838

Beaver

the

Issue 838 | 27.10.15

Newspaper of the LSE Students’ Union

BLACKOUT for

Black History Month Photos by Aisha Arden

Sport City

How sport acts as a vehicle for BME Experiences in the City, changing perceptions Diversity and Intersectional Privileges

Page 32 Page 24

Room 2.02, Saw Swee Hock Student Centre, LSE Students’ Union London WC2A 2AE

Guest Editorial Board Editors Jasmina Bide, Mahatir Pasha News Editors Tooba Mushtaq Mahmoudat Sanni-Oba Comment Editors Samiha Begum Busayo Twins PartB Editors Rawan Alwari The City Editor Joshua Oluwafemi Features Editors Rayhan Uddin Esohe Uwadiae Sport Editor Anna Mae-Ling Louise-Mae Rudasingwa

Permanent Editorial Board Executive Editor Ellen Wilkie

editor@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Managing Editor Megan Crockett

managing@thebeaveronline.co.uk

News Editors Shwetha Chandrashekhar Suyin Haynes Greg Sproston news@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Comment Editors Mali Williams

comment@thebeaveronline.co.uk

PartB Editors Kemi Akinboyewa Vikki Hui Flo Edwards

partb@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Beaver

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Established in 1949 Issue No. 838- Tuesday 27 October 2015 -issuu.com/readbeaveronline Telephone: 0207 955 6705 Email: editor@thebeaveronline.co.uk Website: www.beaveronline.co.uk Twitter: @beaveronline

Jasmina Bide on the how the Blackout Beaver came to be

From the Anti-Racism Officer WHEN THE IDEA OF HAVING a Blackout Beaver emerged in the dying days of summer, neither Mahatir nor I thought it would actually happen. There were too many hurdles to jump, not least convincing Ellen to hand over her precious pages to a largely inexperienced group of acting editors, and managing to fill all (or almost, almost all) the pages with content written by “politically black” writers, who historically have been largely underrepresented in the pages of the Beaver.

When we approached Ellen with the -admittedly radicalplan, she was immediately on board — even coming to our first meeting with some ideas sketched out on a note-pad for a stand out cover. From this moment she remained open, accommodating and unfailingly patient with all of our ideas and proposals. A massive thanks

must go to her, Megan and the whole Beaver editorial team who made this edition a possibility.

The pressure mounted on us, then, to ensure we could jump the second hurdle and actually justify the reason for having a Blackout Beaver by finding enough people to fill the edition with content. The response we got for this was overwhelming, so much so that we’ve had to cut some of the content originally written for this edition.

Of course, there were some (creative) differences in putting this edition together. I can’t imagine the Beaver offices ever having had so many people or so much noise in the offices on a Sunday, and it can’t have been easy for its usual occupants. The NAB (check it out) was another, largely unexpected, bump: while laughter is universal, satire clearly is not. But we managed to work on these differences and

produce what I feel (bias aside of course) is a powerful and interesting edition.

Blackout Beaver is important for many reasons. It is an important add-on to LSESUs Black History month, which I firmly believe should not only be dedicated to remembering and celebrating our history but also to looking to challenge our present and dedicated to improving our future. While one edition of the Beaver won’t address this single handedly, its a good place to start. Its important to encourage all members of our ridiculously diverse LSE community to challenge spaces they deem exclusive, and make their presence felt there. Hopefully this isn’t a one-off but acts to encourage members of the broad BME community to submit more to the Beaver, making their voices and perspectives heard.

The City Editor Alex Gray

city@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Features Editor Alex Hurst Taryana Odayar

features@thebeaveronline.co.uk

The Nab Editor

nab@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Sport Editor Alex Dugan

sports@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Online Editor Gee Linford-Grayson

online@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Collective Chair Perdita Blinkhorn

collective@thebeaveronline.co.uk

Any opinions expressed herein are those of their respective authors and not necessarily those of the LSE Students’ Union or Beaver Editorial Staff.

The Beaver is issued under a Creative Commons license.

Attribution necessary.

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From the BME Students’ Officer Mahatir Pasha on the best Black History Month LSESU has ever seen AND SO AFTER TWO MONTHS of mayhem, we bring you the Black Out Beaver! We see this edition as a breakthrough in Beaver History, the first of its kind, and hopefully not the last!

As Black History Month comes to an end, this edition of The Beaver certainly comes at a good time. I hope The Black Out Beaver not only acts as a way of portraying BME talent at this university but also shows that we the BME community, are very much willing to engage under the right environments. A massive thank you has to be given to Ellen Wilkie and Megan Crockett for providing us with the opportunity and the assistance to pull this off.

The short-term aim of this project was to get as many BME students involved in the Beaver in order to create a spectacular edition of the paper to be launched for Black History

Month. But in the long run me and Jasmina envisage this as acting as a mechanism in which BME students develop an interest in writing and consequently boost their involvement with The Beaver and hopefully later on, in other mediums.

We are currently in the last week of Black History month and what a month it has been! I certainly believe that this month has lived up to my expectations as the best Black History Month the LSESU has seen, or at least the best we have seen in recent years. We’ve seen discussions taking place around race, equality, class and gender and most importantly we’ve engaged in a month that is not only a time for celebration and appreciation, but also a month for realisation and empowerment.

I think it’s extremely important that we remember, although Black Out Beaver has been a

success this time around, BME individuals should not have to be restricted to discussing or engaging in BME only issues. We should strive to get involved in wider aspects of the world, and society as a whole must be more facilitating of this.

I think this is represented in this edition of The Beaver where there are numerous articles about things other than BME issues written by BME students. We must remember that although Black History Month so far has been a huge success and the last few events, I’m sure will also be amazing, the BME movement and the many struggles BME communities face is much bigger than just a month.

So, please marvel at this week’s edition of The Beaver and appreciate the BME talent here at LSE whilst remembering that we still have a long way to go in our struggle for liberation.

The Collective A Doherty, A Fyfe, A Laird, A Leung, A Lulache, A Moro, A Qazilbash, A Santhanham, A Tanwa, A Thomson, B Phillips, C Holden, C Loughran, C Morgan, C Hu, D Hung, D Lai, D Sippel, D Tighe, E Arnold, E Wilkie, G Cafiero, G Harrison, G Kist, G Linford-Grayson, G Manners-Armstrong, G Saudelli, H Brentnall, H Maxwell, H Prabu, H Toms, I Plunkett, J Cusack, J Evans, J Foster, J Grabiner, J Heeks, J Momodu, J Ruther, J Wurr, K Budd, K Owusu, K Parida, K Quinn, L Kang, L Kendall, L Erich, L Mai, L Montebello, L Schofield, L van der Linden, M Banerjee-Palmer, M Crockett, M Gallo, M Jaganmohan, M Johnson, M Neergheen, M Pasha, M Pennill, M Strauss, N Antoniou, N Bhaladhare, N Buckley-Irvine, N Stringer, O Hill, O Gleeson, P Amoroso, P Blinkhorn, P Gederi, R Browne, R J Charnock, R Huq, R Kouros, R Serunjogi, R Siddique, R Uddin, R Way, S Ali, S Crabbe-Field, S Kunovska, S Povey, S Sebatindira, T Mushtaq, T Odayar, T Poole, V Hui, Z Chan, Z Mahmod To join The Collective you need to have written for 3 or more editions of The Beaver. Think you’ve done that but don’t see your name on the list?

Email collective@thebeaveronline. co.uk to let us know!

Harry Maxwell @HarryMaxwell .@Lord_Sugar thinking of going for the next series of #TheApprentice - reckon I’ve got a chance?

Nona Buckley-Irvine @nonajasmine Always amazed by how great our @lsesu election candidates are, and how diverse #lsehustings James Wurr @JamesWurr 12 hour shift today bucket collecting for @HavenHouseCH! Definitely worth the sore feet though. #feelinggood Billie Selby @billie_selby Still no improvement from @ lsesu. I’m still too short to open the automatic doors at the Saw Swee Hock.

Joe Anderson @JoePAnderson Just renewed by @LSESULabour and @LSESUFeminist Associate memberships #onceahack Katie Flynn @katieflynn95 Props to @ChrisJTune’s noble effort to live tweet zoo bar. Leave it to the bev report mate.

Tweet us @beaveronline to see your 140 characters in print!

News | 3

LSESU BME Network Relaunches Mahmoudat Sanni-Oba News Guest Editor

ON THURSDAY, 22ND October, BME Officer Mahatir Pasha organised a BME Network Relaunch following on from last year’s successful BME Network Launch by Samiha Begum. The event, which took place on sixth floor of Saw Swee Hock Student centre, started with a presentation from Mahatir that highlighted the importance of having a BME Network and why it matters. Issues such as the under representation of people from BME backgrounds at all levels of professional society, Prevent and how best to empower BME students came up during the presentation.

Chaired by students from the White Privilege Project, it was refreshing to have a panel of students who have been active at LSE and at the forefront of various campaigns. The starting topic of the event was ‘What does it mean to be BME?’ where each panel speaker discussed their experiences of being BME in today’s society and how their identity has shaped their lives.

Samiha Begum (ex-BME Officer) discussed her experience of

being BME in light of the racial tensions that exists between racial minorities, drawing on the impact that the partition between Bangladesh and Pakistan had on her experiences of prejudices. Busayo Twins, the former LSESU ACS President, commented on her experiences of being BME from an angle of stereotypes and the fact that narratives are pushed upon ethnic minorities. Busayo made reference to the notion of how the BME label is now synonymous with the ‘other’ and the way this has been accepted in society.

Finally, International Students’ Officer Damien KempfAkvist made an important point that people from BME backgrounds have been robbed of their agency to define gender characteristics due to the imposition of hyper masculinity and sexuality.

Interesting points were made by the audience. The lack of participation of people from East Asian background generated discussion about the notion of ‘other’ and whether more effort needs to be put into engaging people from East Asia.

Overall, it was an enlightening evening that facilitated insightful discussions.

Guest Editors: Tooba Mushtaq Mahmoudat Sanni-Oba Section Editors: Shwetha Chandrashekhar Suyin Haynes Greg Sproston Deputy Editors: Joseph Briers Bhadra Sreejith

KCL and LSE Palestinian Societies Join London-Wide Protest Emily Haimeed Undergraduate Student

who stand with us in our opposition to all forms of racism, including antisemitism and Islamophobia. Palestinians have seen their lives destroyed by the horrific scourge of Israeli racism, colonialism and apartheid. We stand with Palestinians in their struggle for a future free of racism, colonialism and apartheid. There is no place for racism in a progressive movement fighting for justice and human rights.”

Over 2,500 people from different backgrounds gathered to protest peacefully outside the embassy, chanting for the end to occupation and for the freedom of Palestine. There was a range of speakers representing different organisations, such as Glyn Secker from ‘Jews for Justice for Palestinians’, Yaman Birawi from the ‘Palestinian

Forum in Britain’ and Rafeef Ziadah from the ‘Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions Movement’.

After the demonstration, some protesters moved on to Oxford Street to take part in a direct action planned by the London Palestine Action group.

Protesters linked arms to block the roads and staged a sit in to disrupt traffic. Protesters called for Boycotts, Divestment, and Sanctions against Israel, and for an end to what they believe to be racist borders. In an interview with the Evening Standard, Layla White, of London Palestine Action, said, “We’ve taken disruptive direct action today to draw attention to the Palestinian popular resistance which is defying curfews and reclaiming the streets of Palestine against military occupation every day.”

News

STUDENTS FROM LSE AND KCL formed a student bloc on Saturday 17th October for a protest outside the Israeli embassy. Around 40 students from the two universities came with Palestinian flags, keffiyahs and banners showing the names of Palestinians that were killed in the last month, to stand in solidarity with Palestinian resistance.

The protest was organized by the ‘Palestine Solidarity Campaign’, ‘Friends of Al Aqsa’, ‘Stop the War Coalition’, and others. The protest was held in response to the killing of 52 Palestinians since October 1st by

Israeli settlers, during demonstrations triggered by disputes over the holy site of Al-Aqsa. Some of the Palestinians killed were children, unarmed demonstrators and bystanders, and over 1,600 Palestinians were also injured.

The Palestine Solidarity Campaign posted on the Facebook event page: “We have come together to unite for Palestine. We have come together to unite for peace, freedom, and justice. To unite against hatred, intolerance and racism. Palestinians are living under a brutal military occupation. Al-Aqsa mosque is under attack.

Israeli soldiers are firing live bullets at unarmed protesters and executing Palestinians in the street. We have come together to oppose this escalating attack on Palestinians. We welcome all

4 | Tuesday October 27, 2015

Photo Exhibition Launches Black Her-Story Week

Shwetha Chandrashekhar News Editor OCTOBER IN LONDON never fails to host its fair share of exhibitions showcasing black triumphs, challenges, and accomplishments to celebrate Black History Month. It comes as no surprise for a city that loves its history with an unprecedented passion.

In the same spirit, Aysha Fekaiki, LSESU Community and Welfare Officer, and Jasmina Bidé, LSESU Anti-racism Officer, will be launching Black Her-Story Week on campus, Monday 26th October, as an inaugural effort to particularly draw light to women’s contributions to ‘black heritage, culture and liberation politics.’

The launch event will showcase the influence and contributions of fellow black women students and staff at LSE through a photographic exhibition. Duly, as one of the only black professors at the school, Dr. Vanessa Iwowo,

a fellow from the Department of Management will be debuting the event with a keynote speech.

Dr Iwowo’s research interests focus on leadership, leadership development, critical sustainability and the projectification of work. Her publications include, De-familiarising the ordinary: leadership development as human resource management intervention in Africa (2010), Leadership development in emerging economies: the Nigerian example (2008), and Exploring the dynamics of work group cohesion - a study of teams in Nigeria and the UK, (2007).

Prior to LSE, Vanessa taught at the University of Exeter Business School’s Centre for Leadership Studies, from where she obtained her PhD in Leadership Studies.

She also holds a Master’s degree from Lancaster University Management School, in Human Resource Development and Consulting.

Earlier this year, Dr Iwowo partook in a weekly series of short

video debates from LSE’s Institute of Public Affairs (IPA) on key issues affecting the world today.

Aptly termed ‘Gearty Grillings,’ Conor Gearty, Director of the IPA and Professor of Human Rights Law, probes LSE academics for a five-minute interval regarding their research and ideas in the web series, available online.

Dr. Iwowo shared her thoughts on African leadership, in which she highlighted that Africa is a ‘part and parcel of the global community, not isolated in the way it has been romanticized to be.’

On whether she is tempted to return and exercise her own leadership amidst Africa’s witness to emergent and powerful female leadership, Vanessa shares, “Not at the moment, but if I am called to serve my country, I gladly will. I would like to go back and make an impact at some point in time, but not in a big political way.”

The photography exhibition called for nominations of black women on campus to be

recognised for their achievements, noting that ‘it could be sport, activism, art, or just general awesomeness.Whatever it is, we want to recognise the things that contribute to her individuality.’

LSESU’s photography exhibition is part of five thousand events ‘held throughout the UK

and across other student unions which will be celebrating the contributions of African and Caribbean communities to the UK through culture, heritage and history.’ These pictures worth a thousand words make it clear why October is definitely #MoreThanJustAMonth!

Why Are Sikhs Protesting? ISoc Charity Week Manmeet Narula, Jasmin Kooner, Harish Malhi, & Sukhi Kooner LSESU Sikh-Punjab Society

ON THURSDAY 22ND OCTOBER, hundreds of Sikhs from all around the United Kingdom gathered outside the Indian High Commission at midday to peacefully protest, in solidarity, against the desecration of the Sikh Holy Scripture (Guru Granth Sahib Ji) in Punjab which led to the killing of two Sikh men by police.

On the 14th October, when the incident occurred, Indian police in a village in the Punjab clashed with protesters demanding the arrest of those responsible for the desecration as well as against the supposed inaction of government-led authorities to bring justice to Punjabi Sikhs.

Public outrage followed as reports alleged that the police used heavyhanded tactics such as using tear gas and water cannons to disperse the peaceful crowds, which also left over seventy injured.

Following the events, Punjab’s chief minister, Parkash Singh Badal, urged people to remain calm. He said: ‘all those involved in this heinous crime would be dealt with severely as per the law.

This sacrilegious act is an unpardonable offence and no one associated with this ghastly crime would be spared at any cost.’ He also said that ‘external forces’ undertook the desecration, however, the perpetrators have yet to be identified, with some saying that the local government had a part to play.

The Sikh diaspora have been unified in their stance, many of whom feel that the attacks are not

isolated incidents. They point out that these crimes have been taking place for several months and that they resemble the events that took place in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, where thousands of Sikhs across India were massacred following the Indian Army’s attack of the Golden Temple and the subsequent assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

In response, there has been an online petition against a so-called ‘media blackout’ – signed by over eighty thousand people – that has called on the BBC to report more extensively on recent incidents taking place in the Punjab. This issue was highlighted on Sunday when a Sikh guest on a live BBC TV programme made an on-air protest about the lack of media coverage, which prompted attention on social media via the trending hashtag: #SikhLivesMatter.

Shahnia Rahman Staff Writer

LSESU ISLAMIC SOCIETY’S Charity Week 2015 is underway, with lots of exciting events lined up to help raise money for orphans and needy children around the world.

Charity Week is a non-profit organisation that is entirely volunteer led, working with universities to raise money for orphans and needy children one week every year. The money raised will go to valuable projects around the globe, chosen by the student body once the fundraising is over. The projects include helping children with psychological trauma as a result of war as well as issues close to home like the refugee crisis here in the UK. There are lots of things to get involved with! There will be stalls all week, commencing week Monday 26th October selling lots of baked

goodies. There will be a quiz night, a comedy night in collaboration with SOAS on Thursday the 29th of October, and even a bake-off. Other events include a Snowden mountain trek, a bungee jump, door to door fundraising and a football tournament.

Last year, LSESU Islamic Society raised over £33,000 and this year it’s aiming even higher. There are lots of things going on around campus as part of this amazing week so make sure to get involved and help support this valuable cause.

Also, if you’d like to donate for the LSESU Islamic society Team, please visit: https://charity-week. everydayhero.com/uk/team-lse-london-school-of-economics-and-political-science and include the name in the donor message.

For more information on Charity Week 2015 and for the donation link, visit the “LSE Charity Week 2015” page on Facebook

IFemSoc Hosts Night of SOLIDARITY Bhadra Sreejith Deputy News Editor IN CONJUNCTION WITH Black History Month, the LSESU Intersectional Feminist Society presented SOLIDARITY, a spoken word and poetry night on Friday, 23rd October. The profits went towards buying sanitary pads for homeless people in London.

The event was held in the Hong Kong Theatre in Clement House, from 6:30-8:00. Tickets were £5 for all attendees.

Spoken word poetry is performance-based poetry that focuses on wordplay and storytelling, and has a strong emphasis on collaboration with music, theatre and dance. It tends to focus on creating an atmosphere for the audience to experience. Friday’s event featured four LSE students performing slam poetry, either their own or someone else’s, with talks by black women in between.

The event started almost twen-

ty minutes behind schedule, with the organisers waiting for various speakers to arrive. The crowd was restless but quickly calmed down when the MC, Esohe Uwadiae, started talking to begin the show. The first performer, Ndeye Diobaye, performed three poems, one original, one by Toni Morrisson, and one by Maya Angelou.

Yossie Paul, a Nigerian writer, came next, reading out two poems from her recently-published books and giving very insightful answers as to what it means to be feminist in today’s society. She emphasised that it was not enough to call oneself a feminist—what really mattered was encouraging the principle rather than the word and actively participating in the politics of feminism.

The highlight of the evening was Samantha Kezzie Weya’s performance, particularly her original spoken word piece. It began with singing, and moved into a powerful and extremely moving account of a woman who had struggled with

depression all her life. The dramatic and brilliantly modulated piece earned her a thunderous round of applause. She performed another, funny, original piece about adjusting to life in another country and learning to be comfortable in your own skin. During the Q&A session, Samantha, who is an actuarial science student, spoke about her frustration with being a minority in the UK and her experiences with theatre and creativity in general.

Pascalle Palmer recited some of Angelou’s most seminal work; a great performance from the third year undergraduate IFemSoc Intersectionality Officer. Palmer later commented that “SOLIDARITY was a wonderful celebration of black womanhood; it was truly great to see black women celebrating their identities and sharing their fears and hopes”. The final performer of the evening was Josette Joseph, who recited some of her original spoken word poetry.

Her last poem, about her grandmother’s life, was powerful and

hard-hitting, with certain phrases that made the audience hit their tables in agreement. The audience was also treated to a poem she’d written the night before and had never recited.

Overall, SOLIDARITY was a massive success, with the applause for certain performances far out of proportion to the number of people in the room. Third year student and audience member Onis Chuwueke told The Beaver: “finally, LSE has offered me a frank, honest and personal insight into the AfroCaribbean female perspective”. £793.83 was raised to buy 3000 packets of pads and tampons.

Purvaja Kavattur, Treasurer of the Intersectional Feminist Society, said “Homeless people usually feel scared and helpless when they are menstruating and this will help remedy that.” The Intersectional Feminist Society organises several such fundraisers throughout the term and will have a book swap in conjunction with the LSESU Book Club next week.

