Repúblika | October 2014 by Repúblika

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[In truth, freedom | In veritate libertas]

October 2014 | ISSUE 16 | $4.95VIP

n Whatâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s so anti-Christian about equality? n The impact of the youth vote n Who were the election king-makers?

THE MEANING OF

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Volume 3 | No 2 | Issue 16

DEMOCRATIC MANDATE FOR BAINIMARAMA

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Vol 3 | No 2 | Issue 16 | October 2014

COVER

14 | Fiji takes route 279 In the end, it was clear that after eight years of “strong, decisive leadership” in which THE Bainimarama ruled MEANING OF without an opposition and sometimes with a tough hand, he was always going to come back to power through the ballot box under rules created by him and his Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum. Bainimarama was the only person to poll over 50,000 votes and indeed he garnered over 150,000 ballots more than his nearest rival sodelpa leader Ro Teimumu Kepa. Many of the FijiFirst candidates who got seats did so on the strength of Bainimarama’s popularity but what Keeping track Polling observers watch the ballot count while in the background prompts people to vote in such a way? quarantined ballot boxes await verification at the Vodafone Arena in Suva. [In truth, freedom | In veritate libertas]

October 2014 | ISSUE 16 | $4.95VIP

n What’s so anti-Christian about equality?

n The impact of the youth vote n Who were the election king-makers?

279

FIJI VOTES

ESSAYS 26 | My 17 September Danish journalism student Mads Anneberg on his Fiji election experience.

MADS ANNEBERG

‘

Even though your decision time and again has been overruled by an interfering power, you seem to – rightfully – believe in your impact. You are nailing this democracy thing and I can only hope the people you have chosen today will do the same.

14 | Route 279 Bainimarama’s magic number brings landslide victory for FijiFirst. 21 | Millenial majority Priya Chand How the youth vote determined the outcome of the general election. REGULARS 9 | Briefing No answers yet on police death-in-custody of suspect. 46 | The Last Word Ashfaaq Khan on politics and marriage

Issue 16 | October 2014

MADS ANNEBERG

DEMOCRATIC MANDATE FOR BAINIMARAMA

Volume 3 | No 2 | Issue 16

COVER PHOTO RICARDO MORRIS

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OPINION

28 | King-makers Dr Satish Rai on the impact of the indo-Fijian vote 30 | Religion and equality Dr Kirstie Close-Barry asks what’s so anti-Christian about equality 32 | We are all Fijians Rolando Cocom on Fiji’s change in idealogical frame RUGBY 40 | FRU saga Vilikesa Rinavuaka on the FRU v RKS saga 41 | Fifteens Vilikesa Rinavuaka presents an Alternative XV team. SALON

13 | The Rising Ape Alex Elbourne on the limits of free speech

35 | Walking the dream The late Tae Kami’s vision for children takes off

14 | The Green Line Nakita Bingham on the risks facing tuna stocks

37 | Mua Voyage Pacific voyagers take message to the world

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editor’snote ricardo@republikamagazine.com

@RicardoMorris

Nailing this democracy thing

Vol 3 | No 2 | Issue 16

Opposition. Despite his earlier saying he was disappointed he would have to share space in Parliament with the 18-member Opposition who he says “got their seats based on lies”, he later told the un General Assembly he was ready to work with them to move Fiji forward. The general election threw up many issues that political scientists will be studying in years to come. In this issue our contributors look at some of those issues. One main factor in this election was the impact of the youth vote. Bainimarama’s lowering of the voting age to 18 and the initiatives aimed at young people meant a huge proportion of them voted for him or FijiFirst candidates. Priya Chand examines just how significant young people’s votes were on 17 September. The issue of a secular state and a common national identity were other points of contention. Sodelpa along with some Christian denominations reject the idea of both, saying a secular state ignored the Christian principles that Fijians accepted when Christianity was brought to Fiji and they say the use of the term Fijian is an appropriation of the indigenous identity. Dr Kirstie Close-Barry, a researcher who has studied the Methodist Church in Fiji asks why equality for all is such a prickly issue for some Christians. Her

MANAGER ADMIN/FINANCE

CONTRIBUTORS

Prethi Vandana

Alex Elbourne

admin@republikamedia.com

Allan Steven Ashfaaq Khan

Admin/MARKETING Rosemary Masitabua Publisher & Editor Ricardo Morris ricardo@republikamedia.com

article examines a letter sent from a Methodist Church official to members outlining his views on a secular state. Rolando Cocom, a graduate scholar at usp, describes the shift in our “ideological frame” when it comes to embracing a national identity. Previously, the catch-cry of the nationalists that dominated the discourse was “Fiji for the Fijians (referring indigenous Fijians)”, whereas now Bainimarama’s persistent message is that “we are all Fijians”. Dr Satish Rai looks at the indo-Fijian community and suggests that they were the king-makers in the general election because they gave their votes to the person and party they felt could bring them stability and security – which was invariably FijiFirst. It’s always good to get a neutral observer’s perspective and in our case we had Danish postgraduate journalism student Mads Anneberg who aqcuitted himself admirably during the elections coverage and it is his words I sign off with. In his open letter to Fiji, Anneberg writes: “In my short time here, you people have inspired me in many ways – some more than you know. And your election is no exception. You are nailing this democracy thing and I can only hope the people you have chosen today R will do the same.”

rosemary@republikamedia.com

Kirstie Close-Barry

We welcome your comments, contributions, corrections, letters or suggestions. Send them to ricardo@republikamedia.com or leave a comment on our social media pages.

