818

Features Remembrance Pullout: Sönke Neitzel interviewed

Beaver

the

Issue 818 | 11.11.14

newspaper of the LSE Students’ Union

100 Years On LSE and World War I H Adam, Public Schools Battalion, Killed in action April 10th 1917 A.G Beale, Died of wounds May 1st 1918 D.S Beer, Missing J.A.D Bell, A.S.C, Missing W.H Bissley, Royal Berkshire Regiment, Killed in action August 1916 C.R Brown G.H Brown, Coldstream Guards, Missing P.A Brown, 13th Durham Light Infantry, Killed in action November 1915 T.A Brown, the Buffs, Killed in action H.W Burwood C.M Cassidy, King’s Royal Rifle Corps, Intercollegiate, Killed in action R.G Cooper-King, West Yorkshire Regiment, Died of wounds July 1916 A.A Crow, Lancashire Regiment, Intercollegiate, Killed in action G Cuttle, Intercollegiate, Killed in action A.G Davis, Killed in action in Belgium August 16th 1917 H Debenham, Lancashire Regiment, Killed in action in the Dardanelles August 20th 1915 A.W Dermott, Killed in action at Festubert May 9th 1915 B.W Driver, Civil Service Rifles, Killed in action October 1916 G.A Elliot, Royal Irish Regiment, Missing H.N Foster, A.S.C, Killed in action C.T Francis, 13th Battalion Royal Scots, Killed in action E.V Garred H.C Harris, Royal West Kent Regiment, Killed in action H.J Hoare, 20th County of London Territorial Battalion, Killed in action in the Dardanelles August 1915

Comment

PartB

A.M Horsfall, Royal Munster Fusiliers, Killed in action E.T Hill The Hon. L. Kay-Shuttleworth, Royal Field Artillery, Killed in action March 30th 1917 F Keeling, Duke of Cornwall’s Light Infantry, Killed in action August 1916 A.E Kennedy, Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders, Killed in action W Kennedy, Welsh Regiment, Killed in action December 1917 H.J Laing T.S Latham B Lawrence, East Yorkshire Regiment, Killed in action J.A Longridge, Indian Army, Killed in action August 1916 J.S Maidlow, Royal Artillery, Killed in action M.M Manson, Killed in action April 9th 1915 A Marchetti, London Rifle Brigade, Killed in action March 1916 E Marchetti, Royal Field Artillery, Killed in action November 1916 W.J Mason, Gloucester Regiment, Killed in action July 3rd 1916 N McColvin, R.F Meiklejohn, Royal Warwickshire Regiment, Missing G.E Miall Smith, 8th Battalion Norfolk Regiment (attached to RAF), Killed in action September 25th 1917 W.G Montgomerie, Leinster Regiment, Died of wounds C.G Morrison, Died as a result of motor accident F.L Nightingale, Killed in action January 1916 H.F Parkes, Royal Welsh Fusiliers, Intercollegiate, Killed in action G.E.H Parks W.I Partridge

N.K Paterson, Royal Field Artillery, Killed in action July 14th 1916 H.A Pegler, London Scottish, Died of wounds C.A Pigot-Moodie, 6th Battalion Land Rifle Brigade, Killed in action J.Puckle, A.S.C, Drowned at sea April 1917 A.H Romilly, Duke of Cornwall’s Light Infantry, Killed in action R.H.W Rose, the Cameronians (Scottish Rifles), Killed in action H.W.P Sarson, King’s Own Yorkshire Light Infantry, Killed in action December 1916 H.V Sewell, Royal Field Artillery, Killed in action W.A Sifton, 8th Service Battalion South Staffordshire Regiment, Killed in action January 1916 H.F Silverwood, Essex Regiment, Intercollegiate, Killed in action March 27th 1917 S.G Spencer, 5th Service Battalion Royal Berkshire Regiment, machine gun officer, Killed in action October 1915 G Smithies Taylor, Sherwood Foresters, Killed in action November 1916 H.N. Stoessiger G Taylor-Loban, Royal Air Force, June 6th 1917 A.J.N Tremearne, Seaforth Highlanders, Killed in action F Trotman, Civil Service Rifles, Killed in action October 7th 1916 L.N Walford, 12th County of London Regiment (the Rangers), Killed in action May 8th 1915 A.C Walters, Killed in action G.B.C Ward, South Wales Borders, Missing R.H Watson, Loyal North Lancashire Regiment, Missing J West A.J.N Williamson, Killed in action January 6th 1915 C.N.S Woolf, Killed in action

Republicans take the Senate The Scottsboro Boys Reviewed Page 11 Page 26

LSE and World War I

Tuesday November 11, 2014

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the

Beaver Professors citing themselves,

Issue No. 818, Tuesday 11 November 2014 tinyurl.com/beaver818 www.beaveronline.co.uk, @beaveronline

Executive Editor Jon Allsop

editor@thebeaveronline.co.uk

exams and Treasury troubles

Officer Training records show that LSE has hardly changed in 100 years

Managing Editor Alexander Fyfe

managing@thebeaveronline.co.uk

News Editors Sophie Donszelmann Megan Crockett

news@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Comment Editor Sebastien Ash

comment@thebeaveronline.co.uk

PartB Editors Jade Jackman Vikki Hui

partb@thebeaveronline.co.uk

The City Editor Julia Wacket

city@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Features Editor Liam Hill

features@thebeaveronline.co.uk

The Nab Editor

editor@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Sport Editor Robin Park

sports@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Photo Editor Helen Hasse

editor@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Design Editor Liam Hill

design@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Online Editor Harry Maxwell

web@thebeaveronline.co.uk

The Collective:

A Afridi, A Badwe, A Doherty, A Fraser, A Fyfe, A Howells, A Laird, A Leung, A Lulache, A Moro, A Qazilbash, A Santhanham, A Tanwa, A Thomson, B Phillips, C Holden, C Hulm, C Loughran, C Morgan, C Naschert, C Hu, D Hung, D Lai, D Sippel, D Tighe, D Wong, E Arnold, G Cafiero, G Greenwood, G Harrison, G Kist, G Linford-Grayson, G Manners-Armstrong, G Rosser, G Saudelli, H Brentnall, H Prabu, H Toms, I Mosselmans, I Plunkett, J Allsop, J Cusack, J Evans, J Foster, J Grabiner, J Heeks, J Jackman, J Momodu, J Ruther, J Wacket, K Budd, K Kalaichelvan, K Owusu, K Parida, K Quinn, L Hill, L Kang, L Kendall, L Erich, L Mai, L Montebello, L Weigold, M Akram, M Banerjee-Palmer, M Brien, M Crockett, M Gallo, M Jaganmohan, M Johnson, M Malik, M Morissette, M Neergheen, M Pasha, M Pearson, M Pennill, M Petrocheilos, M Rakus, M Rakus, M Strauss, M Warbis, N Antoniou, N Bhaladhare, N Buckley-Irvine, N Stringer, O Hill, O Gleeson, P Amoroso, P Gederi, R Browne, R J Charnock, R Chouglay, R Chua, R Huq, R Kouros, R O’Rourke, R Park, R Serunjogi, R Siddique, R Soni, R Uddin, S Ali, S Ash, S Barnett, S CrabbeField, S Donszelmann, S Kunovska, S Povey, S Sebatindira, S Thandi, T Maksymiw, T Mushtaq, T Odayar, T Poole, V Hui, Z Chan, Z Mahmod Any opinions expressed herein are those of their respective authors and not necessarily those of the LSE Students’ Union or Beaver Editorial Staff.

The Beaver is issued under a Creative Commons license.

Attribution necessary.

Printed at Mortons Printing

Jon Allsop

Executive Editor EVEN A FAIRLY CURSORY flick back through the Library’s World War I archives reveals that our university has not changed much over the last 100 years. The library’s fascinating collection centres around records of an Officer Training programme that the School ran, starting in 1906 and training 250 officers before the outbreak of war in 1914.

The programme, commissioned by the government, saw officers instructed in an array of subjects. Some, such as Railway Transport and Ocean Transport, understandably no longer exist. Others have morphed recognisably into other disciplines.

Government and Social Policy students would recognise a Public Administration reading list containing titles such as ‘The Government of England’ and ‘Law and Custom of the Constitution’, even if ‘Lord Cardwell at the War Office’ sounds to us more like an Rudyard Kipling novel than something that could conceivably pop up as a compulsory text for GV311.

Other modules in Accounting, Law, Economics and Geography remain a core part of the LSE offer.

Staff on the programme, amongst whose ranks we find LSE co-founder Graham Wallas, frequently filled required reading lists with their own works. Douglas Owen recommended no fewer than three of his books for his Ocean Transport class (fig 2). Syllabuses outlined the focus of each lecture much as they do today, even if our Geography department may no longer limit itself to studying control and supply in war in India, Syria and the State of Virginia. Teacher evaluations and suggestions for improvement were submitted, including John Campbell’s request that the required reading list be “much curtailed” for reasons of excessive cost, and complaint that “the present method of taking

statistics say of men and women etc. ... does not appeal to officers sufficiently to claim their interest.” Exams offered a choice of questions (fig 3) and examiners were obliged to report back on progress. The regret that “the early date of Easter made it impossible to give the officerss ... a week for revision”, however, may seem a little alien to current students used to a five week Lent break.

Perhaps the most interesting documents in the collection are the letters sent back and forth between LSE Director William Pember Reeves and the War Office just after the outbreak of war (fig 1). Due to the commencement of hostilities, the officers in the training programme were by and large called up to serve, leading the government to cancel the contract for the training programme for the 1914-15 academic year. Pember Reeves was manifestly unhappy at the financial shortfall this would entail. On December 17th 1914, he wrote to the War Ministry pointing out that the two months notice of discontinuation would not cover the costs of the course as “the long and elaborate course of instruction given to the Army Class represents the very highest teaching of its kind to be obtained” and that even delayed discharge of academics wouldn’t be possible. He continues (somewhat sardonically) that “I could respectfully assure the Lords of the Treasury that every effort has been made at economy here. I have been concerned in administrative work for thirty years and cannot recall that any critic of mine, public or private, has ever accused me of extravagance. I may point out, however, that it is impossible that such an extraordinary and unforeseeable blow as the present war could have been adequately provided against, by even the most careful administrator.”

It is clear, then, that LSE’s administrative staff have always fought their corner against government spending cuts. The tenor of the collection in general, meanwhile, makes it clear that despite the outbreak of a massive conflict, life at the LSE went on. As we take time today to remember those LSE students who lost their lives in the Great War, the library’s collection serves as a poignant reminder that their university experience would not seem all that strange to us.

Fig 1

Fig 2

Fig 3

Fig 4

Fig 5

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Tuesday November 11, 2014

Remembrance Special

LSE records showing that a Lieutenant A.E Kennedy attended the Officer Course (left). He was later killed in action (right).

The Devastation of the Officer Class George Greenwood Deputy Features Editor

ONE OF THE IMPACTS OF the war that is less focused on of the was the devastation of the officer class. There is a convenient fiction, that has grown up in an attempt to explain the mindless slaughter of the trenches, that the average Tommy was a Lion led by Lambs, let down and ultimately dying as a result of the orders of cowards hiding behind the lines. The reality, is rather different.

Young middle class men made up the bulk of the officer class of the British Military in

WW1. Just as with the soldiers of the ranks, many rushed to sign up in 1914 leaving their university courses and jobs behind for a chance to lead the lead troops.

However, in keeping with British military tradition, junior officers were expected to lead from the front, which in practice, made them the first over the top. As a consequence, they were invariably the first to fall, with their clean pressed uniforms, officers Webley No. VI pistols and officer’s caps marking them out as prime targets for German snipers. Whereas 12% of ordinary soldiers fell in the war, officers suffered a much higher rate of loss at 17%.

Back home, many public figures suffered terrible personal costs. Herbert Asquith, the PM himself lost a son in the trenches.

Closer to home, William Pember Reeves, Director of the LSE during the war (left), retreated from public life entirely, heartbroken after his son was killed in action flying over France. Thus, it is far too simplistic to look at the conduct of the war as merely old men in their ivory towers sending young men out to die in their stead. The decisions they made brought about severe personal costs as well.

LSE Personnel in World War I

“The horror and terror of war eats into one’s vitality” Beatrice Webb

THE LSE SAW 46 STUDENTS and staff killed in action during World War I. You can find their names on the front of this week’s edition. Most of the casualties were killed in battle, although five students died later of wounds sustained (including one from a motor accident), eight were reported missing, and one, a Lieutenant Colonel J Puckle, was drowned at sea in April 1917.

Many students were injured, and a few were gassed.

One LSE staff member who was injured twice was Clement Attlee (above left), who would go on to serve as Prime Minister of the UK from 1945-51, overseeing the creation of the modern welfare state piloted

by LSE Director William Beveridge. Library archive resources show that Attlee’s second injury was sustained on October 29th 1918, just 14 days before the end of the war. According to LSE academic Professor David Stevenson, Attlee was the last but one soldier evacuated from Gallipoli in 1916 Other notable LSE academics to serve were Hugh Dalton, who served as Attlee’s first Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1945-47. At the time of the conflict, Dalton was studying for a PhD at the School. He

was later awarded the Italian Bronze Medal for Valour. The renowned Christian socialist academic R.H Tawney, meanwhile, was injured at the Battle of the Somme and lay in nomans land for 30 hours before his eventual evacuation.

Away from the front line, the LSE’s founders, Beatrice (above left, right of Attlee) and Sidney Webb were both involved in the war effort. According to Stevenson, Beatrice served on the government’s Reconstruction Committee from 1917-18, putting forward myriad proposals for ambitious social reform.

Sidney, meanwhile, was highly active in Labour’s war politics, drafting its position on war aims and its new constitution.

According to the Webb Family Trust, both the Webbs sympathised with the pacifist arguments rocking the socialist movement at the time, but neither with concrete conviction. Sidney devoted his time to ensuring that taking care of the wartime economy would prevent the fissures of pacifism from rending the movement in two. Beatrice, meanwhile, wrote that “the horror and terror of war eats into one’s vitality” and suffered a nervous breakdown that she attributed to “war neurosis”.

News

Tuesday November 11, 2014

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A Farewell news@thebeaveronline.co.uk Message: Town Hall Meeting “Relatively Uninspiring” says General Secretary Section Editor: Megan Crockett and Sophie Donszelmann

After 27 issues of serving as News Editor for the Beaver I am stepping down.

Being involved with the Beaver has easily been one of the main highlights of my time at LSE. However, after this near year and a half experience, it is time to move on and give someone else an opportunity to enjoy this position.

Despite this resignation, I am so grateful from the wonderful experience I have been lucky to have had. Being News Editor has allowed me to learn so much about writing, the weekly publishing of a newspaper and the university that we are so privileged to attend. I have been shocked, inspired and amazed by the things we have covered in our issues.

Through my coverage of campus events and from my time on the Editorial Board, serving under three different executive editors, I have met some really hardworking and great people, all dedicated to bettering student life at LSE. There will be elections for another News Co-Editor soon and I would like to encourage all our eligible contributors to run. If I haven’t been successful in doing this so far, you should know our current News Co-Editor, Megan, is absolutely wonderful to work with.

Many thanks, Beaveroonies - readers and contributors alike - for everything. I hope your time at LSE continues to be newsworthy.

News

Sophie Donszelmann

Kallum Pearmain A “Town Hall meeting” concerning issues around sexism and inequality at LSE was held last Tuesday.

Many staff and students attended the discussion in the Peacock Theatre to raise and debate the issue of sexism and other forms of discrimination on campus and within LSE more broadly.

Addressed by a panel of five speakers, the meeting addressed topics including “lad culture” on

campus, LSE’s low rating in a recent Stonewall diversity survey, and the fact that there is an internal pay gap within the School between male and female employees.

LSE’s Director, Craig Calhoun, also addressed the meeting, telling the audience, referring to the Men’s Rugby scandal receiving attention in the national media, that “it should not be only when we suffer PR embarrassments that we act on major issues in the community.”

Some in the audience questioned why the report did not ad-

dress issues of racism, with one noting that “lack of respect is an intersectional issue.”

It was noted that the panel convened to discuss equality and diversity at LSE consisted of four men and only one woman.

A doctoral student raised the point of LSE staff gender pay gap, whilst another student argued focussing on the issues as a reult of press coverage was reactionary rather than progressive.

Speaking to The Beaver, LSESU General Secretary Nona Buckley-Irvine said that “it was relatively uninpsiring, but it was

good to see staff members challenging the school culture rather than focussing just on students.”

She added “I hope the school’s forthcoming actions challenge not just students but the LSE culture as a whole.”

Rceent Postgraduate Officer candidate Michelle Warbis, meanwhile, said that “Though informative and seemingly productive, last week’s town hall meeting seemed to add very little new to the table. A voice, of course, was supposedly granted to those who attended but a high proportion of academic staff made the space an intimidating one for students. There is a clear problem in terms of the omission of race and ethnicity in the report, and as was pointed out by attendees, this sends a message that a national media outcry related to race (and as such a distinct problem for racial equality and diversity) at the LSE may provide the only catalyst for race to become an issue.

Perhaps though, most shocking for many of the students who have felt victimised and threatened as a result of poor equality and diversity policies along with incidents at the start of term, were the controversial comments made by some academics in the Law department regarding free speech, reaffirming the idea that academia is still a backwards and dated sector to be a part of.”

Read Lena Schofield’s open letter in Comment, p9

Women’s Library App Brings History to Life Mercedes Domenech Ensenat The Women’s Library @ London School of Economics (LSE) has released an app mapping three of the most relevant historic walks women ever walked in London in a collaboration with the School’s Library, Arts Council England and EDINA as technical partners.

