpara sa Soviet Union na walang kinikilalang panginoon sa komunismo.

At dahil iniibig natin ang Pilipinas, sisikapin nating ligtas ang tahanang ito para sa ating lahi. Kukupkopin at tutulungan ang aping-uri na maging malakas, masipag, at marangal.

Dagdag pa ni Little, mahihinuha sa konsepto ng pagkamakabayan ng estado ang kanilang ninanais na hubugin na kaisipan at kilos ng mamamayan. Sinegundahan ito ng dating kinatawan sa Kongreso ng Estados Unidos na si Rep. Louis C. Rabaut, na nagsabing tunguhin ng rebisyon na magkaroon ng mas malalim na pag-unawa ang mga estudyante sa pagkamakabayan habang binubuwag ang pagkiling sa komunismo.

Sa Pilipinas, mababakas din ito sa mga iminumungkahing pagbabago sa pambansang awit. Taong 2018 nang inihayag ni Tito Sotto, dating pangulo ng Senado, ang pagnanais na baguhin ang huling linya ng Lupang Hinirang. Mula sa “Ang mamatay nang dahil sa’yo,” inihayag niyang palitan ito ng “Ang ipaglaban kalayaan mo.”

Saad ni Sotto, may pagka-talunan ang tono ng kasalukuyang awitin kung kaya gusto niyang ibaling ang mensahe mula sa pagsasakripisyo tungo sa pagtatanggol ng demokrasya. Dito mistulang ipinupunto ni Sotto ang hindi

pagkilala sa pagbubuwis ng buhay para sa Pilipinas.

Instrumento ang mga pambansang awit, panunumpa, o anumang simbolo upang diktahan ang pagpapahalaga sa bayan. Ipinaparating nito ang mensaheng inaasam itaguyod ng estado sa pamamagitan ng maingat na pagpili at pagsulat sa mga elementong bumubuo rito, sang-ayon nga sa pag-aaral ng mga Griyegong mananaliksik tulad ni Argyris Kyridis.

Ang Panatang Makabayan, bilang isang pambansang panunumpa, ay isang aparato ng nasyunalismong laan para sa mamamayan. Ipinaliwanag ito ni Louis Althusser sa pagsasaad na ang mga institusyong panlipunan ay nagsisilbing daluyan ng mga ideyang nais iparating ng estado sa sambayanan.

Sa madaling sabi, binubuo ang Panatang Makabayan, gaya ng iba pang pambansang simbolo, ng mga pahayag na lumilikha sa ideya ng isang “mabuting” Pilipino alinsunod sa pamantayan ng estado.

Pabago-bagong Depinisyon

Hindi iisa ang depinisyon ng nasyunalismo. Higit pa nga, maaaring sabihin na hindi rin natatapos ang patuloy na pagtukoy rito. Sa pagbusisi ni Bhabha, isang British-Indian na mananaliksik, sa ideya ng nasyon, ipinaliwanag niya ang pagkakahalintulad nito sa isang naratibo na patuloy na isinasalaysay ng mga taong bumubuo ng komunidad. Ang bayan ay kung ano man ang kasalukuyang kultura’t tradisyon na namamayani sa komunidad.

Sa Pilipinas, makikita ang naratibo ng nasyon sa patuloy pa rin nating pagbaybay sa mundo bilang dating kolonisadong bayan. Ani ng pambansang alagad ng sining na si Bienvenido Lumbera, hindi pa rin matatag ang kabuhayan ng mga Pilipino kahit ilang dekada na simula nang ito’y lumaya. Papunta pa rin ito sa “ganap na kaunlaran.”

Ipinunto naman ng kritikong si Alice Guillermo na mapupuna ang interes ng lipunan sa naratibo ng bayan. Halimbawa nito ang makapangyarihan na emosyonal

Dibuho ni Rona Pizarro

na apela ng mga makabansang entidad. Ang emosyong nararamdaman para sa bansa ay maikakabit din sa pagkakakilanlan ng mamamayan sa lipunan. Ayon kay Cynthia Miller-Idriss, isang propesor sa edukayson at sosyolohiya mula sa Estados Unidos, pinalalago ng mga pambansang simbolo ang identidad at koneksyon ng mamamayan sa bansang kanilang ginagalawan.

Sa ganitong pagtrato sa mga pambansang simbolo, awitin, at panunumpa, nasasalamin ang nasyunalismong nakaangkla lamang sa pagsunod sa mga tuntunin ng estado. Nagiging pasibo lamang ang turing dito pati na sa kaakibat nitong mga pagbabago.