Mads Anneberg Nakita Bingham Priya Chand Rolando Cocom

Estelle Masitabua

Satish Rai

estelle@republikamedia.com

Vilikesa Rinavuaka

The opinions expressed in Repúblika are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher. The editor takes responsibility for all nonattributed editorial content.

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In veritate libertas

he outcome of the general election in September was a foregone conclusion for many. Prime Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama himself had regularly expressed his confidence that he would be returned to power through the ballot box. The other political parties had their work cut out for them but in the end the structural bias and sheer momentum built up over the eight years – and especially in the last three or so years – meant FijiFirst was never at risk of losing. Now that Fiji has returned to parliamentary democracy, the work of solidifying the nationhood that Bainimarama espoused will need to find a footing. Mindsets have changed, but there are still those who feel aggrieved by the way Bainimarama went about “building a better Fiji”. People are drawn to Bainimarama because of his earthiness and decisiveness, his record of getting things done (even if his own rules are sometimes ignored) and his reaching out to ordinary people. In him, perhaps the people see a bit of themselves. Over the next four years, Bainimarama and the 31 other Members of Parliament on his side of the house will need to live up to all the promises they have made and its not hard to see that they could. The rub is when it comes to the

Issue 16 | October 2014

inbox Your letters, feedback and viewpoints

Working together After persistently labelling the newly elected opposition members “liars”, Bainimarama offered an olive branch to them during his UN General Assembly speech saying he wants to “work together constructively in our new Parliament”. Has Bainimarama ever been able to work with “opposition”? Anare Motokula via facebook.com/republikamag Why didn’t he do that when he was home right after the election? Why do it in front of others? Get your backyard and Jerusalem sorted first Mr Bainimarama. Buna Vee via facebook.com/republikamag Qorvis at work! Makereta Waqavonovono via facebook.com/republikamag History stands to differ. Viliame Waka via facebook.com/republikamag All the Best PM! God bless. Tomax Tui via facebook.com/republikamag Loved it when he pronounced democracy hesitantly. Over all, lots of self praise, the word revolution is misplaced. Olive branch? I didn’t see one. It was all “talk”. We gauge him via action so benefit of the doubt is being placed for his record via actions. Civil rights? You kidding me! His actions will show where his humanitarian claims are being formed. Common name and he said common religion? Ok wait a minute, secular means no religion via state, but didn’t mean on common religion either. So a fumble for sure. Native rights? Via removing an identity of a people without consensus is not democratic so please Mr PM, let’s not talk of this. It’s a forced name. Not accepted. Audience: 44 people present, 14 countries and not a single major one. Applause, Mary supported her spouse, great on her but very muted reception,

TALK BACK TO US Issue 16 | October 2014

inbox@republikamagazine.com

rather cold I think.

Manoj Khelawan via facebook.com/republikamag

He said it, so let’s hold him accountable to his word. He has four years to work with the ‘liars’. Gerald Maurice Chute via facebook.com/republikamag Wow that’s a good start, at least he is showing signs of sanity. Onward Fiji. Let’s work it out, differences aside. AG’s report and freebies to all the Fijians, even the “liars” will be served. Hey, he promised the UN. Vika Gasawai via facebook.com/republikamag I have heard him say that earlier as well. He wants to work together but regrets he has to work with the ‘liars’. He hopes they would work together to move Fiji forward. All the best Mr PM. Kaushik Lal via facebook.com/republikamag After continuously trashing the opposition back home in the face of local media, he sweet-talked in front of the Assembly whose members knows him fully well. Shame. Isimeli Mafi Turaga via facebook.com/republikamag As soon as he touches down in Fiji it’s straight back to the name-calling and bully tactics. Rups Junior via facebook.com/republikamag Allegations against police On 1 October, Commissioner of Police Ben Groenewald denied an Amnesty International report that highlighted the detention and alleged assault of a retired teacher, Joseva Bilitaki, who had allegedly sent text messages to the Prime Minister about the use of his song for the FijiFirst party campaign. “The interference of military personnel in policing issues is unacceptable and will be discussed with the relevant authority.” This is what we continue to remind this new government of, the

military should go back to their day job and leave the policing to the police officers and the running of the country to the government and the opposition. Buna Vee via facebook.com/republikamag Why is the army responding to alleged common nuisance? So is the army still at the beck and call of the PM? Who’s running the army? Why would Amnesty International report it saying they had received credible information regarding the incident? Pauline Sing Kama via facebook.com/republikamag And having a say should not be interpreted as annoyance, unless he texted like he was stalking. Fiji now has democracy ... the world is watching. Sigrid Ah Sam via facebook.com/republikamag Election coverage Thank you to those who took the effort to read, share and comment on our work during the lead up to election day, 17 September and the counting afterward. Vinaka Repúblika. Appreciate you keeping us updated on the final count Eroni Verevukivuki via facebook.com/republikamag Thanks for the update! Aloisio Francis Moceituba via facebook.com/republikamag Vinaka Repúblika for the updates! Marita Manley via facebook.com/republikamag Great job Repúblika. Great updates. Thank you for keeping us posted. The efforts and sacrifices. For Fiji - Ever Fiji. #Best nation in the world. Inoke Veresa via facebook.com/republikamag Vinaka! You’ve done exceptionally well keeping the Fijian international community members informed. Moana Waqa via twitter.com/RepublikaMag

4Join us on facebook.com/republikamag4Email to inbox@republikamagazine.com 4Follow us on twitter.com/republikamag4Write to PO Box 11927, Suva, Fiji facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

briefing The nation reviewed

ALLAN STEVEN

ALLANISING FIJI

NUMBERS

450

The total number of journalists and media workers who were registered to cover the general election. Of that number 37 were from overseas.