LSE Gender Report Published Rahat Siddique Staff Writer

ON TUESDAY 20TH OCTOBER, the LSE Gender Institute launched its report on gender inequality at its public event titled ‘Confronting Gender Inequality: findings from an LSE commission on Gender, Inequality and Power’. The focus of the report was to provide solutions to gender in equality in the economy, law, politics, media and culture.

Recommendations include the establishment of a National Care Service, a review of legal aid cuts and a media Watchdog on gender, but the report emphasises the importance of quotas to reduce gender inequality.

The report specifically states that gender quotas should be implemented for senior positions, across the private and public sector alike to increase the number

of women in high-powered positions. Controversially, the report states each political party should also adopt quotas when selecting candidates, encouraging Parliament as a whole to limit the percentage of MPs of either gender that can stand for election. Although some countries in Europe, such as Ireland, have already adopted this quota system in Parliament there has been reluctance from such proposals, claiming quotas will prevent the ‘best candidate’ getting the job.

Such comments ignore the historic barriers women have faced in the workplace creating gendered inequality in employment.

For instance in Germany, concerns regarding a quota system for senior positions stressed the additional burden quotas would impose when hiring workers, preventing the ‘best candidate’ to get the job.

Interestingly, the report also found that “the costs of auster-

ity have fallen disproportionately on women, especially in BME [black and minority ethnic] and low-income families”. This means that race and class have a devastating impact on labour market participation and access to senior roles within an organisation. When looking beyond an ‘efficiency’ perspective, quotas serve to address the subconscious prejudice women experience in the workplace or when applying for jobs. Discrimination in the labour market is persistent and will not organically disappear given so many economic imperfections that exist when hiring workers.

Although many of the recommendations outlined in the report may be contentious, the authors state “without radical change gender inequality will remain for the next half century”. Social reforms that are able to directly influence policy and the representation of women in all spheres of the labour market

will enable a diverse narrative in the workplace. Other issues that result in quotas such as tokenisation, make women feel inadequate, will also have to be addressed but simultaneously the report acknowledges the labour market is not based on a meritocracy, thus the need for mandatory quotas.

News | 5

London Uni Roundup Three student nurses from King’s College London are celebrating after their Australian Rules Football England squad triumphed at the 2015 Axios Euro in Umag, Croatia.They are studying a Postgraduate Diploma in Adult Nursing and are part of the England Vixens team, the AFL national side. The six women’s teams played in a nine-a-side tournament to win the Axios AFL Europe Euro Cup Championships on 10th October. They won the game fifty four points to six. The London teams will start recruiting for next season from January 2016 and encourage other nurses and student nurses to join in.

UCL welcomed President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China to the opening ceremony of the UK Confucius Institutes and Confucius Classrooms Annual Conference. The UCL IOE Confucius Institute supports Mandarin teaching and learning in schools. It was formed in July 2007 and nearly ten thousand students in British primary and secondary schools are now learning Mandarin supported by their classrooms.

Researchers at QMUL have begun working on a major project to document Europe’s refugee and migrant crisis. The project will provide a clear picture of the people involved in the crisis, their stories and experiences. It will focus on refugee experiences at transit points in Italy, France and the UK. Policy recommendations based on this will be designed to influence and shape the development of the European Agenda on Migration.

Fancy writing for The Beaver?

The Beaver needs YOU! Whether it’s News, Comment, Features or Sport, get in touch and let us know!

Email editor@thebeaveronline. co.uk

6 | Tuesday October 27, 2015

Students Shut Down South African Embassy Jasmina Bide LSESU Anti-racism Officer Southern African Student

ON FRIDAY 23RD OCTOBER, around one hundred and fifty protesters marched to the South African High Commission in Trafalgar Square in solidarity with the Fee Must Fall movement in South Africa, and to protest against police violence against students taking part in the revolts across South Africa.

The protesters comprised a mixed group of South Africans living in London, and students from the University of London with SOAS students predictably being the most visible within this group, and a couple of LSE students in attendance. The march began at 10:30 am at SOAS, making its way to Trafalgar Square by marching directly on London’s streets, blocking traffic and waving placards calling for free education and the end of the colonisation of

South African Higher Education.

At their arrival at the High Commission, the protesters were met by members of the London Metropolitan police force who quickly ensured the roads surrounding the square were not blocked, and that the gates of the high commission were protected.

The protesters peacefully assembled outside the High Commission, chanting traditional South African resistance slogans, such as “Amandla! Awethu!” (freedom is ours) and singing songs in support of the Fees Must Fall movement. Nkosi sikelel’ iAfrica (the South African national anthem) was also sung by the protesters throughout the protest.

The student leaders informed the protesters that the aim of the march was to have a conversation with the High Commissioner, with the aim of getting him to sign an agreement calling for a 0% increase in South African University fees (which currently rise 6% per

year), the decolonisation of South African universities, the insourcing of all workers, and the release without charge of all the protesting students.

While this did not seem feasible at the outset, with the High Commissioner refusing to make an appearance, the continued chants of the protesters calling for him meant he eventually bowed to the pressure and exited the gates of the High Commission. He then further acquiesced, admittedly after cries that all South Africans are equal, to the demands of the leaders to sit on the floor, at their level, and sign to acknowledge that he had received and agreed with the petition put forward. Following this the protestors broke into spontaneous cheers.

A couple of hours later, news broke that the South African President Jacob Zuma had agreed to a 0% increase in fees for the 2016 academic year, a remarkable victory for the movement.

PalSoc Protest Brings Disagreement To SSH Nadine Aly LSESU Palestine Society

“TRIGGER WARNING!!!” in big, bold, red letters hung from a pole on the 1st floor of the Students’ Union. On Thursday 22 October, the Saw Swee Hock Student Centre became home to LSESU Palestine Society’s first event of the 2015/16 academic year; event intended to surprise the student body and humanize the Palestinian cause.

On the stairs leading up to the 1st floor of the Students’ Union, there were several posters depicting the ongoing violence in Occupied Palestine. The first poster shows Palestinian resistance and made the argument the meaning of the word “Intifada” has been manipulated to mean something it is not. It made the point that “Intifada” means a political uprising and that its literal translation is “to shake off ”. In this context, it would translate to “shake off the Israeli occupation through a series of political protests.”

The event took place on the 1st floor, between the ARC and the Café, and from noon till 5pm more than 300 LSE students and staff had stopped by to ask questions and sign the LSESU PalSoc petition. The Society are supporting the LSE Divest petition that is addressed to LSE’s Council members, demanding that the university immediately divest from tobacco and armaments, and commit to fully divesting from fossil fuels within the next 5 years, as mandated by LSE’s Ethics Code. Within that first day, approximately 150 LSE students and staff had signed it.

Throughout the duration of the event a video was on replay; it was composed of more than 10 short clips compiled to create a 30 minute-long video.

Each clip addressed a different political situation, including the statistic released by ‘Defense for Children International–Palestine’, noting that around 500700 Palestinian children are arrested, detained, and prosecuted in the Israeli military court system each year.

During the event, there was a confrontation between pro-Israel and pro-Palestine students that was eventually settled. On this confrontation, Neivean Latif from the LSESU Palestine Society commented that ‘On the 22nd of October the Palestine Society’s event was hosted to mourn the lives of Palestinians who have been killed by Israeli military and police forces in the ongoing clashes currently taking place in Palestine. A discussion took place between two students with opposing viewpoints regarding a few of the names displayed. It ended with the pro-Israel student forcefully taking a video and demanding the Palestine Society to denounce terrorism. We would like to shed light on the legal right to Palestinian resistance. The Palestinians have been living under a 67 year long illegal and brutal military occupation facing incessant discrimination, racism, and apartheid. Over 400 homes have been demolished in 2014 alone, Palestinian homes have been replaced with illegal Jewish-only settlements, over 1500 Palestinians have been imprisoned in 2015, and there have

been approximately 60 civilian deaths in October alone. One would have to be inhuman to deny the Palestinians their basic human rights, which is the right to live and resist any form of occupation and discrimination.

As a society we believe in the freedom of expression; we believe that students should have the space to grow intellectually and formulate their own understandings of the current issue.

The purpose of this event was to raise awareness of the current situation in Occupied Palestine and to make clear that under no circumstance should the right to life and the right to resist ever be referred to or associated with terrorism.’

David Tamman, Co-President of LSESU Israel Society, made the following statement in response ‘Shock. Offence. Disappointment. These words do not do justice in describing the way many students at the LSE felt as they walked through the Saw Swee Hock building to find the exhibition of posters and video clips presented by the LSESU Palestine society. The purpose of this statement is not to argue a viewpoint regarding one of the most complex conflicts in the world today. It is merely to denounce violence and denounce the legitimisation of violence. Context. In the last two weeks, civilians of Israel have experienced a wave of stabbing attacks on an unprecedented level. Magen David Adom (the emergency ambulance service in Israel) has reported that between the 1-20th of October, 10 people have been killed and 112 have been wounded. The Min-

istry of Foreign Affairs, reports that as of 25th October, there has been 43 stabbings, 4 shootings and 5 car-rammings directed against Jewish citizens of Israel. This wave of terror, which makes no distinction between soldiers and civilians, has been labelled by some as the start of ‘The Third Intifada’. The first poster exhibited at the Palsoc event, entitled, ‘The Story of Resistance’, attempted to define the term ‘Intifada’ suggesting, ‘it refers to a legitimate uprising against the Israeli occupation’.

Whilst it argues that the word literally translates to ‘shakingoff ’, it later concedes that ‘the second intifada was an attempt to change the political reality through violence’. Indeed, the second intifada saw 170 suicide bombings killing 1137 people, 78% of whom were Israeli civilians. ‘Legitimate uprising’? Clearly not. What is most alarming is that the LSESU Palestine society seem to not only consider the use of violence against civilians as legitimate but also endorse it. On the 17th October this year, they waved a huge banner at a protest outside the Israeli embassy. Written on one side of the banner was ‘LSE PALSOC STANDS WITH YOUR RESISTANCE’. On the other side of the banner were written names of Palestinians killed, including many that were shot in the midst of stabbing sprees that killed civilians. It is also alarming that the banner was made in the SU ARC and a photo of it shared on Facebook by the SU C&W officer. Some of the names that appeared on the back of the banner made a

return onto leaflets presented at the recent Palsoc exhibition.

The leaflet lists 48 Palestinians ‘killed over the last 4 weeks in their resistance’ ending with, ‘Today we are commemorating these people.’ First on the list was Mohannad Hallabi, a 19-year-old Palestinian that killed two Ultra-Orthodox Jews and injured two others including a 2-year-old baby in the old city of Jerusalem. Many of the other people listed committed crimes of a very similar nature.

These are not names to be ‘commemorating’. Many students at LSE have friends and family that live in Israel and were horrified to see the names of those that would be happy to kill them ‘commemorated’. I condemn violence on all sides against any innocent civilian. I hope the LSESU Palestine society can change course and do the same.’

Nona Buckley-Irvine, General Secretary of LSE Students’ Union, commented that ‘A number of complaints were received concerning the exhibition by the Palestinian Society. We have already met with people involved and hope to conclude the investigation in the coming days. We take the welfare of all our students seriously.’

There is an article relevant to this story in this weeks Comment section from Nadine Aly of the LSESU Palestine Society.

Due to constraints on time we were not able to source an article from the opposing side of this debate for the Comment section. The Beaver would like to note, however, that responses from all sides of this debate are welcome in our pages.

James Clark Staff Writer ON 23RD OCTOBER, the London School of Economics’ Students’ Union (LSESU) Education Officer Jon Rhys-Foster launched a new part of his Beyond the Classroom Initiative, in conjunction with the current weekly skills sessions.

The highly popular launch started with a series of lectures entitled “Beyond the Classroom: SU talks”.

The lectures are highly interactive panel discussions comprising of various speakers with expertise in the lecture topics and their different industries. Overall, the aim of the series is to expand horizons, open minds and help investigation into new careers for LSE students.

The first, titled “A Case for the Arts”, saw Harriet Spicer and Emma Langley join Jon to discuss the relevance of the arts today and to debate about how they should be funded. Harriet Spicer, LSE Governor, is a founder of Virago Press, a highly successful publishing company focusing on publishing work by women writers. Emma Langley has extensive experience in publishing, and currently works for Arts Council England after co-founding the award winning independent children’s publishing house Phoenix Yard Books.

The successful launch allowed attendees to pick the brains of both Harriet and Emma over the arts and how they could make a career in the highly competitive sector.

There was also stimulating discussion regarding many other facets of the arts, such as the lack of diversity for those who work in publishing and how those who do not have the contacts or money to be able to experience publishing can be further engaged with the sector. The conversation then moved on to the culture and financing of the arts, specifically commenting on how the arts can be funded effectively given the £76.9 billion contribution per year that the sector adds to the UK economy. After the talk, a chance to network with both Harriet and Emma along with fellow attendees created a further opportunity to discuss the night’s topic in more detail.

Jon’s Beyond the Classroom initiative aims to add more skills external to the LSE classroom, along with creating variation in careers at LSE. With weekly skill sessions and periodic SU talks, the initiative has made the first steps in allowing LSE students to explore and broaden their learning. Future Beyond the Classroom talks include topics on public broadcasting and the energy industry, with dates available on LSESU.com/whatson.

No LSE Degree For Mugabe

Joseph Briers Deputy News Editor

THE LSE H AV E strenuously denied claims from Robert Mugabe’s nephew that the Zimbabwean President holds a degree in economics from The School.

Speaking last week, Cabinet Minister Patrick Zhuwao bragged that his uncle ‘has a masters degree in economics from the LSE… so don’t think you can lecture us about economics’. A university spokesperson told Voice of America Zimbabwe that ‘we have searched our records carefully and can find no record of Mugabe having been awarded any degree from the LSE. President Mugabe may hold an economics degree from another London Institution, but certainly

not LSE.” Mr. Mugabe’s government stands accused of running down Zimbabwe’s once-vibrant economy with ill-fashioned and self-serving policies that have alienated investors over the years. The comments by Minister Zhuwao were made at an indigenization conference. Mugabe’s government has introduced indigenization regulations that compel foreign firms to cede a 50 percent stake to black locals and carry out the expropriation of white owned commercial farms without compensation.

Whilst this claim seems unfounded and without any evidence, it certainly would follow suit from the LSE tradition of schooling dictators and members of their family.

Black Ascent: LSESU ACS Fires Up Debate Lois Mensah-Afoakwah Undergraduate Student ON TUESDAY 20TH October, London School of Economics’ Students’ Union (LSESU) African and Caribbean Society held its annual Black History Month debate Black Ascent; a panel style debate discussing issues surrounding the black community. Panellists included Dr Imafidon, father of Britain’s brainiest family; Tony Warner History, Director of Black History Walks; and LSE law undergraduate student Temi Mwale, Founder of Get Outta The Gang.

The night also featured spoken word performances by JJ Bola, Siana Bangura and Dylema, attracting a large audience of LSE students as well as external visitors.

The first topic discussed was whether the use of the N-word is ever acceptable. There was general consensus surrounding this issue: that it never is acceptable. Reference was made to its general historical context and its derogatory use.

The discussion could not avoid the subject of how rappers and hiphop artists use the word in their lyrics. Tony Warner stated that if black people are numb to these type of lyrics, then there is a serious issue within the black community. An audience member stated that there is colloquial use of the N-word, particularly in America where the word has been

“so far disassociated with its history, that some people don’t even realise or understand how one could find it offensive”.

Some argued that the dialect change from “N*igger” to “N*igga” changes the meaning of the word.

Tony Warner responded, arguing that “you can only reclaim something that was yours and this word was beaten into [black people]”, of which most people agreed. Temi Mwale noted how this is a conversation black people need to have with themselves to understand how this word carries incalculable pain of ancestors’ pasts.

Panellist Nabil Rashid remarked that “[black people] are reminded in various ways that we are a N*igger, so we don’t need this word”.

This topic was followed by the question: How can we empower black people? Tony Warner highlighted that it starts with teaching black people their history, so that they aren’t deceived into accepting the imperialist savage perception that “Jamaicans are at the bottom, and Nigerians eat bush meat”. Dr Imafidon honed in on the importance of education, arguing that black parents don’t encourage their children to go to top schools, such as Eton and Harrow. He affirmed that he’d be rather be educated and poor than rich and uneducated. An audience member made a point that that we can empower one another through supporting the initiatives that benefit the black community.

However, this was disputed by another audience member who argued that “we can’t just do this by ourselves”.

Temi replied that “talking of practicing black economics doesn’t make you a racist”.

The penultimate question debated was who is to blame for the objectification of black women? This was definitely a more heated question with various institutions or persons being criticised, disagreement amongst the panellists, and anger towards a response touching on the objectification of black men. Temi began by noting how we could not ignore the historical context and notice the paradigms that exist today with objectification of the body. Black women were seen as subhuman, likened to animals and hyper sexualised to birth babies for slave masters and to be publically flogged.

In the modern day, this paradigm of the hyper sexualised black woman is the “Jezebel” which is presented in the music video featuring the ‘big booty girls’ creating attention to their body parts similar to slave-era flogging. An audience member spoke of how the naked female body has been used as a powerful tool in various protest worldwide, to which the panellist agreed that in such instances, the female body in this display has been of positive rather than derogative.

Additionally, panellist Sianna Bangura argued that in popular culture, white women are objectifying black women, referencing Taylor Swift, Mi-

News In Brief LSE Fellow Cleared of All Charges Dr. Lisa McKenzie, a fellow in the Department of Sociology has been cleared of all charges after a judge at Stratford Magistrates Court ruled that there was no evidence against her. Dr. McKenzie had been accused of causing criminal damage by assisting in the application of a sticker to a window in protest of ‘poor doors’. She was prosecuted under joint enterprise, a legal doctrine usually reserved for criminal gangs that is finding controversial application to incidents of protest, with McKenzie’s prosecution drawing much criticism from the legal community.

LSE Develops Digital Exclusion Map

Photocredit: Wikimedia Commons

Beyond The Classroom: A Case For The Arts

News | 7

ley Cyrus, and Katy Perry. From their actions, particularly in music videos, the argument indicated that this has laid the foundations from which black women then buy into the narratives of what defines them. This attracted dispute from some audience members who felt that shaming white women to propel black women doesn’t help the situation. Panellist Dylema put the focus on black women. She argued that black women shouldn’t accept the perceptions that are put onto them through objectification. Instead the black community should teach black women to love who they are.

The question ‘Are black people too quick to play the race card?’ concluded the debate. Panellist Nabil Rashid, admitted that the ‘race card’ is sometimes overused with the note that “I’ve earned that right” accompanying it. Regardless of the circumstances or even the merit of black people, he claimed that black people are seen as “black first” before anything.

Interestingly, Siana stated that it’s additional tool to “silence black people”.

An audience member claimed that “[Black people] should use the [race card] privilege because that is the only privilege that we have”. JJ Bola said that we speak of ‘actual’ racism and ignorance, as if ‘ignorance’ isn’t a manifestation of racism.

Overall, the event was a success and a way to instigate discussion and we had the opportunity to hear from various perspectives.

Digital Skills charity Go ON UK, in association with LSE and the BBC has launched a digital exclusion heat map – the first of its kind in the UK. The map allows users to view levels of digital exclusion across the country and is expected to be a valuable tool to policy makers as well as helping highlight the issue of digital inequality. Dr. Ellen Helsper from the Department of Media and Communications described the heat map as a ‘wake up call…it shows clearly how closely digital and social exclusion is related’.

London Raccoon Mystery Solved A domesticated raccoon that had been spotted by LSE students riding the tube with its owner has finally been identified. The mystery beast is named Olivia and has considerable celebrity pedigree with her siblings having appeared on stage during the audition stages of ‘Britain’s Got Talent’. Her owner, a Mrs. Kimberly Unger, told the BBC that she had taken the bicycle-riding raccoon on a trip to London from her Kent home in order to get her used to loud noises.

Do you know something news worthy? Are you holding an event you would like reported?

Get in touch with us on news@ thebeaveronline.co.uk and tell us all about it!

8

| Tuesday October 27, 2015

Destigmatising Failure At LSE Overcoming academic failure to achieve personal growth and success

ONE IN FOUR OF LSE’S undergraduates takes four years to finish an undergraduate degree.

Despite such high numbers, so many individuals seem to feel isolated in their experience so I think a support group would be useful.

I decided something needed to change so I’m on a journey to destigmatize failure.

Grades are not actually a reflection of who a person is or what their capabilities are. This piece is a testament of personal experience and by no means absolutism, please feel free to challenge me but refrain from belittling. I only hope someone feels empowered by it and we can work as a community to improve pastoral care.

If you’ve failed a year or nearly failed a year you probably recall it was a year filled with anxiety, panic attacks and what felt like a whirlwind of chaos. Many individuals I have spoken to, including my self, experienced this. Let us all take a moment to remember we all have mental health and like physical health sometimes it is great and sometimes we are ill so let us not stigmatize that either.