Pagkilatis sa Tunguhin

Sa nagtutunggaliang pagpapakahulugan sa nasyunalismo, nararapat na manaig ang nagpapaigting sa pagkamit ng hustisya at pagkakapantay-pantay ng mamamayan. Itong klase ng nasyunalismo ang kinakailangan para sa pag-unlad ng nasyon—hindi

lang basta pagsunod sa layunin ng makapangyarihan habang hiwalay sa interes ng sambayanan.

Hindi tumitigil sa panunumpa ng kanang-kamay at pagbigkas ng litanya ang nasyunalismo. Bagkus, tumutungo maski sa paglilingkod, pag-aaral, at pananalangin nang may pagsusuri para sa bansa. Isa itong patuloy na pagkilatis sa mga nakaupo, pag-alay ng serbisyo sa naghihirap, at paglaganap ng kamalayan sa lipunan.

At dahil iniibig natin ang Pilipinas, sisikapin nating ligtas ang tahanang ito para sa ating lahi. Kukupkupin at tutulungan ang pinagsasamantalahan na maging malakas, masipag, at marangal. Dahil mahal natin ang Pilipinas, diringgin, susundin, at tutuparin ang mga tungkulin nang may kaakibat na matalas na pagsusuri. Iaalay ang buhay, pangarap, at pagsisikap para sa mamamayang Pilipino.

Tulad ni Macky, sa ibang bahagi ng bansa, pumapasok din sa paaralan

si Nate, isang batang Lumad. Kaiba kay Macky, mas lantaran kina Nate ang pagpapahalaga sa pagtatanim, pangangalaga sa lupa at kalikasan, dahil ito ang pangangailangan ng kanilang komunidad. Dahil dito, tila di na kailangang banggitin ng mga batang Lumad ang mga kataga ng pagmamahal sa bayan dahil isinasagawa nila ito.

Ano pa’t sa Lakbayan nila, ipinapahayag nila ang paninindigan para sa hustisya. Tulad ng nasyunalismong kinakailangan sa pag-unlad ng nasyon, ang pagmamahal nila ay may kaakibat na pagkilos para sa lupang sinilangan.

Sa daantaong danas bilang kolonya, kinakapa pa rin ng Pilipinas ang mundo kung saan walang pang-aabuso at pang-aapi. Sa patuloy na pagsambit ng Panatang Makabayan, pag-awit ng Lupang Hinirang sa mga seremonya, at pagkilala sa mga pambansang bayani, alalahanin din sana natin ang kongkretong ambag nito para sa bayan, para sa mamamayan.

Ar Jay Revilla

Contending for Space: A Commuter’s Conundrum

In the Philippines, commuting is a grueling battle that begins before the sun rises and ends long after it sets.

In a promise to alleviate the transportation crisis, the Marcos administration remains steadfast in implementing the public utility vehicle modernization program (PUVMP), which entails the eventual phaseout of jeepneys and UV express vans.

An ordinary Filipino depends on affordable public utility vehicles for their commute. Should the PUVMP push through without heeding the demands of drivers and commuters, aspirations for a humane mobility system in the country will only remain elusive.

Daily struggle As night falls and public transportation becomes scarce, commuters grow increasingly anxious about finding a ride home.

No other option Commuters in Marikina Public Market have to grapple with long queues, overcrowded sidewalks, and hours spent traveling–all part of a day’s normal routine.

Inevitable claustrophobia Overcrowding in public transportation remains a prevalent issue. Commuters in Araneta Avenue are forced to compromise comfort, and often even their own safety.

Sabit Commuters hold onto jeepney railings despite safety concerns. The jeepney remains the most affordable mode of transportation for commuters in the country.

Defeated purpose The limited bike lanes designated for cyclists at the LRT-Katipunan Station are obstructed by vehicles and pedestrians, causing inconvenience and a sense of insecurity for cyclists.

Polynne Dira

Masamang Pakay

Anumang pagpilipit mo sa katotohanan para ipilit ang kawastuhan ng Cha-cha, alam natin ang tunay mong pakay.

