Commercial insert
Thursday, May 1, 2014
The root causes of the conflict examined
Crimean Tatars: their history and why they fear living under Moscow's rule
P 2-7
P5
Sevastopol Its historical significance for Russians P 8-9
A special supplement produced and published by Rossiyskaya Gazeta (Russia), which takes sole responsibility for the contents.
PRESS PHOTO
The Tatars' perspective LORI/LEGION MEDIA
Ukraine in crisis
rbth.com GETTY IMAGES/FOTOBANK
Ukraine the new arena for Russia-West stand-off
PLAYERS IN THE UKRAINIAN CONFLICT DISAGREE OVER GENEVA AGREEMENTS
PAGES 2-3
02
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
Politics
MOST READ
WHAT RUSSIAN BLOGGERS THINK ABOUT UKRAINE rbth.com/36069
IN BRIEF
Talks The challenge will be to ensure that the surprise success has not come too late
Geneva accord provides a basis for political resolution Negotiations in Geneva have given Ukrainian politicians the chance to preserve a single, unified country. For Russia, the agreements were a major achievement.
The Geneva talks were successful, despite observers saying the situation was already too serious for anything to be achieved. The Geneva agreements provide a potential basis for peace and order to be restored in Ukraine.
PAVEL BYKOV, GEVORG MIRZAYAN
REUTERS
EXPERT MAGAZINE
First, the Geneva agreements transform the Ukrainian crisis from a confrontational situation into a political process. In this sense, it can be compared to the MedvedevSarkozy plan, concluded after the Russian-Georgian War in August 2008. Second, the nature of the conditions included in the agreements does not allow it to be used solely for putting pressure on the south and east of Ukraine. Like most such documents, the Geneva statement is not entirely unambiguous and is open to interpretation, depending on the interests of the reader. The West may demand (and it has already) that Russia promote disarmament of the “Donetsk separatists”, and Russia may point to the need to disarm militants of the “Right Sector” and other groups. Third, and most importantly, the agreements gives Ukraine the chance to remain a single, unified country. Whether Ukraine will be preserved now depends on two factors: whether the current Kiev government will be able to curb the radical national-
ists, and whether Kiev will be able to agree on a new format of relations with pro-federalist minded regions in the south and east of the country. In general, the success of the Geneva talks was a surprise, since most commentators did not expect any positive results from them at all. The fact that the agreements were reached despite such differences might be because negotiations between the top diplomats of Russia, Ukraine, the US and the EU lasted for seven hours. The text of the communique specifies the need to start the negotiation process on constitutional reforms with the wide participation of Ukrainian regions. Furthermore, it says, “all illegal armed groups must be dis-
armed and all administrative buildings returned to their rightful owners. Amnesty must be given to all protesters, except those who have committed serious crimes.” Finally, the communique said, “in Geneva we agreed that all parties must refrain from all forms of coercion and intimidation, refrain from provocative actions, and we strongly condemn and reject all manifestations of extremism, racism, and religious intolerance, including antiSemitism.” The job of monitoring compliance with these agreements was assigned to the OSCE (Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe), which is already operating in Ukraine. Experts doubt that all seven hours were used by the
parties to discuss just these points: it is believed that along with the communique, a secret agreement was signed. However, just the signed agreements are going to be challenging to implement for the authorities in Kiev. For example, Moscow required Kiev to sign a commitment to work on the disarmament of the “Right Sector”. Another important aspect of the agreement was a commitment to release several activists detained by Kiev. Of course, the Ukrainian side may declare these people were involved in serious crime, but this will be difficult to prove. Furthermore, Moscow will be able also to demand the freeing of Berkut men, blamed by the current Kiev
authorities, without any proof, for the shootings of activists on the Maidan. Finally, this communique buys Moscow time. Now everyone knows that time is on the federalists’ side. The Ukrainian Army in the southeast of the country is disintegrating and the authorities in Kiev are losing legitimacy in the eyes of the population: Ukraine is heading towards economic collapse. Therefore, as time goes on, it will become more and more clear to Kiev that it faces a dilemma: maintain its loyalty to Washington at all costs, and as a result lose the country, or begin to negotiate with the regions and with Moscow. As for the relations between Russia and the West more broadly, this last turn in the Ukrainian crisis – the worsening of the situation in the east and the Geneva talks – allows various conclusions to be drawn. Russia was finally able to communicate that behaving in the way the West did and espousing the rhetoric that it did about this region, as if Russia did not exist when its vital interests were being seriously affected, was simply not going to work for Russia. Politically, the US and Europe have an established approach in relation to Russia: it is a fading power which sooner or later will collapse; it has no alternative but a disenfranchised integration into the European space; and it can do nothing to prevent the expansion of the West’s political influence. So during the Ukrainian crisis, when Russia essentially showed that it saw little value in its relationship with the West, it came as more than a surprise to the US and EU.
Diplomacy Accusations fly between Moscow and Kiev over alleged violations of the Geneva agreements
Fatal Slavyansk attack puts pressure on new accord Only a few days after Russia and Ukraine signed the Geneva Accord, each side is accusing the other of violating it. DARYA LYUBINSKAYA SPECIAL TO RBTH
The accusations stemmed from the situation in Slavyansk, where an attack by unidentified men at one of the roadblocks ended with at least three local residents dead.The Russian Foreign Ministry called the incident a provocation by“Right Sector”mil-
www.rbth.com
itants, saying it showed the profound consequences of the Kiev authorities’ reluctance to disarm extremists. Moscow insists on the strict adherence from the Ukrainian side to commitments to de-escalate the situation in the south-east of Ukraine. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said that the Geneva agreements are not being adhered to, primarily by those who seized power in Kiev. “There are no deadlines for Ukraine mentioned in the Geneva accord on
HOT TOPIC RBTH.COM/UKRAINE
terms, but measures should be taken urgently,” the minister said.“The gunning down
The pro-Russian militia in Slavyansk stated that they would not surrender their weapons. of unarmed men on Easter night is an egregious act.” According to Lavrov, all indications are that the Kiev authorities cannot or do not
want to control the extremists, and attacks by armed militants in the south-east of Ukraine indicate their desire to provoke civil war. Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry issued a statement in reply, in which it called the Russian Foreign Ministry findings“hasty”and“groundless” and reported that the authorities had already begun investigating the attack on the checkpoint in Slavyansk. Kiev again demanded the Russian side “provide all the necessary influence on
federalisation supporters to release illegally occupied premises, unblock roads, and the surrender of weapons to prevent any bloodshed,” as stipulated by the Geneva accord. Against this backdrop, the leaders of the pro-Russian people’s militia in Slavyansk stated that they would not surrender their weapons until “Right Sector”militants and other radical nationalist groups that support the government in Kiev were disarmed.
Russia to stand by the Geneva agreements Russia will block all attempts to distort or deviate from the Geneva agreements, according to Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. “We will insist on them being respected,” he said during a Commonwealth of Independent States youth diplomats’ forum. “It is simply untrue to claim that the Geneva agreements give legitimacy to the authorities in Kiev, and that Russia must therefore take the first steps to de-escalate the crisis. “US propaganda has always aimed to... distort the picture of what is happening in Ukraine, smearing the Russian Federation and smearing those who who have protested against the illegitimate actions of powers trying to ban the Russian language.” he added.
Regional unrest stalls Chernobyl
PHOTOSHOT/VOSTOCK-PHOTO
The construction of a contamination shield at the damaged Chernobyl nuclear power plant could be delayed because of the political crisis in Ukraine, the CEO of aid agency Chernobyl Children International (CCI) said. Work on the shield was due to be completed by October 2015, but political turbulence and lack of will from Kiev has cast doubt on the project’s future.
Arctic defence Russia will build a network of naval facilities in its Arctic territories to host warships and submarines as part of a plan to boost protection of the country’s interests and borders in the region, Russian President Vladimir Putin said in April. The military also plans to form a new strategic military command in the Arctic by the end of this year.
LAVROV SAYS THE US AND EU ARE TRYING TO FOMENT A 'COLOURED REVOLUTION' IN UKRAINE
THE US IS DIRECTING ACTIONS OF THE AUTHORITIES IN KIEV, SAYS LAVROV
THE KIEV GOVERNMENT URGES MOSCOW TO COMPLY WITH THE GENEVA ACCORD
rbth.com/36172
rbth.com/36133
rbth.com/36132
www.rbth.com
MOST READ
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
03
Politics
A NEW FOREIGN-POLICY ERA FOR RUSSIA rbth.com/35393
Call-in President in the spotlight for annual live TV address
On April 18, amid the crisis in Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin spent several hours answering questions in his annual live television call-in show. ITAR-TASS EDITED BY RBTH
Not surprisingly, the bulk of questions centred on Russia’s relations with Ukraine and its actions in Crimea. And in relation to Ukraine, Mr Putin clearly restated his view that there had been an unconstitutional coup and armed seizure of power in Kiev. He also categorically denied that Russian troops were taking part in current events in eastern Ukraine. He said he considered it imperative that a dialogue between the Ukrainian authorities and the regions of the country begin as soon as possible. And he stressed that Russia had always been close to Ukraine, saying that financial aid provided to the country has already reached hundreds of billions of dollars. As for the issue of Crimea and Sevastopol, according to the president this was clearly decided by the outcome of the referendum on the peninsula. He said Russia never planned to take any military action in Crimea and was ready to build relationships in the current geopolitical cir-
cumstances, but was forced to act as result of “real threats” to the Russianspeaking population. “The threats against Russians and Russian-speakers were concrete and tangible. This prompted the people to think about the future of Crimea, and turn to Russia for help,” Mr Putin said. A significant part of the Black Sea Fleet now based in Novorossiysk will be trans-
Putin categorically denied that Russian troops were taking part in current events in eastern Ukraine. The president admitted relations between Moscow and Washington had been strained. ferred to Sevastopol, the president said. He promised that significant amounts of shipbuilding and ship repair would be focused on Crimean shipyards.
On Alaska Having discussed the incorporation of Crimea into Russia, Mr Putin was then asked whether incorporating Alaska into Russian territories was on the agenda.
The president responded, with a laugh: “Why do you want Alaska?”Mr Putin said that Alaska had been sold in the 19th century. He added that the bulk of Russian territories were in the north and far north, and that these regions were difficult to maintain and were drains on state budgets.
On relations with the US The president admitted that relations between Moscow and Washington had been significantly strained recently. “I agree that trust has largely been lost. And why has this happened? We believe this is no fault of ours,” he said. He described how the US has been allowed to pursue its national interests in [the former]Yugoslavia, in Iraq, in Afghanistan and in Libya. And in the light of this foreign policy legacy, Mr Putin asked: “So why is Russia not allowed to defend its own interests?”
PHOTOSHOT/VOSTOCK-PHOTO
Putin tackles tough questions in state of the nation exchange Russian President Vladimir Putin fielding questions about Ukraine, Alaska and surveillance.
QUOTES
Joe Biden
Victoria Nuland
Sergei Lavrov
US VICE-PRESIDENT DURING HIS VISIT TO UKRAINE IN APRIL
ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE, AT THE US DEPARTMENT OF STATE
RUSSIAN FEDERATION FOREIGN MINISTER, IN AN INTERVIEW WITH RUSSIA TODAY
An American team is currently in the region working with Ukraine and its neighbours to increase Ukraine’s short-term energy supply. More teams are coming to support long-term improvements so that no nation – to be precise, Russia – can any longer use energy as a political weapon against Ukraine and Europe. With the right investments and the right choices, Ukraine can reduce its energy dependence and increase its energy security.
"
We are very concerned about the Russian hand being behind the destabilising things we’re seeing in eastern Ukraine. That money [$US5 billion] has been spent [by the US] on supporting the aspirations of the Ukrainian people to have a strong, democratic government that represents their interests. But we certainly didn’t spend any money supporting the Maidan. That was a spontaneous movement.
"
If we were attacked, we would certainly respond. If our interests – that is, our legitimate interests, the interests of Russians – were attacked directly, like they were in South Ossetia for example, I don't see any other way but to respond in accordance with international law. Americans simply are not ready to admit that they can't always direct the show in each and every part of the globe from Washington.
not critical for the Russian economy, he said. Mr Putin said that the European Union would still be heavily dependent on Russian gas. He said that Russia supplied mainly pipeline gas to Europe, which covered 30 to 35 per cent of its needs. “Will it be possible at all to stop buying Russian gas?