Taukei landowning units that have been deposited into the Land Bank since 2011.

15m

Litres of water distributed to communities affected by the dry spell in September costing around $917,949.

83.9

Percentage of voter turn-out at the September election.

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RETURN TO DEMOCRACY

Record number of women in parliamentary roles Eight women have been elected into the new 50 member Parliament bring the total representation of women in parliament to 14 per cent. In comparison, the United States Congress is comprised of 18.4 per cent women. Four women belong to the ruling FijiFirst party while three are part of the Opposition. According to the Fiji Women’s Rights Movement, Fiji has surpassed the regional average of 13.4 per cent female representation in Parliament. Forty-four women contested the general election which was also a high percentage for the region. Dr Jiko Luveni, FijiFirst party president, who won a seat in the election, resigned her position soon after and was elected the Speaker of the House of Representatives, making her the first woman Speaker in Fiji. The appointment of Ro Teimumu Kepa as the leader of the Opposition was

also a historic occasion as she became the first woman to be appointed to the position. Ro Teimumu along with SODELPA’s Salote Radrodro and NFP’s Tupou Draunidalo are three women in the 18-member Opposition which makes female representation in Opposition 16.6 per cent. All four women who were elected into Government under the FijiFirst banner have been appointed to Cabinet and assistant portfolios. Rosy Akbar was appointed Minister for Women, Children and Poverty Alleviation; Mereseini Vuniwaqa was appointed Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources. Lorna Eden was made Assistant Minister for Finance, Public Enterprise, Public Service, Trade and Tourism. Veena Kumar Bhatnagar was appointed Assistant Minister for Health. The Secretary-General to Parliament is also a woman: Viniana Namosimalua. n

ASHFAAQ KHAN Issue 16 | October 2014

briefing

The nation reviewed

DEATH IN CUSTODY

Still no answers as DPP returns Soko’s file to police

MILESTONES Dr Jiko Luveni became Fiji’s first woman Speaker of the House of Representatives on 6 October after her appointment was approved by the first parliamentary vote.

SODELPA leader Ro Teimumu Kepa became the first woman Leader of the Opposition on 6 October when she was nominated unopposed in Parliament to take the position.

FACEBOOK/SUPPLIED

LEFT: Vilikesa Soko in a 2013 photo with his children. ABOVE: A copy of Soko’s autopsy report.

The investigation file into the death in custody of Vilikesa Soko in August has been returned by the Director of Public Prosecutions to the police because a “number of issues remain outstanding.” A statement from the DPP, Christopher Pryde on 13 October said: “I have returned the file to police to conduct further investigations. Obviously, in matter as serious as the death of a person in policy custody, it is important that all issues are looked at very carefully before a final decision on any charges is made.” The Director of Public Prosecutions will not give a timeframe for the completion of the investigation or a decision. “It is important that matters such as these are not rushed and that the authorities are left to get on with the job. The public can be confident that the matter is being thoroughly investigated.” Soko died in Lautoka hospital on 20 August five days after his arrest. He had suffered massive internal injuries according to the autopsy report. An internal police inquiry was upgraded to a criminal investigation by Police Commissioner Ben Groenewald after the post-mortem report was received and four officers were suspended pending investigations. On 26 August Groenewald said: “I want to stress to the public and especially to Vilikesa Soko’s family that we are leaving no stone unturned in getting to the bottom of what happened. We want to be as thorough as possible so that all those responsible are brought to justice.” Issue 16 | October 2014

Soko, a 30-year-old father of three from Kalabu settlement outside Suva, was arrested along with another suspect in a minivan while on the highway near Tagaqe village on the Coral Coast, several hours after a robbery at City Forex in Nadi on 15 August. The post-mortem report attributed Soko’s death to multiple causes, including multiple organ failure, blot clots in the lung, bacterial infection of the blood, alleged severe trauma to the penis and traumatic rectal injury. Soko and another suspect were admitted to hospital after their arrest. A third suspect, Senitieli Boila, appeared in the Nadi Magistrates Court on 19 August charged with aggravated robbery. He told the court of police brutality and asked for bail. Boila was denied bail and the case was transferred to the High Court. Two other suspects in the $50,000 robbery remain at large. Five masked men armed with cane knives robbed the exchange staff while they were about to take the money to the bank. Soko is survived by his partner and their three daughters, aged seven, five and three years. A social media campaign using the hashtag #Kess_never_a_statistic has been launched hoping to bring the perpetrators of Soko’s death to justice. The hashtag bears Soko’s nickname: Kess short for Kesa, an abbreviated version of his first name. n

Only 0.75 per cent of the 496,364 ballots cast in the September general election were invalid votes, a record low for an election in Fiji. In the 2006 elections, invalid votes amounted to six per cent, while in the 2001 election it exceeded 11 per cent.

WOWS Kids (Fiji) - Walk On, Walk Strong - an organisation aimed at improving the quality of life of children affected by cancer, was registered as a charitable trust in September. Set up in honour of the late Tongan teenager Tae Kami, this marks another step forward since August 2008 when Tae passed away.

Fiji Gas achieved an injury-free year in the previous year, for which the company rewarded its 132 workers with $33,000 in bonuses. CEO Peter Lee and director Harvie Probert visited the company’s five terminals nationwide in September to thank their workers personally.