When I found out I failed my second year I panicked. Nobody wants to go to international-fee paying African parents to tell them

Comment

Guest Editors: Samiha Begum and Busayo Twins Section Editor: Mali Williams

Samantha Weya Undergraduate Student

their £22,000 hard-earned investment money made no returns and in fact came at a loss. I began to restrategise: Plan A, do not tell them, plead with the university to somehow let you graduate in 2015 (I cannot handle that level of deceit); Plan B, take an unplanned year working and resit the exams at the end of the year (tier 4 visa struggles); Plan C, just disappear, get an alias, get rid of social media and just vanish, you’ve watched enough films to pull it off (too many people would be hurt).

After expressing my anxiety to my friends, who responded to me with such a Bonnie and Clyde, we ride or die together type of attitude; I gained the courage to pick up the phone and break the news. I shall leave the rest to your imagination.

Over the next few months I experienced what truly was exponential personal growth and realized that my failure really was an opportunity for me to learn success.

Success to me is a journey not a destination.

Inspired by Goffman’s theory of dramaturgy, I began to reflect on the parallels between actor and individual. What empowered me to impact an audience when I got on a stage? How could I use this to flourish holistically as an individual?

Learn to: 1) Let go of your script I find as a performer I am more empowered without a script in my

hand. I was juggling too many responsibilities, neglected my mental health and my degree paid the price. Funnily enough, owning it helped me kill the shame I felt from being judged by others.

2) Engage with others I realized that lack of engagement had been an issue. Being physically present I was present but I avoided being engaged. Whenever I felt over-whelmed, I let myself indulge in some good ol’ TV series (escapism at its best) then threw myself back into the mayhem – I had made commitments, I had to follow through. I saw myself as indispensible and I could not deal with disappointing the hundreds who would be affected by my quitting so I pushed on. I was surrounded by students who simultaneously held several roles and appeared to excel in them all – if they could do it, so could I. The following year I learnt how to use my support systems more and the journey stopped feeling lonely.

3) Act Watching Shakespeare plays when I was younger I realized it did not matter if I did not understand what they were saying because actions speak louder than words on a stage.

Wellbeing requires active and not passive up keep. Simply being educated on mental health will not make it any better than sitting and watching exercise videos will get you fit. I learnt to take action

by praying, exercising, reaching out, sleeping enough and cutting back on responsibilities – find the therapies that work for you. I was then able to be more productive when I worked and actually had time do my degree so when Easter came around I was not learning 20 weeks worth of work from scratch in 5 weeks.

4) Review yourself As a performer being able to effectively assess your performance and others only improves the production by deepening understanding of the characters. I learnt how to be conscious of my tendency to want to help everyone at the cost of my self and the need to please everyone by saying yes to doing more. Learning how to validate myself made me more self-assured and gave others’ words less power over me. You are doing great!

5) Not quit ‘There are no small roles just small actors’ is a quote I have heard enough times pre-production.

Sometimes being in an institution filled with ‘over-achievers’ as well as family and friends referencing you as the standard to meet it feels like your achievements define your character but know that you matter aside from them. Failing and learning to rise back up helps build your resilience and a high adversity quotient is an attribute of many of the world’s most influential individuals.

The BME Network Launch

The BME Network can unite, mobilise and achieve meaningful progress Rahat Siddique Undergraduate Student

ON THURSDAY EVENING LSE SU BME Officer, Mahatir Pasha, re-launched the BME Network with a panel event titled ‘what does it meant to be BME in today’s society’? The three members of the panel were Samiha Begum, ex-BME Officer, Busayo Twins, ex-President of the LSESU ACS and Damien KempfAkvist, International Students Officer. They commendably, shared personal accounts of what being BME means to them, highlighting the irony of being ‘BME’ at a university where ‘minority groups’ are the majority. The launch was a resounding success and discussions continued even after the event had finished.

The Network’s first task is to outline what BME is and who this broad label applies to: is it speaking only to Blacks and Asians, international students or anyone that isn’t White? On multiple occasions this question was explicitly or implicitly raised, thus before we engage with the question

of what it means to be BME, we need to discuss who is BME? Simultaneously it seems like a question of philosophy that convolutes a generally understood concept of identity, however we also have to appreciate that the ethnic dynamic at LSE is very different to that of British society, so the discourse will undoubtedly be different.

Interestingly, there was a question of why students from the Far East, such as China weren’t involved in the conversation. Although important on a fundamental level, it may be that students from China don’t identify as BME, thus consciously didn’t attend because the launch was not speaking to them. There is a difference between being bundled into a single group as ‘BME’ and actually identifying with the label. It may also be fascinating to discuss whether this lack of participation is because these groups don’t experience the same barriers to opportunity in Britain, and aren’t economically impoverished like many from Asian and Black backgrounds are. We often see that marginalised groups are also economically disadvantaged, pre-

venting social mobility and representation in spheres of influence.

Eventually the discussion gravitated towards dealing with factions within the BME community, which inhibits collective progress.

This doesn’t necessarily mean that all minority groups needs to be active campaigners to every act of discrimination or oppression, but solidarity and consciousness will prove to go a long way. In fact, the Network should encourage minority groups to speak out about their own struggles and discrimination instead of allowing others to speak on their behalf. Within communities we need to create dialogue and safe spaces so that we can effectively work together to address the hostility we face as a result of White Supremacy. The Network should act as both a platform and a forum, to discuss macro and micro issues that directly affect the BME community. By doing so, we will be able to tackle the prejudice we often face on campus, and the injustice that takes place in our society.

Malcolm X remains the face of the BME Network reminding us of the power that comes in

arming yourself with words and knowledge; his revolutionary legacy leaves us with an understanding of the importance of books and self-expression. This is an important message with the onset of the Prevent agenda on campuses and the rising climate of Islamophobia in Britain- we learn that expressing yourself in an atmosphere where powerful forces wish to supress you is an exertion of real power. The SU’s commitment to allow Muslim students to retain this level of power will enable Muslims at LSE to be unapologetically articulate and brilliant. The BME Network’s support in this endeavour symbolises its resistance to a climate of fear mongering and selective freedom of expression.

The year ahead looks promising for the BME Network, and I look forward to seeing more events that give minority groups the ability to mobilise, discuss and campaign. Yet it remains relevant to address the factions that exist within ethnic groups and by acknowledging this disunity we can see greater, meaningful progress for the entire BME community.

Comment | 9

‘Politically Black’ Doesn’t Represent Me ‘Political Blackness’ ignores the blatant truth of unique cultural identities

Farid Hamka Undergraduate Student I AM A HUGE FAN OF POSTcolonialist criticism. You may find me waxing lyrical about the orientalism that permeates the dating sphere, discussions of London food markets, or even Eurocentric curriculums in a supposedly diverse campus like LSE. The main reason I like the critique is that it aids reflexivity: we can learn so much more by questioning where the things we take as facts come from. For instance, the feminist lens from South-East Asian struggles can be very different to the feminist discourse in most European societies. When I read the definition of ‘political blackness’ in an NUS event flyer, which lumps names such as Malcolm X together with Frida Kahlo and Mohammad Hatta, I am deeply concerned that instead of whitewashing history, we are now simply reducing it in a supposedly umbrella term that may in actuality hold no relevance. I fear that instead of empowerment, this self-definition will only bring a reductionist interpretation of one’s identity and greater alienation of certain groups. It is a dangerous concept that may have good intentions, but bears disturbing implications.

The first facet that ‘political

blackness’ ignores is the blatant truth that there is uniqueness of cultural identity. It is a fluid concept that will be shaped by the environment it is in. Disregarding the fact that racial identity can be disputed (this is coming from someone who always finds it confusing to tick any of the UK ethnicity census), two members of the same race can experience very different issues.

While it is true that inner city African Americans are suffering from unjust racism from ‘white supremacy’ and social factors that create a cycle of disenfranchisement, the situation outside the Western world is very different. For example, in Zimbabwe, the white Zimbabweans were the ones who had to endure ethnic cleansing. Even in terms of black communities alone, there are internal conflicts. In Kenya, different tribes such as the Kikuyu have

“I am deeply concerned that instead of whitewashing history, we are now simply reducing it in a supposedly umbrella term.” complicated relationships with the others, which led to economic dominance and consequently grievance. Even the Asian community alone cannot be simply grouped as an entity suffering from white supremacy. Chinese ethnics in Southeast Asia, for instance, had their identity shaped by their status as a market dominant minority and a lot of them

faced hostilities from the indigenous populations. All the richness of these experiences, which have shaped an individual’s identity, is unfortunately out of focus in the lens of political blackness.

The second problem by underlining ‘white supremacy’ as the enemy is that we trivialise the fact that there is oppression in the white community too. I was discussing the LGBT+ community and its differing privileges a week ago when someone mentioned to me that gay Russians, one of the most oppressed members of the LGBT+ section in the world, are also white. From that I realised one of the pitfalls that comes with using the concept of privilege in discussing disparity between different groups: we are sometimes sucked into this abyss in creating an imagined out-group that we use as a straw-man for each our woes. By doing so, we are not

doing anything better than the stereotypes and generalisations often thrown towards us. This identification perpetuates a very narrow ‘us versus them’ mentality that is a huge problem when we want solidarity to occur.

Soekarno, the first president of Indonesia rallied for my people not to forget what history is.

This is why I believe that a BME movement can still keep its plurality of experience and inspire others without labelling themselves as one overarching group whose existence is explicitly designating the whites as the core problem.

Rather than empowering, it feels to me that this self-identification is an alienating and misguided concept and it makes it easy for whoever identifies to refrain from actually studying their history in its fullest context. Intersectionality does not translate into insularity.

White Privilege Must Be Understood Often misuderstood, ‘White Privilege’ highlights the importance of seeing colour Yasmin Teymourian Undergraduate Student ONE SIMPLE GOOGLE search with two words yields over 18 million results. These two words that have taken the world by storm refer to ‘white privilege’. Recent racial tensions have led to what is now known as the ‘white privilege’ movement and a mix of criticism, support, and confusion for what it actually means. I often times hear from friends and peers that this movement downgrades their accomplishments and that it can be racist towards white people. These friends have also made it clear that they do not see colour and believe everyone is equal.

If you take their comments at face value, you could assume that the ‘white privilege’ movement is in fact unfair to those who truly do not see colour and deem themselves equal. Dig a little deeper and you will find the importance of this move-

ment and why it has nothing to do with individual accomplishments and how hard someone has worked to achieve them.

There is a strong case for why white privilege is important, why it must be acknowledged, and why we must see colour.

“There is a strong case for why white privilege is important, why it must be acknowledged, and why we must see colour.”

I’ve tried explaining white privilege to some friends by comparing it to heterosexual privilege. In some countries, homosexuals cannot get married and therefore, heterosexuals are privileged in their ability

to get married. When this point is made, I move on to explaining the incredible rates of incarceration amongst African-American’s in the United States, how black women and men hold less than 10% of management positions in the workforce, and even discrimination in the apparel industry when defining the colour ‘nude’. Coming from a medical sociology background, I’ve found that the greatest case for white privilege is represented in a scientific study. A study that compared the premature birth rates between white women and black women found that even after controlling for age, income, and education, black women still faced higher risk of delivering a premature child. A correlation between high cortisol (stress related hormone) as a result of life course micro-aggressions and racism seemed to be the only explanation for this discrepancy. These are examples of micro-aggressions that white people do not face. This is a privilege.

“Not seeing colour denies the unique experiences of peoples of colour and ignores their identity.”

These examples barely touch upon the depth of the ‘white privilege’ movement however, for those still hung up on its impact, I hope that it sheds light on the relevance and importance. What we can gain from adopting and understanding the ‘white privilege’

movement is the importance of seeing colour. Not seeing colour denies the unique experiences of people of colour and ignores their identity. Not seeing colour denies the realities of incarceration rates and workplace discrimination. Not seeing colour ignores solutions. I consider myself a person of colour given my Iranian background, however, I recognize certain privileges that I’ve been born into given my skin colour. I see colour and respect the unique experiences of all individuals.

I do my best to be culturally competent but we all have a lot to learn. For those who want to learn more about this topic, I highly recommend Cesca Leigh on YouTube.

Do you agree?

Tweet @BeaverOnline or email comment@thebeaveronline.co.uk

10 |

Tuesday October 27, 2015

Black Lives Matter... Only In The U.S.

How the African-Americans monopolised the Black Lives Matter campaign Onis Chukwueke Undergraduate Student # B L A C K L I V E S M AT T E R professes that it is ‘working for a world where Black lives are no longer systematically and intentionally targeted for demise.’

Whilst this is a noble cause that is deserving of support, one must ask just how committed to the cause they have been. The amount of solidarity sent to our American brothers and sisters from the international black community has been overflowing. Yet, have African-Americans truly reciprocated this support and fulfilled the goal of working for a world where all black lives matter?

Whilst the migrant crisis captivated the media (well at least for two weeks), the fo-

cus was largely on the refugees fleeing conflict in Syria. Yet, many came from Sub-Saharan Africa fleeing the severe instability and insecurity they faced daily in such places as Eritrea and Northern Nigeria. Many of these Sub-Saharan Africans, with legitimate claims for asylum, were generalised as ‘economic migrants’ and so sent back to a life that they, quite understandably, desperately do not want. At the root of the crisis are the high-fatality conflicts that rage on in many parts of Africa, from the Central African Republic to the South of Sudan.

In all of this the question must be asked, where is the solidarity of the African-Americans?

Now, some may feel that I am being too critical on AfricanAmericans as they face their own daily struggle in a country

wherein institutional racism is embedded into the very fabric of society. However, my empathy, like so many blacks living not only in Europe but all over the world, has stretched across The Atlantic. Every unnecessary death of a black person, every protest that is fought back with tear gas and rubber bullets, and every story of police brutality we hurt alongside them and we fight alongside them. Last year students at LSE came together to voice our anger against the death of Mike Brown. We have spread and supported the stories of the African-Americans’ plight. At the very least we have joined and furthered the debate.

All of this has been done for and with #BlackLivesMatter, yet it has done little for those outside of America who equally suffer.

The Civil Rights Movement

which occurred in America led by the greats, such as Dr. King, Malcolm X and John Lewis, placed an emphasis on international inclusiveness. The Movement spread further than American issues by voicing support for the struggle for independence in many African nations occurring within the period. The Movement’s leaders recognised the similarities between their own rise against the American state and the Africans’ against the colonial powers. This was the essence of Pan-Africanism. The mutual desire amongst blacks across the world to lift the ‘slave mentality’ that had bound them to a life firstly as the commodity, then the inferior, and lastly the disadvantaged. Such inclusiveness was integral in the success of the Civil Rights Movement as it elevated the racial issue to

an international platform and through such added both added credibility and popular support to the arguments being made. #BlackLivesMatter has all the right intentions, yet it needs to move beyond a focus solely on the plight of African-Americans. Blacks are suffering in all areas of the globe and it is in this mutual suffering that a transnational voice calling for our greater empowerment will flourish and be able to achieve real change. As was seen with the Civil Rights Movement and Decolonisation, when a national movement succeeded it was a victory for all. We, the next generation, need to emulate the togetherness of the two movements as we continue to struggle for the right to a good quality of life regardless of the colour of our skin.

Black History Is World History

The concept of Black History Month as caused more problems than it has solved Martha Ojo Undergraduate Student EVERY YEAR IN AMERICA, Britain and Canada we set aside a month solely to celebrate ‘black history’. It is widely accepted that this is a good thing, during this month we pause to recognise and appreciate all of the contributions, past and present, that black people have made to the societies we live in today. However I believe that Black History month, as a concept is very problematic as we reach the next summit in race relations. When Historian Carter G Woodson sowed the seeds of Black History Month in the 1920’s, it was at a time where the idea that black people had a history was controversial. This was because centuries of the psychological trauma passed down from generations of slaves to their kin through their indoctrination about their identity and where they came from would have had to be reimagined. And ultimately they would have had to openly realise that the second-class position of African Americans was

injustifiable. In the UK even as late as 1963, prominent Historian Hugh Trevor Roper proclaimed at a lecture he gave at the University of Sussex that African history does not exist, that ‘darkness is not a subject for history’. However we have a reached a stage in Academia where the black/African history is accepted as a discipline in its own right, albeit that we study it through a very Eurocentric, white, patriarchal lens.

“I believe that Black History Month, as a concept is very problematic as we reach the next summit in race relations.”

My point is not that we no longer need Black History Month, because black history is now accepted as a viable discipline. But the next phase in the

evolution of black/African history is it needs to be recognised as world history, and in symbiosis with European history. The latter cannot be denied particularly with the legacy of European imperial conquest. My point of contention is whether or not Black History Month can be a part of any such evolution.

It seems to me that Black History Month has become a token to shut us up from talking about the lack of diversity in history curriculums every other month of the year. The first experience a black child in Tottenham will have with his/her history is of the shipping of their brothers and sisters across the Atlantic as slaves. NOT the complexities of the Benin, Mutapa, Kongo and Ethopian Empires. We are expected to keep quiet, because after all we have our own month.

By having our own month and being segregated as the ‘other; I do not know how much this can be of help to us when asking for an inclusive historical educational experience across all tiers. For instance to have the role of African soldiers in WWI and WW2 included as part of syllabi on the World Wars. I

“Black history needs to be recognised as world history, and in symbiosis with European history.” believe that reopening a discussion of the relevance and necessity of black history month can help us to move on to the next stage of race relations. By the ‘next stage’ I mean we are now in the age of the so-called ‘multicultural’ western society whereby the white elite who once benefited and still do benefit from racism and discrimination can no longer get rid of us.

We are here to stay and they are required to accommodate us as equal citizens. Part of that is a requirement to teach our children, brothers, our sisters and us the whole picture of world history. This includes the detail of British relations with our moth-

erlands. Black History Month belonged in a time where historians, academics and politicians alike wanted to deny our history; it is a mechanism to assert the importance of our history. But black history pervades through all of Britain; London was practically built on slavery.

And we need more space on school bookshelves and curriculums than the observance of a month. Black History Month was created to be a means to an end and not an end in itself.

Comment | 11

Palestinian Resistance Is Not Terrorism Challenging the narrative of automatically associating resistance with terrorism

Nadine Aly Undergraduate Student HAS IT SUDDENLY BECOME socially acceptable to shove a camera in someone’s face and demand they “denounce terrorism”? As an Afro-Arabian Muslim woman living in the West, am I under some sort of obligation to exonerate myself by denouncing this abstract concept of “terrorism”? On Thursday 22 October, I participated in a Palestine Society event, when a pro-Israel student demanded such a thing from me.

It still manages to perplex me how, even in such a progressive academic environment, the struggle to humanize Palestinians has left me feeling dehumanized.

I did my undergraduate degree in the United States where I studied Political Science, Arabic and French, Peace Studies and Asian Studies. I was president of the Students for Justice in Palestine on my undergraduate campus for 2 years, previously serving and their secretary and programs director. Over the course of those 4 years I familiarized myself with the scripted and highly overused Zionist sound

bites. One of the more common Zionist sound bites is equating Palestinian resistance to terrorism. It is wholly illogical, immoral, as well as legally inaccurate to make such a claim. Palestinians living under Israel’s illegal and brutal military occupation have a legal right to resist their occupier and colonizer, according to the 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, as well as, the Fourth Geneva Convention and its subsequent protocols.

I find it morally flawed for Israel apologists to ask me to denounce terrorism when they stand before me defending and supporting a regime that represents the occupation and colonization of Palestinian land, the ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinian Bedouin communities, the blockade and siege of Gaza, the apartheid and institutionalized racism within Israel proper and the Occupied Territories, as well as, the indiscriminate targeting of civilians, the incessant home demolitions, the policy of putting a civilian population on a “diet”, and many more illegal and inhumane practices.

To sympathize, support or associ-

ate with Israel and claim that your concern for Palestinian human rights is genuine is about as logically sound as Netanyahu’s recent reference to the British-appointed Grand Mufti of Jerusalem being responsible for the Holocaust, not Hitler.

“I find it morally flawed for Israel apologists to ask me to denounce terrorism when they stand before me defending a regime that represents the colonisation of Palestinian land.”

However, to make the argument that one should only oppose Israel’s illegal settlement building but not oppose the state of Israel itself, is essentially saying that one form of settler colonialism is not as acceptable as the other. The state of Israel is a settler colonial

project, created through the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians and maintains itself by constantly repressing Palestinians’ basic human rights. Personally, that is a form of terrorism.

It is beyond me why Israel apologists want to talk about terrorism but refuse to address the situation that led up to the creation of the state of Israel. Why hasn’t a single Zionist spoken about the Stern Gang? The Irgun? The Haganah?

The bombing of the King David Hotel? The Deir Yassin Massacre? Why aren’t Zionists under the same social pressure to denounce Zionist political violence? Settler violence? Israeli state terror? If we are going to discuss terrorism, we are going to discuss all of these issues, not just the current wave of violence that was sparked by Israeli settler and military terror.

Now, seeing as I view the foundation of Israel’s creation as terrorism, you can see why, as a passionate human rights activist and MSc Human Rights student at LSE, the concept of terrorism is very abstract and used far too often without context or definition.

To demand that I denounce this term, without providing any con-

text or definition, is not only offensive but also portrays the ignorance of those who demand such a thing from me. Finally, It has become common practice for these groups of Israel apologists to pretend to want “dialogue” with proPalestinian organizers. They must be under the impression that their racist, supremacist, and exclusivist ideologies are worth discussing. As a passionate anti-Zionist, I find it morally repulsive that this concept of “dialogue” is still an expectation from anti-racist organizers.