In my view no,”the president said.
izens, asked Mr Putin about the Russian government’s surveillance of its citizens. In response, Mr Putin said that the use of special equipment by Russian special services, including wiretaps and surveillance on the internet, is strictly regulated by law, and that court orders would be required to authorise those kinds of activities.
On energy issues In relation to gas and oil, Mr Putin emphasised that the Russian government’s main revenues come from oil, not gas. “Last year, revenues from oil were $US191 to $194 billion, and revenues from gas around $US28 billion. Do you see the difference?” The drop in oil prices from $US90 to $US85 a barrel is
On Edward Snowden Former CIA officer Edward Snowden, who was given temporary asylum in Russia, even made a video appearance at the event. Snowden, who exposed the US government’s across-theboard surveillance of its cit-
EXPERT'S COMMENT
In international law, Crimea is no different to Kosovo Pyotr Kremnyev DOCTOR OF LAW
he basis of international law consists of principles and norms that have an imperative character, that is, deviations are not allowed. These principles are enshrined in the UN Charter and are expressed in the Declaration on Principles
T
of International Law of 1970 and the Helsinki Final Act of 1975. In regard to the situation in Crimea, it is necessary to list three of the principles: refraining from the use of force in international relations; territorial integrity of the state; and the right of peoples to self-determination. The last two can come into conflict, and intergovernmental practice (up until the case
"
of Kosovo) gave priority to territorial integrity of the state. Large-scale use of force without UN Security Council authorisation was carried out in 1999 by NATO against the formerYugoslavia and in 2003 by the US and coalition countries against Iraq. In 2008, the independent status declared by Kosovo was quickly recognised by the US and a number of EU states.
In accordance with the principle of the right to selfdetermination, people have the right to its exercise, if they are under the yoke of colonialism or foreign rule and are living in the presence of violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms, including those contained in the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966. According to the Covenant (Article 27), ethnic minorities
living within the territory of a state “shall not be denied the right to use their own language”. The new government in Kiev passed a law declaring the only official language in Ukraine to be Ukrainian.This action, in addition to real threats to the people in Crimea from nationalist militants, serves as a reason for recognising the legitimacy of the referendum in Crimea re-
garding secession from Ukraine. Applying the international legal treatment, all these events - the use of force in the former Yugoslavia and Iraq, the recognition of Kosovo’s independence and Crimea joining Russia - are the same. There is no more basis for the legitimacy of recognising Kosovo’s independence than for recognising the results of the referendum in Crimea, with it consequently becoming a part of Russia. Pyotr Kremnyev is a law professor at Moscow State University.
UKRAINIAN FOREIGN MINISTRY SAYS 'RIGHT SECTOR' WAS NOT INVOLVED IN SLAVYANSK INCIDENT
KIEV TO BE HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR SETTLEMENT OF THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS
RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN AN-70 AIRCRAFT A CASUALTY OF THE CRISIS
rbth.com/36093
rbth.com/36087
rbth.com/36053
04
www.rbth.com
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
Society
MOST READ
PUTIN'S MARATHON QUESTION TIME rbth.com/36019
Overhaul Banks and basic infrastructure will see sweeping changes as a result of the reunification
IN BRIEF
A long road back to normality
Crimeans refuse Russian passports About 3000 Crimean residents have refused Russian passports, the chief of Russia’s Federal Migration Service (FMS), Konstantin Romodanovsky, said. In accordance with the agreement incorporating Crimea into the Russian Federation, Crimean residents who do not wish to become Russian citizens were required to submit applications before April 18. Acting head of Crimea, Sergei Aksyonov said the deadline for accepting applications may be extended if need be. According to FMS estimates, between 1.5 and 1.7 million people will need to be issued with Russian passports in Crimea. The FMS will not hold residents without passports liable for the absence of residency registrations before the end of the year, Romodanovsky said.
Since just mid-March, when Crimea was incorporated into Russia, Crimea's residents have seen profound changes in their economy, and this is just the beginning. ALEXEY LOSSAN
The Crimean financial industry alone has seen big changes over a short space of time. Since March, there has been a complete revision of the banking system, and as a result all major Russian and Ukrainian banks have been closed on the peninsula. “Large Russian banks in Crimea will not operate because players such as VTB, Bank of Moscow and AlfaBank have large subsidiaries in Ukraine, and it’s clear that because of the political and economic situation, reconciling active business in Crimea and Ukraine will be impossible,”Mikhail Zadornov, the president and chairman of VTB24 Bank, told RBTH. According to Zadornov, only banks that operate exclusively in Crimea will remain there, which includes the Russian National Commercial Bank and The Black Sea Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The future Crimean banking system will be structured around these two banks. According to the Russian Ministry of Labour, 677,000 senior citizens in Crimea and Sevastopol have received a 25 per cent increase in their
AP
RBTH
On March 16, 96.77 per cent of Crimeans who voted in the referendum supported Crimea becoming part of Russia.
pension payments. The average pension in the peninsula was 5570 roubles a month ($US156), which was lower than the pension in Russia. Areas where changes have created problems that have not yet been resolved are in transport and water and electricity supplies. In early April, Ukrainian Railways cancelled some trains to Crimea. And Russian Railways recently presented a report stating that
they are not ruling out the full cancellation of trains from the Russian mainland to the peninsula. Alternative routes may need to be found. In terms of the water supply to the peninsula, currently 80 per cent of Crimea’s water comes from deliveries from Ukraine via the North Crimean Canal, and these supplies have been reduced by Kiev. As a result, to provide drinking water to the south-
eastern Crimean peninsula, new wells will have to be drilled. Crimea depends on Ukraine not only for its water supply but also for electricity. The power plants in Crimea cover only 10 to 30 per cent of the peninsula’s energy needs (out of 1400 MW). The remaining 70 to 90 per cent of electricity is provided by the Ukrainian power grid. The Russian Energy Ministry has several options on
Opinion Most Russians believe peninsula's split from Kiev will have positive effect
Polls back Crimea's renewed allegiance According to independent opinion polls in April, Russians generally support the reunification of Russia and Crimea. GLEB FEDOROV RBTH
other countries do not want to accept the reunification. Some (13 per cent) believe that the US has put pressure on other countries; another 13 per cent think that the US wants the Crimea for itself; 7 per cent think that other countries want to harm Russia; while 5 per cent think it is because Crimea is strategically important. Despite awareness about international disapproval, the majority of respondents did not think that the reunification would have serious consequences for Russia. Fiftynine per cent are sure about that, while a quarter think there might be negative consequences.
the table. One is the construction of a 1320 MW capacity generator on the peninsula or the laying of underwater cables across the Kerch Strait. Over the past month, Russian authorities have also put forward plans about how to develop Crimea economically, and it seems emphasis will be placed on tourism, particularly from Russia. As part of the plan, Crimea has been designated as one of the few regions in Russia w h e re c a s i n o s w i l l b e permitted. Russian authorities plan to open the first casino in the peninsula by the end of 2016, and they expect that in time the peninsula will be a direct competitor to Monte Carlo, Las Vegas and Macau. The creation of this gambling zone has been estimated to create 10,000 new jobs. Another initiative to stimulate tourist flows to the peninsula is that airfares to Crimea will be lowered. In recent years, about 5.5 to 6 million tourists visited the peninsula annually, and 60 per cent of those visitors were from Ukraine. To stimulate tourism in the short term, Russian President Vladimir Putin has authorised that airfares to Crimea not be subject to certain taxes, at least until January 1, 2015.
PHOTOSHOT/VOSTOCK-PHOTO
A YouTube video of official commentary by Crimean Prosecutor General Natalia Poklonskaya set to music had nearly 6 million views five days after it was uploaded, making it the most popular Russian online clip. In the footage, made by a DJ called Enjoykin, Poklonskaya appears to be singing “power, blood, nyash-myash, blood, power, Crimea is ours”,which rhymes in Russian.
New gambling zone on cards
LORI/LEGION MEDIA
GAIA RUSSO
According to surveys conducted by the All-Russian Centre for the Study of Public Opinion (VTSIOM), 96 per cent of respondents surveyed believed that the reunification was justified. In large cities (with populations of more than 1 million), 98 per cent agreed with this statement, while in rural areas, the figure was 95 per cent. VTSIOM polls also found that 76 per cent of respondents in small towns think the reunification will be positive for Russia, with only 6 per cent of respondents thinking that it will lead to negative consequences.
However, opinions about whether the reunification will be positive for Russia did vary in different regions: 78 per cent of residents in small towns thought it would lead to good things, while in Moscow and St Petersburg the figure was less – 69 per cent. Also of note is that since the reunification, confidence in the Russian government has increased. According to VTSIOM, the government approval index – that is, the percentage of people who approve of the general political situation in the country – rose to 73 per cent, which is the highest it has been since May 2008, when it was 74 per cent. For background, the index was 65 per cent in February 2014, 56 per cent in January 2014 and, last year, 60 per cent in December and only 53 per cent in November.
The response to the reunification in Russia contrasts sharply to the overwhelmingly condemnatory response to it in Western countries. And Russians are not unaware of the international criticism. According to VTSIOM, for example, 71 per cent of respondents know that a UN resolution declared the referendum in Crimea to be illegal. VTSIOM also reported that around one-fifth of Russians think that other countries do not want to officially recognise Crimea as a part of Russia because they fear that Russia will become too powerful. Respondents gave other reasons why they thought
Prosecutor's YouTube fame
SOURCE: LEVADA-CENTRE
A bill on a gambling zone in Crimea has been introduced into the Duma. Under a 2007 law, casinos and other gambling establishments were restricted to operating in only four zones in Russia. If the bill is passed, Crimea will join the Altai, Kaliningrad, Krasnodar and Primorsky regions, where zones are being established.
www.rbth.com
MOST READ
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
Society
NEW LAWS IN CRIMEA RAISE QUESTIONS ABOUT DRUG PROGRAMS AND PRISONS rbth.com/35389
Ethnic group claims a different historical legacy to Tatars in Russia
Crimea's Tatars fearful of reunification with Moscow The Crimean Tatars are a Turkic ethnic group who appeared in Crimea between the 13th and 17th centuries. These Tatars call themselves "Qirmlar" or Crimeans. SERGEY MARKEDONOV SPECIAL TO RBTH
AP
Crimean Tatars and other Tatar groups in Russia are, “fraternal peoples with a common history, but different peoples”, according to Eider Adzhimambetov, the Secretary of the Spiritual Administration of Muslims of Crimea. According to Russia’s 2010 census, the Russian Federation has about 5.3 million Tatars living in its territories. Two million live in the republic of Tatarstan and one million in Bashkiria. Smaller numbers are spread across other regions, including Chelyabinsk and Ulyanovsk and in Moscow itself. Dilyara Seitilieva, a Tatar pensioner from the Crimean city of Bakhchisarai, believes: “They [the Tatars in Russia] are different peoples. They formed in different territories and absolutely separately to us.” Indeed, while the Tatar khanates within the territory of modern Russia came under the control of Moscow in 1552 and 1556, the Crimean Khanate was separate from 1441 to 1783, and was a vassal of the Ottoman Empire for most of its history. After the Manifesto of Empress Catherine II of April 8, 1783 the Crimean Khanate was dissolved, and Russian rule began for Crimeans. Because of this, a significant
Crimean Tatars fear Russia because of Soviet legacies.
Crimean Tatar issues addressed On April 21, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a decree about ethnic minorities who suffered under Stalin. These minorities included the Crimean Tatars. The decree seeks to make amends for injustices committed during the Soviet period. Also in April, Crimea adopted a new constitution which gives official status to the Crimean Tatar language (on a par with Russian and Ukrainian). In addition, Putin has promised to address the Crimean Tatars' longstanding concerns about land rights – an issue which they feel has not been given due attention by the government in Kiev.
number of Crimean Tatars moved to the Ottoman Empire from the 1790s to the 1850s. After the 1917 revolution, the Soviet government established the Crimean Autonomous Republic as a part of the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic. In it, both Russian and Crimean Tatar were made official languages, and in the 1920s and ’30s, the development of Tatar schools and printing in the Tatar language were encouraged. However, in 1937, at the height of the Great Terror, policy direction changed and members of the Tatar intelligentsia, like many others, became targets. In May 1944, the Crimean Tatars were deported from the peninsula for collaborat-
ing with German forces. Other Crimean minorities, including Greeks, Bulgarians and Armenians, were also deported. This mass deportation consolidated the group identity of the Crimean Tatars and also strengthened their fear of Russia. And it is the legacy of these deportations which explains why many Crimean Tatars are fearful of being a part of Russia today. Another factor which makes the Crimean Tatars suspicious of Moscow is that unlike other ethnic minorities in the Soviet Union who were forcibly removed from where they lived in the postwar years, the Crimean Tatars were not allowed to return to their land during the Khrushchev thaw. Most other groups, including ethnic Germans and people from the Baltic states, were allowed to return to their former homes. Crimean Tatars had a long struggle for repatriation, which was only successful at the end of the perestroika period. Key issues that are now affecting the Crimean Tatars post-reunification with Russia include land rights, government representation and relations with Ukraine. Adzhimambetov has said that the Council of Muftis of Russia will support the Crimean Tatars, helping them adapt to the Russian legal environment. The issues facing the Crimean Tatars, however, can be resolved positively, although pragmatism and compromise from all participants may be required.