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briefing

The nation reviewed

HOSTAGE CRISIS

The United Nations had Qatar pay us$25 million (about fj$47m) to an Al-Qaedaaffiliated Syrian group to release 45 Fijian peacekeepers kidnapped on the Syrian Golan Heights, despite the UN’s avowal not to pay ransom for hostages, Israel’s Channel 2 reported on 10 October. According to the Israeli report, video footage shows the transaction between the UN and the Nusra Front taking place near the Israel-Syria border on 11 September. The Fijian soldiers, members of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force (undof), were captured on 28 August by the Nusra Front, an al-Qaeda affiliate, along the demilitarised zone separating Israel and Syria. Their 11 September release, Israel’s Channel 2 said Friday, was obtained after Doha made the ransom payment. According to Channel 2, the video purports to show UN representatives crossing the border to Syria and waiting for the Nusra Front fighters, who later arrive in a convoy of white vehicles. The black-clad Syrian fighters can be purportedly seen conversing with the UN mediator, all while Israeli army soldiers are eyeing the proceedings from across the border, weapons drawn. A Nusra Front member, equipped with a laptop computer, is captured on the video footage presumably checking if the $25 million in Qatari money had been deposited. According to Channel 2, two hours go by before confirmation of the bank transaction arrives, and then, very quickly, the Nusra Front fighters drive away and the UN peacekeepers cross the border to the Israeli side. At the time of the peacekeepers’ release, a UN spokesman in New York denied that any ransom was requested by the group and said that none was paid, Reuters reported. Qatar, one country in the Middle East thought by the United States to have influence with the Islamist militant group, said Fiji had formally requested its assistance in freeing the hostages. Three days before they were freed, army commander Brigadier-General Mose announced in a news conference that the hostages would soon be released unconditionally, but then retracted the statement after Ministry of Information officials denied it and deleted their social media posts about it. A statement was then released saying negotiations were continuing. 8

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REUTERS

Did Qatar pay a ransom to free peacekeepers?

Fijian peacekeepers on their release at the Israel-Syria border on 11 September after being held captive by the Nusra Front.

The militants reportedly gave the UN three demands for the safe release of the peacekeepers. Nusra Front insisted it was taken off the UN’s terrorist list and had also demanded humanitarian assistance and compensation for some of its members killed in fighting with the UN peacekeepers. Fiji’s Foreign Minister Ratu Inoke Kubuabola travelled to the Middle East in September as a ministerial envoy seeking the help of Fiji’s allies there, in particular from Qatar. A statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after the peacekeepers’ release said Ratu Inoke had travelled to Qatar specifically to discuss how the Middle East state could mediate, but neither confirmed nor denied knowledge of the ransom. “The Qatari Foreign Minister assured they were sparing no effort to get the Fijian soldiers released safely,” the statement said. It continued: “Minister Kubuabola thanked the Qatari Foreign Minister for the efforts they have put in to securing the release of the Fijian peacekeepers.” The Qatari foreign ministry in a statement on 10 September, the day before the soldiers’ release said its foreign minister Dr Khalid Bin Mohammed Al-Attiyah had met with Ratu Inoke who sought their help.

On 16 September, the Fiji Times quoted Permanent Secretary for Foreign Affairs Amena Yauvoli as saying he was not aware of any ransom payment. “The only assurance we got was from the Qatari Foreign Minister to my Foreign Minister giving the undertaking that the boys would be released within 24 hours after their discussion,” Yauvoli was quoted as saying. Eighteen days after the foreign ministers’ initial meeting, Ratu Inoke and Al-Attiyah again met on 28 September on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York where Ratu Inoke reiterated his gratitude for the Qatari state’s help. A statement from the Qatar foreign ministry said: “For his part, HE Dr. AlAttiyah said that Qatar is sparing no effort to harness all its potential and diplomatic mechanisms to maintain life.” Since the release of the Fijian peacekeepers last month, the UN has withdrawn many of its other peacekeepers from the area. Last month, the Philippines began pulling its peacekeeping troops out undof. The Nusra front controls much of the Syrian side of the Golan Heights border with Israel. n www.haaretz.com/ www.timesofisrael.com/ Fiji AND QATAR foreign Affairs Issue 16 | October 2014

briefing

The nation reviewed

POLICE PROBE

ON THE RECORD

Bilitaki’s arrest illegal, police chief admits, assault claim reviewed A RETIRED teacher who was taken into custody in late September and allegedly assaulted after he allegedly sent annoying text messages to the Prime Minister over the use of a song by the FijiFirst party, was detained unlawfully, the police commissioner says. An investigation is underway into the circumstances of 60-year-old Josefa Bilitaki’s arrest including alleged assault and the involvement of military officers in the incident. “Following an internal investigation into the detention of Mr Joseva Bilitaki it appears that certain processes were not carried out according to the law, for example the seizure of his mobile phone and his arrest and detention,” Groenewald said in a statement on 9 October. “The police Director of Internal Affairs is currently dealing with the departmental procedures against the officers involved. “I can also confirm that an investigation has commenced after the receipt of a formal complaint from Mr Bilitaki of his alleged assault by the arresting team,” Groenewald said, contradicting a statement he made nine days earlier. The complaint by Bilitaki of alleged assault will be handed to the Director of Public Prosecution once the investigation is complete. The police admission followed a front-page report in the Fiji Times on 4 October in which Bilitaki claimed four personnel accompanied by a police officer took him from his home in Qauia, Lami.