Using similar technology to LSE’s successful project PhoneBooth, the app allows users to engage with exclusive historic documents as they stroll around the streets of London.

The three current routes add up to a lovely 5.4 miles walk and will take the users from Bloomsbury, to Marylebone, the Strand, and Westminster. Landmarks

across all walks include the Houses of Parliament, Emmeline Parkhurst’s Statue, Eleanor Rathbone’s home, Endell Street Military Hospital, Trafalgar Square, the Women’s Press and the Men’s league for Women’s Suffrage, among many others.

One of the functions includes the option to view important locations in women’s history near the user. Using GPS, the app locates the user’s phone and all historically relevant stops around it.

Elizabeth Chapman, Director of Library services, told LSE’s blog: ‘Women’s Walks provides an exciting new way to access the historical collection at The Women’s Library @ LSE, combining the latest smartphone technology with women’s rich history and heritage. The project marks

another stage of LSE Library’s plans to share The Women’s Library @ LSE collection as widely as possible, and we look forward to continuing to engage with new audiences in the future.’

The Women’s Library @ LSE offers a unique and rare collection of books, article, pamphlets, photographs and objects related to the history and changing sociopolitical circumstances of women in Europe from the ninteenth century on. It is part of the UK’s national heritage, bringing to the surface the importance of women in modern history.

Joyce Wilson, area Director London, Arts Council England also commented to LSE’s blog: ‘The creation of the Women’s Walks app is a great opportunity to bring the collection to a wider

audience, to inspire the public to engage with archive material from women’s history.’

Raphi Driver, History graduate and currently studying MSc Gender, Policy and Inequalities at LSE’s Gender Institute says: ‘When studying History at Nottingham I was frustrated by how little [the course] included women, so this is really exciting as it makes the history of women so much more accessible’.

Going to the library and requesting access to the Women’s Library can be an exhaustive process, so by enabling users to surf the archives from their homes and to engage with it, women’s history might get just get the chance to be given the recognition it deserves.

After all, where would we be without our sisters suffragettes.

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News

Tuesday November 11, 2014

More Snobby Than You Since 1895?

A Conversation on Elitism at LSE Liam Hill Features Editor An hour-long roundtable discussion involving students and SU Sabbatical Officers relating to a culture of elitism at the London School of Economics (LSE) took place on Thursday 6th November. Prompted, in part, by the scandal involving Men’s Rugby leaflets, the event was effectively a formalisation of the discussion which had already begun on campus. The event had been organised by LSESU’s General Secretary, Nona Buckley-Irvine.

Jon Rhys Foster, LSESU’s newly elected delegate to the NUS conference, opened and chaired the discussion by bringing up the issue of “poly-bashing” and the Men’s Rugby scandal.

Nona commented on how important on-campus discussion of elitism was, saying that “elitism hasn’t really been talked about before at LSE.” In relation to the ‘More Intelligent Than You Since 1895’ t-shirts sold by the Students’ Union shop, the

General Secretary commenting “I don’t really like the t-shirt personally”. Disabled Students’ Officer, Mark Malik, agreed, calling the t-shirt “a bit distasteful”. Nona used the opportunity to announce that “We’re phasing out the t-shirts. They will be discontinued essentially.” Nona later expanded on this, telling the Beaver that: “[the phasing out of the] t-shirts has begun, I believe we are not selling them in the shop now and they’re just online.”

On the issue of whether the Men’s Rugby leaflets were elitist, Mark Malik said “I didn’t take issue with the references to the ‘polys’ in the leaflets,” explaining that “it’s different when it’s in a sporting context.”

LGBT+ Officer of the Feminist Society, Perdita Blinkhorn, said that “context is irrelevant when you’re bashing people with reference to social class… We do need to tackle this culture [of elitism]… It is not a culture which is acceptable in any form.”

The issue of interdisciplinary elitism within LSE was also raised by some students. Social policy and Sociology students,

Perdita Blinkhorn and Layla Doyle, respectively, said that other students had referred to their subjects as “not a real subject” or as “a poly subject.”

Former King’s Student, Aysha Al-Fekaiki, told fellow attendees that there was no similar rivalry at King’s: “There is such a friendly atmosphere” at King’s, she said, adding that, upon encountering the elitist atmosphere at LSE, “it was really alienating.”

The discussion progressed to encompass a dialogue regarding LSE’s performance in terms of admission of students from lower socio-economic backgrounds.

Mark Malik told other attendees, “I wouldn’t want to think I’d got into this university to make up a number… The idea of a quota, I’d find it completely disgusting.”

On the issue of positive discrimination, Aysha Al-Fekaiki asked, “How is it we can do affirmative action for women, but we can’t have that for people from low socio-economic backgrounds?”

Zoe Olukoga added to his discussion that “the concern that I would have is that you get people

who go to independent school because their parents send them there and they get discriminated against because of their background”, further pointing out that there is a “distinction between elitism and exclusion.”

Nona told the Beaver after the event that, “it was great to have such an open discussion about an issue that hasn’t had much air time in the years I have been here. I look forward to hearing more opinions on this throughout the year so we can start to change some negative aspects of elitist culture at LSE.”

Source: (Above) LSESU Twitter (Below) Liam Hill

‘Afghanistan: The Transition’ Takes to the Atrium Suyin Haynes

All photo credits to LSE Arts Public Exhibition

THE ATRIUM GALLERY is currently hosting ‘Afghanistan: The Transition’, a London School of Economics (LSE) Arts Public Exhibition open to all staff, students and members of the public. The exhibition contains a series of photographs commissioned by medical humanitarian organisation Médecins Sans Frontieres (MSF), taken by internationally acclaimed photographers Andrea Bruce and Mikhail Galustov over the course of 2013/14. With 2014 being a crucial transition year as NATO troops prepare to withdraw, MSF’s exhibition comes at a timely moment in Afghanistan’s history and aims to portray the lives of ordinary people who are often eclipsed by the rhetoric of their government and the international community.

Following MSF’s projects in four different locations in Afghanistan, the evocative and thought provoking photos line the Atrium Gallery, each accom-

panied by a caption detailing the personal story of the subject portrayed. In a country embroiled in conflict, most people struggle to access the life-saving medical care they need, and Afghanistan is one of the most dangerous places in the world for a woman to give birth. MSF provides medical care free of charge in Afghanistan and relies only on private funding, without accepting any money from any government, supporting its apolitical values.

From the solitary assistant surgeon preparing to enter the operating theatre to the quartet of newborn babies from a MSF maternity hospital, the photographs offer an insight into the daily struggles that the people of Afghanistan are enduring.

Among the challenges faced are military roadblocks, dangerous road quality and the unpredictable nature of travelling from remote locations to hospitals, all of which severely impair access to healthcare. Onis Chukwueke, a second year BSc Government and History student, commented that “each picture reminds

me that behind the sensationalist newslines, these are ordinary people caught up in an awful conflict.”

When asked why people should go and see these powerful images, Jenny Jackman, Arts Assistant at LSE Arts stated that “these photos form a very engaging exhibition providing a graphic insight into the problems of healthcare access in Afghanistan”. The exhibition’s presence at the LSE was organised by LSE Arts, who consistently “aim to engage the audience on topical and serious social and political issues in such a way that they become approachable”; as Jackman comments, “it is an instant way of getting people to connect with such issues.”

Afghanistan: The Transition is open in the Atrium Gallery on weekdays from 10am – 8pm

News

Tuesday November 11, 2014

The Word on Kanan Parida Do you want to be our roving reporter for a week? E-mail news@thebeaveronline.co.uk Last Thursday, Nona Buckley-Irvine, General Secretary of the London School of Economics (LSE), held a discussion on elitism at the LSE. This brings up a burning question, is LSE elitist? If so, is it something prevalent in the student body or in its administration? At what level does this elitism carry on until?

Statistics show that LSE is performing below the benchmark for recruiting students from state schools and low participation neighbourhoods. Additionally, the proportion of black students recruited is at a five year low, at 3.8% of all students. This all contributes towards an elitist image of the LSE in the media and to prospective students.

Nona Buckley-Irvine, LSESU General Secretary

In a way, LSE is elitist. The elected Sabbatical officers are generally all Caucasian and administrators at the LSE too. However, the student body itself is extremely diverse. Nevertheless, elitism at the LSE is prevalent not in terms of diversity of the student body but to an extent in the Student’s Union and administration.

Anonymous, third year undergraduate, BSc Management

In my experience so far, at the LSE, I haven’t found the LSE to be elitist. In fact, I would say that it’s probably more diverse and representative of different minorities and socioeconomic classes than most universities back home. I have found that in most clubs and societies, too, everyone is welcome and everyone interacts regardless of their background. Society itself is elitist; LSE is not.

Angie Garcia, General Course

From attending the discussion on Thursday, it is clear that elitism in LSE is live and well, which is in my opinion is extremely disappointing. LSE is supposed to be one of the more progressive universities in the world. More so, this elitism is based on a very narrow definition of intelligence.

Purvaja Kavattur, second year undergraduate, BSc Social Policy and Economics

I think LSE is quite elitist when compared to the other universities in the UK. This is not in terms of the diversity of the student body, but rather a culture of “cliques” that exist at the university. It seems to be more obvious when it comes to subjects like Economics and Law. Fontanne Chu, first year undergraduate, LLB Bachelor of Laws

I think there could be more minorities, but I’ve honestly seen so much diversity here that I don’t really think of LSE as being elitist. Even though there are a lot of well to do people I still think it depends on how well you’ve done and how you are as a person that makes LSE accept you.

Siddharth Shah, first year undergraduate, BSc International Relations

Elitism at the LSE is something that is not obvious, but definitely an underlying issue. It is something that can be viewed to a certain extent by the way students conduct themselves, at the administrative level and in the internal functioning of the LSESU. I think this is an issue that hasn’t been given much importance but is definitely worth discussing.

Anonymous, MSc Finance and Private Equity

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Furman lecture: ‘Economics unique in its equal power to amaze and bore’ Rian Watt Staff Reporter If one is willing to accept that economics is unique in its equal power to amaze and bore, the discipline put on an awesome display of its idiosyncrasy on the evening of Wednesday 29th in the Old Theatre.

Jason Furman, the present Chairman of the American Council of Economic Advisers, began his public lecture on the ‘Structural Challenges and Opportunities of the U.S. Economy’ with a review of the American economic situation so soporific that the venue, despite being jam-packed, quickly took on the muffled air of a particularly somnolent meeting of the Union General Meeting.

The mood was reversed, and the evening rescued, by Mr. Furman’s superb answers to the audience questions that followed.

Matching the Bonfire night fireworks outside blast for blast, Mr. Furman adroitly displayed his mastery of the widest possible range of policy considerations, expertly marshaling data into marching order in service of his analysis, while never losing sight of the questions he was asked.

Though his responses varied in their optimism (he was, for example, as sanguine on the subject of American student debt as he was pessimistic on the potential for a return to the productivity growth of the 1990’s), they were consistent in both in the respect

they showed for the audience’s intelligence and in the conscientiousness with which they were constructed.

One wishes that Mr. Furman had used his first forty-five minutes as effectively as he used his last.

While the logical framework of his argument was clear, the United States, while still mired in an economic recovery, is proceeding upwards apace and has room to grow in the areas of health, energy, technological innovation, it was presented nervously, ponderously, and with little of the consideration for the audience demonstrated shortly thereafter. As the audience sat through slide after slide of data familiar to even casual readers of the Economist and the Financial Times, it was easy to imagine his concluding statement – “We are in a more sustainable position [than before the crisis], but we certainly still face some challenges” – as the introduction to a lively discussion rather than the conclusion to a boring one. Still, one sympathizes with his instinct to show his work.

Later, as he engaged with the audience and the tenor of the evening turned, Mr. Furman could be seen to lean perceptibly forward in his seat, heels off the ground and eyes fixed brightly and intently on each successive interlocutor from the floor. By the end of the night, as the questions came in quick staccato from the audience, the crowd had matched him lean for lean as both audience and economist stretched toward each other, seeking together rerum cognoscere causas.

In Brief “What’s it like to be a political journalist?” A talk by Paul Eastham In an entertaining talk, Paul Easham, former Deputy Political Editor of the Daily Mail reflects on a career in political journalism.

As deputy Political Editor at the Daily Mail, Paul flew around the world with Prime Ministers and Cabinet Members, unearthed a string of agenda-setting scoops and developed a reputation for his tenacious reporting style. He was inside Qaddafi’s Bedouin tent when Blair and Qaddafi signed their deal, and his revelations included how Tony Blair agreed to

reveal the name of Iraq weapons expert Dr David Kelly.

He is a fascinating speaker on the This event is particularly recommended for journalists, politicians, and everyone who aspires to be, and anyone involved in the changing media landscape in the era of Leveson and technological challenges to reporting and publishing.

Location: Clement House, Room 6.02.

Date: Wednesday, 12 November, 13:00-14:00

Comment Section Editorial: It is a good week much like the others - to note that Comment is not just drawling thought pieces on the nature of abstract concepts. For the most part, at least, that is true. Rather Comment is a section which is responsive to events on campus.

Case in point: last week we suddenly have two events that are going to spark debate on campus in Craig Calhoun’s ‘town hall’ meeting and the discussion panel on elitism. Immediately, on very short notice, we’ve got comments on all of them here for your reading pleasure.

Thank you then, to those people who sprung into action in order to fill the section this week - it can be quite difficult during essay season.

Not to do those people who wrote on other topics a disservice. It is a bit of an LSE platitude but having all these international students means we’re always in a great position to make a few assiduous remarks on international developments. Thank you also.

Comment

Sebastien Ash

Tuesday November 11, 2014

Section Editor: Sebastien Ash Deputy Editors: Mallika Iyer, Natasha Su Sivarajah comment@thebeaveronline.co.uk

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We will be electing a second Comment editor to work with Seb this week.

Keep an eye out for updates via e-mail and Twitter

Elitism, Feminism, and Banter The cause of elitism is often just a lack of respect Perdita Blinkhorn The other day I was reading an article by Michael Scott Monje Jr on ableism, which made the point that, if someone is offended by a slur, the affected party is the only body who has the right to decide what is offensive or not. This is a stance I fully support, but when we talk about elitism, the victimised groups are so diverse and broad that it is difficult to define what classes as a slur. The response to the controversy recently caused by the LSE SU’s “More intelligent than you since 1895” T-shirt has divided opinion with some noting its high-and-mighty tone, while other’s defending it as just “banter”.

Perhaps we should first look at the structure of LSE’s student body and admissions. Using 2010/11 data from the Higher Education Statistics Agency, The Telegraph produced a list of the top ten UK universities with the fewest state school students with LSE coming tenth. Less than 67% of our students come from state schools, over 20% less than the national average suggesting that LSE may have the basis from the word go for an elitist campus atmosphere. This isn’t necessarily what you’d expect from a university founded by one of the most theoretically influential evolutionary socialist groups in history. The divide is inter-subject too, with one of my lecturers recently explaining

that, for example, the Sociology department is in line with the national average of 7% of students from independent schools, while the economics department is approximately only half state school students. As an out-andout feminist I would argue that elitist attitudes are harmful to not just an intersectional range of individuals, but also our perceptions of individuals and even the reputation of LSE; the key is being aware of our own elitism and it is encouraging to see that these conversations are occurring at LSE. In my opinion, the fundamental cause of elitism is a lack of respect for people in different social and economic positions. Elitism can be perpetuated in so many different forms; classist attitudes around “poly” Universities and subjects, a plethora of race and gender based “jokes”, even denouncing the ability of others via a snide comment on a t-shirt. My point is, folks, that while discrimination is nowhere near as overt and violent as it used to be, there is a culture of elitism that underpins it today by legitimating slurs as “banter”. We hear it probably several times a day both on and off campus and while it’s openly portrayed as a joke the time has come to ask if that’s a good enough excuse.

I’m sure there are readers at this point who getting increasingly frustrated with me, assum-

ing I don’t understand what a joke is and that there is no genuine harm meant by it. On the contrary, it is completely understandable that you want to associate with people who you can be relaxed with what you say while around them, not fearful of accidentally letting something offensive slip and getting ripped to shreds. But your comfort does not justify the pain of others. When people crack out the “harmless” banter they don’t stop to realise that they are exploiting their position of privilege by making light of another person’s dis-privilege and oppression. It is by no means unnatural to want to blend in with the crowd, but we will only beat elitism when we stop trying to defend ourselves for a minute and recognise how we are putting ourselves above another human being for the sake of a laugh. It is the fact that the form elitism is taking is so unconscious and subliminal to the perpetrators that is the really scary part.

At a high ranking university such as LSE, it’s obvious that there are going to be many extremely competitive people who all want to be the best at any given activity. However, this can lead to people being uncomfortably overt with their whole hearted belief in the superiority of their abilities over others. I feel that the key to stopping the spread of jovial, blasé offensiveness is to think less about how

we are better than other people, and more about other people’s successes. This does not mean a decent into patronisation; it is just as offensive to acknowledge achievements only in relation to an individual’s social background instead of individual efforts. It does however encourage a mentality of open-mindedness by taking a less egocentric stance on what comes out of our mouths.

“When was the last time someone said something elitist and offensive to you?”

Next time someone tells you that you’ve said something they find offensive please think about three things before you go on the defensive: 1) do you have the right to define what is offensive or do they, as the affected party?

2) what are your privileges in relation to theirs (without assuming life experiences) and how has what you’ve said asserted your privileges over theirs? and 3) when was the last time someone said something elitist and offensive to you? If you can’t think of anything for the last one, then having your sensibilities offended by, at worst, a false accusation of elitism is probably the least of your worries.