Russian community expresses concern over media's depiction of events in Crimea
Politicians asked to take a balanced view Recent events in Crimea and Ukraine have attracted a range of reactions and responses within Australia's diverse Russian-speaking communities. KATHERINE TERS RBTH
In response to Australian politicians condemning Russia’s actions in Crimea, Zoya Kojevnikoff, president of the Russian Ethnic Community Council (RECC) of NSW, wrote to Prime Minister Tony Abbott and Foreign Minister Julie Bishop to express the council’s concerns about the impact of Australia's diplomatic response. The letter, which was
printed in Sydney’s Russianlanguage newspaper Yedinennie (Unification) on March 19, said: “The Australian government appears to have taken an unbalanced view in relation to the Ukrainian conflict.” The letter also criticised the Australian media for expressing a predominantly one-sided view of events, which presented Russia as an aggressor – an appraisal which it argued was“highly offensive to the ethnic Russian community in Australia”. Kojevnikoff urged the Australian government, when forming its diplomatic response to recent events, to “give due consideration to
05
both sides in the evolving conflict and present a fair and balanced argument”. One Russian-Australian community organisation which has more stridently expressed its support for Russia’s actions in Ukraine, howe v e r, i s t h e R u s s i a n nationalist organisation the Zabaikal Cossack Society of Australia. The society’s ataman [chairman], Simeon Boikov, said in a statement to RBTH that“we completely agree with the position of President Putin, [Sergei] Lavrov and the Crimea people...” On March 16, the day of the Crimean referendum, the society met for a demonstration outside the US Consu-
late in Sydney’s Martin Place. The gathering, which began with the Prayer for Salvation of the Fatherland, had about 150 participants, according to Boikov. The society’s website describes how rally participants, who included a range of nationalities, wore T-shirts with slogans like “Glory to Russia”and“Orthodoxy or death”. It also says the activists shouted slogans like“Crimea – we are with you” and “No to fascism”. The 2011 Census said that Australia had 18,278 residents who were born in the Russian Federation, and that 74,317 Australians had Russian ancestry.
Russia Direct is a new project that experts and senior decision-makers rely on to better analyse and understand Russia's relationship with the world and with the US in particular. Founded in 2013, Russia Direct features original reporting, as well as fresh opinion pieces from a variety of experts, from Russia and around the world. The project aims to fill gaps in today's media landscape and provide unique insights into perspectives not usually delved into. Every day, Russia Direct gives our growing audience information about the people, trends and issues that are driving global conversation about Russia. In addition to daily content on our web site, we have exclusive benefits for subscribers, including weekly newsletters, monthly memos and quarterly reports.
April Monthly Memo: Crisis in Ukraine
Responses to recent events in Ukraine and Crimea have highlighted the latent conflict in global politics between the Kremlin and Western leaders. The situation in Ukraine is just one example of a serious crisis in postCold War international relations. This memo analyses five ways negotiators and diplomats could bring the conflict under control and begin working towards a new and more productive framework for geopolitical debate.
ACCESS ALL RUSSIA DIRECT REPORTS WITH ONE CLICK russia-direct.org/archive
06
www.rbth.com
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
Business
MOST READ
WILL UKRAINE BE ABLE TO FIND AN ALTERNATIVE TO GAZPROM? rbth.com/35927
Impact Sanctions imposed have already resulted in changes within Russia's financial system, and more effects are likely
How have sanctions affected Russia so far?
IN NUMBERS
161.5
In 2013, exports of Russian gas hit record volumes of 161.5 billion cubic metres, in comparison with 2012's figures of 138.8 billion cubic metres.
$380
Last year the average export price for Russian gas decreased by 5.5 per cent; the cost of 1000 cubic meters was $US380.
GETTY IMAGES/FOTOBANK
The limited sanctions imposed on Russian officials and business people are already having significant effects on the Russian financial system. ALEXEY LOSSAN RBTH
Official Western sanctions against Russia have affected a limited number of politicians and businessmen, believed to be part of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s inner circle. Among them are the shipping magnates the brothers Arkady and Boris Rotenberg, the former owner of the Gunvor Oil Trading Company Gennady Timchenko and billionaire Yuri Kovalchuk. Also falling under the sanctions of the US government was the Rossiya Bank, owned by Kovalchuk.Without warning, MasterCard and Visa International blocked the access of Rossiya Bank’s cardholders to their networks. As a result, these entrepreneurs started focusing on their work in Russia. On the eve of the introduction of sanctions, Gennady Timchenko sold his share in Gunvor (44 per cent) to partners.
In its turn, Rossiya Bank and its subsidiaries completely abandoned carrying out foreign-currency transactions. Some other banks also began to limit their foreigncurrency exchange activities. Sberbank, the largest bank in Russia, started refusing applications for the issue of loans in foreign currency. According to Mikhail Zadornov, president and chairman of the board of VTB 24 Bank, foreign-currency transactions are an integral part of Russia’s financial system. “Russian citizens hold 21 per cent of their deposits in foreign currencies, all payments for imports are carried out in foreign currencies, and there are currency transactions imputed by the economy,” he said. Sanctions against Russia have provoked a sharp outflow of capital. By the end of 2014, according to the Ministry of Finance, this outflow is likely to reach $US70-80 billion. During the first quarter of 2014, the private sector has already taken $US50.6 billion out of Russia, compared with $US27.5 billion in the previous year.
$2.2
Russian President Vladimir Putin warned European leaders that Russia might cut gas supplies to Ukraine if Ukraine did not pay its oustanding gas bill of $US2.2 billion.
EXPERT OPINION
Russia attracted a whopping $US94 billion of foreign direct investment (FDI) in 2013, making it the third largest recipient of FDI in the world, according to a February ranking by the UN Conference on Trade
and Development (UNCTAD). However, a large chunk of that investment was related to a deal between British Petroleum and state-owned oil giant Rosneft to acquire the Russian oil joint venture TNK-BP. Russia's FDI would have probably have showed a slow-down had it not been for the TNK-BP. And now analysts are expecting Russia's
FDI to fall harder, as a result of the situation in Ukraine. A significant decline in FDI – which brings not only money but also modern technology and managerial skills to the recipient country – would likely hit Russia’s long-term economic growth very hard. And denying Russian banks and companies access to the US (and possibly the European) banking systems would have a devastating impact.
One consequence of the sanctions has been encouraging the Kremlin to establish a more independent financial system. In particular, Russia is planning to launch a national payment system to replace MasterCard and Visa and its own ratings agency, including considering various options for cooperation with Chinese companies. According to Anton Soroko, analyst at Finam Holdings, the most negative sanction for the Russian economy which may be invoked by US and EU would be a reduction in trade cooperation.
“On the other hand, I would not talk about the cessation of any negotiations between private companies,”he said. However, according to Basil Yakimkin, if tougher sanctions are imposed they may complicate dollar payments (if SWIFT encodings are cancelled for Russian credit organisations). Almost the entire banking infrastructure in Russia is based on foreign servers and software. “The Russian military-industrial complex will feel the effect for two or three years,” he said. “Already our troops
are faced with reductions in supplies of weapons and accessories from France, Britain and Germany.” Representatives of the US Treasury Department and the National Security Council have already announced the preparations of new sanctions at a meeting in Washington with managers of mutual funds and hedge funds. And according to a statement by Samantha Power, the US permanent representative to the UN, US President Barack Obama is also considering sanctions against Russia in the banking, energy and mining sectors.
Investment cuts would hit hard Ben Aris JOURNALIST
Giving up gas from Russia won't be easy for Europe Despite talk in Europe about reducing its dependence on energy supplies from Russia, Russia is the only country that can meet Europe's increasing gas needs. TATYANA ZYKOVA SPECIAL TO RBTH
The European Commission in Brussels is again discussing the issue of the supply of Russian gas: its reliability and ways to reduce dependence on it. At the same time, the US is pressuring Europe to give up its dependence on Russian energy. Meanwhile, Canada has announced its intentions to export liquefied nitrogen gas (LNG) to Europe as a replacement. And Ukraine is talking about obtaining gas from Slovakia. There are no economic reasons for these moves: they are merely political. And realistically, Russia remains the only country capable of meeting Europe’s current gas needs. Despite intentions to give up Russian gas and over the long term move to more sustainable energy sources, in the short term it is unlikely that European consumers will be able to give it up, no matter how much they might like to. Experts have proposed analysing the future prospects for the European gas market by looking at the volumes of fuel currently going to Europe. At the moment, European gas comes from five major suppliers: Russia occupies first place, followed by Norway, Algeria, the Netherlands, then Qatar. “Last year only two suppliers increased supply: Russia and the Netherlands,” says Sergei Pravosudov, CEO of the National Energy Institute. Russia also reduced gas prices, and exports of Russian gas attained record volumes of 161.5 billion cubic metres, in comparison with the 2012 figure of 138.8 billion cubic metres. rbth.com/35809
www.rbth.com
MOST READ
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
07
Business
WANT A FLAT TAX? MOVE TO RUSSIA rbth.com/35933
Business growth between Australia and Russia will be difficult to recover if lost
IN BRIEF
Trade: keep calm and carry on
Gas imports to Europe to rise
PRESS PHOTO
Next year will mark 50 years of official trade and economic relations between Australia and Russia. But diplomatic difficulties are clouding the landmark. KIRILL ZLOBINE
Kirill Zlobine is a RussianAustralian entrepreneur, a meat and dairy exporter and a board member of the Australia-Russia Dialogue.
DFAT G20 trade figures from 2012 indicate that Russian direct investment in Australia was the fastest-growing of any country. Russia’s net investment in Australia has surpassed Saudi Arabia’s and is more than seven times Indonesia’s. Unfortunately, the Ukrainian crisis has damaged this developing relationship. And the recent growth in Australia’s trade with Russia will be difficult to recover if lost. Mining and the livestock and meat sector are likely to suffer the most. The Australian government needs to consider how these industries could be affected when formulating its diplomatic response to Russia’s actions in Ukraine. Despite the range of opinions about Russia’s actions in Ukraine, condemnatory commentary by Australian politicians has influenced the vector of our trade relations with Russia. An example is the temporary restriction on imports of Australian frozen and chilled beef to Russia, which came into force on April 7 following the apparent detection of the growth-stimulating hor-
Gazprom is set to to boost its gas exports to Europe, where demand for gas is expected to rise over the long term as regional extraction drops. Gazprom believes there will be an increased demand for natural gas in Europe due to a broader use of natural gas fuels for vehicles and maritime transport.The rise in demand will increase the import of pipeline gas and liquefied natural gas (LNG).
SHUTTERSTOCK/LEGION-MEDIA
Australia’s official response to Russia’s actions in Crimea may result in serious consequences for business and trade relations between the two countries. Damning – and arguably premature – statements by Prime Minister Tony Abbott and Foreign Minister Julia Bishop have brought with them a chill in trade relations between Canberra and Moscow. Andrew Robb, Minister for Trade and Investment, has been more diplomatic in his pronouncements, however. In an interview with Bloomberg on March 27 Robb described Russia’s actions in Crimea as unfortunate, but argued that it would be premature to impose sanctions. “Russia is an important market for us,” he said. “It’s not huge, but in terms of beef and other areas, it’s a significant market; and, of course, it's part of the region. “Over time we want good trade and political relations with Russia.” Prior to the Ukrainian crisis, trade volume and economic cooperation between Australia and Russia had been steadily growing. And after 2007, when a Russian head of state visited Australia for the first time, cooperation grew and bilateral trade increased from nearly $US700 million ($A750 million) (2006) to more than $US2 billion (2013) a year. According to Australia’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT), from 2012 to 2013 Australia’s biggest export to Russia was beef ($US113 million); in turn, Russia’s to Australia was crude oil ($US688 million). There has also been growth in the health and mining industries. Mining has particularly benefited from Australian technical support and expertise in environmental remediation.