He was quoted as saying the policeman accompanying the other men said the four were military intelligence officers. Bilitaki was allegedly taken to “a place I do not recall as I was very frightened” before being taken to the central police station at Totogo. Bilitaki, reportedly a FijiFirst party supporter, was taken by the officers after he allegedly sent text messages while drunk to Bainimarama asking about payment for a song he wrote for the party. However, nine days before his statement admitting the arrest was illegal, Groenewald had said: “The allegation of assault against Mr Bilitaki is void of all truth.” He had also asked people “not to jump to conclusion on what they read on social media.” In a statement on 1 October Groenewald said Bilitaki was arrested by a “task team” at 10.30pm on 26 September. He was detained at Totogo Police Station in Suva for the alleged offence of annoyance in breach of section 376 of the Crimes Decree. At 3pm the next day, Bilitaki was released and taken to CWM Hospital “where he recieved medical treatment for high blood pressure.” Groenewald added: “The interference of military personnel in policing issues is unacceptable and will be discussed with the relevant authority.” The Minister of Defence, Timoci Natuva, was briefed on the incident. n

RICARDO MORRIS

“This is more an achievement for women in general than it is for myself. Really all I have to do is ensure that as a woman, I control those parliamentary sessions to the best of my ability.” Dr Jiko Luveni on her appointment, speaking before her parliamentary confirmation as Speaker of the House of Representatives. “It’s a proud moment for women in this country. This is also a time for collaboration and we need to have women in these positions so that people start accepting women in leadership positions and start recognising and accepting women’s leadership and kudos to this government for being able to do this.” Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre coordinator Shamima Ali on Dr Jiko Luveni’s appointment as Speaker. “Is the opposition ready for me? Seriously!” Prime Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama ahead of the opening of Parliament following his FijiFirst’s party’s landslide win. “I should step down - a culture we are making in the party. We in the PDP are determined to have leaders being accountable, I have today tendered my resignation as leader of the party. I remain committed to the party, and will always support it, in any way I can.” People’s Democratic Party leader and unionist Felix Anthony announcing he was quitting after the new party failed to win a seat in the general election and that he was going on a holiday.

You don’t have to suffer in silence free and confidential counselling services and legal advice are available at our branches in suva, nadi, Ba, rakiraki and labasa. You can call our hotline 24 hours a day.

‘

’

Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter. Dr Martin Luther King Jr (1929-1968)

Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre | 88 Gordon St, Suva | Phone: 3313 300 / 9209 470 (24hrs) | www.fijiwomen.com Issue 16 | October 2014

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The nation reviewed

PICTURE

DEPARTMENT OF INFORMATION

THE BIG

briefing

Pomp and circumstance ... President Ratu Epeli Nailatikau with Republic of Fiji Military Forces commander Brigadier-General Mosese Tikoitoga inspect the military parade on Fiji Day at Albert Park in Suva. The 44th Fiji Day since indepedence in 1970 also marked the first since the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s return to parliamentary democracy in eight years and 27 years of being a republic.

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Issue 16 | October 2014

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OPINION

How free is free speech? The Rising Ape with ALEX ELBOURNE

o I kinda messed up last month. Had a bit of a meltdown on Facebook and ended up swearing at someone who truly does not deserve to be spoken of that way. The reaction to my post was … interesting to say the least. Nothing quite like death threats on a Friday. And having your kids sworn at and all. Pretty classy all around. In the end I apologised not just because I thought I had to for the sake of appearances but because it was right thing for me to do. But the whole sorry episode got me thinking about free speech and hate speech and whether or not hate speech is free speech. There’s a saying that goes something like “Your rights end where my nose begins” … which basically means that we live in this huge society and every single individual within this said society is (theoretically anyway) entitled to the same freedoms as long as it doesn’t infringe on another person’s freedoms. And I think it is important to know exactly what is legally-protected free speech. We should all know what we are entitled to under the Constitution, and not use its definition for something it really isn’t. But I think, along with that, it would be good to have a debate on what free speech as a concept is and whether we really desire the concept of free speech. It is easy to stand up for the speech of minority groups we agree with. It is easy to stand up for speech of people we do not agree with but are not really all that controversial. But do we actually like freedom of speech? I remember reading an article a few years back about Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad who was supposed to speak at Columbia University. And there were these protests from students who wanted him banned and boycotted. One of the professors at the university who said “we should bring him in. You don’t have to like him, you

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don’t even have to listen. But if we give him a forum, then we really are protecting liberty.” See, that’s the thing about free speech. It allows you to hear other points of view that you may not necessarily hear when you’re too busy restricting it. Control the narrative too much and you end up in an echo chamber where everyone is too busy saying the same thing. When that happens, it’s drink-the-Kool-Aid-time. Banning someone from speaking means you’ve made a conscious decision to be ignorant and not hear something you do not want to just for political reasons. There are some American conservatives that I cannot stand, people like David Horowitz and Ann Coulter who have been banned from speaking due to protests or have had their speeches interrupted. There was even a Facebook group called “Defend Academic Freedom at UT! Protest David Horowitz!”(think about the epic levels of irony in that statement). And like I said, I don’t agree with them on pretty much anything but the thought of not listening to them because I don’t agree with their worldview just seems a bit off. It’s human nature to interact with those who agree with us. But, it’s also really lazy. Allow yourself to interact with all sorts of people especially online where there are really no limitations to who you can chat with. And when you inevitably mess up, ‘fess up and take your medicine. Even if said medicine includes fake profiles on Facebook saying they’ll “find you, kill you and eat you”. Yeah. Elections eh… Well, what a roller-coaster that was. Man, from the 17th I was pretty much running on grog-fuelled adrenaline rush following all the happenings. And OMG it was happening! Voting, inkstained fingers, counting and results and complaints and trolling and numbers increasing and numbers decreasing and 279 and 297 and 317 and 283 and 303 and 283… The Elections Office gang must never, ever, ever want to count or