We Need Better Feedback on our Exams The School can, and should, do more to show us where we went wrong

Lodewijk Vriens Returning students to the School have been there, receiving your exam grades, and happy or not, there’s the chance that one wants to see the examiner’s markings and feedback on the exam. There’s the chance that one wants to find out what

went wrong, what went right, and to improve from there.

The School says this isn’t possible. The massive amount of time that would be required to provide feedback to all students is simply not feasible. In addition, the School claims that most examiners do not write much on exams they’re marking, that most of it is shorthand, that it is unlikely to be useful to the student.

What if I told you that the School can provide you with your exam feedback?

Most departments do not provide this opportunity to their students. However there is a way around this. Under the Data Protection Act you are able to

request information that the School holds about you. So for a fee of £10 a student can request for their exam feedback. The request takes up to 40 days.

As a history student, I already get the feedback from my history exams. Our Academic Advisors give it to us during our meetings. Often times this feedback is really insightful. Often times it comments on problems and issues that were reasons for not achieving a higher grade.

This may not be useful for everyone, I imagine that little is written on quantitative exams, whilst more is written on qualitative exams, but surely the students can be the judge of that.

The School should provide students with our feedback. This would take more resources, but I can’t imagine it would break the system, not with the fees we’re paying.

Flooding the Data Protection Officers would not be the best use of School resources, so why not change Departmental rules?

Why not learn from the International History Department, and allow Academic Advisers to give us the feedback that the examiners wrote?

That way, students might actually visit their Academic Advisor, and learn something from our exam results.

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Comment

Tuesday November 11, 2014

‘No’ To Elitism, ‘Yes’ To Banter

Context is crucially important when deciding what is offensive hypocritical to apply to an elite university, study at an elite university, use the elite brand of the university to enhance one’s job prospects, but then to condemn the university for being elite.

However, acknowledging

Mark Malik IS THE LSE AN ELITE institution? The answer to that question is a resounding “Yes.” I seriously doubt that there are many students here who didn’t take this into account when applying. The elite brand is the main reason why so many people apply to Russell Group universities, and in particular the so-called “Golden Triangle” of Oxford, Cambridge, Imperial, UCL, LSE and King’s.

It is not wrong to acknowledge that these universities have an elite reputation that has been built over the course of many years and is maintained by the tough entry standards, rigorous courses, and world-leading research. We should not apologise for this. Indeed, I find it slightly

“It is not wrong to acknowledge that these universities have an elite reputation that has been built over the course of many years and is maintained by tough entry standards and rigorous courses.” and exploiting the elite status of LSE does not justify or necessarily lead to elitism. Walking around London with a t-shirt emblazoned with the LSE logo and the words “More intelligent

than you since 1895” is an act of arrogance. Not only does it give the impression that we think we are better than everyone else, but – even worse – we want people to know about it. That is why I find those t-shirts to be crass, distasteful and damaging to perception of LSE students. So, just as I am glad the ‘Purple Warrior’ (2014 Men’s Rugby Club) leaflet will no longer unfairly besmirch the reputation the vast majority of students here, I am glad that that t-shirt and any other similarly branded products will be phased out of the Union shop.

“Poly-bashing” has also been criticised as part of the wider problem that LSE has with elitism. But I think there is a distinction to be made between chants in a sporting context and insults based on genuinely-held prejudices. I do not think that we have a big problem with the latter. If people do tell students that they don’t go to a “proper uni,” then that is wrong. I hold these people in the same regard as the elitist t-shirt-wearer.

Yet, chants are different.

Sports fans tend to sing insulting songs at other teams. This is not an issue of class, lad culture,

or even one of elitism. If this is commonly understood by both sides, then there isn’t an issue. To use the much-maligned phrase,

“West Bromwich Albion fans do not think that people from Wolverhampton are born out of incest, yet we sing songs to that effect.” “it’s just banter.” West Bromwich Albion fans do not think that people who live in Wolverhampton are born out of incest, yet we sing songs to that effect.

Wolves fans sing the same about us. My favourite Albion song is called “Stevie Bull’s A Tatter.” It refers to a stereotype about Steve Bull’s hometown that some here would consider classist. But the only malice with which we sing is directed at the fact that he first played for us, then betrayed us

by joining our local rivals. The Wolves fans sing their own version of the song, which would also be considered classist. But there is absolutely no malice when they sing it – they have a statue of Steve Bull outside their stadium, a stand named after him, and they idolise him.

These are two clubs in workingclass areas, where songs are sang by men, women, boys and girls.

Chants should be taken in context. Whilst the content may appear offensive, it really can just be banter in a sporting environment. I would expect that the “polys” have some chants that they direct at us.

I mentioned above that KCL is an elite institution. There is nothing wrong with having a friendly rivalry with a local university. Whenever I meet King’s students or alumni, “Strand Polytechnic” and penguin banter is a good ice-breaker. The rivalry brings us together. The same happens when Imperial students boast to me that they are “real scientists.” There is nothing wrong with this, as long as it is not malicious and both sides accept it as banter. In fact, it is a good thing.

Open Letter To Simeon Underwood On the 2014 Men’s Rugby Club and the response Dear Simeon, I’m writing as an LSE student and as the Vice President of the Feminist Society in response to your report outlining actions to be taken in response to the Men’s Rugby Incident and with regards to the Town Hall Meeting Tuesday, last week.

First of all, I just wanted to say that I think the report was really brilliant, and I am genuinely excited to see these plans put into action. Particularly I’m very happy to see that plans are being made to bring in workshops, as education is an important tool in fighting lad culture and building a long lasting culture of inclusivity.

I also thought the idea of an award for efforts made towards inclusivity is original and interesting, this sort of positive reward could really make an impact. As several people expressed at the Town Hall Meeting today I share the concern that the report doesn’t address the issue of racism on campus

alongside sexism and homophobia. As I’m sure you know these issues are interlinked and for many people they cannot be separated and addressed individually. I know you took this on board at the meeting, and I hope this will be reflected in the final report.

I also wanted to address the concerns raised by academics from the Law Department in the meeting today that the report in some way infringes on free speech or freedom of association and would discourage “ordinary” students from studying at LSE. I feel that these academics have mixed up hate speech with expressing an opinion, and I find this very disappointing coming from those responsible for teaching young adults. It’s a shame their concern for freedom of speech, identity and association doesn’t extend to marginalised groups who often feel that there are LSE events and clubs that they are not welcome at or at which they cannot feel safe because of their gender, race, or sexual

orientation. I believe that the actions outlined in this report reinforce and protect the freedoms and identities of such students, and I hope you won’t put too much stock in the outdated criticisms put forward by those members of the Law Department.

Finally I wanted to put forward a measure which I think will make a big difference to our community. I raised this point with the Equality and Diversity Committee last year but I haven’t yet seen action taken.

I believe that the addition of liberation officers to the elected halls committees would be a very effective way to send a strong message from the outset what sort of community LSE seeks to promote. When I was in halls last year I remember meeting many young men in the first weeks who were lovely as individuals and watching over the months as they became part of the pack mentality of lad culture that develops in halls. These young adults develop a lot of lasting ideas and

behaviours in the first weeks of university, and the LSE should give them a strong example of what is valued here. As it stands there is a lot of harassment and sexism that goes on in halls that is not reported, some of it truly horrifying.

Incidents range from women having less access to the recreational facilities in halls, to intimidation and sexual assault. I believe that by electing Women’s, LGBT+, and BME officers to halls committees we can create a more positive and inclusive atmosphere in which these problems are less likely to develop and easier to combat.

Officers could provide students with information regarding the school’s reporting procedures and campaign on issues affecting these groups specifically.

Under the current system halls committees can be made up of all straight white English men, and may not actively prioritise liberation issues in halls. Marginalised groups often do not have someone they can identify with and bring sensitive

issues to. If we were to elect these officers it would mean that students are engaging with liberation issues from the very beginning of their LSE experience, and these officers could liase with one another and with their counterparts in the Student Union to better connect the School and SU with what goes on in the halls and strengthen the liberation communities at LSE. I believe that the school should require that halls elect a Women’s, LGBT+, and BME officer as part of their commitment to inclusivity. This is a simple and effective way to give power back to marginalised groups in representing themselves and combatting these negative behaviours even as they are developing.

Best, Lena Schofield Vice-President LSESU Feminist Society

“ l w t a t H l r a d

Comment

Tuesday November 11, 2014

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Hypocrisy On Houghton Street

Senior LSE staff striking over pension pay is both hypocritical and a dereliction of duty Ryan O’Rourke IF YOU THOUGHT THAT the LSE, famed for both research and high entry standards, only made the news for such respectable reasons, then the past four weeks must have destroyed that illusion. Even before term started, a botched admin job led to the ‘Kung-Fu Panda” incident. After that, there was the rugby scandal and the saga of events that followed it such as the club being banned, then reported in the Daily Mail, and finally being accused of anti-Semitism and homophobia. As if that wasn’t enough, two weeks ago an LSE alumni, John Sweeney, accused the Director, Craig Calhoun, of not only being an unfit person to run the LSE, but in league with Vladimir Putin and other such despots.

If you thought all the controversies were going to die down - think again. The LSE is never short of controversies.

The very few of us who read the many emails the LSE automatically sends us will have

received the news that some of the staff that fights for social equality and justice will be going on strike over the next few weeks. Why? Because their al-

“If you thought all the controversies were going to die down - think again.” ready substantial pensions are not substantial enough.

First, it is important to bear in mind that this only affects the higher earners in the university, generally only those above the position of research officer. Specifically, those earning more then £33,450. Second, the dispute refers to a persisting deficit in one of the staff pension schemes, known as the Universities Superannuation Scheme (USS), which covers over 400 universities throughout the country. This deficit, in the words of the LSE website,

has been caused by market instability and higher life spans.

The scheme’s managers have decided to restructure it which has caused an outburst of anger and soon, strikes.

It is not the detail, but the possible implications the strikes could have that should be cause for concern. First, the University and College Union (UCU) has stated that its intent in carrying out strikes is to inflict as much disruption on student learning as they can. This covers everything from boycotting assessment marking to refusing to teach. Given that many of us pay upwards of £8500, and in many cases far more, this is shameful and unfair as we expect to receive value for our money. It is highly doubtful that university administrators (N.B, some of those on strike) will sanction the partial refunding of student loans to those affected, even though this would be the right thing to do.

However, it is the hypocrisy involved that is alarming. It is slightly ironic that those who lecture us about the economic

effects of unionism and how it impacts aggregate welfare

“It seems the reaction by members of the LSE staff is both selfish and based on irrationality.” themselves have voted for union action. Only a few years ago, when nurses and teachers where suffering extreme cuts to their pensions, many in the academic world concluded it was tough; the world had changed and costs had to come down.

It’s a different story when it’s the same academics that are being affected. Even worse, the apparent cause of the deficit in the USS pension is down to market fluctuations. Is it not popularly accepted that financial markets generally oscillate and the price of stocks can go up and down? It seems the reaction by members of the LSE

staff is both selfish and based on irrationality.

So, as the first term reaches half time, what seems to be a small issue could in-fact be a far more serious matter then falsely referring to students as “KungFu Panda”. There is nothing wrong with academics striking.

However, in context it is deeply hypocritical and selfish. Worse, it is a dereliction of their duty to teach; the only reason why many of them have a job in the first place and are paid what many would give a few vital or-

“It also leaves students worse off for something that is not their doing.” gans to earn at the moment. It also leaves students worse off because of something that is not their doing. We finally have a genuine reason to be slightly pissed, LSE students.

The Age Of Coalition Is Almost Over Expect Labour to form a minority government, not a coalition Andrew Slinn FOR QUITE SOME TIME, the 2015 general election has been Labour’s to lose. However, as we arrive at the six month mark, it is looking far less likely that Ed Miliband will attain the outright majority he has been quietly anticipating.

The recent discovery from the Ipsos Mori and YouGov poll that the Scottish National Party is on course to win 50+ Scottish constituencies is the most significant blow to Labor’s chances and the prospect of another coalition now seems all the more real. But what options does Labor have if we can assume the current coalition will not survive ther s The recent Ipsos Mori and YouGov poll findings which suggest that the Scottish National Party are on course to win 50+ Scottish constituencies is the most significant blow to Labour’s chances and the prospect of another coalition now seems all the more real. But what options does Labour have if we can assume the current coalition will not survive the spring?

Two things in the next parliament are all but certain: first-

ly, the Conservatives will not achieve an outright majority. In order to do so, they will need to increase their share of the vote from 2010 which is unfeasible given the exponential rise in UKIP support and their failure to secure boundary changes in

“For quite some time, the 2015 General Election has been Labour’s to lose.” this parliament.

Secondly, and consequently, Labour will be the largest party either with a slender majority or several seats short. Either outcome, especially the latter, will necessitate dialogue with third parties to secure some form of political deal. That sounds relatively straightforward, given the speed at which the current coalition was formed, but Labour could well find itself without friends. It can be widely assumed that no other party – namely the Liberal Democrats, UKIP and the SNP – will want to prop up

a Labour Party still paying the price for its previous failings.

To elaborate on this, it must be considered in terms of who will hold the balance of power after 2015 and whether a coalition agreement is desirable for any of the contenders. It is difficult to imagine the Liberal Democrats led by Nick Clegg, who is committed to endorsing the current executive’s agenda, dealing with Labour in the next government. He will also surely recognise that to do so would be political suicide – given the collapse in Liberal popular support, the party would benefit far more from being in opposition in the next parliament as opposed to a further five years in government.

This is to assume the Liberal Democrats will even hold the balance of power – many people would instead look to UKIP considering the surge in their poll ratings. This will not, however, translate into many parliamentary seats due to the FirstPast-the-Post system – the Lib Dems in comparison are likely to retain their strongholds, albeit with reduced majorities, and will not suffer the wipe-out anticipated by some. Even if UKIP does achieve a significant amount of

seats, Farage would demand an immediate in-out referendum on EU membership from any senior coalition partner, something Labour (and the Conservatives to

“The general trend indicates the Labour majority is slipping away.” an extent) are opposed to.

This brings us back to the observation made about the SNP. There is a real possibility that the Nationalists will emerge as the third largest party in Westminster after the election, and if this is the case, then Labour will almost certainly need to rely on their support in order to command a majority. Recent comments made by Alex Salmond suggest that the SNP may be open to at least an informal agreement in Westminster but it is inconceivable for this to be accepted by the public either side of the border. The idea of a nationalist party involved in UK government affairs will undoubtedly outrage English voters and

one can assume Scottish voters will not want to see the party they have endorsed dealing with the party they have voted out.

There is also the consideration that the SNP will not want to associate with a Westminster elite they so bitterly criticised during the independence campaign, and will not want to be seen to endorse the prospect of a Miliband premiership.

Therefore, the most likely outcome after the 2015 election is a Labour minority government rather than a new coalition. Although polls do currently suggest a small Labour majority, the general trend indicates this is slipping away. A potential scenario is that the Conservatives could achieve a majority either with continued Lib Dem support or with UKIP, but both of these options seem statistically improbable and it is highly possible the Conservatives will rule out governing in coalition again in order to legitimise their manifesto pledges. We have recently observed the emergence of a multi-party political climate, but let’s get one thing clear: the age of coalition government is nearly over.

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Comment

Tuesday November 11, 2014

US Midterms

Not All Americans

Don’t get the wrong impression of the American people from this year’s US midterms as an American on the LSE cam-

Rian Watt TO SUGGEST THAT ‘THE American people’ swept Republicans into power last week is rather like believing that you’ve seen London by dropping forty quid on the Eye and acting like a twat in front of Buckingham Palace. There’s more to London than that, and the electorate in last Tuesday’s vote was older, whiter, richer, and penis-havinger than the American electorate as a whole. Old, wealthy white men swept Republicans into power last Tuesday. The American people were at home watching reruns of Breaking Bad. Unfortunately, my existence

“Old, wealthy white men swept Republicans into power last Tuesday. The American people were at home watching reruns of Breaking Bad.” pus has led me to be viewed in some quarters as the representative of my people that Matthew Barzun, U.S. Ambassador to Great Britain and leading contender for the Most-AnonymousFa m o u s - M a n - I n - T h e - Wo r l d Award, has spent the last year trying to be. And to this development, I say the following: stop it.

I have no idea why people – the vast majority of whom are not, in fact, corporations –

would vote for a party that supported tax cuts for the wealthiest elite of the population and benefit cuts for the rest. I have no idea why a country in which well over nine-tenths of the population are the descendants of immigrants would vote for a party whose xenophobic attitude to those browner or poorer than themselves embarrasses us to the world. And I have no idea why that party – founded on abolitionism and liberalism, broadly understood – would run on a platform that restricts choice and freedom everywhere except at the gun range.

I can’t explain the choices my older, whiter, richer, and admittedly equally male countrymen made last Tuesday, and frankly I’m sick of trying. I can only hope that the citizens of this country, my home for the next eight to ten months (depending on how effectively I procrastinate on my dissertation), see this election for what it was: a manifestation of American apathy rather than its malice.

I firmly believe that, had every registered voter – or, hell, every American over the age of eighteen (because the two are far from one and the same) – cast a ballot last Tuesday, the results would have been very different. I’d be able to write that my country expanded health benefits to millions of its citizens. I’d be able to

“American nonvoters have only themselves to blame. They sat and watched as others wrested control of the country from their hands.” write that it legalised marijuana and swept away discriminatory mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines. I’d be able to write

that gays, women, the indigent, and every other marginalised corner of society had elected a government that believed that those with power already have too much of it and those without have far, far too little.