PRESS PHOTO
ENTREPRENEUR, SPECIAL TO RBTH
First Arctic oil extracted Russia insists its beef ban has nothing to do with Australia's response to the events in Crimea.
mone trenbolone acetate. In relation to this, Alexei Alexenko, adviser to the head of Russia’s Federal Service for Veterinary and Phytosanitary Surveillance (Rosselkhoznadzor) said:“The reason for the ban ... is still the same: we
And the Australian government needs to consider how these industries could be affected when formulating their diplomatic response to Russia’s actions in Ukraine. found trenbolone (a type of steroid) in the meat … it’s a hazardous substance, which is banned throughout the civilised world. We have held many talks with Australia, and they promised not to use trenbolone, but we keep detecting it. “The Australian Minister for Agriculture made an amusing statement that the ban is related to the situation in Crimea. But in reality, we warned Australia about the possible consequences [of
using trenbolone] two years ago, and again a year ago, last June.” Barnaby Joyce, Minister for Agriculture, said on ABC radio in early April that he doubted the reason for import restriction was actually steroids. He said it was more likely because of political tensions over Crimea.“They say they’ve found it in wagyu beef,” Joyce said, “which seems highly unlikely.” Imports from Australia to Russia only constitute 5 to 10 per cent of Russia’s total volume of imported frozen beef. Russia’s main suppliers are in South America. However, Australia is a key player in the premium market and our beef almost has a monopoly in Russia’s top restaurants. Fortunately though, at the time of writing events in Ukraine had not noticeably affected other major areas of Australian-Russian trade. In the mining sector, it seems to be business as usual. Craig Parry, managing director and CEO of Tigers Realm Coal and member of the Australia Russia Dialogue, said in early April that he hoped “cool heads would prevail, on
Promoting links The Australia Russia Dialogue was formed in February 2013 by a consortium of academics and professionals from a range of industries, with the support of the Australian and Russian governments. Its objective is to increase the level of engagement between the countries by developing and promoting links in different spheres.
all sides,” adding that his company’s projects (in Chukotka, in Russia’s Far East) had not been affected by events in Ukraine. Parry had just finalised a major transaction with Baring Vostock Capital Partners, which invested $US36 million into Tigers Realm Coal, while the Russian Direct Investment Fund had also invested $US16 million. I have little doubt that the business communities in both countries are more interested in cooperation than conflict, and are likely to agree that any response to the Ukrainian crisis must be carefully considered.
The first oil extraction project has been successfully implemented in the Arctic, on the Prirazlomnaya oil platform, despite large-scale protests from environmental organisations, including Greenpeace, opposed to offshore production on the shelf. The volume of the first batch of oil was 70,000 tonnes. The field’s total volume is about 72 million tonnes and it is projected that 6 million tonnes will be produced a year. The reserve should produce oil for 10 years.
Russia demands gas bills be paid Russia will have to introduce an advance payment system for natural gas exports to Ukraine if Kiev does not pay its outstanding bills, Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev said. Russian President Vladimir Putin said in April that Ukraine owed Russia $US17 billion in gas discounts and that another $US2.2 billion had been incurred as a minimal fine.
READ AT RBTH.COM/BUSINESS
GETTING TO THE HEART OF THE ORIGINAL FROZEN CONFLICT rbth.com/36147
RUSSIA DISCOVERS ITS LARGEST OIL FIELD IN 20 YEARS rbth.com/36083
DESPITE THE EFFORTS OF GREENPEACE, RUSSIA BEGINS EXTRACTING ARCTIC OIL rbth.com/36105
08
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
History
MOST READ
www.rbth.com
WHY DID RUSSIA SELL ALASKA TO THE US? rbth.com/36061
THE SAILORS' CITY RUSSIAN GENERAL EDUARD TOTLEBEN IS KNOWN IN RUSSIA FOR HIS INGENUITY IN DEFENDING SEVASTOPOL AGAINST ADVANCING ALLIED TROOPS IN THE CRIMEAN WAR OF THE 1850S
ENGINEER THE HERO OF SEVASTOPOL BATTLES The Crimean city of Sevastopol has since its founding in 1783 been associated with the navy. In Russia it is often called the "sailors' city". ALEXANDER KOROLKOV SPECIAL TO RBTH
After losing their fleet during the Crimean War 160 years ago, Sevastopol’s sailors went ashore to engage the enemy in land battles that reaped the Crimean city as much glory as any sea victories. These were battles fought from innovative defence installations which are well known in Russian history, as is the engineer behind them: Eduard Totleben – a Russian military hero and founding figure of the Russian Imperial Army’s School of Fortification. Totleben had German ancestry and came from a line of settlers who emigrated to Russia in the first half of the 18th century. In Sevastopol, the engineer rose in just two years from lieutenant-colonel to general. He originally came to Crimea following time spent working in fortifications in the Caucasian War, in the mountains on the southern borders of the Russian Empire. The city of Sevastopol was to become the site of the main battles of the Crimean War, which broke out after France and Britain decided to go to war to avert a Russian breakthrough into Turkey via the Bosphorus Strait. It is said that when Totle-
ben first met the head of the Russian-Crimean forces, General Menshikov, the commander declined to assign him to duty. So he began working as a volunteer, and soon discovered that the city was only prepared for attack from the direction of the sea and had scant fortifications on its other flanks. Meanwhile, the combined British and French forces disembarked on the Crimean Peninsula on September 2, 1854 and defeated the Russians at Alma, making a siege at Sevastopol look highly likely. With no time to organise normal defences, Totleben managed to deceive the enemy by ordering the construction of “scenic”positions on the city’s northern edge. These sufficed to dupe enemy reconnaissance officers into reporting“numerous and robust earthworks on the left flank of the Russians’ northern defences.” The entrance to the Sevastopol Bay estuary had already been blocked with scuttled Russian warships, which prevented allied vessels from approaching the city. Because of this British and French forces instead flanked Sevastopol in an arc, and moored and disembarked south of the city. Although some time had been won, Totleben was still faced with the task of transforming the city into a fortress, right under the nose of the enemy. Defensive systems were built on the principle of creating bastion concentrations
of artillery interlinked by trenches for the placement of small arms, with separate gun batteries dotted between the larger positions. The main defensive stronghold was on the commanding heights of Malakhov Hill. Work went on around the clock and continued under
The city of Sevastopol was to become the site of the main battles of the Crimean War. Work went on around the clock and continued under enemy fire after the start of the siege. Totleben's remains were sent to Crimea and interred at Sevastopol's Fraternal Cemetery. enemy fire after the start of the siege on September 13. The French completed their earthworks at the city walls soon after, and Totleben took this as a sign that the enemy would now switch to mine warfare. He immediately ordered probing shafts to be dug beneath the city’s defensive ditch in order to counter this threat, and hastily began to prepare the necessary mine-laying equipment. Meanwhile, an all-out assault on Sevastopol could not
go ahead without preparatory engineering works, and the placement of mines was an entire science in itself. The sappers started work on several dummy tunnels to distract the Russians and force them to focus efforts on neutralising one underground excavation at a time. Even before the war, however, Totleben had started using a sounding device consisting of an ordinary naval compass that was lowered into the mining shaft. The magnetic field of the saltpetre (potassium nitrate) contained in gunpowder unfailingly turned the compass needle towards the genuine mine tunnel being built by the enemy. While this underground war was going on, Totleben switched to active defences on the ground, employing a technique he knew from the Caucasian War: the creation of barriers made of logs and other readily available materials. These enabled the Russian forces to maintain harassing fire and close surveillance of the enemy. As Totleben put it, the barriers became the “eyes and ears of the defenders”. The second assault began on March 28, 1855, during which the allies suffered heavy casualties but were able to exert pressure on the Russian positions. A third and fourth assault brought the same results. The emplacements were destroyed but were then rebuilt after the attack. On June 8, Totleben was wounded in the foot while de-
The Siege of Sevastopol, during the Crimean War, lasted from September 1854 until September 1855. It is known for the complex attack and defence installations that were used by both the Russian and allied forces. Ultimately the allies were successful in taking the city.
scending from Malakhov Hill, and had to leave the city soon after because of the onset of gangrene. He did not return to Sevastopol until August 24. Three days after that, he saw from the windows of the Northern fort barracks that despite great efforts to defend it, Malakhov Hill had been taken. This signified the fall of the city's southern flank and the entire city was taken soon after. As the Russians retreated they burned down Sevastopol, blew up their powder stores and scuttled the remaining warships in the bay. The allies, in turn, probed the defensive capabilities of the city, but did not press home the offensive.
At peace negotiations in 1856, Russia was forced to cede any Ottoman possessions and was forbidden from establishing a naval arsenal on the Black Sea – a ban that was enforced until the 1870s. After the Crimean campaign, Totleben devoted himself to the science of fortification. He was appointed director of the army’s engineering department and spent the remainder of his days developing new defensive line systems for use on the borders of the Russian empire. He never returned to Sevastopol, but after his death (and a temporary burial in Germany in 1884), Totleben's remains were sent to Crimea and interred at Sevastopol’s Fraternal Cemetery.
INFOGRAPHICS
GAIA RUSSO
Territorial changes of Ukraine through the centuries The territory which became Ukraine, Belarus and Russia was once various principalities, with their capitals in the major cities of Chernigov, Galicia, Goroden (Grodno), Kiev, Minsk, Novgorod, Pereyaslavl, Polotsk, Ryazan, Smolensk and Volhynia.
These lands were invaded by the Mongols, who formed the Golden Horde. At the same time, Lithuanian princes created the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – the largest political entity in eastern Europe.
In 1569, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Kingdom of Poland joined together and formed a Commonwealth Republic. A century earlier, Crimean Tatars had split from the Golden Horde to form the Crimean Khanate and become a vassal of the Ottomans.
After a 13-year war between Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, 1667 saw the conclusion of a truce at Andrusovo. The Commonwealth ceded Smolensk, left-bank Ukraine and some other lands to Russia.
www.rbth.com
MOST READ
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
09
History
THE HISTORY AND FUTURE OF THE RUSSIAN ARCTIC rbth.com/36043
Debate continues today about the legality of Khrushchev's 1954 transfer of Crimea
Was Khrushchev’s 'gift' to Ukraine constitutional? Crimea became part of the Russian Empire in 1783 and, for the most part, remained under Russian control until it was formally transferred to Ukraine in 1954. ALEKSANDR KOROLKOV SPECIAL TO RBTH
After the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, the Russian Empire was divided into Soviet republics and autonomous regions, which had a degree of formal independence within the union's federal structure. Near the end of the Russian Civil War, in October 1921, the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic was created as part of the RSFSR (Soviet Russia). The decision put forward in 1953 to transfer Crimea to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic came as a surprise to Crimea’s residents and to the republic's ruling elite at the time. The decision was made by former Soviet head of state Nikita
Khrushchev,who for many years had been head of the Ukrainian Communist Party. Immediately after Khrushchev came to power as First Secretary of the Communist Party of the USSR, in 1953, he decided to “give’”Crimea to Ukraine, as a symbolic gesture aimed at ensuring him support among the then-influential Ukrainian establishment. Khrushchev went about enforcing this decision in his usual headstrong and somewhat erratic style. Dmitry Shepilov, an official who went on to become the USSR’s foreign minister, wrote of the meeting in which Khrushchev put forward the idea:“Khrushchev wanted to present Ukraine with a gift on a golden dish, so that the whole republic knew how generous he was and how much he cared about Ukraine’s prosperity.” The reasons given by Khrushchev were repeated almost word for word at a
In the 1950s, Crimeans did not think to oppose the transfer.
session of the presidium of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR on February 5, 1954. They were that Ukraine was closer to Crimea than Russia; the new configuration would make it easier to run the region’s economy; and finally, what difference did it make, since Ukraine and Russia were parts of the same country? In the 1950s, Crimeans did not think to oppose the handover, largely for the reasons outlined above, probably the most significant being that it made little practical difference to them. However, 60 years on, debate continues about its legality. The question that raises most contention among lawyers and historians is:
who was authorised to agree, on behalf of the RSFSR, to a change of its territory? The need for a formal agreement was stipulated in Article 16 of the 1937 constitution of the RSFSR and in Article 18 of the 1936 constitution of the USSR. The relevant agreements from both republics came in the form of resolutions from their respective governments. However, Article 33 of the constitution of the RSFSR did not envisage powers to change the borders of the Russian republic, but did grant the power to initiate a referendum. However, in 1954, no referendum was conducted either in Crimea or in the rest of the RSFSR.
