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kalvari-class submarine ‘vagsheer’ with scorpene® design Launched
sIxth IndIan kaLvarI-CLass subMarIne ‘vaGsheer’ WIth sCorPene® desIGn LaunChed, entIreLy Made In IndIa M
umbai: Vagsheer, the 6th Kalvari-class submarine was launched by the Defence Secretary of India, Dr Ajay Kumar on April 20, 2022. Vagsheer is the last of the six P75 Scorpene® submarine entirely built by the Indian shipyard Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) based on years of successful technology transfer and partnership with Naval Group.
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The Vagsheer is the last of the series of six Kalvari-class submarines ordered by India in 2005 to be launched. MDL teams will now have to complete the integration and setting to work of the equipment and machinery onboard before beginning the sea trials, including weapon and sensor trials. The launching of Vagsheer highlights the success of the indigenous submarine construction program of the Government of India. These submarines have been completely built by Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL) through a transfer of technology from Naval Group, in line with Indian Government’s “Make in India” policy. The series of six submarines is fitted with a number of equipment built in India by qualified and highly trained industrial Micro, Small and Medium enterprises (MSMEs). MDL and Naval Group have developed a rich industrial ecosystem of more than 50 Indian companies and their future projects are not limited to submarines, thus contributing to industrial and technological sovereignty. These dedicated efforts resonate the success of “Aatmanirbhar Bharat” vision of Prime Minister Modi.
Alain Guillou, EVP International Development at Naval Group said: “We are proud of this successful cooperation with MDL and we stand by their side and are ready to assist for future projects. We celebrate the success of “Make in India” while moving towards a true sense of “Atmanirbhar” naval defence industry. The success of this program is collective and solely aimed at strengthening the Indian Navy. We value our long-term relation and collaboration with India and its navy and our teams are committed to keep on meeting their expectations.”
the sCorPene®, a Modern, hIGh-PerForMant, and steaLthy subMarIne
The Scorpene® is a 2000-tons conventional submarine designed by Naval Group for all types of missions, such as antisurface warfare, anti-submarine warfare, long-range strikes, special operations or intelligence gathering. Extremely stealthy and fast, it has a level of operating automation that allows a limited number of crew, which reduces its operating costs significantly.
Its combat edge is highlighted by the fact that it has 6 weapon launching tubes, 18 weapons (torpedoes, missiles).
With 14 submarines sold around the world, the Scorpene® is a key reference of conventional attack submarines (SSK) for navies around the world. It can be easily adapted to specific requirements of customers and the continuous improvement of the Scorpene ensures the seamless integration of the latest technology onboard.
navaL GrouP, a LonG-terM Partner oF IndIa
Naval Group is present in India through its 100% subsidiary Naval Group India. Established in September 2008, Naval Group India’s mission has been to support the indigenisation of equipment for Scorpene® submarine, to develop the Indian defence eco-system, as well as to develop design services in India with talented Indian engineers.
Naval Group India endeavours to be a visionary and to further its involvement in empowering more industries by creating a robust eco-system that can cater to the varied defence needs of the country.
With a global churn over changing geo-political dynamics and an ongoing war in Ukraine, india’s relationship with the eU in general and France in particular is full of promises
euroPean unIon and IndIa FaCInG the sovereIGnty rIddLe
prime minister modi with French president emmanuel macron
By natalia Freyton
F
rance is assuming the presidency of the European Union, for the first time in 14 years, between January 1 and June 30, 2022. While no major divergence is to be expected in terms of European governance, the mandate is marked by Emmanuel Macron’s distinct notion of sovereignty and the Indian-French defence relationship.
a thrIvInG eu-IndIa reLatIonshIP
The EU was India’s largest economic partner, before Brexit slashed the trade numbers by excluding BritishIndian trade from the total. It is, however, expected to grow further as a bilateral economic partnership is to be inked in coming years, with France and Germany fuelling much of that growth on the European side. The EU is neck-and-neck, in terms of trade, with the US and China. Strategy expert Christophe Jaffrelot writes: “In recent years, the EU has become India’s first or second trade partner. But the country represented less than 2.5% of EU trade in 2020 and ranked well behind China (16.1% of EU trade), the US (15.2%) and the UK (12.2%). Similarly, while European FDI in India more than doubled between 2011-2020, it remains much lower than in China.”
A large share of the economic interactions centre around nuclear power technology, digital services and sustainable development.