So allow me to make two things clear; Palestinian resistance is not terrorism and I am under no obligation to denounce this abstract concept of terrorism to someone who is void of any kind of moral capacity. It is useless and point futile to engage in a “dialogue” about violent acts of resistance without addressing the trends and triggers behind those acts.

Due to Editorial time constraints, The Beaver was unable to secure an article in opposition to this one. We would like to note, however, that submissions from all sides of this debate will be printed with equal weighting.

The Misrepresented Migration Crisis

The general perception of the current migrant crisis is misguided and misrepresented Frederika Chidi-Ofong Undergraduate Students

THE GENERAL PUBLIC’S understanding about migration, vis-à-vis the migrant crisis in Europe, is largely misguided and has unsurprisingly been misconstrued by the media. By definition a crisis implies a time of intense difficulty or danger, or a time when a difficult or important decision must be made.

However, the fact that various news reports and newspaper headlines are riddled with a sudden sense of urgency and desperation, has beguiled us into believing that this ‘crisis’ indicates a sudden change in the status quo.

This couldn’t be further from the truth. Europe is not the first nor the only continent to which migration poses a serious issue. For years, people have been migrating from islands like the Comoros Islands off the coast of Africa, to reach countries on the continent.

For years, migration has created this same sense of intense difficulty and danger as it does now.

For years, thousands of people have died trying to cross the Indian Ocean, and yet despite being a direct replica of recent occurrences in the Mediterranean,

the situation regarding this set of migrants and their journeys was not awarded ‘crisis’ status.

“In line with many issues within the international political realm, humanitarian issues are only deemed to be pertinent when they involve Europe.”

This is because in line with many issues within the international political realm, humanitarian issues are only deemed to be pertinent when they involve Europe. We need to understand that the politicisation or mass publicisation of a topic by European media does not suddenly make it any more of a reality than it was previously. If something isn’t spoken about, does this make it less true?

Furthermore, a clear distinc-

tion needs to be made between migrants and refugees. In this case, while people have migrated to Europe, the branding of them solely as migrants by the media largely undermines the conditions under which migration occurred and eliminates the complexity of the issue. These people are not migrating out of choice, and contrary to what the undertones of several news reports propose, they do not relish the prospect of becoming social welfare burdens to European countries. Although they are par-

“Europe is not the first nor the only continent to which migration poses a serious issue.” taking in migration, they are very much refugees in nature due to the circumstances under which they are leaving their home coun-

tries. In conjunction with article 14(1) of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, these people have a ‘right to seek and enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution’. Based on this, one question springs to mind; if this is not really a Migrant ‘crisis’ and by international law we are obliged to provide all those who seek asylum a sanctuary, why are European governments still finding it difficult to reconcile their humanitarian impulses and obligations with their domestic needs and political realities?

12 | Tuesday 27 October, 2015

LSE’s Nota-BME Alumni

The London School of Economics (LSE) has a plethora of Black Minority Ethnic (BME) alumni who have achieved great things after their time at The School. The Beaver has done some investigating into a few of these notable alumni who achieved Ghanaian independence, got Indian women the right to vote, won a Nobel Prize among more achievements

The Union

Dr Kwame Nkrumah enrolled at the London School of Economics in 1945 as a PhD candidate in anthropology, however, he withdrew after one term of studying and enrolled at University College the following year.

Nkrumah became the first Prime Minister of the

Kenyatta began attending seminars at LSE in 1934, at the age of forty three, studying anthropology under Bronislaw Malinowski. Keynatta’s ‘de-political’ master’s thesis as published in his book, Facing Mount Kenya, in 1938.

On finishing his studies in London, Kenyatta returned to Kenya in 1946 to take

Nandal Menklal Muzumda studied at The School from 1909 until 1912, receiving a BSc in Economics, specialising in particular on administration.

Muzumda was elected

Gold Coast in 1952 until 1957 when he was elected as the first Prime Minister of Ghana. Nkrumah spent three years in this position before he became the first President of Ghana in 1960.

Nkrumah spent six years as President of Ghana before being succeeded by Joseph

Arthur Ankrah.

During his time as Prime Minister of Ghana, in 1957, Nkrumah led Ghana to independence from Britain.

He was a founding member of the Organisation of African Unity and was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize for his work in 1963.

Mithan Ardeshir Tata, later Mithan Ardeshir Lam, studied a masters in economics at LSE from 1922 to 1923.

After her studies Tata began working as a barrister at law at Lincoln’s Inn, becoming one of the first two women barristers practising at Lincoln’s Inn Fields and the first Indian woman barrister hired by the company.

Tata (or Lam) was one

of the first speakers in the House of Commons to speak for Indians women’s right to vote. This became the first Indian Reform Bill to be passed as an act of parliament and two years later Indian women obtained the right to vote.

Tata then headed back to India where she conducted classes for underprivileged and neglected women in In-

up leadership of the newly formed Kenya African Union. He was officially elected president of the Union in 1947.

The principle of ‘one man, one vote’ was conceded to Africa in 1960 and this meant Kenyatta could be elected President. However, he was elected President in absentia as at the

time he was being detained for ‘managing the Mau Mau terrorist organisation’.

Kenyatta was released in August 1961 and took up his duties as President from that point onwards. At the London Conference in 1962, Kenyatta negotiated the constitutional terms that lead to Kenya’s independence.

Sir Arthur Lewis was LSE’s first black academic. Lewis was hired by the School in 1938 as an Assistant Lecturer on a one year teaching contract which was later converted to a four year contract.

Before his appointment as a professor, Lewis graduated from university with first class honours in economics

and was offered a scholarship by LSE to study for a PhD in Industrial Economics.

Lewis was initially engaged in the history of the world economy as Frederick Hayek, then Acting Chairman of the LSE Department of Economics suggested that he taught a course on “what happened between

the wars”. Lewis lectured on the subject for some years before publishing a book on it in 1949.

In 1953 Lewis was knighted by Her Majesty the Queen, becoming Sir Arthur Lewis. The commendations did not end there, as in 1979 Lewis received a Nobel Prize in Economics, sharing the title with Theodore Schultz.

President of the LSE Students’ Union (LSESU) in his final year, and served his term from 1912-13. In addition he was the first non-European President of the LSESU.

From then Muzumuda was a barrister at law at Lincoln’s Inn before becoming a lecturer in geography and public administration at Sydenhem College of Commerce in

Bombay in 1915-1916.

From 1916 Muzumuda was the director of Tata and Sons Ltd, which is the shareholding company for the Tata Group.

dia. Tata was also the first woman lawyer at the Bombay High Court and was appointed as the Sherrif of Bombay; this meant Tata was the first woman to be honoured during the year of India’s Independence.

In recognition of her long and arduous career of public service, Lam was awarded the Padma Bhushan by the President of India.

The Union | 13

From The BYOB: Bring Your Beaver Archive Old Books ON 11TH FEBRUARY 1965 LSE’s Old Theatre was full of people who came to listen to Malcolm X after being invited to The School

by LSE’s Africa Society. In a following editorial Tim Gospill, the Executive Editor of The Beaver wrote “There is no doubt that Malcolm X was an orator and political leader of genius.”

This is not the only remark Gospill made about Malcolm X; in

an interview Gospill remembered meeting Malcolm X but not the content of the speech. He did recall that, ‘He was quite intimidating. It had something to do with his charisma. He had strength - just his presence.’

Malcolm X was assassinated ten days after speaking at LSE while preparing to address a meeting of Organisations for Afro-American Unity in New York.

Student Action for Refugees Society want you to come back from your Reading Week visit home with all of your old Children’s Books STUDENT ACTION FOR Refugees (STAR) Society have organised a Book Drive that will be taking place in Week 7. This is one of their many events, but is one that is really easy to get involved with!

The event part of an initiative to collect the unwanted children’s books that students have outgrown. These unwanted children’s books will be collected together and shipped to a Refugee Camp in Lebanon for refugees from the Syrian Civil War. These books will help children with their studies at a difficult time, to allow those children some semblance of a normal childhood, when everything else around is incredibly volatile.

Student Action for Refugees Society would like to emphasise that they are primarily pushing their members to bring in books, but would like to extend the opportunity to donate to the rest of the student body through this article.

This event will be taking place in Week Seven of Michaelmas term, as the new structure of the academic year includes a reading week. A lot of students will be returning to their childhood homes during that Reading Week, which will allow them to collect their abandoned Children’s books and bring them back to London.

The Student Action for Refugees Society are looking for

Sign up deadline extended until Friday 30th. book your place at www.lsesu.com/whatson

children’s books for all age levels. The camp will have mixed literary ability so anything from the most basic picture book to the whole Harry Potter series would be appreciated!

The books collected will be used to help setup educational facilities in a Syrian refugee camp in Lebanon. These facilities will cater to children from different age groups who are currently unable to receive any education or have suffered a break in their education due to the conflict. The drop off point for children’s book donations in Week Seven will be outside the Saw Swee Hock Centre, beside an Amnesty Stall. The Student Action for Refugees society look forward to seeing you there!

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BLACKOUT

| Tuesday 27 October, 2015

CULTURAL INAPPROPRIATION Lamisa Khan I GREW UP IN A predominantly white area in London and whilst in school I was the only brown girl in my friendship group. I was never ashamed of brandishing bangles and bindis; in fact I was always quite proud of my South East Asian swag. Yet I was teased for wearing a salwar kameez, and for my nose piercing and for my Asian features (yes, this includes my very unfortunate Asian girl moustache). This was in part due to xenophobic ignorance, but the most disheartening part was that people of similar ethnic backgrounds also participated in this. Those of us of different cultures often feel trapped by the choice between being western or Asian, and in attempting to merge the two I struggled to embrace who I was. My insecurity was often that people around me didn’t understand or see the beauty of my Bengali heritage because it just didn’t fit in with popular western culture. Consequently, I began to question the beauty of it myself.

Recently, there has been a debate regarding the issue of cultural appropriation in

fashion. I define cultural appropriation as the adaption of elements of a culture by people outside of it in a manner that disregards its history and/or significance. Rarely do we see ‘eastern’ or ethnic minority fashion represented in London or New York fashion weeks, despite both cities having hugely diverse migrant populations. When we do see the odd designer drop an alternative eastern influenced collection, how often do you see a model of colour representing the brand?

The truth is Black & Minority Ethnics are underrepresented in the sphere of popular fashion, art and music. When Burberry featured Indian model Neelam Johal it was considered a big deal. A big deal because a person of South East Asian ethnicity was breaking through in the world of mainstream western fashion. Her skin was darkened for the campaign to emphasise her ‘brownness’ and thus emphasise that the ‘oh so very British’ brand were embracing different ethnicities by casting an Indian model, as if her race was a badge of honour. More recently, Balmain and H&M used Bhumika Arora for their runway show. A pic-

ture was instagrammed with a caption specifically highlighting her Indian race, later to be removed. Yes, both these examples are breakthroughs in the industry, but it’s shocking that it’s taken the western ‘progressive’ world so long to make this breakthrough. And that, when this breakthrough was made, it was made in the name of white designers and white models. Why is fashion only fashion when it’s white?

And why is it such a massive deal when it’s of colour, rather than the norm?

The internet exploded when Kylie Jenner donned corn rows, and Amandla Stenberg responded with her YouTube video stating ‘Don’t cash crop my corn rows’. Stenberg explained the identity that black fashion represented before becoming a part of popular culture through hip hop music. This is where it gets real. She brings up the major issue of picking and choosing when you’re down with a culture. This is not the first time members of the Kardashian clan have been called out for cultural appropriation.

Last Halloween Khloe Kardashian caused uproar after posting a picture of Scott Disick dressed as an Arab Sheikh

on Instagram with the caption ‘Sheikh Pussy’. It doesn’t take a genius to work out that the costume was offensive and mocking a religion. And let’s not even start on the caption. I’m not hating on the Kardashians at all but, being figure heads of popular culture, it is pretty mortifying to see such disregard and lack of care for other cultures and religions.

It is liberating to see minority traditions and fashion represented in western pop culture, especially when the culture has been previously oppressed by colonialism and racism.

However, it is certainly not okay to see it being adapted and distorted as a ‘new trend’. The word ‘new’ demolishes the history and meaning behind the ethnic fashion, removing it from its context and detaching it from its quintessential beauty, basically once again repressing it as a colony of the empire of Western White Fashion. For example, my best friend has been wearing a Palestinian scarf (Keffiyeh) her whole life, explaining to me that it is a symbol of support for her country. I myself have worn the scarf in appreciation

of its history and significance.

But this summer, she was shocked to see the traditional scarf print emblazoned across dresses and tops in Topshop.

The problem is that the word ‘Palestine’, and any recognition of the Palestinian origins of the print, were nowhere in sight. My friend saw her entire history and identity appropriated to fit the windows of a shop, and her culture was being sold as a mainstream craze.

Personally, I believe that if you understand the meaning behind a tradition and go on to partake in it with appreciation of the culture it originates from, then it is acceptable. Yet to wear a bindi, headdress or dashiki as a fashion statement, as an expression of you being ‘different’ and ‘trendy’, without being of that descent or understanding and appreciative of its origins, is just offensive. Your fashion statement represents so much more than just looking good and is crafted from religious values and cultural traditions. So next time you put on that Ganesh tee from Urban Outfitters (you know, the one with the Indian elephant guy), understand what it actually represents.

Photo credit: Khloe Kardashian/Instagram

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Editorial Note

This issue of The Beaver is proudly unique in that it has been written only by BME students. This week Part B aims to celebrate BME culture, presented by BME students. I am honoured to have been a part of it, and I thank every writer, artist and photographer in this section for their brilliant contributions and enthusiasm in jumping on board this project.

Before you dive in, I will leave you with this: in celebration of Black History Month, go out and do something different this week. Try food you’ve never tried before; listen to new music you haven’t listened to before; go to one of the many cultural talks going on here at LSE, or simply ask friends to tell you more about where they’re from. Be a part of this and add to our collective story.

Rawan Alrawi, Guest Editor

BLACKOUT THE CASE FOR DUALITY Rawan Alrawi

WHEN I WAS APPROACHED to write for Part B by LSE’s AntiRacism officer Jasmine Bide, I found myself toying with the idea of culture and how to use this opportunity to write something profound about it in such a special edition of The Beaver. For any person from a non-British culture living in British society, being cultured means more than watching a black and white film in an independent art-house cinema or dabbling with the darker pages of Kafka. No, for us, culture is the sensitive line between where we live and what we identify as. It is the constant ebb and flow between two worlds. It is not knowing whether to shed or embrace your heritage. It is seeking to fit into two ways of life, when the very fact that you have lived both ways means that you can now no longer fit into either.

It is a hefty paradox to find yourself living in. So much of who you are arises from the environment around you, yet when this changes as quickly as the time it

takes for you to walk through the door of your family home, how are you supposed to become assured in your character? It is a battle I faced deeply growing up. It is impossible not to feel a sense of being Other living in Bristol, where most of my friends were very British. I remember going to friends’ houses for dinner and being awed at how quietly they ate and how polite their conversation would be. After one of those times, I remember my mother asking what I had for dinner and being shocked at the fact that it was simply salad and soup. There was a long period of time where I envied those friends and their de rigueur ways, until my friend Saskia came to stay with me one New Year’s Eve. My parents were having a big party, an “azeema” as we say in Iraqi, and of course they were loud and there was way too much food and the night ended in heavy hipshimmying. Whilst I had always shied away from this, Saskia saw it as beautiful and fascinating. It was only once I saw it through her eyes that I realised the perks of being Other. In essence, she made me fall

in love with my own culture.

After a slow process of embrace, I now relish any chance to be Arab and inhabit my identity.

I often long to have Arabic rolling off my tongue and I am the most stereotypical Arab when it comes to food and my love for shisha. I listen to confusingly modern Arab music which my friends kindly tolerate. I often turn to the poetry of Khalil Gibran. I imagine a future in which the art of Arabic story-telling (hakawati) will make a comeback.

I’m incredibly political, which will surprise no one if they have ever encountered an Arab before. I will belly dance at clubs and you cannot stop me. Most importantly, I like my hair to be as big and frizzy as possible. Five years ago, I would have said none of this.

From a personal observation, and a somewhat biased one considering that I now live in the mixed metropolis of London and attend a very international university, it seems to have become more accepted to be Other. I cannot stress how extraordinary a turn of events this is. I love how people will jump

p a r t 15

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at the chance to tell you where it is that they are from and where it is that they were born and all of the places they have lived. I love that the idea of “foreign” has become so much less foreign. Our society is being filled with more and more Saskias; more and more people who are open-minded to the cosmopolitan. And to every Saskia, I thank you.

“It is seeking to fit into two ways of life, when the very fact that you have lived both ways means that you can now no longer fit into either.”

Of course, not every Arab will want to be this much of an Arab and so it remains a personal decision as to how much you embrace it. The beauty of being a hybrid, a person from two cultures and two

places, is that you can live in duality to the extent that you want to.

You define the lines between the two, you can morph them how you want and you can take what you want from either culture.

My only recommendation would be to take the best of both.

No culture is perfect, so I ask you to examine the cultures you are exposed to and critically analyse what is good and what is not. For some, they will embrace more of one side than the other, depending on their views of what is good and bad.

Their children will embrace a different mix, and so will theirs, and so on. This is the reality of the world we live in today. We as hybrids have a unique opportunity to transform and create new cultures; new spaces in between the old and new. Living in duality means that we are not set in our ways and it is this flexibility which allows us to see both sides of a coin at once.

So do not shy away from you ancestral line. Instead, I urge you to explore it and embrace it. Perhaps it will not fit, or perhaps it will lead to something uniquely brilliant.

SOLIDARITY: Armed with Spoken Word Purvaja Kavattur

SLAM POETRY, DISMANTLING racist structures, Maya Angelou, voice, reason, art, feminism!! On Friday the 23rd October the Hong Kong theatre was packed with 167 people, all armed with determination and spoken word, who brought down the white-supremacist, capitalist, (cis)sexist, (hetero) patriarchy!! (cheers bell hooks, our favourite feminist academic!)

This was ‘Solidarity’.

‘Solidarity’ was an intersectional feminist spoken night, wherein guests and speakers alike stood in solidarity with our black sisters. The event was primar-

ily organised by Community and Welfare Officer, Aysha Fekaiki, and myself to kick start LSESU’s Black Herstory Week.

Esohe Uwadiae hosted the evening with ferocious poise and manner. She warmly welcomed five fantastic speakers whose pieces ranged from talks on black feminist activism to original spoken word.

Ndeye Diobaye opened the night with two of her own spoken word pieces, as well as a recital of Maya Angelou’s ‘Still I Rise’.

Ndeye is an LSE MSc Politics and Communication student whose work mainly focuses on the intersection of race, gender, sexuality,

and politics – all of which was reflected in her performance that evening. Particularly in her poem about how her mother always told her she had to be twice as good compared to her white counterparts, because she was a black girl.

Following Ndeye was Yossie Paul, who is also a postgraduate student here at the LSE. Yossie gave a talk titled “Black Women Talking Back: Towards a Creative and Active Feminism”. In her talk she spoke about Bell Hook’s influence on her and how Hooks led her to write – which in turn lead Yossie to get her first book, titled ‘Hireath’, published at the age of 21. In addition to her talk, Yos-

sie read two poems from her book and in a Q&A raised an interesting point about mainstream media’s obsession with feminist identity politics over actions informed by feminist politics.

Next up Samantha Kezzie, a 3rd year Actuarial Science student, made the audience roar as she debuted as a spoken word artist with two of her own original pieces, as well as a recital of Maya Angelou’s ‘Phenomenal Woman’.

Her sensational poems were based around mental health issues faced by black women, and how the racist caricatures of black women affect them.

Pascâlle Dolcie, the intersectionality officer of the LSESU Intersectional Feminist Society, followed Sam. Pascâlle performed a recital of ‘The Diaspora’ by Gwendolyn Brooks, and in the very same fashion as the speakers before too recited a Maya Angelou poem, titled ‘Human Family’.

Pascâlle expressed an important urgency to the audience about how we all must continue to stand in solidarity with our black sisters beyond Black History Month.

The showstopper for the evening was current Barbican Young Poet, and long-listed Young Poet Laurette of London – Josette Joseph from SOAS. Josette is a performer from South London and her pieces on the night explored identity, inequality, and the UK African diaspora. Her performance was moving and a particular crowd favourite was her poem

dedicated to her grandmother.

The idea for the event was born from a Huffington Post article I read in March earlier this year. The article was about how, for homeless women, getting their period is one of their most difficult challenges. Particularly since our society places a huge stigma on menstruation and as a result tampons and pads aren’t delivered nearly as frequently as required, despite being on the top of lists of needs in shelters. So with the help of the LSESU Intersectional Feminist Society, as well as from Aysha during Black History Month, we decided to run this event to simultaneously celebrate the stories of our black sisters, as well as raise money for the homeless. Overall, we managed to raise a staggering £793.83, which should buy over 2500 packets of sanitary napkins.

If you’re interested in getting involved in distributing the pads to shelters please do drop ifemsoc a message at lsesu.soc.feminist@ gmail.com.