see another number in their life. Then there were the allegations of rigging. My initial reaction was to put the complaints down to sour grapes because those parties that complained did not “win” BUT the thing is, it’s good that they put the pressure on. It was their right to question what they saw. They did so. What was interesting in the lead up to the elections was how confident all the parties were. Just really, really confident. Meanwhile, here’s me scratching my head and thinking “But there’s only 50 seats guys”… someone has to lose. So why were they all so confident? Remember what I wrote earlier about the echo chamber? That was in full effect on social media. You’re a member of a political party’s Facebook page. Obviously everyone else on the page (with the exception of some trolls looking to start a flame war) also supports that party. So when someone says “Hey guys, my aunty told me they’re all voting for us” what you get is a sudden rush of people agreeing with the post and adding their own anecdotes. And everyone knows that “we’re gonna win this guys”. Just one problem there. Unless your aunty and her family number in the hundreds of thousands it won’t mean much come voting day and that’s assuming your aunty is really even going to vote for the party you support. She could be just doing the famous Fiji thing of telling you what you want to hear. As some parties found out last month. So it’s done and like I said in my last column, the fun starts this month when the new parliament sits. And here we are… Happy Fiji Day my fellow Fijians. 10thOctober again. Our country in her 44th year as an independent nation. So many ups and downs. So many things R that can only happen in Fiji.

n Alex Elbourne is the programmes director and Breakfast Show host on Legend FM. The views expressed are his own. Issue 16 | October 2014

OPINION

Fish for thought The Green Line with NAKITA BINGHAM

o now that we’re officially democratic on paper, we can finally breathe and get on with our lives. I honestly believed for a minute perhaps this election would have had a climatic ending, one that would have changed the course of Fiji forever where citizens would realise the acceptance of coup culture is not okay. But the people of Fiji have spoken and opted for democracy on its current terms, trusting in our newlyelected government to follow through on promises, policy and the implementation of its manifesto. Banimarama, you keep talking about a revolution, where the people of Fiji stand united under the front that Fiji belongs to a melting pot of ethnicities – so now that we’ve broken down the racial barriers, let’s focus on moving Fiji forward sustainably and set the precedent of what that sustainability means for Fijians, taking pride in the natural wealth of our nation and protecting it with policy and regulatory compliance that ensures our country’s environmental longevity for many generations to come. In an effort to address environmental issues related to development, the current government has already provided a plan, the 2014 Green Growth Framework for Fiji: Restoring the Balance in Development that is Sustainable – calling for action and necessary steps that must be taken to mitigate possible challenges and imminent threats. Our fisheries are one example of an industry that’s been operating unsustainably. We have felt the pressure of the international demand for tuna resulting in the fishing industry that’s seen better days. According to the ocean resources and biodiversity subsection of the Green Growth Framework, the government acknowledges, “deviations from the guidelines set by the Tuna Management Plan saw licenses issued increased to 110 at one stage.” Furthermore it states, “Consistent with international and regional

Issue 16 | October 2014

obligations, such as the Monitoring, Control and Surveillance Treaty, a total allowable catch (tac) limit of 15,000 tonnes has been set in the industrial fishers sector for targeted species such as yellow fin, albacore, and big eye tuna and bycatch such as marlin, wahoo and ogo.” The numbers are alarming and it’s clear that licenses’ were over-issued to meet the demand of the overseas tuna market. An article published in the spc fisheries newsletter (#141 - May–August 2013), mentioned, “with an average annual consumption of 50 kg of fish per person across the region (and at least 70 kg per person in some countries)”, the Fijian government has legally provided commercial interests, at maximum scale (110 boats at 15,000 tonnes each) to pull 1,650,000 tonnes of fish in one fleet turnover – for this amount, the entire population of Fiji could eat for about 35-40 years. If the state of offshore fisheries wasn’t controversial enough, coastal marine environments are also under threat. Reefs close to inhabited shores, according to the Green Growth Framework, “…show chronic stress and impacts from fishing, sedimentation and pollution from land-based sources.” The framework also notes, “On a more local scale, Fiji’s increasing population has created pressures on reefs from fishing…” There’s no denying the people of Fiji rely on fish commercially and for subsistence. However, enduring longevity of fisheries under current practices, or “business-asusual” is doubtful due to stressors like illegal fishing, overfishing, pollution and all the ensuing consequences in the face of climate change and a steadily growing population. SPC’s Statistics for Development Division, projects a 45 per cent increase in population by 2035 for the region. With such challenges facing fisheries and marine ecosystems, perhaps now is the time to address the necessity for Marine Spatial Planning, to properly manage all marine based activities in Fiji’s 1,290,000km2 exclusive economic zone. The result of certain fishing grounds being over-exploited has led fishermen

to look to new waters—often times fish poaching in i-qoliqoli areas. Early in September, the Fiji Times reported that fish poaching in Macuata has always been a problem. Northern senior fisheries officer Joseva Naceva said “Poaching is always an issue. Some are reported while others aren’t and we need a collaborative effort from the community in order to put a stop to it. The Fiji Locally Managed Marine Area Network (flmma) is a community based approach to managing inshore fisheries, supported by ngos, government departments and academic institutions. flmma is a network covering 10,745km2 to promote conservation, protection, preservation and sustainability of marine ecosystems and resources, consisting of over 400 communities in 143 i-qoliqoli areas. It has established 960km2 tabu (no take) areas. The 4fj Campaign is another initiative launched this year to help raise awareness on the topic of fisheries. 4fj is a national campaign that promotes the longevity of kawakawa and donu. Thousands of Fijians, from fishermen to students around the nation have signed the pledge vowing not to buy, eat, sell, and catch the beloved fish belonging to the subfamily of grouper during peak spawning season from June through September. Go to www.4fj.org.fj to take the pledge. It will take tremendous involvement from politicians, decision makers, the community and commercial industry to address and remedy marine ecosystem stressors and threats. The people of Fiji depend on ocean resources to fill their stomachs. The recognition of the importance of sustainable fisheries has been made in the 2014 Green Growth Framework. Now the government can follow through diligently and take the proper steps to avoid a future where we have this entire ocean surrounding our islands but R no fish in it. n Nakita Bingham is a Suva resident and works as an assistant in sustainable marine managed areas. The views expressed here are her own. facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