The 2021 EU-India summit had already paved the way for increased cooperation between the two economic powerhouses. The February 2022 Indo-Pacific cooperation summit refocused these relations, as designed by the EU, and
took much notice of India’s other economic partners, namely China and the US.
The two global leaders represent as many pitfalls as opportunities for the EU, which still strives to this day, to establish a stable foothold on the global political and economic scene. Regional economic partners of India are also taken into account, as they carry the Commonwealth’s influence.
the FrenCh touCh on the near horIzon
France is expected to seize the opportunity of its presidency to strengthen and develop cooperation between the EU and India, with a renewed focus on two additional and largely complementary areas: sovereignty and defence, adding, to a certain extent, a French touch to their pre-existing relationship.
Paris already has an extensive background as a major defence and security partner for India. Behind this reality, lies the fact that India and France have similar conceptions of sovereignty.
India is dedicated to multilateralism and cooperation, as its involvement with the UN and the WHO testifies, and its bilateral agreements with France and the United Kingdom.
Both India and France are global powers, which have to compromise with security partners, and therefore need to balance global interests with their specific national security setting. They also both focus on conflict prevention, weapon non-proliferation, antiterrorism and organized crime prevention.
As a token of France’s strategic proximity with India, defence minister Florence Parly met with her Indian counterparts in December of 2021, just a year after her last visit in September of 2020. India, which had limited industrial military capacity in the early days of its independence, has several times turned to France to diversify its military supplies, in an initial strategy to guarantee its strategic freedom by not relying on too small a number of suppliers.
Defence specialist Ashok Sharma writes: “India has bought 36 Rafale fighter aircraft from France under a government contract signed in September 2016. India may buy some more Rafale aircraft, apart from medium-range helicopters for its navy and upgraded French Mirage fighter aircraft and submarines”.
India is upgrading its naval capacities and is receiving much attention from French defence industries. These projects go far beyond the delivery of equipment, however high-tech they may be: they represent technological transfers.
Defence journalist Deepanjan Chaudhury adds: “Over the past decades, France has been part of defence production projects in India. When asked about the expansion of French presence in the defence sector under ‘Make in India’ programme, the envoy claimed that France has always been a pioneer in defence production in India and is particularly committed to technology transfer under the Make in India programme.” As such, these contracts provide bricks for India’s sovereignty, not just temporary defence means, and will boost India’s self-sustenance in defencerelated matters.
Moreover, the recent Australian betrayal of its French partners, in which Canberra broke its pledge to purchase 12 French submarines in favour of the Americans, further focused the industrial and strategic French interest on India.
In this respect, the naval world is notable playground for FrenchIndian defence cooperation, with joint patrolling agreements, maritime logistics assistance and naval exercises, as reported by NDTV: “As per an official release, the Indian Navy ships and aircraft will participate in a three-day exercise at sea with ships and aircraft of the French Navy (FN), Royal Australian Navy (RAN), Japan Maritime Self Defence Force (JMSDF) and the United States Navy (USN). The exercise La Perouse, led by French Navy, has participation by FN Ships Tonnerre, an amphibious assault ship and frigate Surcouf.”
The scuttling of the FrenchAustralian submarine contract, and the trilateral security agreement, between the US, the UK and Australia (AUKUS) naturally FRanCe is exPeCTed TO seiZe The OPPORTUniTY OF iTs PResidenCY TO sTRenGThen and deveLOP COOPeRaTiOn BeTWeen The eU and india
prime minister narendra modi with european Commission president jean-Claude juncker and european Council president Donald tusk at the G20 Summit in Buenos aires, argentina
French president emmanuel macron and then australian pm malcolm turnbull on the deck of hmaS waller, a Collins-class submarine operated by the royal australian navy
contributed to the reinforcement of ties between France and India.
Macron’s conception of EU independence and sovereignty is deeply compatible with India’s interests. Research analyst Selen Temizer writes: “the idea of “autonomous military power” -- which has been on the agenda for a long while -- is discussed more frequently at times of crisis [...] In June 2020, the EU began to work on an operational defence guide named “Strategic Compass,” and initially worked on threat analyses”.
France is pushing for Europe to become a self-standing powerhouse, with its own military capabilities, ranging from industrial production to full-fledged operational command. This strategic bearing fits India’s defence interests perfectly, to maintain and protect its standing in the Indo-Pacific region.