Of course, that’s not what happened, and American nonvoters have only themselves to blame. They sat at home, dispirited perhaps by six years of alternately frenetic and passive leadership by President Obama, and watched as others with less to lose and more to gain wrested control of the country from their hands. Although I typically avoid victim-blaming (a pastime mostly enjoyed these days by misogynists and other disreputables), in this case the shoe fits. One can only hope that two years from now, the great apathetic mass of America will get up off the couch and ensure that the choices our country presents to the world reflect the values that have made it great, and not those that were on full display last Tuesday.

Making Democrats Squeal

Iowa elects a pig castrater to the Senate Josh Martin I GREW UP IN A SMALL town of 8,000 people in northeast Iowa. We have one high school, one ‘main street’, and the nearest town of comparable size is a half hour away by car. Most of the time, nobody particularly cares about Iowa, but once every two years we spend a few months in the political spotlight as one of the key swing states and as the first state to caucus in the Presidential primaries. Thanks to this unique providence of political importance, I have seen President Obama speak in my hometown twice. While a vote in California or Texas rarely carries much importance, a vote in Iowa has a much higher chance of making a difference.

Since 1985, Iowa’s two senate seats have belonged to Chuck Grassley (R) and Tom Harkin (D). These two self-defined prairie populists have done a fantastic job representing a state that holds strong religious values, a huge agricultural sector, but was also the fourth state to legalise gay marriage. Grassley and

Harkin methodically became major voices in their respective parties in the Senate, but after decades of stability, Harkin finally decided to retire, leading to an open Senate race for the first time in 30 years. The Democrat,

“I cannot view Ernst as anything but dangerous.”

Bruce Braley, is currently serving his fourth term in the House of Representatives. The Republican, Joni Ernst, has been a member of the Iowa Senate for three years and is a lieutenant colonel in the Iowa Army National Guard.

On Tuesday, Iowa successfully elected its first female representative to Congress. Usually I would rejoice at such an achievement, but, unfortunately, she is far closer to a Sarah Palin or a Michelle Bachmann than a Hilary Clinton or an Elizabeth Warren.

As a self-identified FDR Democrat, I cannot view Ernst

as anything but dangerous and embarrassing. The infamously wealthy Koch brothers chose her from the wide-open list of Republican candidates and bankrolled her throughout the campaign. Her first campaign advertisement went viral for its comedic value; in it, she references her experience of castrating pigs as evidence that she will know how to cut pork when she gets to Washington. This autumn, she refused to discuss policies, instead espousing buzzwords and rhetoric that made her more relatable and liked by the public. Her campaign slogan of “Mother. Soldier. Independent Leader.” perfectly summarised her strategy to win the seat: focus on being well liked, and avoid discussing policy. It worked.

When pressed to discuss policy, her answers are worrying.

She wants to abolish the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), the Department of Education, and the national minimum wage. Goodbye environmental regulations and student

loans, and hello drastically small government. She also supports a personhood amendment to the Constitution that would define life as beginning at conception, meaning that doctors who give any woman an abortion could be tried for murder, even if it was in the past.

Iowa elected this woman by eight percentage points over the sadly uninspiring Braley on the back of the worst voter turnout since the 1940s, especially for my generation. I have tried and failed many times to explain why people vote for Ernst. I don’t get it. And now she will be representing me for six years. After three left-leaning elections in a row, Iowa has truly swung right this year. Out of our six elected members of Congress (four in the House, two in the Senate), the Democrats only have Dave Loebsack in the House, leaving the other five seats to Republicans.

Iowa didn’t need another tea partier; we already have Steve King (R) for that. Ernst’s job, by definition, is to represent me in the Senate, but I fear that our

ideological divide makes that idea banally impossible. Being a progressive in America is frus-

“I hope Joni Ernst proves to be an effective delegate for Iowa, but she’s on the opposing team, so I’m not holding my breath.” trating, since Americans rarely view elections as a chance to vote for someone who represents their best interests.

Instead, most Americans treat politics like a sport. You pick a team early on and cheer them on no matter what.

Like it or not, I am stuck with Joni Ernst for six years. I hope she proves to be an effective delegate for Iowa, but she’s on the opposing team, so I’m not holding my breath.

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Tuesday November 11, 2014

Ottavia Ampuero-Villagran, Maddie Wright and Molly Brien

Photo

Left: The FC’s 2s and 3s take each other on at Berrylands, with the 2s securing a dramatic 2-1 victory

12

Above and below: LSESU Music Society hosts a wellattended welcome party in The Venue

Above: The Lord Mayor’s Show parades through LSE on Saturday November 8th. The parade, which featured an original copy of the Magna Carta, was organised to celebrate Alan Yarrow’s accession to the ceremonial post.

Next week: Photo special report ‘The Perfect Workspace’ We’re looking for people to help us out with a photo special report for next week’s paper called ‘My Perfect Workspace’, profiling where LSE students prefer to work on campus. All you’d need to do is take a decent quality image of where you like to work and send it to us. We will then send you a short questionnaire about your choice. If you need help doing the photography then let us know and we’ll arrange for someone to come and take the photos on your behalf. To get involved, e-mail Camilla Naschert at c.m.naschert@lse.ac.uk.

The Beaver Remembrance Special

Remembrance Special Section editorial:

Remembrance Special

FOR THE LAST FEW weeks my editorial has consisted of a brief introduction to the section and its contents or of frantic appeals to readers to write and get involved, but this week is unique, so I would like to take the opportunity to editorialise.

Firstly, allow me to justify the multiplicity of poppies which adorn these pages. I like the poppy: I understand it not as some nationalistic celebration of the actions of the British state. It is not in any way an apologia for war, or for any individual war – historical or ongoing. The poppy is about remembering those who have died – some in pursuance of just causes like the defeat of Nazism in mainland Europe, others in fundamentally unnecessary conflicts like the First World War... (continued on next page)

Tuesday November 11, 2014

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Deputy Section Editors: George Greenwood, George Harrison and Taryana Odayar tweet @beaveronline

Section Editor: Liam Hill features@thebeaveronline.co.uk

French and German Memories of World War:

The Limits of Transnational Memory in Europe Andreas Huber First year postgraduate THE CENTENARY OF WORLD War One raises the following question: how can memory, the political construct of history, emancipate itself from the yoke of the national unit when it is precisely a key component of the cement of modern states? The objective here is to quickly examine this apparent contradiction via the concrete example of French and German memories and commemorations of WWI. Despite political cooperation on historical matters to achieve reconciliation, sealed in the Elysée Treaty, WWI in France and Germany is still best captured by the expression of "one war, two memories". What does the gap between French and German memories tell us about the extent to which a "transnational memory" is possible in Europe?

First of all it is necessary to clarify the basic dichotomy between memory and history.

Pierre Nora, the man behind the concept of realms of memory, finds that whereas history desacralises the past, memory, in contrast, acts as a vector of sacralisation of individual recollections. Accordingly, individuals are incapable of maintaining an immaterial link to the past without resorting to realms of memory that are material, symbolic and functional entities where memory finds refuge. These are framed by the particular groups to which the individual belongs, the state being a prominent one, and include inter alia monuments, museums, individual figures, history textbooks, and mostly archives.

Hence, while it may well be true that different people across different groups share a common emotional connection in the loss of human lives caused by war, the political act of creating realms of memory does not automatically result in a similar memory of events, much to the contrary.

Therefore if there is to be any convergence of memories beyond the common experience of war, as the idea of transnational memory implies, there is a need for a so called memorial willingness, or

a pro-active posture favourably inclined towards the framing of common memories. With this cursory distinction in mind, France and Germany, with their history of reconciliation appear as a natural starting point to verifying the feasibility of a European transnational memory.

The two countries have indeed cooperated in developing, at least

together victorious and defeated parties, but only a single one to the need to use the opportunity to "come closer to our German friends".

In my view the French ceremonies reflect the traditions of a centralized state, with its remnants of Grandeur (All belligerent nations joined the July 14 military parade). The German government

Angela Markel and Francois Hollande. Source: WikiCommons: Garitan.

at a symbolical level, an impression of transnational memory.

The joint efforts translated into a peace mass at the Reims Cathedral in 1962, a joint visit of the Douaumont ossuary in 1984 or a joint ceremony at the Arc de Triomphe in Paris in 2009. A wide array of cooperations between French and German cities also materializes an apparent desire to jointly remember the event at a more local level. But how do these decades of cooperation translate into commemorating the present centenary?

In short, my evaluation is that the commemorations organized this year strongly reflect national traditions, a factor that complicates the achievement of a more intertwined memory. Otherwise remarkable achievements in Franco-German reconciliation therefore fall short of a more profound and common understanding of the war in a fashion that would render possible a common memory beyond the common experience. In France the President himself opened the centenary a year ago, on November 7, 2013, with a speech full of references to the French nation ("The Great War was that of national unity"), a few to the necessity of bringing

on the other hand only prepared the event much later in 2014, and mostly organized cultural exhibitions, one of which was "19142014: of the failure and use of diplomacy" which suggested a pedagogical approach, more than the grand commemorative French event. The idea is not to judge which approach is best, but simply to acknowledge the profound differences — anchored in national traditions — in reflecting about the past, that undermine the common point of reference implied by the expression of transnational memory. So far the ceremonies and exhibitions have pushed forward the commonality in denouncing the horror of war and the absurdity of self-destruction in WWI, yet this is insufficient for the notion of common memory, as the enduring gap in the perception of the war endures in both countries, whereby only a fraction of the memory is shared.

How is WWI remembered in these two countries that have worked together on historical matters for the purpose of reconciliation? "One war, two memories" captures the gap between French and German perceptions of the First World War, and of its differing importance in each society. In

Germany, WWII dominates public debate and relinquishes the first one to a position of second order.

Meanwhile, in France, WWI is known as the Grande Guerre (the Great War), a formative national experience at the heart of French identity.

A simple example suffices to acknowledge the large gap in the national spirit: that of the French poilu, the combatant waging war from its trenches. While the poilu myth penetrated the common psyche of the French nation, in the same way that "the Verdun battle became that of the whole army", no such equivalent exists in the German society. The contrast is clear: on the other side of the Rhine river, the war is often seen as a prelude to the later tragedy of WWII, while in France it is seen retrospectively in a positive light as a formidable exercise of national unity. Simply said, appearances of political cooperation between the two countries did not yet affect the deeper perceptions of the war in both societies.

This extremely brief and necessarily simplified overview is an attempt to scratch the surface of the complexity of memory. Understanding the complexity of memory, and especially shared memory, is vital in the context of European construction, and its present crisis, where doubts and interrogations arise not only on mere economic grounds but touch the EU's raison d'être. If European citizenship is more than a legal concept, then it is linked to the potential for a form of European transnational memory, that so far is only in my view superficial in the Franco-German example. To some extent transnational and national memories are not incompatible, much like the EU doesn't need to be either a federation or an international organization.

For now, however, the latter national memories trump the former, whereby the only element of transnationalism is the shared pain of casualties emphasized in exhibitions and textbooks. As long as this remains the case, a serious impediment stands not only in the way of transnational memory but also of a community sharing a common destiny.

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Remembrance Special

Tuesday November 11, 2014

Pakistan, World War and Remembrance Musty Kamal Third year undergraduate IT MUST SEEM ODD THAT I am writing about the role of a country in war, which started 29 years before its conception and even stranger that it fought on the side of the Imperial power that ruled over it. However, as we approach Remembrance Day it is important to note that the subcontinent has a great story to tell when it comes to World War One. When Archduke Franz Ferdinand was assassinated, sparking the Great War, Pakistan didn’t exist, and neither did Bangladesh and or Sri Lanka. All these countries belonged to an entity commonly known as British India. When the dominoes of disaster began to fall in Sarajevo, the ripples would be felt vividly in the foothills of the Himalayas, the banks of the Indus and even the administrative offices of Delhi.

A nuance that is rarely observed when dealing with sub-continental involvement in the War is that beneath the spark that started the war; lay a sentiment, which contemporary Indians could very much empathise with. The assassins of the Archduke were Yugoslav nationalists and of course India had belonged to Britain for many decades

by this point. The Indian Independence movement was slowly building momentum and the War provided an unforeseen obstacle to its progress. Britain would hardly divert its attention from fighting the Kaiser to assuage the concerns of Indians at this time of crisis, and the Indians were astute to this. Hence a decision was made by the political class of India to aid its ruler in its efforts in the War in the hope that the reward at the end would be the prize of Home Rule.

The Indian force, on the advent of War, significantly outnumbered the British army. It stood at 1.3 million soldiers, who were swiftly deployed to Europe, Africa and the Middle East. In fact, there is a strong argument to say that the resources of British India were very much key to the eventual success of Britain and her allies. Food was sent to the front line from the very Nawabs the British had so successfully manipulated to their own advantage in the preceding decades.

My grandmother even tells me tales of her aunts knitting sweaters that eventually found their way to the battlefields of France where so many Indians perished.

Regarding Pakistan, the achievements of Pakistani provincial military regiments are just one of many successes in their notable history of

combat. There are many accounts that praise the contributions of the Punjab, Baluchistan and Khyber Phaktunkwah provinces. Soldiers who served from these regions displayed an exceptional sense of duty, vigour and resolve when it came to battle according to British contemporaries. To my mind, it is hard to fathom the sheer weight of the sacrifice of the soldiers of India. A teenager born in an isolated village of Punjab who had never seen the sea would be sent across oceans to fight in an alien place with an unfamiliar climate and almost inevitable consequences which included no contact with their families. Nevertheless, these Pakistani provinces constituted 80% of India’s army and were generating 70,000 recruits a year by 1916. 74, 000 Indians paid the ultimate price in the War, 13,000 medals were granted to them and many more were deserved.

So did the Indians get the reward for their immense sacrifice?

The British returned in an unyielding fashion and gave only token concessions. This attitude paved the way for Independence as the relationship between Britain and those whom it ruled soured from being amicably allied to scorn. History would repeat itself in 1939 but this time India’s main political parties

were divided. The Muslim League cooperated with Britain’s struggle against Hitler’s tyranny while Congress demanded Independence first.

Nevertheless, India’s army was the largest all-volunteer force ever assembled and sure enough it fought valiantly for King and Country once again. In the aftermath, Britain’s option to be stubborn was taken away. Crippling debts finally granted Pakistan and India the sought-after prize of freedom.

Since India stopped fighting the battles of others’, it has found ample reason to fight amongst itself. Pakistan and India have been plagued with a relationship punctuated with hostility and suspicion.

The two nations have been to war 4 times and have inflicted wounds upon those with whom they once fought side by side. This sad tale continues as no sign of diplomatic friendship emerges.

So this Remembrance Day, I would ask all those readers to remember fondly those who have died in the name of a just cause, but also ponder over the lives that have been ended for no good reason and perhaps taint their opinions of war with the thought of the individual sacrifice which is at stake. We must remember the heroes of the past in order to shape a world where there is no need for heroes anymore.

Dead Communities: The Tragedy of Pals Batallions George Greenwood Deputy Features Editor AS WITH ALMOST EVERY town and village in the UK, on the windswept hill above my home, in a quiet churchyard, there lies inscribed the names of the twenty five young men who fell in the Great War, cut down on the Western Front.

Pinhoe Church is far from alone in this. But what is most interesting, is if you look at the record of the time and place of their death, many of those who fell, they did so on the same day. The 1st June 1916.

Perhaps the greatest tragedy of the war was not merely the vast numbers of casualties, the result of the war on an industrial scale, but the fact that in many towns and villages, few volunteers ever made it home. This was the curse of the Pals Battalions.

In late 1914 General Kitchener was tasked with raising a new army of volunteers to take on the German conscript force that was rapidly wearing down the BEF. After the pyrrhic victory of the Battle of the Marne, British regular professional forces had been cut to pieces by their numerically superior German foes, and the territorials who had taken the place of the fallen were badly in need of reinforcement.

Thus, a campaign calling up ordinary men was launched calling for volunteers. Millions of men queued around the corners from recruitment stations across the land to enlist. The campaign aimed to secure an additional 100,000 men.

They got 1 million by 1915.

The first real test of the Pals Battalions came on the Somme, the bloodiest day in British military history. Underprepared, inexperienced and unaware of the brutal reality of modern war awaiting them, The Pals Battalions were the first over the top, and were decimated.

Pinhoe Church near Exeter. Photo credit: Keltek Trust.

The result of this recruitment drive was the New British Army, composed of the Pals Battalions.

Friends, neighbors and co-workers all signed up, trained together and shipped out to France together.

There was a spirit of adventure, that the war would be a grand holiday, and that they could return home with stories of adventure and daring. They quickly found out otherwise.

The 9th Battalion of the Devon Regiment, epitomizes the fate of the Pals. On the Somme, while actually achieving its objectives at Mametz, suffered 463 dead of the 775 men who went over the top. During the War, after near wipe outs at Loos, the Somme and Passchendaele the regiment had to be reconstituted three times. Over the course of the war, a battalion of 1000 men, they suffered 930 deaths over the course

of the war, not taking into account numbers of wounded. Thus, if you joined the battalion in 1914, your chances of surviving through to 1918 unscathed were slim to none.

The cost back home was abysmal. Half the men of Monk’s road in Exeter never came home. In the Northern town of Accrington the wipeout of its Pals Battalion, The Lancashires, relegated it from a busy industrial centre to an isolated and backwater. Not only did the collective losses of loved ones devastate communities, but the war changed the face of Britain in a way not seen before or since, as wives and mothers received their telegrams in Mid June.

While the structure of the New Army was rapidly changed after the Somme, with most battalions of the British army comprised of a more geographically varied nature to prevent future wipeouts, the damage was done.

Thus the tragedy of the Pals, is that a measure designed to make war easier for those soldiers who stood up to protect their loved ones, by allowing them to fight with men they knew and loved, in fact worsened the tragedy of their loss both on and off the battlefield. They changed the face of small towns across the land, with smiling faces replaced with sombre granite testaments to their memory.