Overall, we have received warm feedback from all those who attended and spoke. I would like to end this article by echoing the point Pascâlle made: just as your thoughts and actions were moved by the performances made on the evening, we hope that this very emotion transcends beyond the Hong Kong theatre and into your actions outside – that your feminism is always informed by the stories of our Black sisters and that we will always stand in solidarity.

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| Tuesday 27 October, 2015

A TRIP DOWN BRICK LANE, BY MONICA ALI Adam Rajah BRICK LANE IS AN APT TITLE for a novel which vividly and masterfully describes the life of a Bangladeshi family living in a cramped flat in East London in the 1980s and their constant barrage of identity issues. The novel follows 18 year old Nazneen, who after growing up in a village in what was then East Pakistan where perhaps dozens of generations of her family had always lived, is forced into a cultural divergence with an arranged marriage to a much older Bangladeshi man in London. She faces a burning, fatalistic struggle to bring up a family with a man she has only just met. Only being able to communicate with her family every few months, she has to submit to a life she has little control over.

For many second­ generation British South Asian immigrants, the story is a very accurate description of the pride, discomfort, loss and alienation felt by their mothers. T ­ hey experienced a previous generation which was never fully encountered by us: a society which was more racist, and a time where money was scarce and fathers had

to work strenuous, long hours in mostly menial jobs.

In many ways, the book and this review were a journey for me to try to comprehend and appreciate the struggles felt by my mother.

Although we still face many barriers in society today, the book reflects on the drastically more that were present only a few decades ago. These barriers were not only within British society, but within small patches of immigrant communities bound by different values.

Monica Ali herself moved to Britain at the age of three, in the midst of the Bangladesh Civil Liberation War in 1971. She must have felt the palpable drive at home trying to maintain a South Asian identity, with its religious constraints, clashing forcefully with a British identity being cultivated at school.

In the 80s, many households would restrict their daughters from leaving the house, even to socialise with their friends; instead they would get married after school and provide for their husband and family. In many ways Nazneen is probably a mixture of herself, her parents and relatives she grew up with,­which gives the descriptions a certain credibility. ­ This allows Ali to mould characters with confi-

dence and with an accurate, comical touch. Like Zia Haider Rahman, a fellow Bangladeshi, who wrote In The Light of What We Know and studied at Oxford, she benefitted from the perspective of a slow, personally built privileged background. Yet Brick Lane takes a different pathway and explores the South Asian community in more depth, with the ubiquitous emotion of ‘shame’ acting as a barrier within the paradigm of all the individuals in the community. The cultural relativity takes front view, and makes one question the individual agency involved.

Characters differ in respect to how assimilated they are and the effect self-hate always at play has on them. This internal struggle is beautifully conveyed by Ali. Chanu, Nazneen’s husband, constantly puts down members of his own race and has a superiority complex of sorts, founded upon his pride in completing two degrees. Once, he remarks, ‘This area is very respectable. None of your Sylhetis here.’

Nevertheless, he is still rejected by colleagues at his workplace, who are white men, and fails to get promoted. Simultaneously Razia, a friend of Nazneen, steers towards ‘shaming’ her husband with her

LITERATURE

plan to work in a factory, since it would denote he was not earning enough to provide for his family, in turn shaming herself. This seems absurd to us now, in the midst of a powerful drive to equalise genders, but that was the paradigm which individuals worked within.

A crucial scene in the book is when Chanu meets Dr Azad’s wife.

Chanu comes to ask for money, since he wants his child to grow up in Bangladesh, away from ‘skinheads’ and ‘racism’. He says, ‘I don’t want him to talk back to his mother. I want him to respect his father.’ Chanu is ambivalent with his love of British literature grappling with his disdain to British values, which he thinks grows disrespect within individuals ­and creates a deep dent to collective South Asian communities. Dr Azad patronisingly rejects Chanu. Minutes later, Dr Azad’s daugher asks for money to go the pub. The doctor is conflicted, but his more indifferent wife, easily hands her money.

When Chanu tries to discuss the alienation he feels, Dr Azad’s wife fires back: “Why do you make it so complicated? Assimilation this, assimilation that! Let me tell you a few simple facts. Fact: We live in a Western society. Fact: Our children

will act more and more like Westerners. Fact: that’s no bad thing.

My daughter is free to come and go. Do I wish I had enjoyed myself like her when I was young? Yes.” In this regard, assimilation and slow cultural decay is inevitable and the deep commitment to preserve culture is almost futile; his wife betrays that deep down, there may exist an envy in many adults towards their children’s freedom. It is not a view any other character in the book holds, but it perhaps holds some truth. However, it is also inevitable that much effort is exerted to preserve an identity, since it is all one knows, and the only other option would be lifelong shame or perhaps ostracisation.

I write this review with a eurocentric bias, and it is a fact I cannot refute. I do not doubt that pockets of communities throughout the UK have their own struggles in preserving values, just like my own. ­Yet one thing remains clear: let us appreciate them and learn more.

For it is understanding that lets us accept others and enables fruitful relationships to flourish. Understanding eliminates intolerance because once you understand a person’s upbringing, you’ll understand why they act the way they do.

Credit: Flickr: George Rex

A BRITISH SOUTH ASIAN’S TASTES IN RNB, HIP-HOP & GRIME Adam Rajah

1. Ride it (Hindi Version) - ­Jay Sean Jay Sean was an artist my older sister used to listen to. I used to hear it more frequently in her room when she was going through a break­-up, and I get that. Jay Sean’s songs frequently play into the whole thing of emotionally heavy relationships. He’s also an Indian Punjabi and was the pioneer of creating the British South Asian market.

This song is just a banger!

2. Warm up Sessions [2012] - Mic Righteous I first heard Mic Righteous back in 2010 with his initial SBTV video. His fierce passion and rage immediately struck me. He often describes the struggle of growing up in Margate, without much family and a distrust for those around him. In these warm-up sessions he delves deep into the Machiavellian world around him, pouring his heart out about the issues a caged mind faces.

3. Mamma’s Just A Little Girl - ­Tupac Tupac was a staple of mine growing up. All the olders would listen to a range of his dis-

cography in their cars. My appreciation for Tupac’s emotional intelligence and awareness has only grown as I’ve grown older.

This song masterfully narrates the torment of a girl whose parents die at 15, and soon gets pregnant after being sexually abused.

4. Mohabbat Barsa Dena Tu - ­Arjun, Arijit Singh Arjun’s an upcoming British South Asian, who mixes popular Bollywood songs, adding English choruses. This song in particular was the predominant song played at a friend’s wedding back in December of last year, so it has nostalgic attributes. If I’m honest I don’t understand the Hindi, but it sounds awesome nonetheless.

5. Forever - ­Chris Brown Yes, yes, I accept the charge of populism.

But my sound tastes were carefully tuned when I was a kid, and I enjoy Chris Brown.

Might as well go with it. Forever was the song I enjoyed most from him.

6. Youm Wara Youm - Sean Paul Arabic Remix Smoking shisha used to be the thing when I was growing up, so my friends and I would

go to all these shisha places which would play predominantly hip­ -hop, with a few Arabic remixes. This one with Sean Paul is a favourite of mine.

7. Talking Da Hardest ­- Giggs Back in Year 11, a friend and I got into grime massively. We’d be writing raps in our Maths classes, trying to imitate rappers. I think there’s a video of us lurking somewhere on the internet of doing a cover of this song by Giggs…

8. The Way I Am - ­Eminem Yes, I went through an Eminem phase, as any fan of rap goes through. Although I started off with Recovery, I soon dug out MMLP and Slim Shady LP, which were complete masterclasses. His rhyming structures are still unmatched in my opinion. I chose this song because I just love how angry he is.

9. What Goes Around... Comes Around ­- Justin Timberlake JT is so damn smooth; I just love this song for it’s acute sense of passion and love, conflicted with anger and betrayal.

10. Juicy - Notorious B.I.G. An undeniable classic. Biggie Smalls is a legend, like Tupac his flow is infectious.

Juicy is one of the reasons people look back at the 90s as the golden age of hip-hop.

BLACK WOMEN WRITING AS ACTIVE FEMINISM

A PERSONAL NOTE FROM THE AUTHOR Yossie Paul

“THERE IS MUCH WHICH we–black people-must speak about, much that is private that must be openly shared, if we are to heal our wounds.”

Those words were written by bell hooks — our favourite feminist scholar — in 1989, in the introduction to the book from which the title of my talk is derived: Talking Back — Thinking Feminist, Thinking Black. I read it sometime in March, and that quotation has since remained with me. For me, it perfectly captures my life, as a writer, a scholar, and, most important of all, a Black woman of African descent.

I was bor n and raised in Lagos, Nigeria, and I moved to the UK when I was 13, eight years ago. I felt lost for a good part of those years, and I engaged in questionable things, all because I felt misplaced and alone. I was a girl in a new country — a different world — surrounded by people I could not connect with, people who made me feel bad for being somewhat different.

So, I buried myself in books.

It was books that gave me solace. I discovered women like Alice Walker and Maya Angelou, women who had

4

found a way to create, despite the feeling of marginalisation. During this time, I discovered bell hooks, and in the process of finding her, I found myself, and I found my voice. She gave me the very thing I needed to begin writing authentically: a mission, and not simply to make sense of my inner workings.

For black feminists and writers like bell hooks, Audre Lorde, and Sonia Sanchez — women who continually inspire me — writing was primarily about education and affecting social change.

That said, they all had one thing in common: the driving force of their writing was the desire to tell — or show — another woman out there that she is not alone, that whatever her struggles and joys, whatever her experiences or pains, we stand fir mly beside her.

Thus, some of my writing is based on personal experiences, whilst other pieces are based on stories that we repeatedly hear about being in the world, especially as a woman.

The poem featured in this article deals with domestic violence in two generations. I write about domestic violence because it is one of the most

pertinent issues of our time, and something we do not talk about enough. For some, it is easier to rationalise and justify domestic violence: “they did not mean to cause me pain; they only do it because they love me.” For others, there is simply no use talking about it. This is why I chose to introduce this article with the bell hooks quotation. If we are to heal our wounds, we must give voice to the pain at some point.

F lowers

It happened again, Maman.

Just the way it happened with you — that night, just before dawn came without you.

He walked in late, Maman, smelling of her and lager.

I wanted to touch him — tell him I forgave him — tell him it was okay, Maman.

Because I am a woman.

These scars, Maman, these bloodied lines against my breast — they connect me to you.

And he brought me flowers today.

Why Should We Create as an Active Practice of Feminism?

This is a question I have been thinking about for a while. I think that we can “practice” feminism in various ways, some more labour-intensive than others.

As a creative, then, making art — be it through words, ink, paint, or photography — is a valid way to work against dis-

p a r t 17

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crimination and domination in the world. It is valid insofar as it infor ms, educates, and inspires people to action.

There is a bell hooks clip I love to refer to whenever people enter into petty arguments about what or who a feminist is. In this clip, bell hook says that we live in a society that is superficially concer ned with labels: “I’m interested in the active practice of a politics that we name as feminism that is not an identity. The question is: What is your politics as it relates to feminism? What is the active practice in your life that is working against patriarchy, sexism, and oppression?”

For me, it is writing and tutoring for now, until I can influence policy where it matters. My interest lies in education policy/refor m.

Why should we create as active practice of feminism?

It is pretty simple: because art is powerful, art is political, and art speaks volumes.

It is simply not enough to identify as feminist; we must also do.

If you would like to purchase Yossie’s book, it costs £5 for all LSE students and staff members. Please contact Yossie at info@yossiepaul.com

POEMS | 4 BLACK POETS

SELECTED BY MUKAMI KURIA

Who Said It Was Simple Audre Lorde There are so many roots to the tree of anger that sometimes the branches shatter before they bear.

wont you celebrate with me Lucille Clfiton

won’t you celebrate with me what i have shaped into a kind of life? i had no model. bor n in babylon both nonwhite and woman Sitting in Nedicks what did i see to be except myself ? the women rally before they march i made it up discussing the problematic girls here on this bridge between they hire to make them free. starshine and clay, An almost white counter man passes my one hand holding tight a waiting brother to serve them first my other hand; come celebrate and the ladies neither notice nor re- with me that everyday ject something has tried to kill me the slighter pleasures of their slavery. and has failed.

But I who am bound by my mirror as well as my bed see causes in colour Lucille Clifton, “won’t you celebrate as well as sex with me” from Book of Light. Copyright © 1993 by Lucille Clifton. Reand sit here wondering printed by per mission of Copper which me will survive Canyon Press. all these liberations.

Source: Book of Light (Copper Canyon Audre Lorde, “Who Said It Was Sim- Press, 1993) ple” from From a Land W here Other People Live. Copyright © 1973 by Audre Lorde. Reprinted with the per mission of the Charlotte Sheedy Literary Agency Source: T he Collected Poems of Audre Lorde (W. W. Norton and Company Inc., 1997)

Untitled James Baldwin

alter nate names for black boysDanez Smith

Lord,

when you send the rain, think about it, please, a little?

Do not get carried away by the sound of falling water, the marvelous light on the falling water.

I am beneath that water.

It falls with great force and the light Blinds me to the light.

1. smoke above the bur ning bush 2. archnemesis of summer night 3. first son of soil 4. coal awaiting spark & wind 5. guilty until proven dead 6. oil heavy starlight 7. monster until proven ghost 8. gone 9. phoenix who forgets to un-ash 10. going, going, gone 11. gods of shovels & black veils 12. what once passed for kindling 13. fireworks at dawn 14. brilliant, shadow hued coral 15. (I thought to leave this blank but who am I to name us nothing?)

16. prayer who lear ned to bite & sprint 17. a mother’s joy & clutched breath

Excer pted from Jimmy’s Blues & Other Poems by James Baldwin. Copyright 2014. Excer pted with per mission by Beacon Press.

Source: Poetr y (March 2014).

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Tuesday 27 October, 2015

A STORY CAPTURED

BME PHOTOGRAPHERS

Adib Chowdhury MY INTEREST IN PHOTOGRAPHY WAS SPARKED AT the age of sixteen when I was captivated by the ability to document stories of untold hardship through the medium and I quickly set about teaching myself as much as I could.

Having completed an undergraduate and Masters dissertation on the issue of forced migration and viewing the news regarding the European refugee crisis, I felt compelled to document it and see for myself what was really happening.

A diabetic woman collapses having just arrived ashore Lesvos.

Refugees set up tents and burn fuel for the night as the sun begins to set.

Volunteers rush out to assist refugees arriving by boat from Turkey to Lesvos. Drownings have become a common occurrence on this small ocean strip that divides Turkey from the Greek island, as human traffickers frequently surpass the maximum capacity of these rubber boats leaving them vulnerable to rough seas and at constant risk of deflation.

I felt disappointed that news headlines had reduced refugees to mere statistical figures and had distanced themselves from their personal stories of hope and loss. I wanted my photography to capture the determination of the refugees through capturing some of the obstacles faced in their path to a better life. I also sought to challenge the outdated binary perspective of refugees caught in a world split between “rich” and “poor”, and as helpless victims limited to nothing but rags over their bodies, whilst showing the attention they do need for the difficult journey. What especially makes this refugee crisis difficult to swallow is that many are highly skilled and educated people who can offer much to Europe. Whilst this should make their situation relatable to many in Europe, this discomfort has unfortunately given rise to far right sentiment that perceives people fleeing genuine persecution as economic benefit hunters. To view the refugees holistically and in such light is to do great disservice to the sacrifices many have made to reach safety.

To capture the extent of the crisis, I set out with my two friends to document the entire migration route being taken by the refugees over a period of two weeks. Currently we are compiling our photos, interviews, videos and notes together to create a multimedia piece which we hope will highlight the personal accounts of the refugees and aim to publish this in the near future. We began the project with one of the first entry points into Europe for many refugees: the Greek island of Lesbos. We then covered the route up the Balkans with the migration route running from Greece to Macedonia, Serbia, Croatia, Hungary, Austria and ending (for us) in Germany.

Some refugees continue their journey further to countries such as Norway and Sweden. We focused on the borders of these countries and were shocked by the enormity of the crisis and the heartbreaking stories many shared with us. With winter approaching and the ongoing conflict in Syria showing little sign of abating, the risk for refugees deciding to make the journey in the following months will be even higher.

Police monitor newly arrived refugees lining up for official documentation at Moria refugee camp in Lesvos. Once registered, they may take the ferry at the Port in Mytilene to Athens, taking them on to mainland Europe.

This camp hosts mainly non-Syrian refugees and has received complaints of preferential treatment being granted to Syrians on the island’s other camp called Kara Tepe, a predominantly Syrian refugee camp receiving better care and less police intrusion.

Plug sockets crammed with chargers are a common sight in refugee camps as many are desperate to charge their phones, the only means of communication to family and friends left behind in home countries.

A group of refugees rest in the makeshift Presevo camp along the Serb-

Refugees arrive at Nickelsdorf, Austria at 1am after a train journey of a few hours, only to embark upon a 5km walk to a care centre that will provide aid, food and additional care before making a crossing. After the ordeal they will be awaited by taxi drivers patiently waiting to charge them double the standard amount for a lift.

“We focused on the borders of these countries and were shocked by the enormity of the crisis and the heartbreaking stories many shared with us.”

A refugee having fled from Kobane, Syria shows a photo of his baby and wife left behind alongside his house demolished by IS. Now settled in Worms, Germany, the government requires proof of marriage through official documentation. However, with government institutions closed in Syria many have married without such documents. As a result, in order for his child to claim asylum too he must prove the children are his via DNA test, an unlikely method of identification given the situation in Syria.

A young Afghan baby is carried off a boat by her brother.

A refugee reveals shrapnel injury from a barrel bomb that fell near him in Aleppo, Syria: “This is why I fled”. Many refugees have physical marks of the past that they have escaped, as well as injuries from the journey across the migration trail.

If you would like to see more of Adib’s work: adibphotography.com Instagram @adibchow

p a r t 19

BLACK-OUT

POSTCARDS FROM TWILIGHT REPRESENTATION

B

Benjamin Aw

April Lin

WHEN SHOULD ONE SEND A POSTCARD? IF A GOOD PHOTO IS MERELY one of a place that the beholder hasn’t seen before, then all one needs to do is wait. For there is a time after the sun sets and before dusk arrives - twilight - when everything looks completely different. Or one can simply just buy one from any shop, no?

REPRESENTATION IS IMPORTANT, IT INFLUENCES HOW YOU SEE YOURSELF and others, and yourself in relation to others. Being surrounded by images, customs and values that you can relate to and identify with is not a given; depictions of actual humans and not just a repetition of the same old stereotypes are not a given. Yet being aware of this already gives you the power to do so much! Examine the narratives constructed in popular culture, your everyday interactions, the curriculum, etc and see how you feel about them — proceed to reclaim and proclaim your identity. Everyone has the right to be considered as a whole, with all the yays and nays that implies, and starting with yourself and your close ones is as good a place as any. Here are some photos of my friends, where we’ve together built our own representations, showing more about them than the narratives currently on offer in the world.

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| Tuesday 27 October, 2015

BME PHOTOGRAPHERS RETURNING THE IMAGE STREET PHOTOGRAPHY IN NEPAL Shelly Yiran Shi AFTER PHOTOGRAPHING AN OLD MAN IN BHAKTAPUR, he grabbed my hands firmly. I handed him some rupees, since in Nepal I usually paid to photograph people, either out of compassion or gratefulness. But this man rejected it, and still, continued to hold onto my hands.

After a while, I came to the realisation of what he meant: he wanted his portraits, not my money.

Does that Afghan girl, the icon of National Geographic know how beautiful her green eyes are in that photograph? That’s what I was thinking of as I scouted around the town for somewhere I could have my photos developed for that Nepali man. While so many photographers took great portraits in places like Nepal or Afghanistan, to reveal the beauty of these locals to the rest of the world, people who are in that very beauty themselves rarely see the images despite wanting to.

Moreover, it was a common desire. Women weaving cloth on the street I photographed longed for their pictures, and kids in a local orphanage in Pokhara dreamed of “physically” owning a photograph too — something that they could proudly hold in their hands, not just a mark in my memory card.

Seven months after I left Nepal, my best friend went to Pokhara and took my printed photos to those kids in the orphanage. It was a pity that I couldn’t see their faces light up myself. Yet I realised that the ongoing relationship between my subjects and myself did not end when I released the shutter, but began.

However, the Nepali man led me to realise that the politically underserved do have a voice and want to share that voice, but are often muted by all from the existing media incumbents to amateur photographers like myself. Bluntly put, the first world generates news from the third world, and gives such news to the first world policy makers, not the third world stakeholders. My response has been to publish photographs of these people, for these people.

However, I still struggle morally with paying to photograph people as a gesture of appreciation, since I am very conscious of the strands of exploitation and commercialisation that might occur with it. My heart went out to the people who begged for money, yet I also felt that simply handing over some rupees was not the best way to help them.

As the popular Oxford economics professor Paul Collier has written in his book, The Bottom Billion does not necessarily need more money or even resources, but rather strong institutions to serve their innate abilities. Coming face-to-face with poverty in Nepal, I began to understand that poverty is often due to “capability-deprivation” rather than “moneydeficiency” and that economic uplift is more a matter of exploring latent needs rather than hitting every nail with the blunt hammer of money.