As standalone powers, India and the EU aim to maintain and develop their ability to operate freely into global matters, without depending on the American umbrella for its protection.
aMbItIons Meet ConstraInts
Many security benefits can devolve from the strengthening of ties between the EU and India, provided they overcome two main obstacles. EIAS researcher Baptiste Dupont wrote in the aftermath of the 2022 Indo-Pacific summit: “The emphasis directed towards the new strategic centre of world affairs defines the EU’s ambition to become its own master in a world order which is being increasingly dominated by both the US and China.”
The first obstacle is that conceptions of defence aren’t shared widely amongst EU members. Germany, for instance, is considered by many to have formed, alongside France, the backbone of EU construction, yet cannot conceive its own defence outside of the US-led or NATO realm. Spain, Italy and, more recently, Baltic States, are in similar positions.
Additionally, all of Europe’s diplomatic and military capacities are currently focused on the emergency of war in Europe, placing long-term strategies a little bit towards the back-burner until stability returns.
Economic perspectives, political ramifications and even the backlash which the economic sanctions on Russia and the sharp influx of refugees will subject Europe to, are bound to occupy the front of the stage for some time still.
Finally, the resurgence of active security threats on the European board is a windfall for NATO, which sees its legitimacy reinforced, after some internal tensions, following President Trump’s mandate.
NATO is bound to place itself as the only credible defence against foreign aggressions and the main guarantee for stability which European nations can rely on.
With its credible, yet humbler capacities, France aims to offer alternative contributions to peace and stability, but its leeway to push the EU towards independence seems hampered by the apparently indispensable anti-Russian stance required to handle the Ukrainian crisis.
NATO’s future and predictable reinforced dominance in global affairs will be a challenge that regional powers, such as France and India, will have to contend with.
The future of the EU-Indian security partnership is bound to be complex but also shows promise. It already goes way beyond the simple supply of military equipment, and its multifaceted aspect is already quite established.
The Ukrainian crisis is very likely to limit the chances of a renewed approach, under French colours, of sovereignty - be it under France’s term or in years to come. It will be interesting to observe France’s capacity, in coming years, to offer alternatives to the EU, and to cultivate relations with the Indian partner, both in industrial implementation and in shared defence policy.
– The writer is a defence and security industry consultant having varied experience working with medium and large companies majorly in European market. The views expressed are personal and do not necessarily reflect the views of
Raksha Anirveda
Cover story IndIa MaPs neW order
amid the Russia-Ukraine War, india has displayed the diplomatic acumen to pursue its own path of strategic autonomy – which is akin to non-alignment to an extent, but is without moralism, helping india to pursue the path towards its great-power aspirations, from a position of strength
By air marShal Dhiraj kukreja
P
rior to the end of the Cold War, societies were divided by ideological differences, such as the struggle between democracy and communism. In the last two decades or so, past paradigms became ineffective in explaining or predicting the reality of any emerging global political order. Now, with the world in a turmoil, recovering from the pandemic and being plunged into the Russia-Ukraine war, the setting is all the more convoluted, with new alliances having formed between nations or groups of nations, with mutual interests, not just in the economic or security domains, but also in overturning an international order that has long advantaged the West at their expense. It is, therefore, a new world order that is incubating under the rapidly changing geopolitical scenario.
a brIeF hIstory
Before 1500 AD, civilisations were separated geographically and the spread of ideas and technology took centuries. By 1500 AD, or thereabouts, evolution in ocean navigation by Western cultures led to rapid expansion and eventual domination of ideas, values, and religion, leading to colonialism and subjugation of the weaker civilisations/nations. As the twentieth century progressed, relations moved beyond the unidirectional influence of the West on the rest of the world. Instead, nations began bilateral or multilateral interaction directly or through international organisations, gradually becoming interdependent, with some of the Western nations even getting influenced by smaller, lesspowerful nations around the world. However, the multi-directional interactions were not helpful in exemplifying a global political order or the notion of a single, universal culture. As the world became more modern, it simultaneously became less Western.
Religion is the societal factor that has filled the vacuum created by a loss of political ideology. An increased role and importance of religion in world politics also influenced the global political order. Major religions around the world experienced new surges in commitment, relevance, and practice by erstwhile casual believers. Religion getting involved in politics was also the result of increased communication among societies and cultures, creating bonds or friction. With the people asking for new sources of identity, new forms of stable community, and new sets of moral precepts, to provide them with a sense of meaning and purpose, turned to religion to satiate their needs.