COVER

| RepĂşblika | republikamagazine.com

Issue 16 | October 2014

COVER

FIJI TAKES

By RICARDO MORRIS

here really was no other way the 2014 general election could have gone. If there were any doubts, the landslide win by FijiFirst in September confirmed the predictable outcome – the completion of Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama’s transformation, not just of the country, but also of his own career path from military coup leader to elected prime minister, from dictator to democrat. Even casual observers and critics could not

Issue 16 | October 2014

have failed to see how Bainimarama’s “revolution”, culminating in his establishing of a “movement” through his FijiFirst party, would be given a democratic mandate. The stage had been carefully set since Bainimarama seized power in December 2006, acting he said with the backing of his military council to rid Fiji of corruption and racism. Over the years, references to the military council became fewer and soon the spotlight shone unceasingly on Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, the Attorney-General and Minister for Justice, who some believe was the hand behind the throne, although Bainimarama himself denied the extent of Sayed-Khaiyum’s influence just days before election. Sayed-Khaiyum set about reworking the foundations of Fijian society, drafting and gazetting of laws that one estimate suggests had reached 400-odd decrees by the end of the eight years of Bainimarama’s coup regime. 4CONTINUED PAGE 16 facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

COVER

4FROM PAGE 15

By September 2014, through a combination of infrastructure development projects, reduced income tax, improved water supplies, a regulated and pliant media, an iron first, social welfare, scholarships and tuition-free education for children, FijiFirst was well on its way to victory. The only uncertain factor was how many seats the party would get in the 50-seat House of Representatives, although Bainimarama had stated many times he hoped to get all seats, which would effectively have made Fiji a one-party state. In the end, Fijians voted en masse for candidate 279. Bainimarama on his own raked in 202,459 of the total 496,364 valid votes counted – almost 41 per cent of all valid ballots and a huge 69 per cent of all votes cast for FijiFirst. These numbers gave FijiFirst 32 seats in Parliament. Bainimarama’s nearest rival was Ro Teimumu Kepa, Sodelpa’s leader, who as the major alternative leader managed to bring in 49,485 votes of her party’s 139,857 total. Many saw the election result as a stamp of approval for Bainimarama’s vision and plans for Fiji in this new political and social dispensation. As columnist Graham Davis wrote on his blog Grubsheet Feejee: “Not only has Bainimarama emerged triumphant at the polls, his program has now been overwhelmingly endorsed in what has unquestionably been a referendum on every aspect of his [it]. “Every citizen is now a Fijian by popular acclamation. Every Fijian enjoys equal status and equal opportunity by popular acclamation. The Secular State is endorsed by popular acclamation. The Qoliqoli Bill is rejected by popular acclamation.” Economist and commentator Dr Wadan Narsey writes that there are “two extreme interpretations of this metamorphosis, with the truth perhaps somewhere in between.” On his blog Narsey writes: “At one extreme is Graham Davis’ euphoric and populist interpretation of the Bainimarama journey as a glorious revolution and an unparalleled triumph of leadership creating a modern Fiji of equal citizenry. 16

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“At the other extreme is the dark underbelly of the Bainimarama ‘revolution’ that civil society organisations and opposition parties have struggled against for the last eight years. “With society failing to draw any kind of a line at a long series of seemingly small restrictions on their basic freedoms, Bainimarama’s step by step systemic imposition of military decrees and media policies, unfettered and unopposed, eventually accumulated into the all-powerful propaganda machine that handed him a landslide electoral victory, easily hailed as ‘the people have spoken’,” writes Narsey. But while the results were hugely one-sided, it may not always be that way. This was the first time Fiji voted under an open list proportional representation system and the manifestation of it at the ballot box, including the use of candidate numbers instead of names, was new even to those who had voted in previous elections. However it was also the simplest voting procedure by far and the parties with the most resources to pour into marketing and advertising their numbers had the advantage. Even so, the momentum Bainimarama had personally picked up over his eight years in power was always going to be too hard to stop. “The dynamic of this election is very different,” Associate Professor Sandra Tarte, director of USP’s Politics and International Affairs Program, told Repúblika. “I think we have to see this election, as one of my colleagues put it, as ‘no ordinary election’. It’s a transitional election, so things haven’t really settled yet. We are not seeing how this really will work in the long-term; we’re seeing a one-off here because it marks this turning point where we’re going back to an election.” One of the factors at play could have been the ‘better-the-devil-you-know’ attitude, with many of those from previously marginalised communities and ethnic groups finally being given a sense of belonging and identity by Bainimarama. “People were probably influenced by the fact that they were uncertain about the outcome, they didn’t feel confident,” says Tarte. “In a sense, rather