Someday, I wish to return my photographs to their real owners. Nepal remains fiercely emblazoned in my mind, and I know that visit will not be my last.

NUS EXTRA: THE ESSENTIAL STUDENT DISCOUNT CARD Available to buy from the LSESU Shop and online: www.nus.org.uk/en/nus-extra

AND MUCH MORE

22 |

Tuesday October 27, 2015

Photo

Clockwise from above: University Challenge pub quiz well underway, University Challenge pub quiz team names (not including winners ‘The Quizzy Rascals’, students discuss whether White Privilege exists, the speaker has her audience’s full attention at the Black Women’s Public Speaking Workshop, Dr Karen Salt speaks at the ‘Decolonising Academia in an Age of Injustice’ event, the lotus position at BME Womens’ Yoga Class

RAYHAN RESPONDS: Back to the bitch that had a lot to say about me last year in The NAB, Fyfey What’s Good?

HAS BEEN NABBED

B M E S TU D EN T S TA K EO V ER

All The Winners From this year’s

ToobChainz

Best Artist

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“Palestinian Girls” by Fe-Kaiki Perry

ME

AWARDS

1-800 - HOTLINE LING

Best Video

Best Song

Best Album

MAHATIR...........I AM..........PASHA FIERCE

24 |

Tuesday October 27, 2015

To Be Frank: Intersectional Privilege Exists Aniké Wildman LSE Undergraduate THIS PAST SUMMER, through nothing short of hard work and determination, I was fortunate enough to secure a vacation scheme at a city law firm.

Though having less than five hundred solicitors, the firm has an unrivalled reputation which it has built for over a century.

This coupled with the amazing variety of cases I would gain had me quite literally champing at the bit to get through those doors and show what I was made of. Not naive to the many inequalities that still exist within the corporate world I, rightly or wrongly, accepted that I would be in a minority group upon arrival (be it, an underrepresented group of females or the far more likely group of underrepresented black people). The cold reality was that I spent the first four days in this London firm without setting eyes on a single solicitor who was non-white. For the first time, I truly experienced what it was to be of a minority not merely in the sense of not being in a majority white group but in the sense of feeling unseen.

In such a stark minority, I realised that my blackness did not have to be confronted because I was a novelty within the estab-

The City

Guest Editor: Joshua Oluwafemi Section Editor: Alex Gray

BME Experiences in The lishment; where those observing me did not have to acknowledge the disadvantage and inequalities that my very presence represented. Instead, most compliments paid to my standard of work were laced with the age old - albeit subtle - inference that I was in some way exceptional for a black female. I was told by one fellow vacationer that her supervisor had enquired whether I was “domineering” rather than just intelligent and hardworking and even the explicit statement from another vacation schemer that I was “intelligent but obviously filling a quota”. This was particularly humorous coming from an individual who had spent his entire education in private school and therefore definitely never had to contend with issues of under resourcing as I often did in a state sixth form college in West London and so arguably did not have the same plight to university as I did.

Additionally, I was privy to many conversations where trainees and partners alike expressed surprise and even dismay at the fact that the intake of vacation scheme students had been exclusively female (bar one) and exclusively Oxbridge educated (bar myself and one other). At such moments they would insist to me that it was very unusual to have a group lacking in such diversity given the extent to

which the firm prides itself on a “good mix”. The irony of such sentiments only strengthened during the two weeks of my scheme, when I confirmed that only two black solicitors worked at the firm, and of the handful of Asian solicitors, two were trainees whom had only been recruited in the few months prior.

Therefore it was apparent to me during such exchanges where the inclusivity of the firm was impressed upon that. Perhaps even more disheartening than if the firm were to acknowledge a preference for those of the lighter hue, was the fact that myself and those who looked like me were not even in the firm’s collective consciousness such that they were not able to see the ghettoisation of their environment sufficiently enough to address the issue. I believe it is no longer a defence of such establishments to argue that they cannot recruit those who apply and therefore accusations of discrimination cannot be levied their way - the question is therefore why certain groups are unlikely to apply. In particular, if they feel their degree of access is limited then this must be addressed with active recruitment plans by such companies.

In a frank conversation with another vacation schemer, it was suggested that our generation will be the one to make the

changes in such a firm - but my question is why should that be our duty? I may acknowledge the academic talents that have gotten me to such stage, but by no means do I hold myself to be an exception as many talents thrive within our community as in any other. Therefore is it not unreasonable to suggest that we as young, black, soon to be professionals, should settle with the belief that in another two decades the make up in such firms won’t be as they are today? The reality is that we don’t have another two decades to patiently wait for change that is long overdue, because while we wait, the generations below us, who perhaps don’t have the same supportive voices in their households and the same access to beneficial information in their under resourced schools, are observing us and the stories we tell of being in minorities when achieving success, and potentially absorbing the damaging message that achievement and success in a professional environment does not equate to the brown skin they see in the mirror in the morning or across from them at their dinner tables at night. Zadie Smith once said that a single black dot on a domino, doesn’t make the domino mixed. Let us not fool ourselves into thinking we’re “there” through the achievement of marginal access.

Diversity, But Not Too Much

Stephanie Offei-Ntow LSE Undergraduate DIVERSITY. THE CITY’S new buzzword. You can’t attend a City presentation without hearing this mentioned.

However, I feel like this term just puts ethnic minorities into one box. What City firms don’t understand is that diversity is not a monolithic term and shouldn’t be treated as such.

From personally attending City presentations, functions and interviews during my lifetime at the LSE, I have found that diversity to these firms simply means accommodating non-white/ethnic people into their organizations as part of their workforce because many of their clients are not white Etonians, and thus must represent their client backgrounds within their organizations.

This makes perfect business sense because different cul-

tures have different mannerisms that only people of that particular culture will ever truly understand.

However, ethnic minorities, in this case black people in particular, are not one in the same. We come in various skin tones and body shapes. However genetically, the majority of black women have more of a shapely physique especially around the lower half. Thus, at times when wearing the corporate city uniform, dresses/skirt fit quite tight and tend to show off our figures (yes even when we go up a size). No we are not trying to look a frumpy mess, just fitted. Thus, it can be quite hard to find appropriate city attire that won’t attract puzzled looks. Thus, the question of appropriate clothes for the workplace is often very much a puzzle for black women before that important interview or on the Sunday preparing for work.

And it’s not just clothing.

Another issue is hair. Though

many non-black people may not understand this, I am going to try and simplify this problematic issue. Black hair is completely different to the hair of Whites, Latinos, Asians and Arab hair. Our hair grows upward (hence the Afro has always been a hairstyle black people identify with) and comes in different textures (from coarse to soft). Thus black people have what we call “protective styling” which comes in the form of braids, weaves, locs, twists etc. Black women cannot wash our hair many times a week and blow dry and go, our hair just doesn’t work like that. One of my best friends, a successful black woman who recently graduated now working in a prestigious investment bank, said to me the other day: “Why can’t I come into work with my hair in its natural state?”

She has a silky curly afro hair texture. To put it bluntly, the natural state of black hair is frowned down up in the City,

hence is a contributing factor to why some black women use relaxers (harsh chemicals that permanently straighten the hair). It is because we have to conform to the Western, specifically Caucasian way of styling our hair.

This is why in the beginning of the article, I had to question what the meaning of the term “diversity” really is. If City firms are really trying to promote diversity in their companies, then surely they should be welcoming and inclusive to the natural God given way our hair sits and that the physiques of black women generally differs to their various racial counterparts?

Instead of City firms dictating how diverse ethnic minorities should be in order to fit their quota, they should be promoting true diversity – which is the celebratory inclusion of recognizing our individual differences, along the dimensions of race, gender and sexuality.

The City |25

City: The Same but Different

When The Honeymoon Ends And The Guard Drops Josh Oluwafemi Guest Editor TAKE A WALK WITH ME back in time to autumn 2012 – I just got my A levels and deferred my LSE offer in order to start a gap yah. No I didn’t travel to Australia or do a tour of South Asia; nor did I take a ski instructor course in Canada or France. Instead, I wormed my way into the City, landed myself a year-long internship at a bank and decided I wanted to become a beast at finance. During my first few weeks, there was a definite culture shock.

Not because I was yet to come across a black employee, but more so because I was used to doing my own thing in college and suddenly had to become a professional at 18. I faced no explicit race issues and the fact that there was a distinct lack of non-white people within the bank seemed normal.

However, the honeymoon phase soon ended and people forgot I was an intern, I was quite decent at the job. People became less sugar coated and I began to hear their honest views, especially during drinks. During the Christmas function, I came face to face for the first time with a senior guy from corporate finance whom I had been doing work for indirectly via my line manager. Thus far, he had never questioned my work and was always happy with it. His exact words to start the conversation when he put my face to my email address: “Oh gosh, you’re black!” What followed was awkwardness because my colleagues did not know how to react and all I could say was “erm yes, why?”

From then on, he began to ques-

tion my work and ask me to justify everything even when my line manager had given it the green light. Looking back I laugh, but at the time I began wondering who else was thinking such things and it dawned on me that maybe race did matter.

“People became less sugar coated and I began to hear their honest views” Fast forward to summer 2015, it seemed as though the cohort of LSE students undertaking internships in the City was diverse as ever. I wanted to gauge from my fellow summer analysts and some of the spring week interns whether being an ethnic minority made a difference to their experience; whether it was positive, negative or an indifferent factor.

Starting at one of the large American investment beasts banks, the consensus was positive insofar as there were BME professionals visibly present so it was easier for the interns I spoke to, to be embedded within teams and the firm in general. Some cited class issues as more noticeable in certain divisions as opposed to race issues.

Perhaps there is a link here? Anyway, within the same bank, a recurring theme was that there was solid BME representation and numerous networks for liberation groups based on race, gender and sexuality. In short, expectations were surpassed! Heading over to the European banks, there was a similar story. I spoke to a penul-

timate year student who finished a second internship this summer and said being an ethnic minority made an indifferent impact on securing opportunities within the firm. BME representation was perhaps more of a stand out issue here but the consensus was that all corporates are actively seeking diversity.

A friend I worked with this summer, who is from China, made a point that everyone was too busy to even think about race issues which I think is a fair point. Everything was so business focussed that you tend to not see people as people but instead as a resource to get things done – especially as we only had 10 weeks to make an impression. However, first impressions are culminated from one’s exterior too and we can’t stop people from making ungrounded judgements on the basis of ethnicity. For instance, the hair we wear (see Stephanie Offei-Ntow article) or the names we bear. On the latter point, though there may not be actual intentions to allow one’s name to hinder progress, it still occurs.

For instance, during a catch up with a friend of man – Bangladeshi origin – he cited his experience working in the City alongside 2 other interns with English names in a team of 70 (4 nonwhite). He noticed that the other two interns were getting called upon from the start because people were comfortable with saying their names i.e. his name would never be called from across the desks. It may seem trivial but the reality is this resulted in less interactions compared to the others, therefore less work and development. Although this did not pre-

vent him from securing a graduate offer, it highlights the small handicaps ethnic minorities face and at the end of the day, these can stack up into larger hurdles especially in terms of career progression.

As a wannabe political scientist (shout out GV101), I felt compelled to attempt to do some cross country analysis and at least get a sense of whether being an ethnic minority in a different country would yield similar experiences.

A friend of mine who is of Afghan dissent spent a few months in China during the summer and was surprised to feel discriminated against during professional/social functions. He felt it was quite strange he only got concessions when he was with white people,

given they are also technically a minority in China.

This by no means sums up the experience of every non-white person who works in the City but offers a taster of what goes on from our perspective. Anyway, what I got from these discussions was that the overall impact of being a BME was in most parts indifferent and sometimes positive which is great to hear. Kudos to education in diversity, right? However, it seems as though there is no running away from some of the strange encounters that look to be part and parcel of being an ethnic minority within the City – especially when people forget you’re an intern/grad and don’t necessarily need to be nice

Photo Credit: Flickr, Peter Klashorst

Mental Health Knows No Race Asia Lawrance LSE Undergraduate AS STUDENTS MOST OF US are well aware that factors intrinsic to university life may increase our susceptibility to mental health problems. Factors such as increased responsibility and commitments, the stress of the workload, the pressure of securing a job (training contracts and banking programmes particularly at LSE) and for many people moving away from home to mention a few.

Mental health problems faced by students are an obvious and valid

priority within university and should remain such, however how far do we consider the pressures conducive to mental health problems that we may face as we move forwards into our professional lives? To some (particularly those who already face mental health concerns) this may be a concern and a worry already, to others the thought may not have even occurred.

City jobs are popular (and highly sought after) destinations for graduates. The pressure of the applications is usually an addition to the aforementioned university pressures, but what about once you have your place? We’ve all

heard horror stories about graduate roles, unspeakable working hours and excessive pressure. I’m not trying to scare people here, but to highlight the possibility of mental health complications arising in such a transition and an environment that is so uniquely intense.

The issue is recognised by many of the City’s top employers.

In 2013, the City Mental Health Alliance (CMHA) was formed with the aim of de-stigmatising mental health and working across companies on practices pertaining to preventing them. Viewing prevention to be as important as treatment, the KMPG press

release following the launch of CMHA outlined how the “the competition, stress and long hours culture in the city leaves employees vulnerable, but the fear of discrimination often prevents people accessing help and support early on”.

It is also worth noting here intersectional issues that may be faced by those who, in addition to the aforementioned factors, also fall within a minority group (whether this be in gender or race) within their workplace. Feeling a degree of isolation as a result of this may be an additional factor pertaining to metal health problems whilst different minor-

ity group and cultural reactions to mental health may increase reluctance to talk about the issue and seek help. Whilst most employers seek to diversify, this may remain an aggravating factor in the meantime.

Taking all this into account, are employer movements to mitigate mental health problems enough, or should we be taking mental health into our own hands? After all, jobs aren’t the only factors in our lives that can cause us disharmony, even within the city, issues of urban living have been identified as contributing to the likelihood of mental health problems

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Tuesday October 27, 2015

The Power And Legacy Of Is Malcolm X still relevant in the age of Obama?

Griff Ferris Postgraduate Student

despite international recognition of his work for African-Americans, Malcolm X was not universally popular.

He was perceived in many different ways. To many he was a vitriolic preacher of racial hate, inciting violence and riots; a view often taken by the American press. Many of those engaged in civil rights movements dismissed him as a demagogue, stirring up racial tensions, and considered him detrimental to their efforts.

To others he was a ‘Black Muslim’, a religious fanatic, or a ‘Black Nationalist’, a dangerous radical.

So what could such a firebrand, a ‘bearded extremist’, possibly have to say about modern America, at whose head sits a black president?

Yet race relations are still a central issue in American society. From the race riots in Ferguson and Baltimore, and the more peaceful yet no less angry protests in New York, Denver and in cities across America, to the racial issues continue to divide the nation. A 2015 poll found that race relations are considered the most important issue of concern for black Americans. Accordingly, Malcolm X is as relevant today as he was until his death, 50 years ago.

There is today always much political condemnation of racism, and racial discrimination is (rightly) denounced at every opportunity by civic leaders. But nowhere is there to

be found a Malcolm X style figure.

His approach to the issue of racism was very different to those of the more traditional civil rights movements, and he was often unfavorably compared with the pacific Martin Luther King.

However, Malcolm X’s ability to bluntly speak uncomfortable truths was essential to his success in furthering and enhancing the rights of African-Americans. Malcolm X spoke not in the politically correct, anodyne terms, of today’s politicians, which more often result in procrastination and indecisiveness, but expressed himself with intense, hard-hitting realities that irrefutably demanded and forced action. Yes he made people uncomfortable, and he even caused fear amongst those whose white privilege blinded them to the realities of the African-American struggle for rights. Malcolm X was radical, he was extreme in his views, and yet this approach provided a vital foil to other civil rights campaigners milder, more passive methods.

He was remarkably prescient in concluding in his autobiography that ‘societies often have killed the people who have helped to change those societies’, and despite his assassination soon after, he had indeed become a pivotal figure in the transformative civil rights movement. His relevance continues in the struggle

to, as he put it, bring ‘light’ and expose ‘meaningful truth that will help to destroy’ racism in America.

His legacy is one of promoting incredible brotherhood and unity among African-Americans, and moreover of such unity throughout all those of African heritage.

Malcolm X brought America’s race issues to the world, especially to Africa, where he is considered to have been a key developer of Pan-Africanism. His uncompromising, fearless approach to race relations sets the bar for anyone who themselves might seek to continue the work he started. At the time of his assassination, he was perhaps coming closer than anyone, through his direct approach, to addressing the race issues which continue to plague America.

Photo Credit: HermanHiller

THE RIGHT TO A SURNAME was just one of the many things Malcolm X sacrificed in his unrelenting struggle for the furtherance and enhancement of AfricanAmerican rights and quality of life.

He likewise relinquished the rights to property, money or goods, and after many incessant, tireless years, he eventually gave up his life in the fight.

Malcolm X was brutally initiated into the racial struggle in mid20th century America, when his father was murdered by alleged white supremacists. He faced discrimination throughout his early years, many of which were spent in care, and eventually he turned to a life of petty crime, ending up in jail.

He left prison with a fiery determination to change the course of the black man in America, whom he saw as deprived and suppressed by ‘white’ America. He started his fight - and it was to be a fight, a constant although non-violent battle - through the medium of religion, as a minister for the Nation of Islam. He later expanded and grew his movement, endeavouring for the emancipation of all African-Americans, eventually becoming a highly respected global figure. However,

Features

Guest Editors: Rayhan Uddin Esohe Uwadiae Section Editors: Taryana Odayar Alexander Hurst Deputy Editors: Stefanos Argyros Daniel Shears Sebastian Shehadi

X

Why Are We Burying The Children Of Yemen?

The Saudi forces are still receiving arms from the US and the UK. How many more children of Yemen will be buried before their voices are heard?

Emily Haimeed Undergraduate Student

NINE YEAR OLD FAREED Shawky repeatedly cried, “don’t bury me”, as doctors treated him after his house was hit by a Houthi missile in the Yemeni city of Taiz.

Fareed died a few days later from his wounds, and his family had no choice but to bury him.

Fareed’s story is sadly the reality for the hundreds of children killed in Yemen since fighting intensified last year, and if the fighting continues, his story will be the grim reality for many, many more. So how did Yemen come to be one the most war-torn countries of today?

In 2011, popular uprisings against the government broke out across Yemen. Unlike other fallen dictators in the region, Ali Abdullah Saleh, Yemen’s ruler of thirty three years, was granted immunity in a deal brokered by the GCC. Hadi, his vice president of seventeen years, then became

president after winning a solecandidate election.

The lack of investment in sustainable resources due to corruption under Saleh and Hadi left Yemen weak, and the people poor and disillusioned. So when the Hadi government mishandled a fuel crisis in September 2014, a group from North Yemen called ‘Houthis’ saw an opportunity for a power grab. Houthi militants stormed the Yemeni capital and seized the presidential palace.

After being held under house arrest by the Houthis, President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi managed to escape. A Saudi-led coalition later began heavily air-striking Yemen to stop the Houthis, after an appeal from Hadi.

Capitalizing on the unrest caused by the fighting, AQAP (Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula) and Islamic State have expanded their influence and territory, capturing major cities such as Hadhramaut.

These events have caused widespread turmoil and a dire humanitarian crisis. Before this

conflict, Yemen was already one of the poorest states in the Middle East. Yemen was predicted to be the first country in the world to run out of water, and ninety per cent of food was imported.

Since the conflict began, over five thousand people have been killed, eighty six per cent of these were civilians according to the UN. Oxfam has reported that twenty million Yemenis do not have access to clean water, fifteen million do not have access to basic medical care, and 1.4 million have fled their homes.

Civilians are trapped in the crossfire, and with ports and cities under siege; humanitarian aid is not reaching the areas that are in desperate need of it. The fuel shortage and inflated prices are causing extreme difficulties, and many schools and hospitals have closed. So where is the international outcry? We are seeing the absolute destruction of a state that was already seriously under-developed, so why is the media ignoring it?

Many are now calling it ‘Yemen’s forgotten war’.

Yemen is a complicated state that has largely been ignored for decades. Internal disputes such as the battle for independence in the South, tribal and military factions, and a history of frequent insurgencies and civil wars characterize Yemen’s political make-up. In Yemen, the answer to the question: ‘why is there a conflict in Yemen?’ is not ‘sectarianism’.

The situation is unfamiliar and population is heavily militarized, possessing more guns than every country except the U.S. The Saudi forces are still receiving arms from the United States and the United Kingdom, despite condemnation from the likes of Amnesty International and Oxfam. UN Resolution 2216 has not been implemented.

The death toll is rising, and the country is in ruins. According to a UNICEF report this month, 537,000 children in Yemen face malnutrition, imminent famine and death. How many more children of Yemen will be buried before their voices are heard?

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Black Like Them: One Man’s Journey Through The 1950’s South

“How else, except by becoming a Negro, could a white man hope to learn the truth?”

Alexander Hurst Features Editor ON NOVEMBER 8, 1959, JOHN Howard Griffin stepped out onto a balcony adorned street in the French Quarter of New Orleans. It was lively, as usual. Sunlight glinted hard on the metal frames of Fords and Studebakers and made him squint. Through flutters of people moving back and forth, his eye caught the sign on the window of a nearby cafe—a code of conduct for the bus desegregation movement. He glanced at it and continued walking, finally stopping when he reached Sterling Williams, a shoe shine man he had been to numerous times before.