Moving well into the twentieth
rder WIth InGenuIty
century, the world experienced a decline in Western power and influence. There, however, are contrasting views on the West’s hold on power. One side argues that the West still has a monopoly on technological research and development, military strength, and economic consumption. The other side argues that the relative power and influence of Western countries is declining. Various traits of the Western decline can be summed up as follows: 1. The current decline is a very slow process and hence, is not really an immediate threat to cause a major disruption. 2. The decline of power does not occur as in a downward graph; it may reverse, speed up, or pause, as it has been seen, due to the varying geopolitical situations. 3. The power of a State is controlled and influenced by the behaviour and decisions of those holding power (USA under Donald
Trump!).
As the Western power has waned, there has been a relative rise in power and influence of non-Western countries. Analysts focussed on Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore, and China as those countries, which asserted their relevance through economic successes, displaying a decreasingly responsive stance to demands and interests from the West. The ability of Asian countries to successfully modernise and develop economically without adopting Western values supports Huntington’s assertion that the world is becoming more modernised, but less Westernised (Huntington: The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order).
Muslim societies, unlike Asian societies, have asserted societal identity through the reaffirmation and resurgence of religion. The resurgence of Islam “embodies
the acceptance of modernity, rejection of Western culture, and the recommitment to Islam as the guide to life in the modern world” (Huntington). Religion is the primary factor that distinguishes Muslim politics and society from other countries. Other features that have contributed to the resurgence of Islam in society are: failure of State economies, the large young population, and the authoritarian style of governance.
the eMerGInG order
During the Cold War, the bipolar world order enabled countries to identify themselves as either aligned or non-aligned. In the post-Cold War world order, countries were no longer able to easily categorise themselves and seemed to be suffering from an identity crisis. Although US veteran diplomat, Henry Kissinger, stated in a World Affairs Council Press Conference in 1994 that a new world order could not form without US participation, countries have got together with similar ancestry, religion, language, values, and institutions and have distanced themselves from those with different ones. Regional organisations have formed that reflect political and economic alliances, such as Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), the European Union (EU); like-minded nations with common economic/security interests have also formed groups such as Brazil-Russia-India-ChinaSouth Africa (BRICS), and the latest being Australia-UK-US (AUKUS).
It is not simple to comprehend the ‘new’ world order. Yes, America is in a decline, but America continues to remain a powerful country – economically, militarily, and technologically – but, once again, it is a fact that American global power has been eroding for some time. Donald Trump championing ‘America First’, led to isolationism and protectionism, where foreign commitments were limited to areas of vital US interest and economic nationalism, making the geopolitical allies and challengers alike, to pay close attention to its moves. A power shift amongst nations that began at the end of the Cold War has been accelerating this century with an increasing number of nations, asserting an independent and increasingly influential role in regional/global economic and security developments.
China threw down the gauntlet as the main challenger to America, but there are others too. The much-talked about US withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021, created intense competition from the three major rivals of America.
Russia, notwithstanding the severe sanctions against it for the annexation of Crimea, has been involved in a ‘Special military operation’ in Ukraine for more than a month, inviting new and more severe sanctions on itself. The current situation is slowly and steadily getting Russia and China into an embrace.
Iran is the other major challenger to American influence in the Middle East. After USA, under President Trump, unilaterally withdrew from the JCPOA, the nuclear agreement of 2015, Iran has steadfastly refused to have face-to-face talks with America. Since it was America that had violated the terms of the Treaty, Iran insists that it should be the one to take the first steps for the restoration too; 12 rounds of indirect negotiations in Vienna have shown some progress, but Iran has doggedly demanded the lifting of sanctions as the first step. Meanwhile Iran, has continuously been increasing its stockpile of enriched uranium, and is willing to accept the punishing effects of the sanctions, rather than succumb to American pressure. Meanwhile, the Houthi rebels of Yemen, with the tacit support from Iran, have continued with their attacks on Saudi Arabia and UAE, with little or no action from USA.
IndIa In the neW WorLd order
India has found itself to be involved in the current geopolitical crisis, one not of its making, and hence, in a diplomatic quagmire,
through which, it has successfully manoeuvred, so far! Close ties with both USA and Russia, which now, are at odds with each other, placed India in far from ideal circumstances. Over the last three decades or so, India has pursued a diverse range of partnerships, while preserving its strategic autonomy – different from the Nehruvian era nonalignment; during the bipolar Cold War, diplomatic activities served national interest, but with material weaknesses. It is not the same any longer, and the current autonomy, while akin to non-alignment to an extent, is without moralism, helping India to pursue the path towards its great-power aspirations, and from a position of strength.