Continued ...Fundamentally, it is a symbol, so like all symbols it is up for reinterpretation and reinvention. It is as inclusive as you with to understand it to be. I fully agree with Professor Sönke Neitzel who, in his interview on page 17, calls the poppy a ‘decent’ symbol. This is meant not in the sense that it is adequate at symbolising certain values or intentions, but that remembering and honouring the memories of those who fight and die in war is worthwhile and meaningful activity to engage in.

I understand and appreciate the fact that some people feel unrepresented by the poppy, given its close association with one nation above others, and given that certain unpleasant kinds of nationalist wear and champion the poppy as an exclusive political symbol. I can even understand why someone with a strong moral objection to war might wear the white poppy.

But I don’t believe that the red poppy represents a commitment to one country above all things or to militarism. To me it is a symbol of respect and Remembrance.

More generally, why have we devoted so much of the Beaver this week to Remembrance? Apart from anything else I think the contributions we have received, and the research we have done to put together the LSE-focused Remembrance Special on the first three pages, make for excellent reading. Beyond that, though, there is something about Remembrance that is, and remains, especially relevant and poignant. As a concept with a contested definition and history and with contested political implications, it is fertile ground for analysis and debate. Its close association to the First World War, the centenary of which we have marked this year, the ‘seminal tragedy of the twentieth century’ as George Kennan put it, has also allowed for meaningful discussion about the impact of a War on our modern world that few who still inhabit it remember.

We remember because it is respectful and we remember because we must – to forget about the events which have shaped the modern world would be irresponsible. To forget the millions who died fighting – for their countries, for a cause or because they were cajoled or forced to join up by the state – would be indefensible.

Liam Hill

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Tuesday November 11, 2014

Remembrance Special

Interview: Professor Sönke Neitzel ‘I think the Poppy is a decent symbol. It’s not as if you are wearing a tank or a gun on your suit.’

Taryana Odayar Deputy Features Editor THIS WEEK, THE BEAVER sat down with renowned academic and Professor of International History at the LSE, Dr. Sonke Neitzel, as we explored the history, changing social attitudes and contemporary politics of Remembrance Day. Dr. Neitzel is an expert on the history of war, especially World War One, World War Two and military culture post-1945, and his latest book, ‘Soldaten: On fighting, killing and dying. The Secret Second World War tapes of German POWs’, (coauthored by Harald Welzer), was a best-seller in Germany and has been published in 20 languages.

What is your view of traditions like wearing the poppy and observe two minutes of silence as ways in which we remember the sacrifice and service of the fallen soldiers?

As a German citizen who came to the UK in 2011, I think that it’s a very British tradition, or a very Western tradition, that is also practiced by the French and the Commonwealth nations, but less so in other countries such as Germany, Poland and Russia. As a member of the Board of the German War Graves commission, what I appreciate about this kind of remembrance is that this country remembers its fallen soldiers, which is something very positive to do.

I think that the soldiers from the First World War or fallen soldiers in general, are more or less forgotten in Germany, and we all know that this is because remembrance is more problematic and complicated in the German case given the events of the Second World War. But I think that when a country has a Remembrance Day, with its two minutes of silence, which is dedicated not only to the soldiers of the First World War but to all British soldiers who fell mainly during the twentieth century and due to recent conflicts, it is indeed a very positive thing to do.

Lord Curzon, the President of the Armistice Day Committee (1921) said that 11th November should not be “a day of mourning” but “the commemoration of a great day” or a day of victory. What is your view on this?

Of course he said that! It’s completely understandable; in fact if I were Lord Curzon I would

have said the same at that time.

It’s interesting how nowadays very much depends on your political attitude. If you’re a hard-core Tory, you think ‘we won the war’ and lives were sacrificed for democracy and that there’s very good justification for that and so on. But if you’re a ‘Guardian’ reader, then you are more critical of war and think that it was a waste of effort, and arguably led to nothing. And that’s fine - these attitudes are present in all countries. Yet when I visited the war gallery in the Imperial war museum last Sunday, I found it astonishing that the exhibition, which was supposed to be a landmark exhibition for which the British taxpayer paid a lot of money, and is a centre for the commemoration, when compared to the Deutsches Historisches Museum in Berlin which also had an exhibition on the First World War, it’s interesting how the German exhibition concentrated on the international perspective. It featured Indians, African people, the Ottoman empire, so they possibly tried to do a bit too much, but importantly, it was not a German narrative but an international one, whereas the exhibition in Britain featured mainly white British soldiers

at the Western Front, and even the ‘Guardian’ compared this in a very meaningful way. There was a corner for the commonwealth people, but only the white commonwealth, and there was nothing on the Chinese labour force, nothing on the Caribbean labour force, very little on India, and nothing at all on the Eastern front which simply doesn’t exist in that exhibition. So I asked myself, why is this? Obviously it serves the purpose of acting as a reference point for the country or some part of society, and we as academics could criticize the lack of an international perspective, but then again I would always argue that it serves the social purpose.

How could Remembrance be made more inclusive?

For example if you start with the exhibitions, you should also include the experiences of other people, of non-white people, and it is necessary to include even in the advisory board people from outside Britain, as there were no specialists on India or China for the First World War exhibition.

The first step is opening up the advisory boards, and opening up the narrative of the exhibition. In academia, Britain has a very open society, more so than any other country, but in terms of narrative, they’re more closed than other countries, or at least more closed than Germany. And to change this would be a very long process driven by young peo-

ple who have travelled abroad and so on and so forth. But by making it more inclusive, then possibly other people would feel that they could also the wear poppy and even non-whites would wear it and remember the non-white soldiers and soldiers from other parts of world, so it would be a general commemoration.

My argument is, are we really so different? If you compare a 19 year old Indian, German, Italian, British soldier, of course people may argue that they were fighting for the good, or that they were fighting for the bad, but if you really compare them, they had not much to do with politics. They adopted the social practices of the time, and they all thought that they were defending their country, and fighting for the good, and that God was on their side.

I think we should concentrate on the overlaps rather than the differences. I mean, even in the case of the soldiers from India yes they had a different cultural background - but they were all in the trenches and in the miserable weather conditions and they were all dying. So I would like it if we as Europeans, and even those from outside Europe, could concentrate on the shared experience.

If not for the First and Second World Wars, do you think it is even remotely possible that the European Union would have been formed?

I think that without the experience of the World Wars we would never have seen something like the EU. You could even argue that one world war was not enough; the killing of 10 million people was not enough, and Europe obviously needed another even more horrible world war.

And it’s interesting nowadays to compare the continental narrative in some countries to the British narrative towards the EU. But it’s a shared experience at least for the continent, and if you go to Austria you will see that it’s very much European-focused and if you go to Germany it’s very Europe-focused as well, even possibly a bit overdone.

Michael Chessum, former ULU President, said Remembrance Day is “one of the most extreme and ideologically right-wing things possible - historically distorting, establishment-run propaganda at the expense of the victims of war.” What do you

think of this interpretation?

Well, if you’re against war, if you’re against the empire, and if you’re against this concept of a white nation you will have certainly problems that are in line with this quotation. But in Britain, people love the war, so to phrase it, in the sense that Britain has won all wars in the last 300 years, or they at least perceive that they’ve won them, and as such that is the direction of the narrative. I think for British people, the notion of war is normally something positive, because it is for the good.

And remember the speech of Gordon Brown before the referendum of the Scots, where he expressed sentiments such as defeating the fascists and ‘we fought two World Wars together’ and we see Britain has fought against Napoleon and against Wilhelm II and then against Nazis and against the Taliban, so Britain is always portrayed as being on the good side of the narrative. However, this is very different in other countries, like Germany, Spain and Italy, where war is considered something negative.

For me, it’s about remembering the fallen soldiers, and not necessarily about imperialism. I mean, Britain lost 750,000 men in the First World War and half a million in the Second World war, and therefore I believe that the Poppy is a decent symbol; after all its not as if you are wearing a tank or a gun on your suit. I think society should remember their fallen soldiers. And in this respect I think in many ways people in continental countries always look at the British armed forces in this way - if you speak to German soldiers or Italian soldiers, they think that in Britain there is a very healthy attitude towards the soldiers. The British recognize their soldiers, the soldiers’ duties and sacrifices in contrast to other countries where the soldiers are under constant stress and criticism.

So in a way yes, the commemoration day is a bit too narrow but overall it’s a good thing and we should not overdo the criticism by saying it’s an example of British imperialist self-perceptions and so on. For some people though, it is, and since we are living in a liberal and open country each person can have their own approach, but I think generally Remembrance Day is good and not the celebration of an imperialist past.

To read the unabridged version of this interview, go to www.beaveronline.co.uk

Remembrance Special

18

Dulce Et Decorum Est

The Pocket Philosopher: Just War?

The Tribute at The Tower

Louis van der Linden Pocket Philosopher

IN A SPECTACLE THAT HAS attracted millions, the Tower of London has played host to a remarkable art instillation that aims to commemorate the 888,246 British military dead who gave their lives during the First World War. 100 years on from the Great War, a tide of ceramic poppies cascade from the tower and fill the moat with their distinctive red form, with each poppy representing a life lost in combat.

The strikingly macabre beauty and scale of the installation, named Blood Swept Lands and Seas of Red is the vision of ce-

ward-looking” in an article that has seen over 2500 comments and 13000 Facebook shares.

Jones goes on to state that the memorial at the Tower glorifies and romanticises war, describing it as a “UKIP style” memorial.

Indeed, he is brave to publicly criticise such a prominent display of remembrance, yet his comments are bitter and unpalatable, and a predictable backlash followed his publication of the offending article. David Cameron responded personally by affirming that he viewed the piece to be “deeply poignant”, praising the vision and execution of the memorial.

Jones’ incendiary comments highlight just how easy it is to criticise something that one

to glorification or romanticism.

The literal and metaphorical “seas of red” represented by the Tower’s crimson moat presents a remarkable juxtaposition; whilst the physical spectacle is impressive, both visually and logistically, the connotations of blood and gore are unavoidable.

The poppies themselves have all been hand crafted, and as individual components of the instillation they serve a further purpose. Blood Swept Lands and Seas of Red is not just an art instillation, it is a charitable project; each poppy can be purchased for £25, a sum which will see a donation to the multitude of military charities supported by the artists. Critics of this piece should be able to appreciate its

who gave their lives so that we may live ours, is something which should transcend party politics.

To use the emotionally charged remembrance period to score points or make petty political comments is to undervalue the depth of respect and unity that remembrance should evoke.

Those who gave their lives for us did not do so in order for us to use their deaths as a means to launch political attacks; regardless of personal political preference, it should be accepted that some things are more important than point scoring.

An ancient Roman poem states: “Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori”, which translates as “it is sweet and fitting to die for one’s country”. This line was

ramic artist Paul Cummins and stage designer Tom Piper, who have succeeded in creating a stunning vision that provides an overwhelming sense of scale to the Great War. Despite the popularity of the instillation, it attracted a torrent of scathing criticism from Jonathon Jones, an art blogger for The Guardian, who described the piece as “fake, trite and in-

doesn’t understand; despite his status as an art critic, the tone of the piece clearly escaped him.

Whilst it is true that the instillation is “aestheticised” and beautiful, this serves as a mechanism by which the true scale of death in The Great War can be effectively portrayed and comprehended by entirely new audiences.

As Jones admits, the title of the instillation doesn’t lend itself

inherent value as a charitable venture, even if they find the sentiment unpalatable.

Whilst many disagree profoundly with the comments that have already been addressed in this article, it is the comment regarding the memorial being UKIP-esque is perhaps the most disrespectful. The notion of remembrance, and the crucial importance of appreciating those

popularised in the World War One poem of the same name by Wilfred Owen, who disgustedly uses the line in a bleakly ironic sense to highlight the true horror of trench warfare. Whilst many agree with Owen, asserting that the deaths of soldiers worldwide have never been sweet or fitting, the touchingly poignant and heartfelt Tribute at the Tower certainly is.

George Harrison Deputy Features Editor

Source: WikiCommons. User: JeyHan.

JUST WAR. THE SEEMING contradiction is immediately unpleasant, yet there is a vague positivity to it. Sure, war is bad, but just war is… better?

Just War Theory begins with early Christian theologians who aimed to reconcile the claims that taking human life is wrong, but protecting the innocent sometimes requires the use of force.

From these premises, the aim is to deduce a jus ad bellum: conditions under which military force is justified, and jus in bello: a description of ethical conduct in war. Two weeks after Woodrow Wilson declared war on Germany, William Manning, the Episcopal bishop of New York, said “Jesus does not stand for peace at any price... Every true American would rather see this land face war than see her flag lowered in dishonor”.

Believers in JWT argue it bridges the divide between war and pacifism: the two terms share a common presumption against killing that can only be overridden under extreme conditions.

For pacifists, those conditions are self-defence. For just war theorists, they are anything that adheres to the two criteria mentioned.

Do the two criteria really make a war “just”? Does the fact that both sides really believe they should go to war and first agree on some ground-rules make the deaths the war will cause somehow okay? To most pacifists, the philosophy is absolute, rather than relative. Perhaps, then, the issue is linguistic and “just” should be replaced with “permissible.”

There are further difficulties.

Laurie Calhoun points out that the theory assumes that there are absolute wrongs but then concludes that there are relative conditions under which that absolute no longer applies. Those conditions are set by the warring parties, and can be just, but don’t have to be.

Traditional JWT does fundamentally prohibit certain behaviours. Killing the innocent, for example, is deemed to be out of the question. Modern technological advancements have made it more, rather than less, difficult to avoid killing the innocent in times of war. If JWT’s premise is no longer realistic, then some opine that just war is no longer a promising theory but just an oxymoronic phrase and support for it will turn to deafening silence.

Tuesday November 11, 2014

Remembrance Art: The Cenotaph and Trafalgar Square AS THE HUGE SUCCESS of Paul Cummins’ instillation has already demonstrated, remembrance can take a beautiful a n d visua l l y signifi-

cant form: Remembrance art represents a way for grief to be articulated and appreciated by entirely new audiences.

As part of the Royal British Legion’s Every Man Remembered initiative, a commemorative sculpture has been recently unveiled in Trafalgar square.

The 7 metre brass structure depicts an unnamed soldier standing defiantly in a cascade of poppies, and will remain in Tra-

falgar square until the 16th November, after which it will embark on a 4 year tour of Great Britain.

The grand, modern displays of Remembrance art stand alongside creations on a smaller scale; Sunday’s service at the Cenotaph saw a multitude of hand knitted poppies amongst the crowds, representing proud creative efforts on an individual level. Traditional paintings com-

memorating the lives lost in conflict can be found in the Imperial War museum, in an array of exhibitions that focus on the nature of both war and remembrance.

Gardens of remembrance can also inspire reflection within stunning settings, demonstrating the varying natures and scales of artistic remembrance, and providing visual interpretations of emotionally conflicting themes to vast and varied audiences.

19

Remembrance Special

Tuesday November 11, 2014

Never Again: Learning the Lessons from World War One

Kelly Kaufman First year postgraduate

100 years ago: A week of War

WORLD WAR I BEGAN 100 years ago. Militarism, nationalism, and alliances hugely contributed to its outbreak, all of which are phenomena can been seen in the world system today.

While ruminating over the causes of the Great War, the question arises: how can the world avoid a repeat? Supposing it is possible to understand the reasons behind its cause, and recognize those practises and habits in the modern world, then perhaps it is also possible to influence the modern world in the cause of peace.

The world a century ago was already full of tension arising from historical crises. Fear and insecurity over these and other issues allowed for an ideology of militarism and a build-up of arms within nations as a deterrent. But this created a security dilemma – if a country strengthen its army as a defensive measure, its neighbours are going to recognise this pattern and, naturally, worry because of what you can do to them now, so they will build up too. This self-justifying effect necessarily carries on until something, economic collapse or the outbreak of War, ends it.

This same pattern was perhaps most obvious between Germany and Britain, but the arms race was continent-wide.

To make matters worse, there are reasons to believe that certain European states actually desired war. Leaders not only wanted to rectify historical issues, but they also wanted to distract the people from the socialist revolution

which seemed increasingly plausible or, specifically to Britain, from the civil war breaking out in Ireland. Specifically in Russia, from the unpopularity of the Czar. The leaders welcomed a chance to imbue their populations with nationalism, perhaps actually thinking that the war would be finished by Christmas.

There was cheering in the streets of many European capitals when war was announced.

War was also made increasingly likely by the constellation of alliances had spiderwebbed

this situation came from terrorism. The final spur for war was the assassination of the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne by a Serbian nationalist terrorist. The response to this act of terrorism was Austria-Hungary making unreasonable demands of Serbia, and then declaring war anyway even though the demands were basically met. This drew in Russia (in support of Serbia), Germany (in support of Austria-Hungary), and, domino by domino, eventually nearly every other state.

Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo a few minutes before his assassination. Credit: Karl Tröstl.

across this scene. This was a rigid system designed for collective defence, but the first shots and shells of the War set off a chain reaction, with one state declaring war on the next, requiring the mobilization of third and fourth party allies, so and dominoes fell all over the world. Because mobilization plans were so comprehensive and so rapid, once leaders set plans in motion they were effectively unstoppable.

The final catalyst for War in

11/11 onwards 11/11 Ottoman Sultan The Battle of Mehmed V issues Basra starts, ending 10 days later Fatwa with British and against all Indian troops Allied securing victory powers

12/11 Orders issued for all British planes to bear same marking

World War I would not have begun without militarism, nationalism, and alliances. We can see that now, 100 years later. If we look for these factors in our world today, we can see how these same factors are affecting global events. By looking through the lens of WWI, we can apply hundred year old lessons to the modern situation.