Sterling’s black hands methodically worked black polish into black leather shoes, punctuated by the sound of rough black bristles from his brush. He paused some hint of recognition straining at the edge of his mind, prompting Griffen to speak.

“Is there something familiar about these shoes?”

“Yeah,” Sterling replied. “I been shining some for a white man — ” “A fellow named Griffin?”

Sterling straightened up a bit.

“Yeah,” he said. “Do you know him?”

And then his client’s next words stopped him cold. “I am him.”

Earlier that morning Griffin hadn’t recognized himself either.

He had stood in front of a mirror in the home of the dermatologist— a friend—who had prescribed him the methoxsalen and UV light that for the next three months would strip away his privilege, and had seen “the face and shoulders of a stranger — a fierce, bald, very dark Negro — ” glaring back at him from the glass. He was about to, as the

dermatologist had remarked, step out into oblivion.

Griffin’s biography reads as something almost as unbelievable as what he would eventually chronicle in his book, Black Like Me. A poor grocer’s son from Texas, in his early teens he saw an ad for a boys school in Tours, France. Though he spoke no French, he wrote the headmaster and begged admission to the Lycée Descartes. Spurred by a Jewish classmate and friend Jean Hussar, he began to question segregation and the racism he had grown up surrounded by back home. His burgeoning social conscience was cemented when as a member of the French Resistance, he helped Jews escape during World War II. Later, he was wounded in the South Pacific, and initially left for dead by medics, rescued only by a burial crew that discovered that he was still alive. His injury however, had damaged his eyesight, which eventually deteriorated to the point of blindness. He returned to Texas, married, converted to Catholicism, began to write, and then one day in 1957, his sight came back. Griffin had literally been blind, and then he saw. And he decided that he would take a racially and experientially blind white America deep into a south that it would never heuristically know in order to open its eyes.

On and off New Orleans busses, Griffin is subjected to the “hate stare” and the racism of casual cruelty and indifference. “They’re getting sassier every day,” a white woman remarks, after he gives her a sympathetic look, mistakenly thinking that he is only indicating that she is free to sit down in the empty seat next to him. The first experiences are unsettling. As a black man, he is “other,” and he begins to feel the first effects of racism; contempt for himself and the skin he inhabits.

Hitchhiking through Alabama, a young white man picks him up in order to indulge his whims for a conversation about sex, centered on Griffin’s fetishized black body, and then by another who refuses him work. He explains almost apologetically the underlying logic of the purposeful exclusion of blacks from the economy: to drive them from the state. “The only way we can keep you out of our schools and cafes is to make life so hard for you that you’ll get the hell out before equality comes.”

Crossing into Mississippi, the message becomes far more blunt.

The farmer from whom he hesitatingly accepts a ride tells him in no uncertain terms—shotgun laid across his knees as he drives—that if Griffin “agitates” Mississippi blacks, they will kill him. It is there in Mississippi that Griffin begins to very viscerally understand the true heinousness of racism. “You feel lost, sick at heart before such unmasked hatred, no so much because it threatens you as because it shows humans in such an inhuman light. You see a kind of insanity, something so obscene the very obscenity of it (rather than its threat) terrifies you.” He adds that in Mississippi there was nothing of the feel of America—that it was a strange country, suspended in ugliness.

But of course, Mississippi was no strange country, and what Griffin had felt was the cold chill of one of the deepest corner rooms in the foundations of American history.

“In America is it traditional to destroy the black body—it is heritage,” Ta-Nehisi Coates writes in Between The World And Me. This is the racism Griffin found himself confronted with, struggling to grapple with.

Sometimes we can feel him desperately wanting to extend a benefit of the doubt, to reveal himself and

shame both the white racists and the white sympathizers into exoneration. As if exonerating them means exoneration for himself.

In three months, Griffin gets only an extended glimpse of the reality a people had to endure for generations. We can forgive him the infrequent moments of seeming naivité. For after all, is turning and squinting into the light not better than gazing forever into its shadow?

Even squinting, Griffin sees clearly that American racism was designed not only to control—and destroy, if necessary—his physical body, but his emotional identity as well.

Stripped of personal value and self worth, how does one live?

For some, maybe the answer was by “passing.” Though Griffin was one of the first—maybe even the first—white man to pass himself off as black, passing for white is a well anchored phenomenon in American racial history. There was never a uniform definition of who counted as “black” in the United States, alternating between one quarter ancestry (Virginia’s designation of “mulatto” in 1822), and the “onedrop rule,” that spread throughout southern states during the Jim Crow era. Regardless, African Americans with light enough skin and physical features that allowed them to “pass” unquestioned into white society often did—anywhere from between 2,500 and 30,000 during the 1920’s and 30’s.

In a way, the desire for “whiteness,” can be understood as a persistent response to racism. Philip Roth tells us why his main character in The Human Stain, Coleman Silk, decides to forsake his identity and pass for—become?—a white Jew: “All he’d ever wanted since earliest childhood was to be free: not black, not even white—just on his own and free.” But he could only truly be free

by being white.

When the white world later read Griffin’s article, there were plenty who considered him a traitor, who burned him in effigy and sent threatening letters to his home.

What then, should be the fate of those who forsake a black identity in order to slip into the ranks of white society? During the early days of his journey, Griffin encounters light-skinned blacks who clearly aspire to—seem almost apologetic towards—the society that judges them, and condescend to the roots from which they come. “You have to be almost mulatto,” a preacher tells him, have your hair conked and all slicked out and look like a Valentino, then the Negro will look up to you.”

“It’s funny about passing,” the black, 1920’s author Nella Larken writes in one of the earliest novels to treat it. “We disapprove of it and at the same time condone it… We shy away from it with an odd kind of revulsion, but we protect it.” Is passing then an act of capitulation, or resistance? A rejection of identity, or of identification?

By flipping the practice of passing on its head, Griffin confronts us with the question of becoming. Are those who pass permanently strictly “passing” as white, or do they become white? The challenge and irony put before those who pass as white is that “white” is an unspoken norm. In order to claim it, they must racialize it. They must act white.

Could Griffin have become black? Or was he condemned to be a work in translation, hinting at but never incarnating the original?

For a United States on the verge of the Civil Rights movement, he incarnated, however briefly, this question: “How else except by becoming a Negro could a white man hope to learn the truth?”

Dealing The “Other America” A Final Blow Saleha Malik Postgraduate IN A SPEECH IN 1967 AT Stanford University, Martin Luther King Jr. spoke of the “other America” and the “daily ugliness” faced by people of color in the US. However, with the election of Barack Obama to the White House, many people believed that racism in the US had been dealt its final blow and the “other America” no longer existed.

Racism is, however, still alive and well in the US. The election of Obama to the White House, contrary to curbing racism, actually fueled racial tension in the country. As a

consequence, white supremacists and hate crimes against people of color have increased in the previous years.

Over the past few months, Donald Trump, a Republican Party candidate, announced his bid to run for the White House. Following this announcement, he has continued to spew a multitude of racist remarks without facing much of a backlash. On the contrary, he has continued to lead in the polls, making him the frontrunner to receive the Republican Party nomination for the 2016 US Presidential elections.

Furthermore, repeated olice violence towards African-American teenagers has sparked outcry all

over the country. With the accused in the cases of Travoy Martin and Micheal Dunn having not been convicted, many people believe the verdict to have been racially influenced.

Therefore, though slavery in the US ended in the 19th century, African-Americans, to this day, face institutionalized racism and remain to be victims of the “daily ugliness.” In the US Presidential elections in 2008, African-American participation was at an all time high.

However, this resulted in an immediate backlash. Various states passed laws to cut back voting rights. These laws lead to notable burdens for voters attempting to exercise an essential constitutional right. Of the

11 states with the highest AfricanAmerican turnout, seven have now passed laws such as cuts to early voting and voter ID laws so as to make voting more difficult.

Furthermore, studies show that modern racism in the US has taken the form of “blaming the victim.”

This essentially means, that a large number of white-Americans believe that the overarching inequality between the African-American and the white-American population is due to the fact that African-Americans are not motivated or ambitious enough to try to transform their lives and pull themselves out of poverty.

Not only does this view show a blatant expression of racial prejudice, it also discounts the centuries of

oppression, ongoing disparity and discrimination faced by AfricanAmericans in modern society.

As a result of this “modern racism”, it is not shocking to see the substantial power in the resentment and rage within the African-American communities in the US. The idea of Black Power remains to be significant, but their objectives of progress and autonomy for the African-American society continue to be mostly rhetorical sloganeering, not having access to the resources to put theory into practice.

Hence, the “other America” is still very much a reality for the African-American population in the US.

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Tuesday October 27, 2015

Has Ben Carson Played The Race Card?

Do Black Republicans have the most power to be a progressive force in American Politics?

Daniel Shears Deputy Features Editor

THE ELECTION OF BARACK Obama as the USA’s first black President was brought about by unprecedented BME participation in the 2008 election. Census Bureau data shows the extent to which strong minority-voter turnout in the 2008 election helped Obama win over key swing states and make significant inroads into Republican strongholds.

Historically the black community in America have displayed poor turnout at Presidential elections (even worse during midterms), along with the younger demographic. But Obama’s message of hope, mixed with his racial origins, seemed to inspire the BME community to go to the polls and elect a new leader whom they hoped could deliver for a group often marginalised in American politics, and society at large.

Now, well into the invisible primary for 2016, we have a new black contender running for Presidential office, only this time, he’s on the Republican side. His name? Ben Carson; a former neurosurgeon from Detroit. His candidacy is significant for a number of reasons. First and

foremost, the GOP doesn’t have the best track-record when it comes to minority rights. For example, just focusing on elections, minorities are statistically more likely to vote Democrat than Republican, and this is most pronounced when it comes to the African-American demographic, 97% of whom voted Democrat in the 2012 Presidential race. This has become a more explicit trend in recent years, with only 85% voting Democrat in 1968 (of course we must account for Southern Democrats who were less than vocal about the struggles of ethnic minorities).

Therefore we might expect a black Republican candidate to improve the standing of Republicans in the minds of BME communities.

However, Ben Carson has not been the most enthusiastic supporter of minority struggle; in fact he has often been explicitly and directly critical of politically black movements designed to bring racial issues into the political spotlight. Of the “black lives matter” campaign, Ben Carson commented that it was based upon “foisting itself on people, rather than engaging in dialogue, and bullying people. I never liked the idea of bullying on behalf of anybody.” Carson favours the slogan “all lives matter”, which fails to recognise the disproportionate

amount of black deaths at the hands of police brutality compared to white deaths. Of course all lives matter; that goes without saying, but Carson seems oddly unsympathetic to the plight of the most oppressed racial group in the USA, of which he is, on a basic level, a part of.

He gave his views on Ferguson during an interview with Fox News on the 24th of August 2014, 15 days after the tragic Michael Brown shooting, stating “I’m not sure this is a police versus black community issue”, and suggested that the tensions in Ferguson were unrelated to race and rooted in a lack of parental discipline and education of certain groups of people.

Comedian-turned-activist Russell Brand, on his internet show, “Trews” condemned Carson for betraying his racial heritage after similar comments were made during another Fox interview. This all seems very counter-intuitive; a man that could potentially widen the coalition of support for the Republicans seems to be publicly turning his back on a crucial demographic.

However, despite Carson’s dismissal of the “black lives matter” campaign, his popularity among Republican voters is growing. CNN recently reported that Carson had

knocked the infamous Donald Trump from his top spot in the latest Quinnipiac University poll of Iowa Republicans. The reason for this could be that Carson is, as Goldie Taylor of the Daily Beast put it, “White America’s Perfect Black Candidate”.

He seems to act as a symbolic example that the GOP has progressed, ready to participate in the modern era of multi-racial politics, while still maintaining their traditional conservative values. He is able to convey a message of progress, while using his racial standing to add weight to the dismissal of the idea that race is even a real problem in America. He is the perfect American success story, showing what can be done with a bit of hard work, determination and, of course, ardent conservative values.

A second reason that Carson’s Presidential candidacy is significant is that, if victorious come November 2016, a comparison with Obama will become inevitable. The Obama administration ushered in a new phase of immigration reforms which were much more sympathetic to the plight of immigrants from Mexico and elsewhere, trying to cross into the USA via the Southern border, as well as the November 2014 Executive Order giving nearly 4 million undocument-

ed immigrants temporary asylum in America. If Carson wins not only the primaries, but the Presidential election itself, what will this mean for the attitudes of African-Americans with regards to the political establishment?

Carson seems to be jeopardising not only his own popularity with black voters, but, in an era of partisanship and party voting, the popularity of the Republican Party as well.

The Republicans, merely through Carson’s candidacy, have a unique opportunity to present themselves as a party that can be attractive to African-Americans and other ethnic minorities in America. Politics is all about image, and a black Republican running for President could have significant effects in terms of how voters perceive the Republican Party. However, due to Carson’s personal views and the way he parades them openly in the public arena, the Republicans are only going to please existing white Republican supporters and alienate a black community already at odds with the GOP. Carson has the potential to be a breakthrough for Republican-minority relations, but his fundamental right-wing ideas threaten this relationship, something that may only get worse the more attention he draws.

The UN and Rwanda: 100 Days of Slaughter Overcoming the tension between Historical Responsibility and the protection of Human Rights Stefanos Argyros Deputy Features Editor IN APRIL 2014 THE WORLD marked the 20th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide. In the space of a few months more than 800 000 Tutsis (as well as Hutus who protected them or refused to commit the atrocities), lost their lives to machete killings and mass rape carried out by Hutu militias. Survivors were left feeling dehumanised, destitute and lost amid the regional turmoil that ensued.

Crucially, the atrocities occurred despite the presence of a UN peacekeeping mission whose mandate did not provide for the use of force beyond self-defence, and whose means throughout its presence in Rwanda were limited by bureaucratic constraints.

The UN response was notoriously inadequate, troops being initially withdrawn before France and then the UN as a whole intervened. In the realm of Security Council politics, state-driven concerns, in particular those of the USA, France and Belgium, overshadowed the sheer scale and immediacy of the problem.

The echo of these failures resonated within the UN and prompted Ban Ki Moon’s remarks at the commemoration ceremony in Kigali, where he voiced his shame at UN ac-

tions (or lack thereof) during the genocide. Yet the remorseful stance taken by the leader of the UN stands in contradistinction with rhetoric adopted by French officials who reiterated that France bares no responsibility for the killings. The France-Rwanda tension is paradigmatic of a broader context in which a lack of willingness to confront historical wrongs has often plagued the relationship between African nations and the West.

As we are in the midst of Black History Month, it is important to remind ourselves how often African lives have not mattered in the eyes of the most powerful states and institutions. Speaking candidly and acknowledging past wrongs ought to be viewed as a moral obligation among Western states, as well as a tool to engage in a more meaningful dialogue with African nations. Moral individualism, often invoked to refuse apologising for past wrongs does not seem potent in this context: France’s failures in Rwanda and those of the UN more generally can still be attributed to their contemporary political structures. In the context of the protection of human life from genocide and war crimes, there is a strong impetus to publically apologise in order to promote constructive dialogue and reflect on how to improve on previous practices for the benefit of the international community.

There is also a paradox that needs to be confronted when Western states comfortably use the language of human rights while often refusing to come to terms with their failures in protecting these rights abroad as in Rwanda, or often internally as recent cases have shown. Proposals to remove the Human Rights Act and the application of the Prevent scheme in the UK, as well as the pervasive influence of race in American policing are reminders that we ought to focus as much on our own societies as on those abroad.

Yet the failure of certain states to confront their past and present wrongs ought not to undermine the capacity of the UN as a whole to pursue its aim of promoting peace and security while protecting fundamental and universal human rights under international law. While UN representatives are right to be cautious when engaging with Rwandan politics they should not shy away from criticising the current government on its human rights record. On the contrary, if there is anything to be learnt from the 1994 genocide, it is that the concentration of power in the hands of a select few in tandem with oftensuppressed ethnic tensions, could lead to rapidly escalating violence. The absence of transparency in the public sphere could sow the seeds of future conflict.

Rwanda’s impressive economic expansion, epitomised by an average annual GDP growth of 7%, ought not to mask the lack of freedom, openness and accountability within the political system and civil society. For every foreign investment attracted, dam construction project undertaken, emerging small business or hospital built, there is a crackdown on an opposition minister, a ban on a media outlet or an NGO, or illegal exploitation of resources in the DRC. The list goes on. In one of many examples, in 2014, the Rwandan BBC channel was banned as a result of a documentary that explored the controversial yet inevitable issue of the Kagame (Rwanda’s post-genocide president) - led RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) killings of Hutus after the genocide. Recently, the Rwandan Supreme Court defended Kagame’s proposed amendments to the constitution which would allow him to serve a third mandate after already having spent more than 20 years in the office of the presidency.

The UN has often been reluctant to challenge the Rwandan government on these issues. Its struggle to find the appropriate balance between acknowledging its failures and actively promoting human rights is evident by noting the successes and failures of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). At its

worst, it failed to prosecute any RPF officials and was often accused of being manipulated by the Rwandan government, while at its best it led to cases like Prosecutor vs Akayes, the outcome of which produced the first conviction of rape as a war crime.

In adopting a vocal role and denouncing human rights abuses and criticising the alternative Kagame model of governance, the UN will inevitably face claims of bias and historical insensitivity, especially in light of Kagame’s success in the economy, healthcare and education fronts. But despite the fact that its institutions cannot claim political neutrality or overcome their dependency on political interests when enforcing international law, the UN remains the best platform for discussion, the sharing of competences and oversight relating to the protection of human rights at the international level.

The UN’s internal culture should be geared towards vigorous and honest self-assessment to improve its mechanisms. In such a context, the historical responsibility argument should not prevent it from criticising regimes such as those in Rwanda.

Rather, the UN ought to have a positive obligation to do so. It must do so out of respect of the values enshrined in its own Charter, but perhaps more importantly, it owes it to the people of Rwanda.

A Hip Hop State Of Mind

Features | 29

A cultural expression of discontent that went global

Andrew Collins General Course Student HIP HOP IS A CULTURE THAT originated and developed in the 1960’s in the United States, primarily in the black community. It consists of four main elements including rap music, DJing, breakdancing and graffiti art. However, for the purpose of the article I will be focusing on one element of the culture, specifically rap music--which has had arguably the greatest impact. The nature of rap made this inevitable; as a genre of music it can be heard by anyone, anywhere, at anytime.

Hip Hop began as an expression of discontent by the Black community in the US, which was partially communicated through sociopolitical songs such as the ‘The Message’ and Public Enemy’s ‘Harder Than

You Think’. In addition to voicing their discontent many artists wanted to combat it. Party music was, and is prominent in Hip Hop, and is arguably a form of escapism and it provided some relief amongst the seemingly unending poverty and racism of urban America, both in the north and south.

Hip Hop’s social power grew with the release of the first prominent sociopolitical rap song in 1982.

The title track of the album, ’The Message’, by Grandmaster Flash and the Furious Five contained stark and honest images of life in New York. Drugs, poverty, and crime were all vividly described in a way never before seen. The group would go on to influence other famous Hip Hop groups such as NWA and Public Enemy. In other words, a single album, with a powerful title track, made by a few New York rappers

would go on to ignite a wave of sociopolitical rap across the US and eventually across the world.

It is important to note that has often been accused of glorifying violence, misogyny, homophobia and crime. Crime in communities across the US evidently has much deeper roots than music, but the view is not to be completely dismissed. Much rap, and it can be found in abundance, does glorify violence, and is misogynistic and often homophobic. However, all forms of music and art contain elements of the destructive and the immoral, or even the banal. And, more importantly, Hip Hop has its conscientious, intelligent rap.

A few contemporary examples include rappers like Kendrick Lamar and Mick Jenkins who between them have covered issues of racism, police brutality, depression,

crime, the misfortunes of fame and too many others to recount now.

Crucially though, they do it well.

An important message communicated badly is a great shame, so the combined force of a great message against the backdrop of excellent music makes conscious Hip Hop extremely worthwhile. This is not to eliminate the negatives of Hip Hop but if we are to take the bad then it is only right we take the good too.

But of course this is not to argue that only black people have been afflicted by major issues. Recent songs have demonstrated this. The most contemporary example I can provide is that of Macklemore. In 2012 he released his album which contained the song ‘Same Love’. The issue was of gay marriage which he noted had been neglected in society and derided in hip hop itself, (as homophobia is still prevalent in

Hip Hop). The ability, though, of a hip hop artist to criticise the culture he is a part of is a reflection of its diversity of application. It is not only used to criticise external actors like the government or a particular group but it is used to self reflect and to be critical where necessary.

Hip Hop’s power has been immense and has only grown as time has passed. What began as a primarily black dominated culture has now evolved. The power of hip hop is and was not only to highlight the inequities present in black communities across America and the world but to highlight all forms of injustice wherever this illumination was required. The music and art form transcended racial issues and served as a megaphone for all people for all sorts of issues. This is the ultimate universality which Hip Hop embodies.