WWII Crimea lived through years of German occupation, during which time nearly half its population died
Crimea's wartime suffering is still remembered 70 years on The Nazi occupation of Crimea and the siege of Sevastopol are remembered on the eve of Russia's Victory Day celebrations on May 9. ALEXANDER KOROLKOV SPECIAL TO RBTH
For Crimea, and the rest of the Soviet Union, World War II began at dawn on June 22, 1941 and ended 70 years ago in May, 1944. In Russia, WWII is known as the Great Patriotic War – a conflict which hit every Soviet family, with the USSR losing about 27 million people in just four years. Crimea was one of the war’s many battlegrounds
and despite not being the major target for the Germans, it was important strategically because of its location on the Black Sea. For the USSR, the Crimean peninsula served as an important naval base and airfield for attacks on Hitler's oil reserves in Romania. The Germans occupied Crimea from September 1941, just two months after they attacked the USSR. Despite their well-planned blitzkrieg, they were unable to capture the city of Sevastopol in 1941. Soviet forces remained in the city while it was under siege for 10 months (from
In the 18th century, the Commonwealth lost its independence; its kings were elected under the Russian Empire’s influence and Prussia eyed its western lands. In 1772, 1793 and 1795, the Commonwealth underwent a series of partitions, then ceased to exist.
September 1941 to June 1942). Over that period, 18,000 Soviet solders were killed and 95,000 were taken hostage. The Crimean peninsula is mountainous and has a lot of quarries. After Sevastopol was lost, a group of about 10,000 Soviet soldiers hid in the quarries near the city of Kerch, which ended up becoming the last line of the Soviet defence in Crimea. And by the end of a 170day siege (from May to October 1942) only 48 people remained alive in Kerch. During the Nazi occupation there were more than 200 Soviet underground organi-
Until the late 18th century, Crimean Tatars maintained a slave trade with the Ottoman Empire, exporting about 2 million slaves from Russia and Ukraine over two centuries. The Khanate was conquered by the Russian Empire in 1783.
sations, and they had up to 2500 people fighting and working with them. Partisans organised acts of sabotage on the peninsula’s railways and attacked the Germans, but because Crimea has limited water supplies and forests, Soviet partisans struggled to find enough shelter, food and water to survive. The popularity of the guerrilla movement in Crimea increased when the“new order”, established by the occupiers, called for the systematic extermination of the local population. From late 1941 to early 1942, German punitive units shot about 12,000 people in
On November 20, 1917 Kiev proclaimed the Ukrainian People’s Republic, followed by the declaration of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic in Kharkov and of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic in Lviv. In 1919, they merged to form the single Ukrainian Republic.
Feodosia and nearly 7000 in Kerch. About 40,000 Crimean Tatars are thought to have collaborated with the Nazis, while about 17,000 are known to have fought alongside the Soviet partisans and the Red Army. A Crimean Tatar, Sultan Amet-Khan, became one of the most famous Soviet pilots of the war, shooting down no less than 30 German jetfighters. Advancing Soviet troops reached Crimea in the autumn of 1943, but it was not until April 8, 1944 were they able to start the liberation. Three days later, they had
From 1939 to 1940, the USSR annexed eastern Galicia, northern Bukovina and southern Bessarabia. In 1945, the Czechoslovakian territory of Subcarpathia became part of the UkrainianSSR, and in 1954, Crimea was transferred from the RSFSR to Ukraine.
pushed the Germans back from the east, and by April 18 the Soviets had retaken all of Crimea except for Sevastopol. An offensive began on May 7 against the area fortified by the Germans outside the city. After heavy air and artillery attacks, assault units advanced. On May 9, a year before Germany’s defeat, the final assault on Sevastopol began at 8am. It was successful. After the liberation of Crimea, Crimean Tatars as well as Greeks, Germans and other local people who were accused of war crimes were deported from Crimea.
On August 24, 1991 the Ukrainian parliament adopted the Act of Independence. On March 16, 2014 a referendum was held in Crimea which showed that 97 per cent of voters supported leaving Ukraine to join Russia. Ukraine did not recognise the referendum.
10
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
Opinion
MOST READ
www.rbth.com
WHY UKRAINE NEEDS A NEW CONSTITUTION FAIR TO ALL rbth.com/35587
PROTECTION OF VITAL INTERESTS IS JUSTIFIED Fyodor Lukyanov ANALYST
estern politicians now understand that for the first time in the postSoviet era Russia has decided to act as it sees fit, leaving no space for compromise with Europe and the US. This is because Ukraine is so important to Moscow that Russian President Vladimir Putin has not been in the mood for formalities. The West is not used to this, so it is trying to force Russia to return to the behavioral model that it has adhered to for so long. And Russia has responded by reminding the other players how much is at stake here. In time, passions will subside. So, from here, what can Russia expect in its relationship with the US? And what does Russia need? During Soviet times, the US was the main external focus of the Kremlin and understandably so, since world politics in general revolved around the bipolar confrontation betweem these two great powers. But after the Cold War it was believed that this dynamic would be replaced by a strategic partnership, despite the fact that the concept was being applied to many countries with abandon and that what it meant was not entirely clear. The legacy of the psychological confrontation between Russia and the US, however, had not fully dissipated, and the asymmetry in forces and capabilities, the lack of balance, only deepened the overwhelming sense of mutual dissatisfaction. In Russia, for a long time it was thought that pursuing solid and stable bilateral relations with the US would be valuable in and of itself, not for any particular reason except that the US is the most powerful and advanced country in the world, it has the most influence and it has the most resources. But what was clear is that
W
KONSTANTIN MALER
WEST'S RESPONSE IS WRONG AGAIN Sergey Mikheyev ANALYST
he reaction of the West to the Ukrainian crisis is wittingly, or unwittingly, pushing Russia to become an alternative leader, at least in Eurasia and possibly on a global scale as well. Before the Ukrainian crisis, Russia prioritised building partnerships with the West. But the West’s position on Ukraine has now finally convinced the Kremlin of the futility of reaching out to Western leaders, who have been willing to recognise the national interests of all the small states of the former Soviet Union except Russia’s. This attitude is contributing to Russia returning to its traditional identity, that is, of a country which pursues independent domestic and foreign policies. This trend is the opposite of what prevailed in the postSoviet years, when many postulated that “Russia is also (part of) Europe”. This is not the first time in history that Russia has tried to become a part of Europe,
T
only to be once again rebuffed by the West. Moreover, even the voluntary dissolution of the Soviet bloc did not win Russia any favours with the West. It is also clear that the present crisis between Russia and the West is stimulating closer cooperation between Moscow and Beijing.
historic opportunity to make Russia an ally for decades to come. They quickly chose to pick up everything that Moscow had sacrificed on the altar of a new relationship, and continued to apply pressure tactics to Moscow. For example, this resulted in almost open support of separatists in the North Cau-
It is also wrong to once again assess Russia as a ‘colossus with feet of clay’ or a ‘regional power’.
In domestic policy, this is only serving to unite Russian society and strengthen the position of Putin.
It is likely that other countries who are potential competitors of the West will also start orienting themselves towards Moscow. I believe that the West, for the second time in the past 20 years, has made a grave mistake in the way it has responded to Russia. The first time was after the collapse of the USSR, which was not so much dissolved because of efforts by the West but because of the political will for it in Moscow itself. The West missed a unique
casus and other regions of Russia in the ’90s. There was also no substantial assistance provided to Russia’s economy and in the post-Soviet space, priority allies of the West often became those who were guided in their approach to Russia by desires for emotional revenge rather than a rational and sober wish to achieve longterm settlements. The result was quite predictable – the preferences pendulum in Russia swung in the opposite direction.
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES (RBTH) IS SPONSORED BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA). ITS PRODUCTION DOES NOT INVOLVE THE EDITORIAL STAFF OF THE FAIRFAX. RBTH IS FUNDED THROUGH A COMBINATION OF ADVERTISING AND SPONSORSHIP REVENUES, TOGETHER WITH SUBSIDIES FROM RUSSIAN GOVERNMENT AGENCIES. OUR EDITORIAL VOICE IS INDEPENDENT. OUR OBJECTIVE IS TO PRESENT, THROUGH QUALITY CONTENT AND OPINION, A RANGE OF PERSPECTIVES ABOUT RUSSIA AND THE REST OF THE WORLD. IN BUSINESS SINCE 2007, WE ARE COMMITTED TO MAINTAINING THE HIGHEST EDITORIAL STANDARDS AND TO SHOWCASING THE BEST OF RUSSIAN JOURNALISM AND THE BEST WRITING ABOUT RUSSIA. IN DOING SO, WE BELIEVE THAT WE ARE FILLING AN IMPORTANT GAP IN INTERNATIONAL MEDIA COVERAGE. PLEASE E-MAIL EDITORAU@RBTH.COM IF YOU HAVE ANY QUESTIONS OR COMMENTS ON OUR OWNERSHIP OR EDITORIAL STRUCTURE. RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES EVGENY ABOV PUBLISHER PAVEL GOLUB EDITOR-IN-CHIEF KONSTANTIN FETS MANAGING EDITOR GLEB FEDOROV EDITOR KATHERINE TERS GUEST EDITOR (AUSTRALIA) MEDIAXPRESS PRODUCTION EDITORS (AUSTRALIA) ANDREY SHIMARSKIY ART DIRECTOR ANDREY ZAITSEV HEAD OF PHOTO DEPT MILLA DOMOGATSKAYA HEAD OF PRE-PRINT DEPT MARIA OSHEPKOVA LAYOUT
To Russians, it again became clear they had been deceived in their relations with the West. It is strange that for Western politicians this was an unpleasant surprise. Once again the West is repeating or reinforcing that mistake. Its complete refusal to recognise Russia’s right to have vital interests in the space of the former Soviet Union is leading to a new round of anti-Western sentiment in Russia, and to Moscow’s strategic choice in favour of rapprochement with centres of power that are alternatives to those in the West. In domestic policy, this is only serving to unite Russian society and strengthen the position of Russian President Vladimir Putin. I would not be surprised at all if the Ukrainian crisis gave Putin another term as president in the 2018 elections. Of course, in many capitals of the“New Europe”they are rubbing their hands with joy: now it will be easier for the US and Old Europe to sell their particular roles as deterrents on the borders of the world and Russia. However, does this meet the historic interests of Western civilisation as a whole? In my opinion – no. It is also wrong to once again assess Russia as a “colossus with feet of clay” or a “regional power.”In the past, such attitudes have never led to positive outcomes. Sergey Mikheyev is head of the Center for Political Environment Studies in Moscow.
ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA ALEXANDER GORBENKO CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD PAVEL NEGOITSA GENERAL DIRECTOR VLADISLAV FRONIN EDITOR-IN-CHIEF TO ADVERTISE IN THIS SUPPLEMENT CONTACT SALES@RBTH.COM TEL +7 (495) 775 3114 FAX +7 (495) 988 9213 ADDRESS 24 PRAVDY STR, BLDG 4, FLOOR 12, MOSCOW, RUSSIA, 125 993 ANY COPYING, REDISTRIBUTION OR RETRANSMISSION OF ANY OF THE CONTENTS OF THIS PUBLICATION, OTHER THAN FOR PERSONAL USE, WITHOUT THE EXPRESS WRITTEN CONSENT OF ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA IS EXPRESSLY PROHIBITED. TO OBTAIN PERMISSION TO REPRINT OR COPY AN ARTICLE OR PHOTO, PLEASE PHONE +7 (495) 775 3114, OR EMAIL EDITORAU@RBTH.RU WITH YOUR REQUEST. RBTH IS NOT RESPONSIBLE FOR UNSOLICITED MANUSCRIPTS AND PHOTOS. © COPYRIGHT 2014, FSFI ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
the US was not prepared to treat Russia as an equal, and Russia, for its part, was certainly in no rush to acknowledge the supremacy of the US. Now Russia can forget any talk about a strategic partnership with the US. Does that mean Russia is moving towards a level of confrontation generally? Hardly. Russia is not the Soviet Union; it is not expansionist, it is not making any claims about world domination or ideological superiority. Moscow is drawing a line about what it considers its vital interests and Ukraine falls within these. Therefore its actions in Ukraine will therefore not be negotiable.