There are several factors to suggest this hypothesis. First, consider Russia, once a great power, and today reduced to dependency on China. It would be naïve to think that Russia would not be concerned about this asymmetry. If Russia reacted as it has done in Ukraine due to the NATO knocking on its doors, would it sit twiddling its thumbs, while China makes inroads into Central Asia? India, as the largest purchaser of Russian arms, will, in probability, be used as a counter-weight in Russia’s future policies towards China. At the same time, India has shown to Russia that its support cannot be taken for granted; it has conveyed that the Russian aggression in Ukraine has imperilled Indian security interests, and has called for an end to hostilities as per the UN Charter.
The second factor is China. It is closely monitoring Russia’s global isolation and would definitely not want to antagonise USA and its EU allies, lest it suffer a similar fate. China will be careful to not instigate USA by offering military/ economic assistance to Russia – a country which accounts for only two percent of its total trade – and invite retribution on itself from USA and the EU, much more important for it! China has its own problems – internal and external - with the West not showing any relaxation on its focus on Indo-Pacific, its main business city, Shanghai, under a severe lockdown, and Xi Jinping in preparation for an unprecedented third-term starting November this year. Wooing India, looking for shared global and bilateral common ground, could have been, in all likelihood, the reason for the recent uninvited visit to India, by its foreign minister.
The third factor is USA and the EU allies. In all its statements at the UN and in private engagements, India has made no bones about its position; it has specified that while it does not support the Russian forays into Ukraine, it has to look after its own interests, a language which USA well understands. The carefully worded statements from the US high echelons, with offers to minimise India’s dependence on Russia, and the US’ continued focus on Indo-Pacific to contain China, are a clear indication that the Indian stand is well-understood.
The fourth and last factor is India itself. A new Cold War may well be on the way. Russia in Ukraine, China’s implicit support to Russia’s misadventures, and the Western world displaying a united front, never seen earlier. Yet India, has displayed diplomatic acumen to pursue its own path of strategic autonomy. India, as aforementioned, has a wide canvas of economic/ diplomatic investments: China, notwithstanding the security issues, is India’s largest source of imports, USA is its largest buyer of exports, Russia is the prime defence supplier and Iraq and Saudi are the main oil suppliers (Qatar is largest supplier of gas). India, hence, cannot risk alienating any one nation/block. Nevertheless, India has walked a tightrope, and managed to placate all fears while maintaining its own standing. USA has officially accepted India’s “distinct relationship” with Russia. As an acceptance of India’s strategic value, India’s Quad partners have accepted that individual approaches may vary. Russia, has graciously appreciated India’s support in international forums, and even China although not openly, has wooed India by sending its foreign minister on an uninvited visit!
ConCLudInG thouGhts
When the clouds of war were hovering over Ukraine, in the month of February, India ran the risk of antagonising its key partners – an irate USA, ready to take India to task, a belligerent China, and an upset Russia. A month later, well into the second month of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the world now sees India appreciatively – a grateful Russia, a mellowed China (maybe temporary), and a not-so-disappointed USA, willing to increase its military support to India.
A new Cold War between the Western world on one side and China and Russia on the other may well be on the way. India has managed its interests well through deft diplomacy, not mincing words where required. It has emerged as a potential peacemaker, considering its relations with the two main actors – USA and Russia – and also Ukraine. The coming world order will require India to bring forth and use all its diplomatic skills and foresight; India has the ability to do so. India has, so far, very successfully manoeuvred itself over this difficult geopolitical terrain; it must continue, without any complacency, and with renewed zest and vigour to sustain its external outreach. a neW COLd WaR BeTWeen The WesTeRn WORLd On One side and China and RUssia On The OTheR MaY WeLL Be On The WaY. india has ManaGed iTs inTeResTs WeLL ThROUGh deFT diPLOMaCY, nOT MinCinG WORds WheRe ReQUiRed. iT has eMeRGed as a POTenTiaL PeaCeMakeR, COnsideRinG iTs ReLaTiOns WiTh The TWO Main aCTORs – Usa and RUssia – and aLsO UkRaine