Much as militarism spiralled into conflict in 1914, the armed support for rebels in Ukraine is

13/11 First appeareances of German submarines between Southampton and Le Havre

14/11 Keuprikeui in Armenia retaken by Turkish forces, as Germans take Bruges

exacerbating an already bloody situation. As in the run up to WWI, building up military force encourages rival nations to do the same. Sending negotiators may be better than sending weapons, but – for nations like Russia more concerned with pursuing a narrow vision of their immediate national interest than with the achievement mutually beneficial outcomes with neighbouring states – conflict and discord can seem preferable to peace.

Furthermore, nationalism is crippling the Middle East, with sectarian ideologies enabling war after war. When supporting a state is encouraging or legitimizing violent nationalism, sectarianism and oppression, internal criticism becomes not only necessary but. The USA’s support for and legitimization of states like Israel and Saudi Arabia can be seen and critiqued in this light.

Alliances may be helping the Kurds fight Islamic State, but one could also say that they pulled Britain into war in Afghanistan and Iraq. Unity, support and solidarity are may often be positive forces in international affairs, but it must be recognised that alliances can draw nations into unwanted wars. Perhaps if alliances are built on long-standing sympathies and similarities rather than the short-term pursuit of national interest, the likelihood of arbitrary war will decline.

It has been 100 years since World War One, and almost 70 years since World War Two, but only by learning the lessons from these conflicts can we ensure there is never a World War Three.

15/11 Battle of Cracow and Russian invasion of North Hungary

17/11 Friedrich Karl, a German crusier, is sunk in the Baltic Sea by a mine

corner Bronwen Mehta RAG Secretary IT’S THAT TIME OF YEAR again when every woollen scarf and duffle coat, along with the front of the odd tube train, is adorned with a symbolic red poppy in preparation for Remembrance Day. On Tuesday and Wednesday of last week, you may have noticed the RAG team bearing the cold of Houghton Street to collect donations for the Royal British Legion, trying desperately to pin a poppy to your jacket with hands numb from the November chill. Along with the various styles of poppies that are available- the traditional paper ones with pins, the enamel badges, the wristbands- the Royal British Legion also release an annual poppy single in an effort to raise money.

The 2014 official Poppy Appeal Single, Joss Stone and guitarist Jeff Beck’s cover of ‘No Man’s Land (Green Fields of France)’, can be purchased on iTunes, GooglePlay or Amazon, with all proceeds going directly to the appeal. The Royal British Legion holds this annual poppy appeal, with its slogan- ‘Live On’, to raise money to provide welfare for the Armed Forces community.

This community includes veterans, young and old; soldiers that have been injured in service as well as the families of soldiers serving and deceased. Support ranges from psychological care to physical treatments; they even support returning soldiers in finding employment and re-integrating into civilian life.

As this year marks the centenary of the beginning of World War One, the Royal British Legion have set their highest target yet, of £40million in order to ensure that they can continue to provide this essential care and support to individuals and their loved ones for years to come.

“East is East and West is West, and never the twain shall meet” The experiences of the colonial troops who fought and sacrificed their lives during the First World War, have for years been overshadowed for the most part by the spotlight focused on soldiers who fought on the Western Front. This is a startling truth made even more shocking by the fact that over four million nonwhite men fought in the war in both combatant and non-combatant roles in both European

and American armies. These men were brought in from a wide spectrum of countries from around the globe, and included West Indies, Chinese workers, Indian sepoys, African askaris, and Moroccan spahis to name just a few.

You may ask, did these men from the colonies really play a significant role in the First World War? Did their presence make a weighty impact? And would

history have taken a different course if not for their contributions to the allied forces? The answer is a resounding yes. From India alone, there were 1.5 million men who fought valiantly alongside British troops, with a further 500,000 colonial troops being recruited by France, including West Africans, Madagascans, Indochinese, Algerians, Tunisians and Moroccans. From China alone there were nearly

140, 000 contract labourers who worked for both the British and the French providing gruelling manual labour.

The death toll was equally significant. In Gallipoli, an estimated 1624 Indians out of 3000 gave their lives, which amounts to a chilling loss rate of over 50%.

Out of the 2 million Africans who were employed as soldiers and labourers in the war, at least 10% of them died in combat.

Whilst it maynot be true to say that these soldiers were born and bred in Western nations, they fought with just as much spirit and courage, and they died in the same trenches and were killed by the same bullets, as those who were.

Therefore, on this Day of Remembrance, let us remember not forget our fallen soldiers from Africa, the Middle East, Central Asia, Oceania, and the Far East.

LSE Men’s Rugby Vs Imperial Men’s Rugby

EXCLUSIVE: THE FULL MONTY

LSE PENGUIN STARS IN VIRAL AD

Photo credits for above, far left and below right to John Lewis

your new found fame?

Q: Hey LSE Penguin! You recently starred in retailer John Lewis’ Christmas advert, how did you land the role?

A: LSE has always had a rich relationship with John Lewis, because it’s a cooperative you understand. Just last year, the Beaver was at the heart of their #TheBeaverandtheHare campaign (see above).

I just turned up at the audition, spouted some cliched thoughts about worker repre-

sentation on corporate boards and the job was mine!

Q: How are you coping with

A: To be honest, my fame long pre-dates the advert.

Several times a day I am photographed with bemused tourists outside Waterstones.

I also starred in the film ‘Happy Tweet’, about Andrew Farrell’s holiday in Antarctica, and ‘March of the Socialist Workers Penguins’, narrated

by JP Morgan Freeman.

Q: You were recently papped by a long-lens whilst on holiday in Antarctica performing what some would call a fairly vigorous sexual act (below left). How did this make you feel?

A: The behaviour of the tabloid press is simply no longer acceptable. I will be joining Quacked Off, the new lobby group for avian victims of the

Mur-duck press. I actually know Steve Coogan very well as we have a mutual interest in white powder.

Q: How’s your relationship with co-star Monty? We heard some rumours you were seen together leaving Zoo Bar heading in the direction of a fishmongers!

A: I won’t comment on my private life but there’s nothing to that rumour. We simply left together as Zoo Bar is too sweaty for creatures used to the cold. I will say this though, there were a fair few AU members in there trying to p-p-p-p-p-p-pick up a penguin that night.

Tuesday November 11, 2014

22

Society Listings LSESU LGBT+ ALLIANCE The LSESU LGBT+ Alliance has launched its video campaign ‘AU For All’, aiming to increase inclusiveness and LGBT+ awareness within the Athletics Union. The video can be viewed at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UEWETCRjHGU LSESU FASHION SOCIETY Model auditions this week!

The Fashion Society is recruiting male and female models for their annual charity fashion show which take place during Lent term.

The Venue: Thursday 5-7pm and Friday 1-4pm WOMEN’S NETWORK LAUNCH The Venue: Tuesday 6-10pm Tickets available via: www.lsesu.com/whatson The launch will kick off a series of events and workshops about women in politics, media and business. There will be fantastic speakers and refreshment provided MUSTARD SEED PITCH Apply online to pitch to former LSE students at www.mustardseedimpact.com/forms/lse-Sub if you have a business idea that can make lasting social and environmental change. Apply by the 19th November, more detials next week.

Music Society Welcome Party is Smash Hit

by Rachel Tsang On Thursday 6th November the LSESU Venue was alive with the sound of music as the much anticipated Music Society Welcome Party took place.

True to Music Society tradition, partygoers were greeted with free pizza, snacks and drinks and anticipated a propitious evening of revelry and music from their classmates.

The audience listened intently as Alia Aziz kicked off the performances with ‘Umbrella’

by Rihanna and ‘Accidentally In Love’ by Counting Crows. Demas Koh soon got people off their seats with his spirited renditions of Katy Perry’s ‘The One That Got Away’ and ‘Going Nowhere’ by Little Mix. Over a dozen acts, including a couple of bands, showcased some of the musical talent at LSE. The insane drumming and bass guitar playing of one of the formations certainly grabbed people’s attention.

Music Society President Daniel Kim addressed the crowd and spoke of the exciting events to come during the 2014/15 season. With over 150 attendees, the party was a good opportunity for musicians to network, swap details and start forming new groups and ensembles, everything from string quartets to K-Pop boy bands. A few of those from the welcome party will be singing again at the Open Mic Night in the Three Tuns on Tuesday 11th November at 7:30pm. With slots still open, anyone else interested in performing should contact livemusic@lsesumusicsociety.com.

With a chamber concert, caroling and the LSE Christmas Concert also this term, expect another packed and successful year for Music Society.

Photo by Ottavia Ampuero-Villagran More Photos on page 12

Que Sera Sera Composer: Maria Chawla Your mother sobs back tears as you finally manage to get your luggage off the car. You’re going away to university. She finds support in your father’s stance and smiles at you encouragingly. You turn towards the airport doors and start making your way into the unknown. You don’t know what the next three years will bring and you wonder whether you’re ready for it yet Que Sera Sera, whatever will be will be.

You’re standing at the doors to the majestic Deloitte building looming in front of you. This is it. Your final round interview. What were those five competencies again? Your mind scrambles to remember the multitude of notes you had made yesterday.

Nothing seems to come back to you now. You press your palms on your

suit jacket. Business Smart. This is it. This is all you’ve been working towards your last three years at LSE. You need this to go well. You need this job. Your heart skips a beat as you step into the doors.

Que Sera Sera, the future’s not ours to see.

Day 1. You’re ready to start your first day in the ‘real world’. Suddenly you feel like a complete outsider. You’re not sure whether you have that skill set you so confidently boasted about through your interviews. What if you’re horribly wrong for the job and they realise that they don’t want you on the first day. You’re just 21. How’re you supposed to be that flawless LSE graduate they keep talking about?

Suddenly you start missing being a student again. You take a deep breath

and join the crowd in black and white entering the building.

Que Sera Sera, whatever will be will be.

You hug your best friend goodbye.

He had become you closest thing to a family and now it was time for both of you to go your separate ways. You waive off the feeling of loss by finding assurance in digital realm. We’ll skype everyday okay? Although you can’t imagine this happening. I’ll come to your wedding of course! And with that you both attempt to laugh it off. You wonder whom you’re going to direct your drama towards now. Will there ever be anyone again who’ll know you better than you know yourself ?

Que Sera Sera, the future’s not ours to see.

You’re boarding your flight home.

One-way ticket. Don’t know when you’ll be coming back. The excitement you usually feel whilst going home over the break is overpowered with this feeling of fear. In the last three years at university, you grew attached to London and you feel like you’re just ready to let go just yet. The familiarity you associate with your home just seems like a distant memory now. What if you can never really settle back into your life again?

Que sera, sera Whatever will be, will be The future’s not ours to see Que sera, sera What will be, will be Que Sera, Sera.

The City

Tuesday November 11, 2014

Section Editor: Julia Wacket city@thebeaveronline.co.uk

24

Sport: Dear Straight People AU Take Me Out Page 26 Page 30

PartB

Google is Strong but not Immortal All great monopolies must come to an end, and Google is no exception

Just last week, Google’s motto “Don’t be evil” was once again repudiated when Robert Hannigan accused the US tech company, along with others, of helping terrorism. Recently appointed as head of GCHQ , a British intelligence and security organisation, Hannigan claims that the lack of cooperation between tech firms and spy agencies is threatening security, since many terrorist organisations are now using digital tools to communicate. In the wake of Edward Snowden’s revelations, Google had indeed enhanced its data protection in an attempt to reassure users worried about the confidentiality of their personal information.

Google plays such a decisive role in today’s world that it is hard for them to please everyone. But if anybody should be delighted by the company’s achievements so far, it is the shareholders. Google’s market capitalization has grown from $23 billion in 2004 to $400 billion in 2014, reflecting the huge profits made in the last decade. This success can be mainly attributed to the firm’s great share in the search engine market, fruitfully combined with its online advertising services.

In the meantime, Google has always wanted to be something more than a profitable business.

The corporation’s motto puts forward the idea that making money and creating a better world should not necessarily be incompatible actions. This might be true, but there is still a long way to go for everyone to be convinced of the firm’s altruism. Google’s detractors often denounce its opacity. But would Google survive transparency?

Several competitors have claimed for a long time that the tech giant unfairly exploits its monopoly in the search engine market to promote its own products. They demand regulation - and therefore transparency - of how Google selects and, more importantly, orders the web pages to be returned for a given search. Amusingly, some of the complaints were supported by Microsoft, which for years bundled Windows and Internet Explorer in order to popularize its buggy web browser thanks to its monopoly in the operating systems industry.

Google has always refused to disclose the algorithm used to search the web, and this is perfectly legitimate. The algorithm’s

confidentiality is actually one of its biggest strengths. Discovered, it could be studied in detail and manipulated by businesses and website owners willing to appear higher in search results. This phenomenon is called spamming and would certainly jeopardise the quality of Google searches. AltaVista, one of the first web-search engines, went bust because of spamming. Regulating the search algorithm would not be in the best interest of the users and does not seem very likely to happen.

However, demand for transparency regarding the collection of personal data looks more worrying for Google. Users’ concern about the use of their private information has been growing in recent months.

Many customers tend to see the search engine as a public service.

But it turns out that nothing is absolutely free and Google searches are not exception to the rule. The trick is simply that the service is paid with data instead of cash.

From the customers’ perspective, the difference is significant.

When customers buy a standard product, they know exactly how much they must pay for it but are not concerned with what the vendor does with the money afterwards.

When users search on Google, they do not exactly know how much of their private information has been

collected, but they are interested in the way it will be used.

Legitimately, many web users would like to know the nature of the data collected by Google, as well as the purposes of the collection. However, such transparency would be harmful to Google. Imagine a user who could see in real time all his personal data being amassed, the name of all the companies and organisations buying them from Google as well as the purchase price. He would probably see Google in a different light and perhaps be more reluctant to use it so often. He might be willing to try some other search engines and check whether his personal information is handled differently.

Personal information is a sensitive issue and regulation of the way Google manipulates users’ data is likely to be reinforced in the near future. Google might also be weakened by other kind of regulations, such as the “Right to be forgotten” recently put into practice in the EU. For the first time, the firm was forced to remove web pages from its search results that were infringing an individual’s right to privacy.

Stronger regulation like this might damage Google’s prosperity on the long term.

It is not easy to imagine that Google will one day collapse. While many other businesses are still strug-

gling to recover from the last financial crisis, Google can afford to invest huge sums in research. In a secret facility called Google X, some scientists are designing the world of tomorrow: driverless cars, atmosphere balloons spreading internet access in every single place of the world, wireless contact lenses able to help people with diabetes check their glucose ratio in real time.

But although Google is diversifying, almost all of its revenues are still coming from one single service: online advertising. This service is highly reliant on the availability of user’s personal information, which might be eventually more regulated.

Furthermore, Google experienced a slowdown in the growth of its mobile advertising business for the last quarter. Mobile users seem less inclined to click commercial links.

Google will have to innovate again and improve its mobile advertising services, as smartphones will soon be the most common way to access the Internet. What if it failed to do so?

History shows that all great monopolies ultimately come to an end.

Some of them collapsed because of regulations, such as Standard Oil or AT&T. Others were just no longer able to innovate enough, such as US Steel or more recently Microsoft.

Why would Google be exception to the rule?

Photo credit: WikiCommons

The City

Paul Le Manh City Correspondent

The City The ECB and the Future of the Eurozone 25

Tuesday November 11, 2014

The European Central Bank recently reported on the financial health of the eurozone’s most significant banks. But was their testing credible?

Nicholas Joubert Wendland City Correspondent

Photo credit: WikiCommons

Just over a week ago, the European Central Bank (ECB) announced the results of its widespread investigation into the health of 130 of the eurozone’s most significant banks. Will this move towards greater transparency and unification within the European banking system fix its problems once and for all? And will it be sufficient to stave off the current threat of deflation looming large over the eurozone?

If one accounts for capital raising since the beginning of this year, the ECB’s stress tests and asset quality review (AQR) failed a total of 14 banks, whose balance sheets were

found wanting by an accumulated capital shortfall of €9.5 billion; a mere 0.003% of total assets. Far from devastating, therefore, but many commentators who claim the tests were not sufficiently stringent remain sceptical about the credibility of the ECB’s examination.

This not least because the tests depended to a considerable extent on the same national supervisors whose very regulatory leniency allowed for the banks to overstate the value of their assets in the first place. Critics also point to the stress tests’ apparent disregard of the so called “doom loop” – the interlocking system of cross-border entanglements between banks deeply invested in the sovereign debts of the same governments who, in turn,

are meant to be guaranteeing the banks’ own solvency. Of the total €2.7 trillion in sovereign debt exposure, the stress tests stipulated a comparatively meagre €19 billion of impairments and a €17 billion reduction in capital, which is not a promising prognosis to curb the sovereign-debt crisis.

Crucially, however, the ECB failed to model the consequences of a deflationary scenario. The ECB’s vice-president, Vítor Constâncio, defended this stance on the uncertain grounds that “deflation simply would not happen”, and has had very few people convinced ever since. While the improved transparency and integration across the European banking landscape will no doubt increase the ECB’s economic power, as it assumes direct supervision of eurozone banks, the bank appears to be missing a crucial element of the downturn scenario.

Faced with a 0.3% inflation rate rapidly marching towards stagnation and deflation within the coming year, the stress tests amount to something of a Maginot Line to the underlying issues of a lack in market confidence, stunted bank lending and insufficient demand.

The real question then remains: what can the ECB do to taper off the risk of deflation and boost economic growth in the eurozone? To this end, Paul de Grauwe, of the LSE, draws an illuminating compari-

son between the monetary policies of the US and the eurozone since 2012 as part of a round-table discussion hosted by The Economist.