Does that mean Russia is moving towards confrontation generally? Hardly. But the Kremlin's goal has not been to come into conflict with the US. And it is certainly worth noting, against the backdrop of a very emotional debate over Ukraine, that chemical weapons are still being removed from Syria on schedule and the Kremlin has not changed its political position on settling the Syrian situation or on its nuclear talks with Iran. It is especially noteworthy that Russia is not questioning its agreement with NATO which allows cargo to be transported from Afghanistan via the Russian city of Ulyanovsk. And this is even in the light of quite unfriendly statements being made by both the military and political leadership of NATO. Fyodor Lukyanov is the chairman of the Russian Council on Foreign and Defense Policy.
COMMENTS AND LETTERS FROM READERS, GUEST COLUMNS AND CARTOONS LABELLED “COMMENTS”,“VIEWPOINT” OR APPEARING ON THE “OPINION” AND “COMMENT & ANALYSIS” PAGES OF THIS SUPPLEMENT ARE SELECTED TO REPRESENT A BROAD RANGE OF VIEWS AND DO NOT NECESSARILY REPRESENT THOSE OF THE EDITORS OF RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES OR ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA. PLEASE SEND LETTERS TO THE EDITOR TO EDITORAU@RBTH.COM
THIS ISSUE WAS SENT INTO PRINT ON APRIL 28
SPECIAL SUPPLEMENTS AND SECTIONS ABOUT RUSSIA ARE PRODUCED AND PUBLISHED BY RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES, A DIVISION OF ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA), IN THE FOLLOWING NEWSPAPERS: THE DAILY TELEGRAPH, UNITED KINGDOM • THE NEW YORK TIMES, THE WALL STREET JOURNAL, UNITED STATES • LE FIGARO, FRANCE • SÜDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG, GERMANY • EL PAÍS, SPAIN • LA REPUBBLICA, ITALY • LE SOIR, BELGIUM • GEOPOLITICA, SERBIA • ELEFTHEROS TYPOS, GREECE • THE ECONOMIC TIMES, INDIA • MAINICHI SHIMBUN, JAPAN • GLOBAL TIMES, CHINA • THE NATION, THAILAND • LA NACION, ARGENTINA • FOLHA DE SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL • EL OBSERVADOR, URUGUAY • JOONGANG ILBO, SOUTH KOREA • THE SYDNEY MORNING HERALD, THE AGE, AUSTRALIA • GULF NEWS, AL KHALEEJ, UNITED ARAB EMIRATES.
www.rbth.com
MOST READ
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
11
Opinion
THE OPPORTUNITY PRESENTED BY THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS rbth.com/35489
Alan Ward HISTORIAN
ussians and Ukrainians are kin. They descend from the mixing of ancient Slavic tribes and people called the Rus. From the 9th century AD they created the great princedom of Kiev, which was overrun by Mongol and Tatar invaders in the 13th century. By the time the Ukraine region was reconquered some two centuries later (from the north and west on the one hand and from Moscow on the other), cultural, linguistic and political divisions had emerged between Russians and Ukrainians. Yet these groups remained heavily intermarried and their languages cognate. Crimea was ceded by the Tatar Khanate to Catherine the Great in 1783, and essentially remained under Russian control until the 1950s. Following the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 and the emergence of the USSR, Crimea was administered as part of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). The boundaries of the Ukrainian-SSR were largely determined from 1920 to 1921 by the victories of the Red Army in the bloody civil war that followed the revolution. These boundaries were mo-
R
sident Boris Yeltsin). And Ukraine, in a referendum on December 1, 1991, voted for independence from Moscow. These events have relevance now only because most Western leaders accept the legality of the transfer of Crimea by Khrushchev but assert the illegality of the retransfer to Russia of March 2014. And in this there is a degree of hypocrisy. “International law”is a somewhat nebulous concept in any case, and historically it has been manipulated by Western nations from time to time to suit what they regard as their essential interests. No doubt Russia’s resumption of authority over Crimea was somewhat opportunistic, but in the light of the confused political situation in Kiev, Russian President Vladimir Putin arguably had a good case for reversing Khrushchev’s transfer. It is perhaps regrettable that international observers did not oversee Crimea’s referendum (although the OSCE was invited to send them), but unlike in 1954, at least this time there was one. On December 5, 1994 the Budapest Memorandum was signed by Yeltsin, former US President Bill Clinton and former UK Prime Minister John Major (for the three principal nuclear powers) and by former Ukrainian Presi-
dified from 1939 to 1940 by the addition of Galicia and new territory in the west, by the establishment of a separate Moldovan-SSR in 1945 (the foundation of modern Moldova). Then, in 1954, Nikita Khrushchev, First Secretary of the Communist Party of the USSR, decided to transfer Crimea to the UkrainianSSR, partly for administra-
No doubt Russia's resumption of authority over Crimea was somewhat opportunistic. tive convenience and partly to curry favour with sections of the Ukrainian nomenklatura (bureaucratic and industrial elites). In the highly centralised USSR, no one challenged his decision.There was no prior referendum in Crimea. Indeed, most residents of cities like Sevastopol only became aware of the change when street signs in Ukrainian began to appear. In 1992, the Supreme Soviet in Moscow passed a resolution that the 1954 transfer lacked the force of law. By this time, however, the Supreme Soviet was a spent force (it was disbanded in 1993 by former Russian Pre-
KONSTANTIN MALER
MOVING BORDER HAS LEFT A VOLATILE LEGACY
dent Leonid Kuchma. Under this agreement, Ukraine undertook to remove nuclear weapons from its territory, and – it seems – did so. In return, the other powers undertook to respect the existing borders of Ukraine and refrain from the threat or use of force, or economic coercion, against its territorial integrity or political independence. The legal status and relevance of the 1994 Memorandum is now a matter of debate, and there is concern in the international community that Crimea may presage further Russian expansion. However, as Kuchma has recently observed, Russia is deeply concerned about Western efforts to draw Ukraine into the European Union and NATO. It should also not be forgotten that there have been at least four major invasions of Russia from the west since
the time of Napoleon. In the light of this, Russian suspicion of Western motives is understandable. Moreover, the sudden collapse of the USSR left a number of national and ethnic issues in the region unresolved, and no ready mechanism to resolve them.
It is regrettable that international observers did not oversee Crimea’s referendum. Currently, the most volatile of these concerns the rights of Russian-speaking Ukrainians in eastern Ukraine, which has different historical influences from the west, where Ukrainian is the dominant language and citizens are more European-leaning. Bridging the differences between east and west may
require reforming Ukraine's federal structure in a way that allows for greater devolution of choice around language and schooling, while guaranteeing equal access to resources and social services for all groups and minorities. This surely must be a key part of the debate within Ukraine leading up to the national elections that are planned for May. As for Western leaders, if they wish to assist in the peaceful resolution of the current difficulties in Ukraine, and at the same time draw Russia further into the comity of nations, they would do well to recognise the complex historical legacies in Ukraine and in eastern Europe generally, and moderate their language accordingly. Alan Ward is an Emeritus Professor of History at the University of Newcastle, New South Wales.
Alexander Yakovenko SPECIAL TO RBTH
he situation in Ukraine is nothing short of a profound social and political crisis. Severe tensions have been unleashed in the country, provoked by the leaders of Maidan - a small group of people driven by extremist ideology and intolerance. These tensions threaten the future of Ukraine as a modern democratic European nation. With the rights of national minorities violated and the interests of regions disregarded, the people of Crimea found it necessary to determine their own political future by means of a referendum – and to do it fast. We have to respect their right to self-determination, a right guaranteed by the UN Charter.
T
There is at present no legitimate executive authority in Ukraine. The acting government was formed by the parliament under threats – and even direct use of force – against MPs by extremists. Local governments all over Ukraine are taking the situation into their own hands. With a real risk of civil war and social disintegration, there is still a chance to save Ukraine from political, social and, not least, economic collapse. The agreement signed on February 21, 2014 by former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych and opposition leaders, mediated by the foreign ministers of Germany, France and Poland, provided for constitutional reform in Ukraine. The tenets of this agreement are still relevant. Any new constitution should recognise the legitimate aspirations of all Ukra-
NIYAZ KARIM
WHY UKRAINE NEEDS A NEW CONSTITUTION
The multi-ethnic Ukrainian people have the right to live in a democratic and civilised state.
inians and all of the nation’s regions to live safely, in accordance with their traditions and customs. The principles of the rule of law, the protection of human rights – including the rights of all minorities – freedom of speech and activities of political parties and mass media should be enshrined in it.
Ukraine’s political system should be based on the idea of a democratic federal state such as, for example, Germany, Russia or the US. Its status of military-political neutrality should be enshrined in the constitution and guaranteed by the EU, Russia, the US and a UN Security Council resolution. Along with Ukrainian, Russian should be given state-language status, while other languages should be granted a status in accordance with the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. Regions should independently elect their legislative and executive bodies through a direct vote and, reflecting the cultural and historic identity of each of them, have wide authority with regard to economy and finance, language policy and education. The rights of national mi-
n o r i t i e s l iv i n g i n t h e federation’s constituent entities should be protected; interference in matters of religion and faith should be strictly prohibited. Following the adoption of a new constitution by a nationwide referendum, national elections should be held, together with elections of legislative and executive bodies in each constituent entity. And broad and objective international observation of this process is crucial. These are the proposals that Russia has put forward to our Western partners. The multi-ethnic Ukrainian people have the right to live in a democratic and civilised state, with the future of Ukraine in their own hands. Alexander Yakovenko is Russia's Ambassador to the UK. He was previously Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs.
12
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
Science
MOST READ
www.rbth.com
RUSSIA'S NEW SPACE STRATEGY UNVEILED rbth.com/35893
SCIENTIFIC COOPERATION JOINT AUSTRALIAN-RUSSIAN RESEARCH PROJECTS IN THE ANTARCTIC REGION HAVE A LONG HISTORY OF ACHIEVEMENTS, AND DESPITE SOME DIFFERENCES THEY ARE SET TO CONTINUE
On January 16, 1820 the Russian ships Vostok and Mirny successfully forced their way through ice, and approached the Antarctic continent.
PRESS PHOTO (4)
WARM RELATIONSHIP IN THE ICY WATERS The Antarctic's continental margins
ALEXEY GONCHAROV GEOSCIENCE AUSTRALIA, CANBERRA
GERMAN LEITCHENKOV VNIIOKEANGEOLOGIA, ST PETERSBURG
From the ships’ decks, the members of the expedition could see what they thought was land. To confirm and define the shape and size of “Terra Australis”, the vessels approached the newly discovered continent five more times. In March,Vostok and Mirny sailed to Sydney to wait the winter out. They stayed in Sydney Harbour for a month, and their sailors received a warm welcome from the Governor of New South Wales, Lachlan Macquarie. This was the beginning of a long history of successful research cooperation between Russia and Australia in Antarctica. There have been ups and downs in this relationship since the 19th century as the political climate has changed. However, Russian-Australian Antarctic cooperation recently received a boost when in January 2012 Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited Sydney and signed a bilateral Memorandum of Understanding on Antarctic Cooperation. The links between the Australian and Russian national Antarctic programs were further strengthened in June 2012, during the 35th Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting held in Hobart. The Director of the Australian Antarctic Division, Dr Tony Fleming, signed a Schedule of Action on Antarctic Cooperation with his Russian Arctic and Antarctic Research Institute counterpart, Valery Lukin. Unlike Australia, the Russian Federation does not have territorial claims in Antarctica. Nevertheless, the research undertaken by Russian scientists within the Australian Antarctic Territory has been extensive for decades. A number of Russian Antarctic expeditions have collected high-quality marine geophysical data, including seismic data. And Russian
Above: The scientific research vessel Akademik Aleksander Karpinsky. Left: Australian and Russian seismic survey lines on the Antarctic continental margin. Right: A joint Russian-Australian team: (left to right) Viktor Ganduykhin, Alexey Goncharov, German Leitchenkov and Yuliya Guseva, analysing data at VNIIOKEANGEOLOGIA in St Petersburg, in 2005. Below: The Russian ships Vostok and Mirny in Sydney Harbour, 1820 (by P.N. Mikhailov, courtesy Elena Govor, ANU).
and Australian scientists have actively cooperated on the interpretation of these geophysical data sets. Recent cooperation has also involved Russian ships running continuous plankton recorders for the Australian Antarctic Division. Australia’s national geoscience agency Geoscience Australia’s previous work includ-
studies, supported by the Australian Antarctic Division, and compilation of geological and geophysical data for the Prince Charles Mountains, which resulted in the publication of a monograph and maps, co-authored by Russian and Australian scientists. According to Geoscience Australia’s Howard Stagg
Russian scientists have been involved in scientific research in Antarctica for decades.