Tigilan na natin ang pagmamaangmaangan. Ikaw sa pakunwaring pagtatanong ng opinyon ko sa mga bagay, at ako sa pagkakailang di ko pa buko ang motibo mo sa pangungumusta. Tatanungin mo kung ano ang pagtingin ko sa ginagawa mo, at sasabihin kong may mga mas dapat pang unahing pag-usapan. Pero mangungulit ka; ipagpipilitan ang katwiran sa itinutulak mong Charter Change (Cha-cha).

Ang kwento mo, masyadong mahigpit ang Konstitusyon ng Pilipinas kaya hindi malayang makapagnegosyo ang mayayamang dayuhan sa bansa. Kumbinsido ka na tiyak ang paglago ng ekonomiya kapag naipasa ang Cha-cha. Dahil paniwala mo, kung papayagan na higit sa 40 porsyento ang ariin ng mga banyaga sa likas na yaman, lupa, serbisyong pampubliko, midya, edukasyon, at iba pang industriya, makakabangon mula sa epekto ng pandemya ang mga Pilipino.

Ngunit hindi lang naman nakabatay ang pagpasok ng foreign direct investments (FDI) sa higpit o luwag ng bansa pagdating sa mga dayuhang kapital. Sa isang pag-aaral ng Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas tungkol sa FDI ng Pilipinas at iba pa nitong kalapit na bansa, nakitang higit sa pagbabawas ng buwis sa mga korporasyon at pagluwag ng limitasyon sa kanilang pagpasok, mas malaki ang epekto sa pagpasok ng kapital sa bansa ang pagkakaroon ng kanais-nais na mga kondisyon sa pagnenegosyo.

Samakatwid, wala pa ring maaakit na kapital ang Pilipinas hayaan man nating ariin ng mga dayuhan ang mga industriya. Ito’y dahil nananatiling batbat ng burukratikong proseso ang bansa sa pagnenegosyo, walang sapat na teknolohiya at iba pang kailangang imprastruktura, at higit, mababa ang kalidad ng mga manggagawa.

Walang kasiguruhan na uunlad ang mamamayan kung daragsa sa bansa ang mga dayuhang mamumuhunan. Ano pa’t ang bawat mangangalakal ay may isa lang namang pakay: pataasin ang tubo. Sa ganang ito, hindi prayoridad ng mga kumpanyang paunlarin ang ekonomiya ng Pilipinas at mga

Pilipino. At napatunayan nang maaari pang maging salungat sa kapakanan ng mamamayan ang mga kaparaanan nila sa pagkamkam ng kita.

Namuhunan ng bilyon-bilyon sa pagtatayo ng pagawaan ang Intel para sa kanilang microchip, habang ang Hanjin para sa mga barko, nang pareho silang pumasok sa Pilipinas. Sa kabila nito, bigo pa ring lumikha ng lokal na industriya ang bansa. Kaya nang umalis sila sa Pilipinas, ang iniwan lang nila ay latak para sa mga manggagawa—kakarampot na sahod, mga napabayaang pabrika, at kawalan ng trabaho.

Kita sa mga tangka ng pag-amyenda sa Saligang Batas na mas matimbang ang kapakanan ng mga banyaga kaysa mga Pilipino. Malalaking transnasyunal na korporasyon ang pinahintulutan magbayad ng mas maliit na buwis at mas madaling pagproseso ng mga papeles. Kasabay nito, nananatiling walang suporta ang mga lokal na prodyuser at maliliit na negosyo. Pinaglilimian mong bigyan ng karapatang magari ng lupa ang mga dayuhan, ngunit hindi ang mga maliliit na magsasakang ilang dekada nang nililinang ang lupain.

Malinaw na hindi para sa ganansya ng ordinaryong Pilipino ang Chacha. Hindi na rin naman ikinakaila ng mga pangunahing awtor ng Chacha na hindi lang pang-ekonomikong probisyon ang maaaring mabago kapag nagsimula na ang proseso. Hindi rin nila isinaad sa itinutulak na reporma kung anong mga parte lang sa Konstitusyon ang pwedeng baguhin. Bukod sa pagtanggal ng limitasyon sa dayuhang kapital, malaon na ring itinutulak ang pagpapahaba ng termino ng mga nakaupo sa pwesto, maging pagbabago papuntang sistemang pederalismo ng gobyerno.