The Tragedy Of The Social Mobility Charity Whether it’s bottom-up or top-down approaches to social mobility need rethinking

Giles Bethule LSE Student IN THE LAST HALF-DECADE there has been an inexorable upsurge in charities aiming to catalyse social mobility. While this sentiment is laudable, there is something unsettling about not just the way these charities operate, but also their very existence. The notion of equality of opportunities has mass appeal amongst those standing on either side of the centre, and Centrists themselves. It is common knowledge that every government claims, to one degree or another, to try and iron out the creases of what they perceive to be social injustice in order to create a ‘fairer society’, whatever that means.

As it stands, around ninety three per cent of students attend state schools in the UK up to GCSE level, and eighty six per cent are state-educated beyond that level. Of that population, just over sixty two per cent end up at Cambridge and just over fifty six per cent are admitted to Oxford.

However, those statistics are misleading. It has been famously said in previous years that the odds of a state-educated student, who was eligible for free school meals during their GCSE years, being admitted to Oxbridge by the age of nineteen were nearly two thousand to one. By comparison, the odds of a privately educated child being admitted to Oxbridge were twenty to one.

Beyond Oxbridge, a study reported that only three per cent of underprivileged eighteen year olds enter Russell Group universities collectively, compared to twenty one per cent of those from the most privileged backgrounds. Of course, it could be argued that privately educated students are coincidentally, or not-so-coincidentally

in the case of those attending selective private schools, better than their state-educated counterparts, but that is not the case. New research shows that state-educated students who achieved at least grades B, B, C at A-Level are nine per cent more likely to obtain an Upper Second or First Class honours at university than those from private schools. As such, one would expect state-educated students to be drowning in a pool of opportunities to excel in life, but that is too idealistic a suggestion to be realised.

And so emerged the social mobility charity in all its egalitarian glory, raring to rectify the social injustice problem.

Founded in 1997, The Sutton Trust was, for the better part of a decade, something of a monopoly in the social mobility industry – albeit that it wasn’t an industry back then. Billed as a ‘do tank’, it has a simple objective: ‘to improve social mobility through education’. The Trust is engaged in numerous research initiatives to try and get to the crux of the matter, ascertaining the real causes and patterns of inequality and, in response, tackling them. This is a bottom-up approach as it focuses on the causes of inequality, rather than looking at the consequences thereof and tampering with outcomes. To that end, the Trust runs numerous programmes, ranging from Pathways to Law to Oxford Pathways. These programmes select students who satisfy the criteria identified as being associated with deprivation of opportunity – such as claiming free school meals and/or being a first-generation university goer – and equips them with the skills and opportunities their privately-educated counterparts have direct access to. The very same skills and opportunities the government should be providing in the first place.

Unfortunately, not all organisations take such a bottom-up approach to improving social mobility. A new wave of charities use a seemingly more dynamic, top-down method, but upon closer inspection one realises how detrimental this could well be. Instead of working with schools to equip with students with the skills they need to succeed not just in making competitive university applications, but in life generally such as debating, speed reading, and essay writing workshops, these charities work mainly with the institutions directly. Whereas The Sutton Trust assists students with their university applications, the new wave charities lobby the universities to essentially prioritise the underprivileged students; whereas The Sutton Trust provides guidance on how to apply for highflying jobs, new wave charities encourage high-flying employers to prioritise students from underprivileged backgrounds in their selection processes.

This is essentially levelling outcomes, not opportunities. Instead of ensuring that everyone starts the race from the same mark, these charities are tampering with time differences at the end of the race.

The implications of top-down approaches to social mobility, be it fasttracking state-educated candidate’s internship applications or prioritising first-generation university attendees for entry to elite universities, are also plenty in number. The most obvious is the tragedy of positive discrimination: by essentially skewing the odds in favour of the underprivileged, any institution runs the risk of overlooking objectively strong candidates simply because they, say, went to a private school or did not claim free school meals. At the same time, setting an ‘objective’ benchmark of excellence, be it the number of A*s

one obtains at sixteen or how many extra-curricular activities they were involved in at secondary school, inevitably excludes most underprivileged students as they did not have the same opportunities. So top universities and FTSE 100 employers alike are caught between a rock and a hard place. Yet, instead of lobbying the government to ameliorate this tragedy, new wave social mobility charities seem to be happy undercutting true meritocracy by pushing institutions to prioritise candidates who may not be the brightest and best by simple virtue of their being BME, and/or state-educated, for example.

Universities, banks, law firms, and social mobility charities alike have taken to providing scholarships and bursaries to further improve access to higher education. Of course their impact is redoubtable, but surely the bigger problem lies in the exorbitance of student living costs? The real financial burden is not the flat-rate tuition fee, which is currently capped at £9000 a year (although some universities could charge fees in excess of this following the 2015 Budget), but maintenance costs. But instead of lobbying the government not to cut maintenance grants, which relieve this burden considerably, especially for students in London and Edinburgh, these institutions now use their pot of funds to help some students.

While the students eligible for these scholarships and bursaries tend to be in genuine financial need, the method used by Student Finance England (SFE) to determine the level of non-repayable financial support one deserves is such that a lot of deserving students are overlooked because their parents’ earnings are prima facie substantial. Means-tested allocation of

student maintenance awards do not account for a number of factors which significantly reduce the level of financial support students from ostensibly privileged backgrounds actually receive from their parents. For instance, students whose parents earn £41,065 and above are assumed not to be in need of much financial support from SFE and so receive no maintenance grant. This does not factor in their mortgage repayments, credit card debt, how many siblings they have, how many other parties have an interest in that income, and more.

It seems that, once again, society has forgotten how much potential it has to rouse the government even with the weakest concoction of unity, resilience, and strategy. Whereas top universities, FTSE 100 employers, and local councils could work together to raise awareness of the lethargic manner in which the government currently deals with disparities in educational attainment, ability to afford university costs, and opportunities to obtain much-needed work experience, they simply do not. Where they do, it is inadequate to make a significant impact.

Instead, top universities are happy to continue adjusting entry requirements for students from underprivileged backgrounds, FTSE 100 employers have no issues funneling millions to social mobility charities, and local councils continue to churn out a plethora of Academy-status state schools each year. Academy-status schools are not intrinsically problematic, but they tend to have high staff turnover, excessive student population, and other such inefficient practices.

If this is what effective government looks like, then I suggest we face elsewhere, for this is an unpleasant sight.

30 | Tuesday October 27, 2015

Hockey: One Club One Heart

Despite having separate Men’s and Women’s Clubs Hockey truly is one club Lili Kettlewell Women’s Hockey Social Sec AT THE HEART OF LSE Hockey is the notion of ‘one club’. This core value is very conspicuous when you look at the seamless relationship between the Men’s and the Women’s teams.

This was wonderfully illustrated throughout Wednesday; from the Men’s 1st XI coming to support the Women’s 1st XI’s match, to the remarkable atmosphere at the hockey dinners, where we celebrated winning all of our games this week.

However, it would be wrong to say that when we proudly chant ‘one club’, we are only referring to the exceptional relationship that our Men’s and Women’s teams have. Our favourite phrase resonates so soundly in hockey because it also points to another quality of the hockey club that is so integral but often overlooked: diversity.

The fact is that diversity is the norm in the hockey club and it is this complete acceptance of other people’s backgrounds, eth-

nicities, genders and sexualities, without any prejudice, that creates such a strong foundation for this fortress of a club. But what is so admirable about this acceptance is that it comes naturally to LSE Hockey, there is no conscious effort to be this way, it is simply engrained in the club.

Undoubtedly, playing sports is one of the best ways to bring individuals together and LSE Hockey serves as a frequent reminder of this. Our club epitomises what it means to be inclusive and excels because of this.

There is no shadow of a doubt that prejudice has no place in LSE Hockey and this is so refreshing in comparison to the headlines that you often see, attacking sports on account of racism and homophobia.

It is an absolute delight to be a member of this Club of the Year. Wednesdays are like a sanctuary from the often intense and stressful nature of university life because no matter what your individual demographics are, when you join Hockey Club there truly is a sense of belonging, you really are a part of the ‘one club’.

Hockey Men’s 1s vs Kent 1s won 3-0 Men’s 2s vs RUMS 3s won 30 (Yes THIRTY)-0 Women’s 1s vs Porstmouth 1s won 4-1 Women’s 2s vs St George’s won 6-1 Lacrosse Mixed 1s vs St Bart’s 1swon 19-3

Volleyball Men’s 1s vs Essex 2s won 3-0 Netball Women’s 1s vs St Bart’s 2s won 63-15 Women’s 2s vs UCL 4s won 42-26 Women’s 7s vs St Barts 4s lost 51-5 Rugby Mens 1s vs Essex won 23-21

Football Men’s 1s vs St George’s 1s won 1-0 Women’s 1s vs Brunel 2s won 9-0 Men’s 1s vs Queen Mary 1s won 6-0 Men’s 2s vs Roehampton 2s won 5-1 Squash Women’s 1s vs City 1s won 4-0

Win, Lose or Draw, send your results to sports@thebeaveronline.co.uk

IN THE WEEK PRECEDING the release of the next instalment in the life of 007, the sportsfolk at LSE opted for tuxedos (ish) and cocktail dresses (isher), as teams and clubs union-wide Bonded over food at various institutions across the capital (almost exclusively Brick Lane Bring Your Own Booze curry-houses), before moving onto our favourite ballroom for a midnight Waltz, with the usual suspects setting their Golden

Eyes on yet Moore Rogering.

However, as any seasoned athlete will know, Club Dinners comes with something of a double-edged Sceptre (I’ll do better), in that its relatively high attendance figures often render Zoo Bar(dem) packed to the point of explosion, leaving the vestibules of its patrons more moist than they would be after a fully-clothed shower in a hotel room in Montenegro.

At Bear Street congregated club diners and drinkers alike, and from the cold October air, Solace was found in the warmth of the Jungle.

As tempers flared in the area surrounding the newly reconquered sofas, one 007 namesake really worth his Salt understood that real men Livi and Let Livi.

Elsewhere, deals were struck with voices Lowered, and a suspicious-looking Men’s Rugby skipper was seen Gingerly making (his way) out. Dr No(rlad) may have managed to avoid boiling to death, but he couldn’t escape hitting his head on a fellow doctor as he broke free.

BevRep favourite, the poshest superhero ever to traverse the streets, yes, the Bupaman, betrayed the love he professed back in 1978 for the affection of a new Lois Lane, who, despite Parrying his attempts to sign her up to a year’s interest free health insurance, eventually yielded to his Kryptonite charm. A hockey gent was summoned to see M(cCrick) but failed miserably in his mission to bring the hostage home. The

Mist then descended as one agent, who scored zero in the shooting exam, finally hit the target on the way back to HQ. Success all round, then, I opine. That the oppressive regime headed up by dynamic duo JammaDale® had its latest prod into the freedoms of its subjects (sofagate) curtailed by the Ryghtul woman of the people – success. That Leicester Square had the look and whiff of New Delhi post-National Masala Making Day – success.

Next week’s Halloween, let’s have it.

Despite being omnipotent and benevolent, the Bev Report lacks omniscience. Send in escapades you witnessed to sports@ thebeaveronline.co.uk

Sport | 31

Why Dance Strives for Equality Natasha Rodrigues Dance Club Captain TRYING TO HEAR YOURSELF over the deafening bustle of an unforgiving university schedule is hardly easy. Some days, it feels like your attention is being demanded at every minute, and even moments of rest can turn into pockets of anxiety as you try to navigate the endless tasks.

In the whirlwind that threatens my emotional and mental equilibrium, I find my rest in dance.

It is in the movement that I find stillness, and in that that stillness, joy. Through dance, the heart is allowed to speak before the head, even in a place that far prizes the knowledge of where we are going before how we are feeling. The experience of dancing and working with equally passionate individuals is akin to heart speaking to heart.

In the music, we express feelings not yet grasped, and through the movements, speak words not yet formed.

I find my home in the people here, and the heart that we have for this art and what our Dance Club stands for. Dance is a source of illumination that pierces through the drudgery that can come to characterise school life. It has helped to turn the pockets of anxiety into bursts of energy, inspiration and even much needed rest.

But the inspiration does not end there – our Annual Dance show continues to be an excellent

way for our dancers to showcase their skills and also for our club to send a message. Last year’s show, entitled ‘Dance for Change’ which was aimed at addressing various social issues through the medium of dance. Issues addressed ranged from dealing with sexism and racism to body dysmorphia and personal insecurities. Our performances echoed these sentiments and it was made clear that those on stage were dancing from the heart.

One particular recording played before a piece resonated particularly throughout the audience, and perhaps best describes the event: ‘It only makes sense to find unity in our common struggle’.

Whether you need that Jazzy boost on a Monday afternoon, or a cathartic Contemporary session to end your Sunday, we in the LSE Dance Club are only waiting to welcome and make those first (dance) steps with you! We have classes for people at all levels, from absolute beginners to advanced dancers and we’re sure you’ll find your place in any of our teacherled or student-led classes, which are usually free for members.

You’ll even have the chance to showcase your skills at our Annual Dance Show, held at the Peacock Theatre. So what are you waiting for? Like our Facebook page (https://www.facebook.com/ lseaudanceclub) for details of our upcoming classes, or email me (n.m.rodrigues@lse.ac.uk) and I’ll help you get started.

Don’t Box Us In: Diversity in Boxing

Kamran Miah Boxing Club Captain

I JOINED THE LSE BOXING Club in my first year at LSE and was selected as Club Captain over the next two years. It is one of the most diverse clubs in the AU and our members are of a range of different ethnicities, nationalities and religions.

Boxing in the UK has always been popular amongst ethnic minorities. Amir Khan, Chris Eubank and Lennox Lewis are all popular British BME boxers who have all achieved national success. Such prominent people of colour at the forefront of the sport has no doubt contributed to the popularity of the sport amongst BME groups. But going deeper than this, boxing has been a medium through which BME groups have been able to challenge stereotypes and shine a positive light on minority groups within British sporting culture.

Boxing is a sport which prides itself on being open to everyone and provides a safe, controlled environment where anyone can learn; the LSE Boxing Club is

no different. Egos are left at the door and even though everyone is at a different stage of learning the sport, there is always mutual respect between members.

As a club, we try to ensure that all the events we run do not exclude particular groups.

Aside from the classic Wednesday nights, we endeavour to run a number of non-alcoholic social events throughout the year, as a number of our members do not drink. Boxing is a sport which doesn’t demand much from those who participate. All we fundamentally expect from our members is commitment, discipline and respect. We pride ourselves on building an environment in which everyone is equal and there is zero tolerance for discrimination of any kind.

The Boxing Club has provided me with a platform to develop my fitness and self-defence skills, to build my self-esteem, and meet a diverse range of people. I’m confident that it can do so for many others too. Our sessions are extremely accessible and open to beginners, so we would encourage everyone to give it a go!

To mark the end of Black History Month, the next edition of The Beaver, coming out 27th October will be a Blackout edition.

If you identify as politically black we need you to contribute, to make the first ever Blackout Beaver a success!

We are looking for politically black reporters and writers for all our

VISIT US AT BEAVERONLINE.CO.UK OR TWEET @BEAVERONLINE

BME Sporting Participation Why more needs to be done to raise BME participation in Sport

Anna Mae Ling Women’s Rugby Social Sec THERE IS AN UNSPOKEN tradition in LSE Women’s Rugby.

Inevitably, someone will forget to bring the sports bibs to training and for some reason our coach Kieth will need to divide us into groups. But how? Blondes against Brunettes? Those with dark shirts against those wearing a shirt of the coloured variety? Shirts v skins?!?!?!? Without fail, whilst sensible ideas are being thrown around, one vivacious team member (read: me) will unfailingly yell out ‘Ethnic Minorities versus White People!’ to hoards of laughter and resigned shaking of heads. Apart from being a ridiculously weird way of dividing people up to play sport (and reminiscent perhaps of darker times), it would have been completely impractical as well, as last year you could count the BME members of Women’s Rugby on one hand.

If you don’t believe that diversity in sport (or lack thereof) is still an issue – you’re wrong! A national Sports England review in 2012 found that only 11% of people who played some form of sport came from non-white background.

Why is that? Factors such as limited funds, limited mobility and racism in sport come into play here.

Let’s not forget that it was only

Sport

Guest Editors: Anna Mae-Ling Louise-Mae Rudasingwa Section Editor: Alex Dugan

last year that a banana was thrown at Barcelona football player Dani Alves mid-game and only a few months ago that Chelsea fans pushed a black man off a train in Paris, whilst shouting “we’re racist, we’re racist and that’s the way we like it’. The problem is, furthermore, institutional in nature. Of the 552 ‘top’ coaching positions at professional English clubs, only 19 of these positions are held by BME coaches. This is despite the fact that at least 25% of players are BME. The Washington Redskins (a NFL team) have refused to change their name despite years of continued protest by the Native American community. I am so lucky that the ladies of LSEWRFC are so compassionate, kind and loving but I am aware that other sports-lovers do not have that kind of luxury.

There is a long way to go, but worry not my friends! Things are

a’changing – and for the better.

Premiership Rugby last year introduced a programme funded by the Equality and Human Rights Commission to recruit BME coaches and increase the participation of minority groups in the sport. Indeed, even initiatives such as the AU for All Campaign (led by an outstanding AU Exec which is in turn led by an incredible and hardworking AU president) have gone and will continue to go a long way in promoting inclusivity in sport. Even so, we must continue to persevere and call out institutional problems in sports as we see them, and campaign to change a culture that can be and is often discriminatory to minorities in our society. Events like the upcoming panel on ‘Tackling Sexism and Homophobia in Rugby’ (hosted by the AU, Men’s Rugby Club and LSE Equity, Diversity and Inclusion Taskforce) reflect the strides

we must take to make sport more inclusive (and thus more fun) for everyone.

So, BMEs of LSE – What are you waiting for? Get involved!

Have you not realised that we are amazing at sports? Usain Bolt, Ma’a Nonu, Venus Williams, Jesse Owens, Tommie Smith, Ding Ning, and every other BME athlete who continues to absolutely shred their opponents and dominate their sport, proving an inspiration for people everywhere we look to you. This year, thankfully, LSEWRFC has many more BME players. I hope this is a reflection of our inclusivity, but then again I also think that I am an amazing social secretary so I could be wrong. The other day I turned to Kieth and asked when we would have our BME v White People game, because I’m pretty bloody sure that if it happened, we would win.

Diversity In Sport: What Is Ideal?

Alex Dugan Sports Editor

A LOT HAS BEEN SAID IN the past month about BME people in sport. Quite rightly for Black History Month, we at The Beaver have created the Blackout Beaver edition to celebrate this.

However what I think has been missing, especially in the conversation about BMEs in sport is what the ideal is. We highlight what’s wrong however we rarely point out what’s right, or what the ultimate goal is. That’s what I want to address.

My experiences in sport have been influenced (as you would expect) by my background. I have been lucky enough to play loads of sports, ranging from rugby through to handball, ultimatley settling on hockey. As someone who identifies as BME you might expect me to come forward arguing that I have had negative experiences, that I have felt at times that my ethnicity has impacted on my enjoyment of playing sport. I can happily say that this hasn’t happened, and

although I know that for some it has been an issue, I feel that by and large sport does not allow for this.

What I have found in sport, and what I think sport should aim for, is a situation where regardless of who you are are, where you come from, what sexuality you are or what gender you identify as, you are welcomed into the family. When you step into the sporting arena, none of these things should matter. In a competitive setting, what matters should be your ability, what matters should be how well you are able to perform.

My negative experiences in sport have come off the pitch when I played with someone who bullied me. The bullying was purely menial, nothing too major however as soon as I stepped onto the pitch the bullying stop.

He realised that I was a valued member of the team and whatever he held against me personally, he could not knock my sporting ability, the team came first. This is where I feel sport has the ability to cross any divide. The existence of competition, the ex-

istence of an arena for focusing purely on ability, allows for one of the best opportunities to complete disregard any and all prejudices against a certain person.

Sport is something that attracts worldwide attention, it can set examples of how a society should operate, how we all as individuals should be. It is very easy as students to slip into the university world of sporting stereotypes where rugby are cast as a load of white men chanting derrogetory phrases, or where cricket are cast as the go to club for anyone from the Indian subcontinent. Sport is an opportunity that goes beyond university and can really stay with you for the rest of your life, and as such proposing and living by these stereotypes do not help the situation at all. For sure BME participation in sport needs to increase, but the way to go about it is not by enlarging the gap between BME people in sport and other ethnicities in sport, the way to do it is the embrace a sporting family.

The issue comes where in a social arena, BME people feel

marginalised by the sport. The social side of sport does still lack behind it’s competitive playing counterpart. This side of sport still has the “Lad culture” element that has (rightly) been criticised across university sport and beyond. Inroads are definitely being made to take this culture out of sport but I do not believe it is something that people can simply be told to stop doing.

What I hope happens is that the playing side of equality crosses over to the social side, that people realise that the entire atmosphere of a sports club is better without the tensions that come from marginalising BMEs or any other group for that matter.

Moving forward, what is the ideal for diversity in sport? Sport is a real vehicle for change, for changing perception, for changing attitudes and we have to realise that sport can and does act positively. Through a focus on a sporting family, an equality of people whilst playing and extending this to the social side, diversity can move beyond being an issue to tackle, and become a norm in sport.