Unlike Australia, the Russian Federation does not have any territorial claims in Antarctica.
ed compilations of data, including Russia’s data from Prydz Bay, and Russia’s VNIIOKEANGEOLOGIA (The All-Russian Research Institute of Geology and Mineral Resources of the World Ocean) made a significant contribution to planning of Leg 188 of the International Ocean Drilling Program. Several wells on that leg were drilled on Russian seismic lines in the Prydz Bay-Cooperation Sea area to study glacial history and palaeoceanography. There was also active onshore cooperation which included joint field geological
(now retired), the effort put into the three geophysical surveys in 2001 and 2002 was unprecedented in the history of Antarctic geoscience research. The Norwegian vessel Polar Duke spent 58 days at sea and acquired 3437 kilometres of seismic and 7000 kilometres of bathymetric data, while the Russian vessel Geo Arctic spent a total of 195 days at sea and acquired 20,219 kilometres of exceptional-quality deep seismic data. To put this achievement into perspective, the average seismic surveys carried out in the Antarctic over the past
30 years have acquired from 2000 to 5000 kilometres of seismic data in a single season; and Geo Arctic achieved more than twice the previous averages. These data sets were essential for the Australian submission to the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf. However, this work undertaken under the Australian Government mandate has created some problems internationally. Some countries have expressed concern that the submission of the Australian claim on offshore Antarctica will contradict the Antarctic Treaty signed in Washington on December 1, 1959. According to the treaty all territorial claims in Antarctica are essentially “frozen” while it is in force. After an extensive diplomatic consultation, the Australian Government has requested the commission not take any action for the time being in regard to the information in its submission that relates to the continental shelf of Antarctica. Unique geophysical data sets collected during the Australian Antarctic surveys have been co-interpreted by the Australian and Russian scientists at Geoscience Austral-
ia,VNIIOKEANGEOLOGIA in St Petersburg and the University of Sydney; and several major papers have been published in international scientific magazines. The Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty (The Madrid Protocol) was adopted in 1991 in response to proposals that the wide range of provisions relating to protection of the Antarctic environment should be harmonised in a comprehensive and legally binding form. It draws on and updates the Agreed Measures, as well as meeting subsequent treaty recommendations relating to protection of the environment. Interestingly, interpretations of the Madrid Protocol differ substantially between Russia and Australia: while the Australian government does not allow any assessments of the resource potential of Antarctica, including its petroleum potential, the Russian Government has mandated the Russian research organisations to undertake ongoing assessments of the petroleum potential of the icy continent and its continental margins.The Australian government's justification for this is that the Madrid
Protocol, in Article 7, clearly states that “any activity relating to mineral resources, other than scientific research, shall be prohibited.” The Russian government’s view is that assessments of the resource potential of Antarctica are scientific research at a regional stage of geological investigations and these studies are regularly reported to the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research, freely exchanged internationally and widely published, while the Australian government main-
www.rbth.com
MOST READ
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
13
Environment
US BARS RUSSIAN SCIENTISTS FROM TOP PHYSICS LABORATORIES rbth.com/35837
Fires can burn for decades underground and spread to forests and towns
Abandoned peat mines raise fire danger this summer Russia's early spring this year, combined with low rainfall, meant that conditions were right for fires to start in abandoned peat mines.
Peat fires can easily spread to forest fires.
VIKTORIA KOLESNICHENKO
Peat stores in Russia
tains that such assessments fall under the category of “any activity relating to mineral resources”. Regardless of this political debate, scientists agree that Australia and Antarctica were once part of a single continent, called Gondwana, until about 83 million years ago. Large sedimentary basins that have formed on the Antarctic and Australian southern margins in the process of the Gondwana breakup are believed to contain vast resources of oil and gas.
Hence, the Russian government’s resource-assessment mandate potentially puts petroleum companies in a strong position to undertake estimates of the petroleum resources of the Australian southern continental margin because they can use geological and geophysical data from both conjugate margins. Petroleum exploration on the Australian southern margin is very active at the moment, as the limitations of the Madrid Protocol do not apply in this area.
The total area of peat bogs in Russia is 568,000 square kilometres. The bogs are mostly in the north of the European part of Russia, in West Siberia and Kamchatka. Peat is a fossil fuel formed from decaying marsh plants in humid and airless conditions. Its main function is to store carbon. Peat also acts as a natural water filter, as it absorbs impurities and heavy metals. Peat mining reached its height in Russia during Soviet times – in 1975, the USSR produced 90 million tonnes of peat, more than all the other countries of the world combined. Finland and Canada, then the world's second and thirdlargest peat producers, mined just 1 million tonnes a year. Peat was used as a fuel for power generation and as a raw material in the chemical industry. As far back as 1913, Russia even built the world's first power plant that ran on peat. Throughout the time that peat was mined, it was also widely used in agriculture, as a fertiliser and as bedding for cattle and poultry. However, as the gas industry developed, peat's profitability as an energy source declined.
An industry abandoned The resulting drop in demand for peat meant that a large number of peat mines were simply abandoned.
6
FACTS TO REMEMBER ABOUT PEAT
According to the International Peat Society (IPS, 1995), the world's reserves of peat are more than 400 billion tonnes. Canada takes first place in peat reserves, with more than 170 million hectares of peat swamps.
1
The Russian Federation comes in second; it has more than 162.7 million hectares of peat reserves in its territory.
2
Depending on the types of raw material that the peat is derived from, there are three varieties: high bog peat (light), transitional and lowland (dark).
3
It has taken about 10,000 to 12,000 years to form the peat reserves we have today. The peat layer of a swamp is formed with a speed of up to several millimetres per year, and the depth of peat deposits now reaches around 10 metres.
4
Peat fires spread slowly, at a rate of no more than a few metres per day, and at a depth of one to 1.5 metres underground. Even heavy rain can't put out peat fires.
5
Peat is even used in alcohol manufacturing – for example, in the production of Scotch whisky. And peat-fire smoke is traditionally used in the extraction process of malt from cereals. This is done by putting the grains in a room with holes in the floor, through which smoke rises from a peat fire in the room underneath.
6
PHOTOSHOT/VOSTOCK-PHOTO
On March 29, a peat fire started at a drained peat bog in the region's Sergiyevo-Posadsky District. It is thought to have started when someone deliberately set alight dead grass from the previous year. This is a not uncommon practice in provincial Russia as it is traditionally believed to improve the fertility of the soil. According to forecasts from Russia’s Ministry for Emergencies, this year’s summer is likely to be dry. And if by the start of summer, any peat fires are still burning, it will be impossible to prevent fires spreading to forested and residential areas. At worst, more than 7000 towns and villages may be at risk. If this occurs, it is likely that Moscow will be badly affected by smoke, as it was four years ago.
ITAR-TASS
RBTH
Flooding is one of the most effective ways to stop peat fires.
The exact area that these abandoned mines cover is very difficult to estimate, but it is thought to be at least hundreds of thousands of hectares. Peat can spontaneously ignite at temperatures of around 50 to 60 degrees when humidity is less than 40 per cent. Peat bogs can also smoulder all year round, despite weather conditions that generally are not favourable to combustion at all. In 2002, peat fires in Russia were put out only because of spring flooding; they had burned from the previous year, all through winter.
Russia’s worst fire season on record Peat bog fires can spread to ground fires, which can threaten towns and villages, and the smoke from the fires has effects on carbon emissions, public health and visibility. In 2002, because of the smoke from peat fires, visibility in Moscow dropped to between 50 and 300 metres. Forty years ago, following a long period of hot weather (with temperatures over 35C) and little rainfall (126 millimetres over the whole summer in the Moscow Region), more than a dozen regions in European Russia were littered with fires: more than 40,000 of them altogether.
The summer of 2010 was similar. By the end of July, a fire emergency was developing across practically the whole of western and central Russia: in the Moscow Region and around the cities of Kirov, Tver, Kaluga, Pskov andYekaterinburg. For Russia, the summer of 2010 was the hottest on re-
The fires of 2010 resulted in 60 deaths and 2500 homes and eight villages burning down. cord, with 22 temperature records being broken over three months. For a whole month, daytime temperatures in Moscow did not drop below 30C. In addition to the heat, there was barely any rain (in July, Moscow saw only 13mm of precipitation, compared with the average of 90mm). The fires of 2010 resulted in 60 deaths and 2500 homes and eight villages burning down. An additional 134 villages suffered serious fire damage. Following the 2010 fire season, work to flood sections of once-drained peat bogs began. Flooding abandoned peat mines is one of the most effective ways of preventing peat fires.
14
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
Travel
MOST READ
www.rbth.com
KOMAROVO: A LITERARY VILLAGE ON THE SHORES OF THE GULF OF FINLAND travel.rbth.com/1539
HISTORIC CAPITAL HOME TO THE KREMLIN AND RED SQUARE, ST BASIL'S CATHEDRAL AND ARGUABLY THE WORLD'S MOST BEAUTIFUL METRO, RUSSIA'S CAPITAL HAS A LOT MORE TO IT THAN JUST HISTORIC SIGHTS.
AUSTRALIAN IMPRESSIONS OF MOSCOW
AP
Russia's capital is a patchwork of iconic landmarks, diverse aesthetics and wildly different sub-cultures. KATHERINE TERS RBTH
The city’s speedy pace and general gaudiness contrast with its quiet green spaces, the wide Moscow River and the village-like feel in some districts. Moscow has cool creative precincts and artistic hubs hunkering beneath
It is Europe’s second most populous city and the world's northern-most megacity. Its residents include the world’s largest concentration of billionaires and people from right across the former Soviet Union.
monumental Soviet buildings, contemporary skyscrapers and glaringly coloured oniondomed churches. RBTH spoke to three Australians about their mixed feelings towards this sometimes intimidating city.
INTERVIEW DANIEL DE BORAH
Visiting the 'very soul' of Russia
INTERVIEW LANA MATAFONOV
Do you like Moscow? Moscow? I hate it. No, I don’t. Well, not entirely. It’s a city that has a real energy about it. You feel it as soon as you arrive, and while it can be overwhelming it’s exhilarating as well. I think it’s a pretty daunting city for most visitors because it’s so huge and hard to navigate.You’re jostling for space with the other 12 million people that live there, something you especially notice on public transport.
How do St Petersburgers feel about Moscow? The rivalry between Moscow and St Petersburg is not unlike what we see between Sydney and Melbourne, and St Petersburg is Melbourne: it’s laid-back, has a slower place and sees itself as more “cultured”. Moscow, on the other hand, is like Sydney: fast-paced, competitive, cutthroat, everyone’s in a hurry. What do you like doing when you go there? As cliched as it sounds, I still get a kick out of seeing the Kremlin, Red Square and the Church of Christ the Saviour because they’re such imposing and historic landmarks. I also really like that Moscow has a lot of green within the city, including some great parks. Gorky Park is my favourite. Moscow does have a lot to
see and while you can see the major landmarks in a day or two, you really need more time to ease into it all and appreciate the city for what it is. Is it expensive? It can be. It’s a city you definitely have to budget for. Food, for example, can be very expensive. But there are af-
fordable places, it’s just a matter of finding them. One great new place is Ulliams Restaurant [20a Malaya Bronnaya Ulitsa] – and there's a reason why there’s always a crowd outside. It’s in the “European” section of Moscow, so afterwards you can take a walk and explore the pretty streets nearby, or stop over by Patriarch Ponds. Oh, and when it comes to coffee, stick to the Coffeemania chain – it’s a bit more expensive than average but worth it.
How did you get there? I usually took the Red Arrow overnight train from St Petersburg, which takes about eight hours. There’s something very cosy and convivial about Russian train journeys, rolling along at a gentle pace while sharing pickles and vodka with your cabin mates.
How would you describe Muscovites? People tend to think Moscow is unsafe and unfriendly, but I personally think it’s the opposite. It has an incredibly diverse multicultural population. Muscovites are also renowned for being fashionconscious and label-obsessed and it’s not uncommon to see people head to toe in Gucci or Louis Vuitton – which, strangely enough, they often manage to pull off somehow.
What did you think of Moscow's aesthetics? Wherever I went, it seemed that one of the “Stalin towers” was looming over me. They were a constant reminder of Soviet ambition and authority. I found them awe-inspiring and just a little bit terrifying. [Moscow has seven skyscrapers, also known as the seven sisters. They were built in the late 1940s and early ’50s,in Soviet art deco style.]