Ito ang katotohanan: sa pagpupumilit mong baguhin ang Konstitusyon, binabawi mo ang lahat ng naipanalo ng taumbayan matapos mapatalsik si Ferdinand Marcos Sr. at ang kanyang pamilya—tagumpay na sumisiguro na walang labis na kapangyarihan ang mga nakaupo, at hindi sa dayuhan at ahente nitong pulitiko konsentrado

ang yaman ng bansa. Desidido ang estadong burahin ang lahat ng bakas ng tagumpay laban sa diktador, gayong sa pagpapakalimot dito nagagawang baluktutin ang karahasan at kadiliman ng Batas Militar.

Pero lagi namang iba ang sinasabi mo sa kung anong inaasal mo. Sinasabi ni Marcos Jr. na wala siyang pakialam sa Cha-cha dahil kaya naman niyang makapang-akit ng mamumuhunan sa marami niyang state visit. Ngunit wala naman siyang ginagawa para kontrolin ang alyadong kalakhan sa Kongreso na bumoto para baguhin ang Saligang Batas.

Kaya tigilan na natin itong pagmamaangmaangan. Ipilit mo mang baluktutin ang kung anong sarbey para ipakitang gusto ng taumbayan ang Cha-cha, o ibahin man ang pagbasa sa mga pag-aaral para bigyang-katwiran ang iyong pagamyenda sa Konstitusyon, alam nating parehas ang tunay mong motibo.

Kung totoo mang gusto mong paunlarin ang mamamayan, haharapin mo muna ang batbat na krisis sa bansa: ang nagtataasang bilihin na humahadlang para makakain nang maayos ang mga nagtatrabaho, ang nakapapagal na transportasyon na nagpapahirap sa atin na makakilos nang may dignidad. Bakit di mo na lang unahin sa listahan ang pagpapanukala sa pagtaas ng sahod, pagbibigay ng suporta sa mga lokal na prodyuser, pagpipigil sa mga angkang ginawa nang negosyo ang pamumulitika, at paniniguro na pantay nating pakikinabangan ang yaman ng bansa.

Ito naman ang esensya ng kasalukuyang Konstitusyon, na hindi pa nga buong nagmamateryalisa ay gusto mo nang baguhin.

Alam mong alam kong marami talagang may ayaw sa Cha-cha, kaya nga tinatago mo ang tunay mong motibo. At sa lalong paglaki ng posibilidad ng Cha-cha, alam kong alam mo ang kayang gawin ng taumbayan sa mga may-kapangyarihang naglalabis, gaya ng nangyari sa mga nakaupo sa pwesto bago mabuo ang kasalukuyang Konstitusyon.

Disenyo ng pahina ni Angelyn Castillo

Dibuho ni Rona Pizarro nina Rona Pizarro at Andrea Medina

A bad commuting system prevents the public from accessing basic services—nutrition, education, health care— especially in underserved areas where mass transit is limited. (Lorence Lozano / Philippine Collegian)

The Right to Move

What boils down at the center of the country’s mobility crisis is an infringement of the Filipino people’s fundamental right to live healthy and decent lives.

Our country’s mobility and transportation system crisis is an affront to our freedom of movement. The government’s negligence of the people’s fundamental right to move was highlighted when it continued to push for the public utility vehicle modernization program (PUVMP).

The government’s insistence on PUVMP forced jeepney drivers and operators to hold a nationwide weeklong transport strike. It was only after the strike paralyzed at least 90 percent of Metro Manila routes that Malacañang temporarily suspended PUVMP and pledged to review the program. This, however, is only a reprieve.

The drivers’ two-day work stoppage showed the government and passengers alike what commuting would look like should PUVMP continue, as the true cost of a bad mobility system is passed onto the commuting public. Unless the Marcos administration heeds the drivers’ demands, the next transport strike is just a matter of when, not if. Unless the state recognizes and acts on its vital role to fix the country’s ailing public transport system, both commuters and those in the transport sector will remain at the losing end.

Public transportation’s very role is to conveniently send people off to their destination. But here in the country, especially in urban centers, commuting traps us at a standstill and has become an obstruction to our daily routine— education, work, leisure. As a result, it has not only been a hindrance but also a recurring miserable experience in our daily lives. The erosion of our right to mobility has resulted in the violation of every other right that relies on our ability to move.

A bad commuting system hinders the public from accessing basic services–markets, schools, hospitals–especially in underserved areas where mass transit is

limited. The right to quality education is violated when students sacrifice rest just to attend classes on time, and the right to work is jeopardized when workers are penalized for arriving late to work. In Metro Manila alone, transportation is more of a bane than a boon as commuters are forced to spend more than 241 hours a year in traffic, according to the 2022 TomTom Traffic Index.