In contrast to the ECB, the Federal Reserve expanded its balance sheet by pumping an additional $1 trillion into the American money base. The ECB, says Mr. de Grauwe, proceeded to do just the opposite on a flawed supply-side conception of the root of the financial crisis. Structural reforms were encouraged with a view to increase output and elicit a corresponding adjustment in demand.

In practise, however, this was not so.

Attempts by the ECB to engage in some quantitative easing, like the purchase of government debt, have been curtailed by what de Grauwe describes as the “religious zeal” of German opposition to inflationary measures and insistence on strict austerity. Willem Buiter, chief economist at Citigroup, reflects this sentiment when he writes in the Financial Times that “the eurozone’s ‘no monetary financing of sovereigns’ fetish hamstrings the ECB. The instinctive anti-Keynesianism of the Teutonic fringe emasculates countercyclical fiscal policy.” It seems, therefore, that domestic political stalemate continues to complicate the way forward for a single monetary authority responsible for the entire eurozone economy.

However, Mario Draghi, president of the ECB, has provided some

Mika Morissette Infographic Author

assurance in a recent statement that “should it become necessary to further address risks of too prolonged a period of low inflation, the Governing Council is unanimous in its commitment to using additional unconventional instruments within its mandate”. Indeed, at the beginning of last month, the ECB kicked off its plans to start purchasing private sector assets in an effort to revive lending rates. It has already begun to purchase “covered bonds” - debt backed by public sector loans or mortgages - and has further plans to buy loans repackaged as assetbacked securities (ABS) in the final quarter of this year. This will provide a much needed liquidity injection into the European economy, and some commentators are optimistic that further monetary policy measures will follow to bring the prospect of eurozone quantitativeeasing to a timely reality. Jennifer McKeown, senior Europe economist at Capital Economics, reckons that “it is now a matter of when rather than if ”.

Ultimately, it may be sound to bear in mind what correspondet of the FT Martin Arnold reminds us of, that “the rebuilding of confidence in Europe’s banks after the crisis is a journey, not a destination.” Only time will tell what the ECB have in store for the fate of the eurozone economy.

Choudhry Azizuddin LSESU Entrepreneurs Society The Entrepreneurs society hosted a talk with Vishnu Hariharan, a fast, resilient and down to earth Entrepreneur who was one of it’s founding members.

Vishnu worked in finance for seven years, eventually cofounding Bluebook; a platform for applied financial education. He talked about how important it is to know why you do something, and to make the most out of university. He suggested doing things that you would not be comfortable doing like meeting new people or joining a sports team. For those thinking of starting a business, he emphasized on having a lean start up, cutting costs as much as possible, and avoiding outside funding. A recurring question was concerned with the problem of finding a technical co-founder; fortunately, the society will be launching an initiative to address that.

Next LSESU Entrepreneurs Society Event: Tuesday, 11th November at 7:00pm in NAB.2.14-Howard Harrison of KNOMO, ‘where knowledge meets mobility’

14

Tuesday November 11, 2014

PARTB

POETRY CORNER:

Review: The Scottsboro Boys

T

HE Scottsboro Boys is no happy tale, forget the glitter and fluff of other West End favourites Wicked or Matilda, this musical has guts and packs a real punch. The musical is based on the devastatingly true story of nine African-American teens obviously wrongly imprisoned in depression-soaked Alabama.

Setting off on a train through the deep South in search of work, the boys are falsely accused of rape and rapidly imprisoned. While most of the story focusses on one of the boys, each boy’s character is given a chance to add value and depth to the story. It brings to mind To Kill Mockingbird in the lessons it is trying to tell and The History Boys at the end where their fates are revealed to us in monologues. But The Scottsboro Boys is unlike any other musical right now.

The energy of the cast is electric and the narrow, high Garrick theatre is a good intimate setting for the vaudeville show exposition. We follow the overstated highs and deep lows of the boys’ train journey, arrest and subsequent years in prison and in trials.

While this sounds depressing, the music is good, the choreography fantastic (although more tap dancing next time

DEAR STRAIGHT PEOPLE PERDITA BLINKHORN

please) and the harmonies were perfect. Furthermore, there is good use of humour to break the mood. Most of this comes from poking fun at the white Southerners for their idiocy and misguided self-righteousness. Noone escapes being mocked in this musical as the terrifying social opinions of the white Alabama guards, judge, lawyers and public pervade the show. This is social commentary at its most accessible, heightened by there only being one non-African American actor, while all the other white characters are fluidly played by the boys.

Thematically, The Scottsboro Boys also deals with memory and record.

The importance of remembering injustices and the freedom and risk of telling the truth are poignant reminders of the flaws of justice systems everywhere.

The cast have a wonderful chemistry and the simple set props make this a very actor-centric production. There is also a live orchestra which adds to a very musically strong performance.

Do not go toThe Scottsboro Boys if you are easily offended - this is no happy-go-lucky musical. However, if you can stomach the realities of the racist, sexist and disgusting attitudes of Alabama in the 1930s, put to music, you

26

Dear Straight people, I don't blame you.

It's not like you chose it.

Magnets can't choose which way they are attracted.

But the heteronormativity I see all around me Makes me think that You magnets are choosing to ignore me.

I can't help that I pull south, defying your definitions Of the pulling force Of gravity and conventional attractions; I want to be free to Live my life around you But the forces Push down on me Until I can't move. are in for a slick, clever and wonderful night at the theatre.

Dear straight people I don't blame you.

It's just what you know.

But your attitude repels me when you pull your blows.

And I know it's not all of you Many try to help But when you hear "that's so gay" You only protect yourself.

GARRICK THEATRE, 2 CHARING CROSS ROAD PERFORMANCES MON - SAT.

(Cheap tickets are available by using vouchers from the TimeOut website and online.)

So please, Dear straight people, Please ignore gender norms.

Stop the oppressive thinking: Love people in all forms.

GABRIELLE BERAN

THE FIVE REASONS WHY I WON’T BE BUYING

C

RUSSELL BRAND'S ‘REVOLUTION’

OMEDIAN, actor, presenter and annoyance Russell Brand has written another book. This one isn’t a retrospective on heroin and sex addiction or a commentary on the pitfalls of celebrity as the heinously named ‘Booky Wook’s are, but a political thesis. I don’t have any real problem with Brand as a comedian, actor, presenter or annoyance (in fact I think he’s

particularly good at the latter) but this new political theorist hat he’s trying to wear just doesn’t seem to suit is gloriously coiffed and overinflated head. Here’s why I won’t be buying into the Brand by buying the book: 1. From what I can gather from that Buzzfeed article, his political theory is completely incoherent and his policy

on the economy is no better. Buzzfeed needn’t have called Chandran Kukathas to disprove the theory as even those who haven’t taken GV100 could probably see that the nation state having ‘served its purpose’ and needing be dissolved is not really ‘not a big deal’ as Brand seems to believe that it is. Yeah Russell, huge upheaval, complete anarchy throughout the world and a return to the state of nature, yeah, no biggie.

2. It takes more than turning up to the Million Masked March (more on that later) and superimposing your own face onto a picture of Che Guevara to become a revolutionary. From what I can gather, Brand’s path to revolution doesn’t even seem to encourage mass uprising. Instead merely spoiling our ballots will make as much of a statement of the years of turmoil that other countries have done. If only Lenin had known...

3. Anonymous; teenage boys and neckbeards second favourite thing to do on the internet. And they seem to be the main (and only?) supporters of Russell Brand’s revolution. Is that because his policies are no more realistic than theirs? Possibly. Is it because the V for Vendetta mask is getting old and they need a new face for dissent? Very possible. Is it a bad sign when boys that haven’t even started their GCSEs yet are the only section of the electorate

that you can win over? Definitely.

4. We have all heard by now the rumours of Russell’s plan to run for Mayor of London. What a terrible idea! Image it; to graduate from comedy panel shows and then consider yourself a worthy candidate for Mayor! And then to get elected based on your silly comments and dodgy hair! Just think what ridiculous policies he would suggest; an airport on the Thames? Surely not...

5. The ‘trews’, Brand’s youtube series claiming to tell us the true news, seems to nicely package up everything that Russell is offering us: a self indulgent man with ready access to a thesaurus ranting down a camera about Renee Zellwegers face and claiming to have access to a higher truth. All the while sounding a bit like that bit in Parklife.

ELLEN WILKIE

PARTB EDITORIAL TEAM PARTB

FASHION

FILM

Jade Jackman Vikki Hui

Sanya-Jeet Thandi

Jade Jackman Maryam Akram

partb@thebeaveronline.co.uk

FOOD

Dorothy Wong food@thebeaveronline.co.uk

fashion@thebeaveronline.co.uk

film@thebeaveronline.co.uk

LITERATURE

MUSIC

TECHNOLOGY

THEATRE

VISUAL ARTS

Ellen Wilkie

Conor Doherty, Will Locke & Dominic Tighe

Rohan Soni

Vacant

techonology@thebeaveronline.co.uk

theatre@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Jade Jackman Maryam Akram

literature@thebeaveronline.co.uk

music@thebeaveronline.co.uk

visualarts@thebeaveronline.co.uk

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Tuesday November 11, 2014

PARTB THE OVERNIGHTERS AT THE HOMELESS FILM FESTIVAL 2014

L

AST week, The Beaver ran an ad for the Homeless Film Festival 2014, something that neither of us had heard of before but were really rather intrigued by. So, with our Halloween hangovers just about worn off, we headed out to the previously unexplored depths of Hackney and the beautiful Round Chapel Arts Centre on a chilly Saturday night to see what it was all about.

A different kind of festival, dedicated to confronting and presenting its audience with different perspectives on homelessness, the Homeless Film Festival kicked off with a screening of its first documentary film, The Overnighters, directed by Jesse Moss. Before this, a short film produced by The Guardian was screened, following the activities of emergency housing office, John Wilkes House, in Enfield over the course of a week. A hush encircled the churchcum-cinema as the main event began; we were transported from the harsh realities of council housing failures in North London to the willowy plains of North Dakota, where The Overnighters takes place, in a contemporary Gold Rush style environment of desperation and dreams. The oil boom is the catalyst for introducing us to the tiny town of Williston as an alluring magnet for men chasing high salaries in the fracking industry, but facing disappointment as finding employment and affordable housing is not as easy as expected. This is where local pastor Jay Reinke comes in, offering bed and board in the Lutheran Church under the name of the Overnighters club, although to the displeasure of his congregation and wider community.

Over a two year period, Reinke hosted over 1000 people searching for work in the oil fields and housing in the area at his church or in the parking lot in their cars. Through following his work, we are introduced to a series of

brave and bold characters of this ‘migrant’ community, all of whom challenge perceptions of what it means to be homeless. The stigmatization of the Overnighters by the Williston community provides an insight into what these marginalized groups have to contend with, of being viewed as the alien outsider and something to be fearful of in the angry locals’ point of view.

As an audience, one can’t help but sympathise with Reinke and support his continuing struggle. The crossover of Reinke’s personal life with his family and his interactions with the Overnighters and the paradox of being vilified by his own community for helping others crescendo to culminate in the film’s concluding revelation. What Jesse Moss achieves so well is allowing the audience to make up their own mind about the pastor, not through simply showing positives projected through rose tinted lenses but also the criticism he faces, even sometimes from the Overnighters themselves.

One of the most beautiful aspects to Moss’ filmmaking is his ability to transcend multi-layered themes in a simplistic style. In the Skype interview with the director himself following the film screening, he revealed that he had stayed with the Overnighters in the church and had formed personal friendships with them, helping bring that sense of reality and respectfulness to the screen. The discussion that followed encompassed issues of climate change, the dichotomy between ethics and faith, the definitions of community, the interplay between what is morally right and what is culturally expected as well as the central theme of the diversity of the term ‘homelessness’.

We spoke to Dean Brocklehurst, organiser of The Homeless Film Festival, after the screening, to get his thoughts on The Overnighters, the Festival itself and the wider issue of homelessness.

WHAT MADE YOU WANT TO GET INVOLVED WITH THE FESTIVAL? I'm a filmmaker by trade and in 2011, we received funding by an organisation called ideastap to create two short films with homeless affected people.

They experienced all aspects of production such as story development, camera operating and editing and we found that something as small as building their self-

W

illiam Walton once said that “film music is not good film music if it can be used for any other purpose,” and that was the impression I got from this performance. A rainy, windswept evening in late October, I headed to the Cadogan Hall to hear a concert of orchestral film music by Walton; Henry V and Richard III with a twist… rather than just a standard concert of Classical music, the City of London Sinfonia had invited renowned Shakespearean actor Simon Russell Beale to provide a narration from the plays.

The source of this music comes from the Laurence Olivier plays Richard III And Henry V. The former was first produced in 1955 and tells the tale of the supposedly bitter, scheming uncle

confidence and giving them a creative outlet was having a profound impact on them. They had something positive to focus on and were building meaningful friendships with the other participants.

When looking for somewhere to submit the films to we couldn't find anything suited and realised that organisations around the world were doing similar creative projects but didn't have a centralised space to screen them once they were completed. From that the Homeless Film Festival was born. We already worked closely with leading independent cinemas such as Cornerhouse in Manchester and Broadway in Nottingham so approached them with our programme of high end films to see if they would be interested in screening and when both agreed other cinemas followed suit quickly. The festival received charity status in 2012 and the rest is history.

ASIDE FROM RUNNING THE SCREENINGS, WHAT DOES BEING PART OF THE HOMELESS FILM FESTIVAL INVOLVE? So as well as the annual touring film festival, we offer short and long term creative projects with homeless people all year round. These could be 'make a film in a day' type projects to more intensive 'introduction to documentary filmmaking' courses. In order to find suitable homeless affected people to take part, we build relationships with related charities. On a management front the intensive work begins as soon as the festival finishes as we look to make the festival sustainable by attracting funding and sponsorship before the pre tournament planning begins 6 months prior to the tour.

WHAT DO YOU HOPE THE FESTIVAL WILL ACHIEVE? The wider aim is to raise awareness of homeless issues whilst offering a strong programme of films appealing to a general cinema audience. As well as that we hope to strengthen the network of homeless charities around the country by inviting them and their service users to attend our screenings and to submit content to the festival.

HOW IMPORTANT IS CHANGING PEOPLE'S PERCEPTION OF HOMELESSNESS TO TACKLING THE WIDER ISSUE? Very important is the short answer!

Rough sleepers are seen as the face of homelessness and it's a massive issue, but homelessness encompasses other

areas too such as the care system, people in temporary accommodation, refugees and the working poor. We hope to reflect these varied issues in our programme to raise awareness whilst changing perceptions of specific people suffering from one of those issues.

WHAT ROLE, IF ANY, WOULD YOU SAY BUSINESSES SHOULD PLAY IN TACKLING HOMELESSNESS? This is a tricky question. Homelessness is usually a side effect of another issue which needs confronting. There might be addiction problems, mental health issues or a lack of a family safety next which causes someone to be homeless. Society has a collective responsibility to engage in the issues and support the rehabilitation of people back into 'normal' society and businesses and corporations are no different. They can support homeless affected people by offering volunteer opportunities or a clear entry into employment. Other things like donating and facilitating donations are essential to local charities.

HOW WOULD YOU ASSESS THE CURRENT GOVERNMENT'S APPROACH TO HOMELESSNESS IN THE UK, AND WHAT WOULD YOU LIKE TO SEE WESTMINSTER DOING TO TACKLE HOME-

LESSNESS? We don't affiliate ourselves with a particular party as an organisation however we understand different political parties have their own policies on tackling homelessness. What we would like to see is more funding and support coming from government and less reli-

ability on charities and the kind will of individuals to confront the issue.

It’s easy to see why The Overnighters was chosen as the first film to kick off the festival, and why it won the Special Jury Prize for a documentary at The Sundance Film Festival earlier this year.

Moss’ empathetic portrait of the struggles of Williston is a story that will stay with you for a long time. We were also struck by the passion and enthusiasm of The Homeless Film Festival’s organisers, all of whom are volunteers working for a fantastic cause; getting us to think twice about what homelessness means and what we can do about it.

(The Overnighters is in selected UK cinemas now and will be available on DVD in Spring 2015. For further information on The Homeless Film Festival, visit www.homelessfilmfestival.org.)

TOM COLEMAN AND SUYIN HAYNES

SHAKESPEARE AND THE CINEMA

who kills his nephews in order to seize the crown of England. However, he is soon disposed by Henry VII at the Battle of Bosworth Field. While the latter, which arrived in the cinema in 1943 and was designed to foster patriotic sentiments, focuses on the young King in his campaign to invade and conquer France for the English Crown.

This theatrical music is regarded as some of the greatest film music ever composed, and set the template for later film scores. It includes incredible climaxes of intensity, moments of tension and suspense, and music inspired by early English melodies, which evoke the mystery of the court and the medieval battlefield.

Rather than just performing the film score detached from its intended visual accompaniment, the idea of this concert was to combine the orchestral

score with narration. Through the acting of Simon Russell Beale, the aim was to recreate the drama of the film, but this happened to varying degrees throughout the evening. Unfortunately, in the first half, during Richard III, I found myself falling asleep! There was very little narration to accompany the music. It felt bare, and the climaxes and constant emotional swells in the music felt repetitive. I tried to close my eyes to soak up the music, but found that without the visual element there seemed to be little sense of direction. Instead, inspired

by LSE100, I turned to analysing the gender makeup of the orchestra, noticing the men completely dominated the brass and percussion sections, but were outnumbered 4 to 1 in the string section; I wonder what this shows?

What this experience demonstrated to me was that this film music, which is

so gripping when in the context of the drama is ineffective when heard in isolation. And I wondered if many works of Classical and Baroque music, which are frequently performed in a context different from what the composer intended, are less effective when lifted from this context. For instance, the string quartets and concerto grossos intended for dancing at grand balls and as an accompaniment to social occasions, could be revitalised in those situations.