PRESS PHOTO
Sydney-born, Melbourne-loving Lana Matafonov lives in St Petersburg, where she is the editor of the city’s English-language newspaper The St Petersburg Times. Lana regularly visits Moscow for work, and as a loyal St Petersburger has mixed feelings about the northern capital’s rival city.
PRESS PHOTO
Like Sydney – in a hurry
Concert pianist Daniel de Borah, who lives in Melbourne, is a graduate of the St Petersburg Conservatory. He has visited Moscow many times for music festivals and competitions.
What's your best memory in Moscow? On my first visit there, I made my way to the Moscow State Conservatory, to the International Tchaikovsky Piano Competition. Sitting in the Great Hall, surrounded by portraits of Russia’s great composers, I thought about all the historic performances that had taken place in that space, when Tchaikovsky, Prokofiev and Shostakovich had stood on the podium, conducting the premieres of their symphonies. It felt like I was sitting in the very soul of Russia.
www.rbth.com
MOST READ
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
Travel
RUSSIA'S TOP 10 LITERARY TRAVEL DESTINATIONS travel.rbth.com/1533
Popular eating trends in Moscow
Cosmopolitan tastes from sushi to Georgian khachapuri Traditional Russian food is hearty and filling but contemporary Muscovites prefer the exotic, and the city has cosmopolitan eating options to satisfy them. AP
TATYANA LEONOV SPECIAL TO RBTH
Sushi
AP
Muscovites love their sushi, and Moscow has a profusion of sushi bars and restaurants to choose from. Some come with a hefty price tag, such as the sophisticated three-level Misato, where diners can select their cut of sashimi in person (misato.ru). Others, likeYakitoriya, are more reasonably priced.Yakitoriya led Moscow’s sushi wave when it opened in 1999, and since then, sushi has stuck (yakitoriya.ru). To cater to Muscovites’ discerning palates, most Japanese restaurants have their fish flash-frozen before it’s flown in, to maintain taste and texture.
OTO CK-PH OSTO LAIF/V
Caviar A new caviar bar recently opened at the city’s Clumba Club where customers can order delicacies like caviar dumplings, caviar pasta and caviar sushi (clumba-club. ru/moscow_caviar_bar). With 11 types of fish roe on offer, patrons are encouraged to learn about the different kinds of caviar which are flown in from various regions of Russia. Prices vary quite a bit, depending on the type of caviar. For a 40-gram serve, prices can range from 150
Moscow's Medieval Kremlin, next to Red Square, sits midst a miscellany of sights, including the 19th century GUM department store (directly above).
The Metro: perfect blend of art and transport
What did you like about Moscow? The sense of history; the blend of east and west and a sense of worlds colliding. It’s a city where you can see opulence and raw humanity side by side. How did you get around? Mainly on the metro, and the
What was the food like? I loved the Georgian restaurants, especially the one in Dolgorukii Square. Fresh Georgian salads were my favourite, second only to meltin-your-mouth khachapuri [Georgian baked cheese bread]. I also loved eating hot dogs at little kiosks, and that
wonderful Russian tradition of eating fast food standing up at waist-high tables. But the best culinary experiences of all were in the tiny kitchens of family apartments: pelmeni [dumplings], zakuski [appetisers] and tea swallowed through a cube of sugar or with jam.
AND: SURF WAVES IN RUSSIA'S FAR EAST
Georgian food Moscow has a lot of Georgian eateries and restaurants. The impeccably reviewed restaurant Sakhli has a country-home interior and summer-terrace dining. Its specialities include tarragon juice, delicious lobio kakhetinsky (kidney beans with onions), cheese khinkali (giant cheese-filled dump-
Japanese restaurants have their fish flashfrozen before it's flown in, to maintain taste and texture. lings) and phakhli – a dip with crushed nuts, eggplant, spinach and capsicum (en.sakhli.ru/). If you’re after khachapuri (Georgian woodfire-ovenbaked cheese bread), the restaurant Dacha na Pokrovke is said to bake the city’s best (dacha-na-pokrovke.ru/).
EAT AND DRINK WITH LOCALS IN THE SOUTHERN CAUCASUS
Mini cafes Mini cafes, or tiny spaces that specialise in just one type of cuisine, are superpopular in Moscow right now. Doodles is one example. It serves tangy stir-fry noodles and it has a buzzing busy atmosphere (facebook.com/ cafedoodles). The Burger Brothers’ innovative gourmet hamburgers attract a hip corporate crowd (facebook.com/TheBurgerBrothers).
What did you think of Muscovites? They’re well dressed, often stylish… and sometimes completely over the top. People in Moscow come from all over the former Soviet Union, so it’s a city where you can meet people from all kinds of ethnic backgrounds and walks of life. PRESS PHOTO
Moscow Metro is an incredible museum of the Soviet era and to the aesthetics of the 1930s: the perfect blend of art and public transport. I remember Belorusskaya Station looking like a ballroom and the inspiring heroic figures at Revolution Station.
TRAVEL TO RUSSIA'S FAR REACHES
roubles ($4.50) to 3300 rubles ($99) for black sturgeon roe.
INTERVIEW JANE WILLIAMSON
Jane Williamson is an Australian expat now living in Thailand, where she is working for the UN. A devoted Russophile, she loved her stay in Moscow, and has been trying to find a way back there ever since.
15
Where did you stay? I stayed in the dormitory at Moscow State University, where it felt like the Soviet era hadn’t ended yet. The lift didn’t work and there was a grumpy dezhurnaya [woman on duty] on every floor. The dezhurnaya on my floor was bad-tempered, but she still shared her vodka with me. Being green, I didn’t realise you had to down the glass in one hit.
FIND OUT THE BEST PLACES IN RUSSIA TO SEE THE NORTHERN LIGHTS AND PHOTOGRAPH THEM
See even more travel destinations with travel.rbth.com
16
www.rbth.com
A PRODUCT BY ROSSIYSKAYA GAZETA (RUSSIA)
RUSSIA BEYOND THE HEADLINES
Events
MOST READ
BRIDGE OR DIVIDE? RUSSIAN LANGUAGE IN UKRAINE rbth.com/36183
OTHER EVENTS
Acclaimed pianist to perform Rach 3
Top Russian conductor for Sydney concerts
Matters of the heart museum
Celebrated Russian conductor Alexander Lazarev will lead the Sydney Symphony Orchestra (SSO) this month, playing works by Rachmaninoff and Shostakovich. KATHERINE TERS RBTH
Under Lazarev’s direction, from May 8 to 10 the SSO will perform Shostakovich’s Symphony No. 15 in A major and the Rach 3 – Rachmaninoff’s Third Piano Concerto in D minor. The Rach 3 will be played by visiting Czech pianist Lukas Vondracek. In an interview with RBTH, Vondracek said that “as far as piano literature goes, it doesn’t get much more challenging than the Rach 3. ...when you look beyond the sheer number of notes, you’ll find incredible passion and complex musical structures in this work.Without a doubt,
it’s among my favourite piano concertos.” Acclaimed by the German newspaper Stuttgarter Zeitung as one of the “greatest pianistic talents of our times,” 27-year-old Vondracek made his debut at just 14, when he played with the Czech Philharmonic. Born to pianist parents, Vondracek comes from a small town in the north-east of the Czech Republic. He is also a protege of Vladimir Ashkenazy, pianist and the SSO’s Russian-born principal conductor until last year. “I’ve been lucky enough to perform regularly with Ashkenazy since I was a teenager,” Vondracek said. “He taught me how to discover the nuances and colour in music; and just watching and listening to his playing has always been educational and inspiring for me.”
LERNE KIM
PRESS PHOTO
Pianist Lukas Vondracek made his debut with the Czech Philharmonic when he was just 14.
Vondracek last played in Sydney in 2007, when he performed Rachmaninoff’s Paganini Rhapsody, also with the SSO.
"I've been lucky enough to perform with Ashkenazy since I was a teenager," Vondracek said. He said he had never worked with Lazarev before and was very much looking forward to it. Lazarev is a prolific performer and recording artist, known for the broad scope of his repertoire, which rang-
es from the 18th century to avant-garde. In Soviet times, he was well-known for his efforts in disseminating and promoting the work of contemporary Soviet and foreign composers. A graduate of both St Petersburg and Moscow conservatories and a prize-winning conductor during Soviet times, Lazarev is acclaimed in Russia and known for his longstanding associations with Moscow’s Bolshoi Theatre. From 1987 to 1995, he was the theatre’s chief conductor and artistic director, and more recently (2009 to 2010) he was the conductor in residence there. Lazarev has also conduct-
ed the St Petersburg Philharmonic, the BBC Symphony Orchestra and the Royal Scottish National Orchestra. Symphony No. 15, Shostakovich’s last, is considered to be a semi-autobiographical work. Written in the summer of 1971 in Repino, it is famous for its quotations, which include an outburst of Rossini’s William Tell Overture, use of Wagner's Fate leitmotif from the Ring Cycle and allusions to Glinka and Mahler. Shostakovich said in conversation with his friend Isaak Glikman:“I don't quite know why the quotations are there, but I could not, could not, not include them.”
In the steps of Ghenghis Khan
Live capture of the Marco Spada will show in cinemas across Australia in May
KATHERINE TERS RBTH
From May 10, Australia’s Sharmill Films will be presenting cinema screenings of the live capture of the Bolshoi's performance of Marco Spada. The ballet, which premiered in Moscow at the end of last year, was filmed at the Bolshoi Theatre on March 30. It will be screened in cities and regional centres across Australia.
Marco Spada, also known as The Bandit's Daughter, was created at the Paris Opera in 1857. It is a threeact ballet-pantomime, with choreography from Joseph Mazilier and music adapted from Daniel Auber's comic opera of the same name. The Bolshoi has revived Pierre Lacotte's 1981 production of the ballet, which was performed at the Rome Opera and in which Rudolf Nureyev played the lead. The new production stars American David Hallberg and St Petersburg-born dancers Evgenia Obraztsova and Olga Smirnova.
DAMIR YUSUPOV
Bolshoi ballet to screen in Australia Live captures of performances at the world's best theatres are broadening access to companies like the Bolshoi Ballet.
A scene from Marco Spada, courtesy of the Bolshoi.
The live capture will be screened at Melbourne’s Cinema Nova, Village Cinemas Rivoli and Palace Dendy Brighton; and at Sydney's Cremorne Orpheum, Dendy Opera Quays and the Palace Chauvel, among other cinemas. Established in 1967 by Natalie Miller, Sharmill Films specialises in distributing European films and alternate content captured live.To date, that alternate content has included theatre, opera and ballet. “The Met Opera in New York was the first company to start capturing their per-
formances live in high definition for cinema screenings,” Sharmill Films’ Kate McCurdy told RBTH. After that, Great Britain’s National Theatre and the Bolshoi Ballet followed their example, she said. Other ballets by the Russian company Sharmill has distributed in Australia include The Nutcracker, Sleeping Beauty and, more recently, a new production of Jewels by George Balanchine. “We’ve had very positive reactions from Australian audiences to screenings of titles from the Bolshoi,” McCurdy said, adding that the quality of the captures was so high that audiences had views equivalent to the best seats in the house.
Follow Get the best stories from Russia straight to your inbox RBTH.COM/SUBSCRIBE
Read RBTH.COM your favourite mobile reader
The Russian Society of Cardiology (RSC) will be taking part in the World Congress of Cardiology 2014, which is running in Melbourne from May 4 to 7. Russian cardiologists will introduce a joint social project of the RSC and the World Heart Federation (WHF) called the Heart Museum. Through a series of interactive displays, this educational project for children demonstrates the heart’s structure and functions and provides advice on how to maintain cardiovascular health. One display consists of costumes which let the wearers feel what it is like to be five, eight or 15 kilograms heavier. The RSC also joined the international initiative“Red dress”,a project which aims to increase awareness about the prevention of cardiovascular diseases in women.
The wildness of Russia's heady '90s
Australian adventurer, author and film-maker Tim Cope will be talking about his new book On the Trail of Genghis Khan at the Sydney Writers Festival on May 23. Released by Bloomsbury last year, the book describes Cope’s journey across the Eurasian steppe from Mongolia through Kazakhstan, Russia and Ukraine. Cope, who speaks Russian from his days studying to be a wilderness guide, is passionate about the traditional cultures of Russia and Central Asia. In response to recent events in Ukraine, Cope is keen to talk about his experiences with the Crimean Tatars.
NEXT issue
12 June
SHARE YOUR OPINION ON /russianow
/russiabeyond