Individual rights are not the only ones at risk–people’s collective rights are also subject to peril. Under the PUVMP’s consolidation policy, jeepney drivers must surrender their individual franchise and become private cooperatives under the transport department’s Office of Transportation Cooperatives. This effectively makes the program a union-busting scheme by effectively dissolving existing transport unions and with it, their rights to organize, strike and collectively bargain.

Transport groups like PISTON have always supported transport modernization, but it should be understood that these kinds of development should never be at the expense of PUV drivers and operators. Modernization is not robbing drivers of their livelihood. Most certainly, modernization should not be depriving the public of an affordable commute.

By privatizing jeepney units, the state is selling out virtually all commute routes to the highest bidder and to the corporation which can integrate as many jeepney units as quickly as possible. Under this arrangement, public transport is no longer a public good but a moneymaking scheme by the private sector.

This trend of corporate capture, however, is not only happening to PUVs. Even transport infrastructure is slowly being taken over by large conglomerates. Big-ticket projects like the NLEX-SLEX connector, Skyway

Stage 3, and Metro Manila Subway Project, which are all seen to reduce traffic congestion, are funded and shall be eventually controlled by the private sector. This renders the government powerless in regulation and forcing better services. Aside from the lack of state control, the hands-off approach in solving the transport crisis shifts the burden to the commuting public to deal with the exorbitant toll fees and unabated fare hikes, especially at a time when the prices of commodities are skyrocketing.

We recognize, nonetheless, the palliative effects that these transport projects could bring—but that in itself remains an uncertainty. Government projects, especially big-ticket ones, are tainted with red tape and bureaucracy, and it could take years, if not decades, for the public to reap the benefits of these road and rail programs. That is, if they are even affordable for the Filipino people to use, to begin with. What boils down at the center of the country’s mobility crisis is an infringement of the Filipino people’s fundamental right to live healthy and decent lives.

The government’s negligence in addressing the transportation crisis is an affront to our rights, tantamount to the state’s abandonment of its basic responsibility to its citizens. The abrogation of its role to provide a decent way of living for its citizens is in lockstep with the corporate capture of our fundamental rights. As they eviscerate the basic foundations of our existence, it is no surprise that the people’s resistance will emerge from all corners–with the transportation strike just the beginning.

Inasmuch as the government attempted to downplay the strike by providing free shuttle services, the two-day transport stoppage has shown where the true power resides. Had it not been for the transport groups’ determination to assert their opposition to the PUVMP, schools and offices would not be forced to suddenly shift to remote work. And had it not been for the strike,

the government and the public would not be able to see the true strength of collective action. The irony does not escape us: The state promotes PUVMP as a solution to make transportation eco-friendly and healthier, yet the public will be trapped into further commuting woes should a jeepney phaseout pushes through.

The transport sector’s fight against the sham of modernization that the government still imposes is linked to the commuting public’s demand for a humane and people-centered transport system. Every possible government resource, then, must be placed to address this social ill. In the immediate, the government must seek to repeal all the policies that prevent public utility vehicles from operating anew. For PUV operators, this means abolishing the restrictive omnibus franchising guidelines in favor of returning the five-year franchise agreements to all jeepney operators.

The cruelty of our mobility situation still requires lasting solutions from the state. Once the government flexes its regulatory muscle, it can force operators–including the privatized expressways and train lines–to increase their efficiency and reliability. The jeepney drivers’ demands for a just transition toward a pro-people modernization program must be heeded. Instead of privatization and phaseout, the government must instead redirect its resources to rehabilitate traditional jeepney units, and in the process, dole out financial and technical aid, especially for small operators.

All avenues must be explored by the state to solve the transportation crisis, but it must do so with the people’s interests as the foremost consideration. It is only when the state starts treating mobility as an inalienable right can it only provide meaningful and peoplecentric solutions to our crisis. The work does not end until no more Filipinos experience undue suffering from our broken systems.

The irony does not escape us: The state promotes PUVMP as a solution to make transportation eco-friendly and healthier, yet the public will be trapped into further commuting woes should a jeepney phaseout pushes through.

Illustration by Elisha Montemayor

PAGLAYA HIGIT SA SARILI

Ang ating paggampan bilang mga iskolar para sa bayan ay ang patuloy nating pagsisikap tungo sa ganap na paglaya ng kababaihan.

Dibuho ng pabalat ni Star Laguio