I found the second half much more engaging. Throughout this act, the orchestra was accompanied by narration from Russell Beale. In his booming voice, he recited the script of Henry V to a raptured audience. The words of his speech were reflected in the language of the orchestra and in the chorus, standing in the gallery, who sang the patriotic Agincourt Song and imitated the

cries of the army. I found this interplay between drama and orchestral music effective, and I left the concert hall feeling rollicked and entertained. My only criticism is that the first half of this production could have used a more extensive exchange between drama and music.

Nevertheless, I loved the concept of having a 'twist' to what would otherwise be a normal orchestral concert, and I think that this is something that could be imitated by other orchestras and production companies. While some would say that this might lead to an assault on the senses, and would stop people from focusing on the music in front of them, I feel that often the music itself was intended for and is crying out for a more wholesome entertainment experience. I am eager to go back to the City of London Sinfonia, to find out what the next 'twist' will be...

DOMINIC TIGHE

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Tuesday November 11, 2014

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PARTB

FASHION FOOD FOR THOUGHT

A

RTISTS Loral Amir and Gigi Ben Artzi’s attempt at taking some Russian heroin addicted prostitutes outside of their usual environment and into a more aspirational one is what the Downtown Divas concept entails.The artists have dressed the ladies in high end clothing from Louis Vuitton to Miu Miu and asked them about matters beyond the addiction that haunts them in a short film and number of portraits.

The idea came about when Gigi came across one of the ladies one night and realised her model like appearance; tall, super skinny with a cool haircut. Fascinatingly, since the sexual revolution of the 1960s mainstream models have aspired to be superskinny which gave rise to the popularity of heroin-chic in the mid 90s. Emaciation, glazed eyes, dark circles; this is a look that is still prevalent at times within the modelling world. Interesting then that Amir and Artzi have taken the concept of heroin-chic and made it authentic. The difference in the product is remarkable yet disturbing. Why would mainstream fashion aspire to this and play with the idea of addiction to achieve an aesthetic derived from danger, pain and suffering?

Addiction aside, Downtown Divas provided the women involved with a little escapism. Wearing clothing they could only dream about buying and talking about music and habits and hopes.

SANYA-JEET THANDI

Photo credits to: Loral Amir and Gigi Ben Artzi

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Tuesday November 11, 2014

partb THE RISE OF WEARABLE TECHNOLOGY

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uring our fast-paced lives, we expect the role of technology to make everyday tasks more streamlined and accessible. Technology companies have played upon our incessant need to see data, compare status among our peers and achieve goals and challenges; and created ranges of ‘wearables’ in order to help us lead more active and competitive lives.

Nike led the charge of ‘wearable’ technology back in 2006 with the integration of Nike+iPod, connecting highend Nike trainers to Apple devices, allowing users to track their running data as collected by a sensor placed into a pair of the aforementioned running shoes. Subsequently, Nike released the FuelBand, the first of the successful bracelet-type activity trackers. Using attractive marketing campaigns and a bright, eye-catching LED display, the FuelBand became popular to track the users progress towards a daily Nike Fuel goal and daily step count (a job simple pedometers have been excelling at for many years!). However, the high price

point (£139) and lack of accuracy of data collected by the FuelBand led Nike to call the FuelBand operation quits in July 2014. A number of Nike engineers were headhunted to join the team at Apple and develop the Health app for Apple Watch and iOS. FitBit is a US-based company with one of the highest market shares in the fitness tracker market, with their range representing just over 50% of the world market. Their most recent creation is the FitBit Flex (£79), a wristband tracker which monitors daily steps, distance travelled (in miles or km), calories burned and number of active minutes.

It is accompanied by a beautifully simple mobile application to view data and graphs of daily activity. Furthermore, it tracks how efficient the users sleep is, determining how many minutes per night you were awake or restless. As a user of the FitBit Flex I can advocate the level of accuracy and simplicity of the system, made more impressive by the long battery life of the tracker.

The main competitor came from JawBone. The company famed for Bluetooth earpieces and wireless speakers created the JawBone UP! as a daily fitness tracker, using sensors to measure daily activity similar to the previously mentioned technologies. The UP! features a more attractive design than the previous wristbands, with a secure magnetic metal clasp. The newly release UP 3 also features heart rate monitoring, a feature the more physically active users find useful. Additionally, at £99, represents better value than the Nike FuelBand, taking the FitBit products head on.

Apple have spent a number of years surveying the changing market of wearable technology, with the Apple Watch taking a reported 4 years to create and refine. Hiring from across the spectrum of the technology world has meant Apple has the most experienced

and knowledgeable team to develop this product. Infrared and LED sensors monitor the users pulse rate, along with intensity of activities. Apple Watch sends reminders to ensure the wearer is standing for at least a minute each hour, take around 30 minutes of movement in a day and burn a sufficient number of calories to reach the set goal. A workout app also tracks running, cycling and walking. The Apple Watch has inductive charging and has a 38mm or 42mm face size. There are a vast number of strap choices and face compositions (stainless steel, aluminium or the highend version in 18K gold). However, with the cheapest version at $350 and the most expensive likely to top $900, combined with the requirement to have an iPhone for the Watch to work, Apple may alienate a proportion of the market due to the high price point and number of Android and other smartphone users across the world.

Although these wearables are just the beginning, we can suggest the technology to track health and fitness activities is only going to become more sophisticated and complex, in addition to greater integrating with our social and professional lives.

ROHAN SONI

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Sport

Tuesday November 11, 2014

30

Uncontroversial Take Me Out Surprises All

Robin Park Sport Editor

Classified Results

WEDNESDAY NIGHT SAW the return of the Athletics Union’s annual Take Me Out. Hosted by the FC dominated lineup of AU President Rampton and the 7th team’s Passe, it was an evening largely free of controversy and incidents, which was very newsworthy in itself for the AU. Four bachelors took part in the event, as they vied for the attentions of ten ladies with balloons, which were confusing but effective replacements for lights this year.

The following is a review of what I think happened on Wednesday, which is unfortunately not very clear due to the number of times I lost fives against a collective of Not Rugby players.

The first contestant came from Men’s Hockey, whose special skill was playing the saxophone... Tepid. Typical. Hockey. Many balloons were liberally popped.

Next up was Luthringer from Not Rugby, who lived up to the title of ‘best looking guy in the AU’, as he showed off his sublime gymnastic abilities with his shirt off, displaying a torso that had been sculpted by Zeus and washed with the tears of Vestal Virgins. Yet

Men’s Football

Netball

LSE 2s 4 - 2 King’s 2s

LSE 3s 36 - 29 LSE 5s

LSE 2s 2 - 1 LSE 3s 2s

LSE 2s 15-0 Portsmouth 2s (Very strong. LSE goes 2nd in the league)

LSE 4s 3 - 0 Brighton 5s LSE 6s 2 - 1 Imperial Medics 3s

LSE 6s 10 - 9 Roehampton 5s

LSE 7s 2 - 3 St George’s 3s

LSE 1s 34 - 31 UCL 1s (Very, very strong)

Hockey

LSE 7s 20 - 45 Imperial Medics 5s

Men’s 1s 5 - 2 Kent Uni (LSE goes top of the league)

many were not impressed and balloons were popped at a startling rate until the announcement came that he could “also do the splits, but it’s being kept for the bedroom”, which somehow recaptured everyone’s attention, especially that of one particular balloon holder (not a fan of twins apparently), who couldn’t help exclaiming “he’s REALLY REALLY fit”. This was not going to be a night of subtleties.

Following the theme of nonexistent clubs, next up was rowing, which was represented by Muller from Luxembourg. Describing his talent sounds like low-budget porno but I assure you that’s got nothing to do with my poor memory. His

talent being the ability to beverage a pitiful amount of Smirnoff Ice, he first turned his back to the crowd, bent over, took his clothes off and revealed his stealthily hidden rowing attire. After this unnecessary routine he positioned himself onto a rowing machine with two assistants. Why he needed so much help to consume a diluted beverage is anyone’s guess. Importantly, however, it kept a lot of the girls guessing and he eventually left in triumph, ending his amusing stint on stage.

The final bachelor entered and he was from the FC, which drew a lot of applause as the strong FC turnout supported their representa-

tive. Having heard enough, Not Rugby chanted “we can’t wait till Fight Night”, which left the FC sadly quiet, as they were reminded of painful memories from previous years. In order to brighten up the mood, the FC candidate decided to sing some karaoke, which also turned out to be his ‘talent’, surprising many in the audience, though not Rampton, who was unusually excited to hear the FC rendition of “The Bad Touch”.

Tarrant’s singing clearly impressed many, however, and he whisked away his chosen girl to Fernandos/ Fer(Nandos)/Zoo Bar, bringing an end to another strong AU event.

Running Club

by Sheila Subbiah LCL Race 1: Parliament Hill Wednesday 22nd October, LSE Running club participated in the first London Colleges League (LCL) race of the season. There was strong LSE turnout, with 18 members running 4k and 8k (women’s and men’s respectively). The LSE cohort ran together for the most part, with six members finishing within ten places of each other. The combined results place LSE 11th out of 22 teams.

Photo Credit: Sheila Subbiah

Send results to sports@thebeaveronline.co.uk !!! (Win, lose or draw)

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Sport

Tuesday November 11, 2014

Mixed Team Volleyball Defeats King’s College to Claim Historic Victory LSE AU Volleyball Committee reviews the phenomenal success of newly established team

LSE 3 - KING’S 1.

That was the final score on Sunday (November 2nd), after thenewlyestablished LSE mixed volleyball team took on long-established rival, King’s. After much planning and preparation, the mixed volleyball team was finally created and registered in LSE, and what an amazing start to the year this game proved to be!

Walking through the pouring rain on our way to the sports centre, trepidation hung in the air.

Despite our inherently superior sports acumen and tendency for excellence, the King’s team had more experience in the league and deemed themselves favourites.

With only one other game under their belt, the LSE mixed team had had limited time to practice together.

The first set started off strong, with the LSE players bringing out the best of their abilities during each rally. With some brilliant setting by setter Martina Sampo, who shares the nickname ‘Hand of God’ with Maradona, our attacks became unstoppable. Fighting furiously for every point, we quickly took the lead and continued to keep our advantage, resulting in

the mixed team winning their first ever set!

Riding on the high of the first set, the second set started off with a slightly different combination of players, giving everyone the chance to play. Slight confusion in rotations, as well as one particularly powerful King’s server, led us to just narrowly lose this set, bringing the overall score to 11.

At this point, the game could have gone either way. However, the mixed volleyball team was not going to accept losing another set.

After an inspirational speech by Bruno Baisch, a man known for his Calhoun-like flair for words, [the Editor cannot confirm this] the team reentered the court with adrenaline pumping through their veins. The two sets that followed were a showcase of exceptional volleyball skills by all members of the team. Outside Dimitar Dimitrov, fully sober for the first time after an extended Halloween weekend, put on a great show of powerful hitting. Paul Petges, hailed as man of the match and eternal mixed team legend, maintained 100% attacking accuracy throughout the match, a ratio that nearly mirrors his success rate at Zoo Bar. Adelbert Tan, Moritz Schwarz and Lucie Rehakova all contributed with solid allround performances, leading to a nail biting victory that made the entire

LSE proud.

All in all, it was too much for King’s to handle and after 2 hours of playing, they were defeated.

The game finished with an admirable gesture by the King’s players, who acknowledging their opponent’s superiority, requested to

take our picture to document the moment they had the honour to play against athletes of such calibre.

The mixed team played hard, giving it all they had, proving that they are a great addition to the LSE volleyball club this year.

‘TAKE ME OUT’, THE SHOW where the girls are literally and seemingly arbitrarily replaced, and the man is the only one you’ve really got to know. But I guess it’s ok because it’s the guy that’s getting judged, right?

Anyway, last Wednesday was one of the AU’s biggest nights, and many of you decided to continue the theme of the night and spread the romance to Zoo Bar. Notable contestants included an American Definitely Snow-

sports member who was curiously being supported by NOT Rugby. They probably just took a shine to him. He was paired with The Bain but found out she didn’t have an American accent and politely turned down any advances. He didn’t understand her reply.

The rower in question seemed to be missing water based activities so she dove straight into an FC member, going home together, but their attraction turned out to be shallow and only shared a kiss.

Some unruly first year NOT Rugby fresher’s Cheemivities were seen, as they stole an e-cig from a not so happy (for more reason than one) third year NOT rugby member. So upset was he that he even managed to track

down 2014 National Hide and Seek Champion of the Year, James Wakefield, to complain about it.

Other members of that former club have taken to wrestling instead, well at least the former first team captain has, doing his best impression of Randy Orton taking out the other NOT Rugby member’s well chewed jaw.

[Please insert obligatory “RKO FROM NOWHERE!!!” here] More action from a Netball team captain and an FC’er.

There was pollination and germination on the dance floor; it may be the start of a flowering relationship.

LSE’s new self-proclaimed BNOC couple, who the press are officially calling Maxwella, were spotted by fans at Zoo Bar. We

tried to contact The Beaver editor, and former member of the couple the press officially called Cannsop, but he declined to comment as he was busy furiously censoring us whilst wiping regretful tears from his eyes.

Little Sam (two years on, still a shit nickname) met a real Diva on the dance floor. She demanded Cristal champagne, ten black roses, three lion bars, a chaise longue, a deck chair, nineteen leafy 6ft plants, one leafy 4ft plant, chewing gum, four soft plums, one bottle of rum, and lots of white sticky tape.

Bruno Baisch, Steffie Brader & Nicole Chan LSE Volleyball Committee

Have gossip? Will share?

E-mail what you’ve seen to sports@thebeaveronline.co.uk

The mixed team’s achievement has continued LSE volleyball club’s winning streak, kickstarted by the women’s team’s victory on Wednesday against Queen Mary.

Keep an eye out for the teams of LSE volleyball club this year…

UCL, you’re up next!

Sport

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Beaver

Editor: Robin Park Email: sports@thebeaveronline.co.uk

This week’s Sport: LSE 2nd XI against LSE 3rd XI at Fortress Berrylands last Wednesday afternoon. The 2s won 2 - 1, coming from behind with two late goals. More Photos page 12

Formula One On The Brink

Amelia Thomson 3rd Year LLB Undergraduate

THE US GRAND PRIX LAST week saw a starting grid of only eighteen cars, four short of the usual twenty two. This coupled with the threat levied by other teams to boycott the race left all those involved in Formula One with a rather sour taste in their mouth. For my part I found the race less exciting as a whole but more than this, as an F1 fan, I am concerned about what the future holds for this fantastic sport.

In October the two smallest teams in F1, namely Marussia and Caterham, went into administration and subsequently have missed the US grand prix and Brazilian grand prix. Despite both of these teams being on the draft 2015 entry list, Marussia as the re-branded team Manor F1 Team, it was announced last Friday that Marussia had packed up shop for good due to the fact no bids for the team were received by midday Friday and thus the continuation of the team was unfeasible. It is not only these smaller teams who are in trouble but there are concerns over what the make-up of all the teams will be

over the coming years in F1. For example the potential for teams with only one driver rather than the standard two has been discussed.

So who can be blamed for this mess? It is obvious that F1 is and always has been an expensive sport what with cutting edge technology, huge names both in manufacturing and driving and

stone, Chief Executive of the F1 Group, had come out and said that “there is too much money being distributed badly - probably my fault” essentially taking the blame for the plight of these smaller teams. Leaving aside the fact that Ecclestone is a man who essentially bribed his way out of a bribery charge and is still allowed to be in charge of F1, how did

its ability to attract the rich and famous. However this does not mean that the sport cannot be correctly managed and foster an atmosphere of improvement across the board. Bernie Eccle-

he allow this to happen? Seemingly it was promised that the sport would have a budget cap of £50m but this did not occur, engine costs have increased from £5m to £15m this year and Ec-

Photo Credit: Flickr: Zonasepeda

clestone also insists the teams use his freight but removed support to help bear the costs of this two years ago.

However the cherry on the top of the cake is the way in which money is distributed between teams. The larger teams such as Mercedes, Red Bull etc. are paid large amounts, some of which is allocated due to their finishing position in the championship, with reportedly Ferrari was allocated $90m just for participating.

Compare this to that of Marussia would earned a miserly $14m last year. How can these smaller teams be expected to survive let alone an atmosphere of progress be fostered when this allocation of budget is so highly weighted in the way of larger teams? To combat this some of the sport’s leading people have suggested a solution. Indeed Mercedes F1 boss Toto Wolff has suggested that perhaps leading teams should discuss a redistribution of income. This should be welcomed along with, if not a change at the top, a significant change in practice.

Many people may be asking why does it matter if F1 no longer has the smaller teams and as a result a smaller grid. For starters the collapse of teams such as Marus-

sia has a huge human cost not just in terms of the jobs of the drivers, managers and ‘front of office’ staff we see on TV but also to all those behind the scenes. Of these staff at Marussia it is suggested that more than 200 people will lose their jobs. This is a tragedy.

From a more ‘F1 fan’ point of view diversity and human interest stories are what make the sport so intriguing, interesting and worthwhile. We all love seeing the new rookies on the grid or the smaller teams outsmarting and outracing the larger ones. Who knows one day that team could be at the top, just look how Red Bull went from zero to hero. These smaller teams give drivers, engineers and all involved a chance to be part of the best party on earth, the F1 circuit.

They allow new technologies to be developed and new talents to be discovered. Without them the world of F1 and the larger world in general have lost a wealth of talent and opportunities - All those personal victories and battles which will never be seen or appreciated. That’s the real travesty that lies ahead so please Formula One let’s sort it out.