than looking at all the different options and choosing between all these different options, the different parties that emerged, they coalesced into two camps: the ones that favoured continuation with the current path and the ones that didn’t favour it. It was a choice of two alternatives in the end.” FijiFirst supporters believed Bainimarama would continue with the structural development and modernisation of Fiji, including the continuation of a revamped policy of tuition-free education. They viewed Sodelpa as an incarnation of the ousted Laisenia Qarase’s Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (sdl) – and with it all the negative connotations that were slapped on the party by Bainimarama and his supporters. Dr Steven Ratuva, senior lecturer in Pacific Studies at the Auckland University of Technology, says the Indo-Fijian community saw in Bainimarama some hope that had eluded them since 1987. “The Indo-Fijians needed security and Bainimarama was seen as someone who could provide it,” Ratuva said in an email interview with Repúblika. “More than 70 per cent of Indo-Fijians voted for FijiFirst. About 56 per cent of the Taukei voted for FijiFirst, showing that many are prepared to ditch the old political discourse of cultural protection in favour of cultural transformation, development and progress,” Ratuva said. Whereas Bainimarama’s and FijiFirst’s message was a united Fiji free of all forms of discrimination, Sodelpa struggled to be seen as anything but a Taukei-dominated party with ideals reminiscent of the former sdl, especially with Qarase’s appearance on behalf of the party at meetings where he reportedly made ill-conceived comments tending towards ethnic and religious divisions. Tarte says voters were attracted by Bainimarama’s promise of “stability, future growth and prosperity.” “I guess the message that appeals to many people [is] that this is a country where everyone is included and it’s not divisive. There’s the positive pull of that message and the promise of what he can deliver, what he has delivered. And there’s the negative aversion to the other alternative – the Sodelpa alternaIssue 16 | October 2014

RICARDO MORRIS

COVER

Meeting the masses ... Hundreds of people tried to shake newly-elected Bainimarama’s hand and take photos with him after he declared victory at the FijiFirst thanksgiving service on 21 September at the ANZ National Stadium.

tive,” says Tarte. “I wouldn’t count this election as a foretaste of what’s to come, but certainly it’s an important milestone.” Ratuva believes Sodelpa made it harder for themselves by going up against the message of equality Bainimarama and FijiFirst were espousing and by confining their issues to those that appealed to the Taukei community. “The minority communities were attracted by the multiracial position of FijiFirst and more than 70 per cent voted for them,” explains Ratuva. “The wider national appeal of FijiFirst was its strength compared to Sodelpa which only targeted 60 per cent of the population and thus to win the election Sodelpa needed to win 83 per cent of the Taukei votes. “On the other hand, FijiFirst just had to win 50 per cent vote of all communities. Sodelpa had a higher level of difficulty than FijiFirst.” Tarte believes the fundamentals of Fijian society are changing and for Bainimarama to maintain power the government must continue to deliver on its promises and refrain from marginalising groups he dislikes. “I think there is sufficient momentum now behind this transition – this phase of change we’re going through – to fundamentally alter the whole discourse of politics in Fiji. It’s happenIssue 16 | October 2014

ing. If you get enough actors coming on board then in a sense the whole kind of way people see things changes. “Obviously if these people fail to deliver or seemingly marginalise certain groups they could be new kinds of reaction.” Unlike Narsey, who believes Bainimarama’s government to have been illegitimate ab initio, Tarte feels such thinking will not move the country far. “The last coup was justified because it was seen as a way of getting rid of coups. It seemed that we were in a situation where we couldn’t really tell what was right or what was wrong. “And I don’t want to legitimise coups but I also feel that we need to break out of this cycle of thinking where we can’t justify this election because it was based on a government that came to power illegally. We will never escape that conundrum so we need to somehow draw a line without dismissing (our experiences).” Getting to this point has not been without tragedy and heartbreak. Bainimarama and Sayed-Khaiyum brought their regime to the general election “through coercion as much as anything”, says Tarte. “That’s why we couldn’t have an election sooner because if they had an election back in 2009 it would of reverted to the status quo ante – the old divisions

would of resurfaced. I think it was a calculated decision to delay and in the meantime doing all these things to try and change the way people see things.” In 2009, the year Bainimarama initially announced he would convene elections, “feelings were still raw”, Tarte says. Some people are still aggrieved but sufficient time has elapsed, development has occurred and results have been achieved for people to be comfortable enough to return Bainimarama with a democratic mandate. “It’s a very hard price to pay and I think we have a history of doing this. When wrongs have been committed and we move beyond those in a sense that we don’t ever address them.” Tarte says what’s needed now is to open up formal spaces so that opinions, ideas and feelings on sensitive issues can be aired in a constructive way rather than confined to social media. And maybe someday soon, when the passions surrounding elections and national identity have settled, a truth and reconciliation commission could be convened. “There may be a time in the not too distant future when we can look honestly at our past without people getting caught up in the whole lot of fear, the hate and all these other emotions,” says Tarte. R facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

GOVERNMENT CABINET

JOSAIA VOREQE BAINIMARAMA

AIYAZ SAYED-KHAIYUM

FAIYAZ SIDDIQ KOYA

Prime Minister Minister for iTaukei Affairs, Sugar Industry n 202,459 votes

Attorney-General and Minister for Finance, Public Enterprises, Public Service, Communications n 13,753 votes

Minister for Industry, Trade and Tourism n 875 votes

OSEA NAIQAMU

INIA BATIKOTO SERUIRATU

RATU INOKE KUBUABOLA

TIMOCI LESI NATUVA

Minister for Fisheries and Forests n 2962 votes

Minister for Agriculture, Rural and Maritime Development and National Disaster Management n 2010 votes

Minister for Foreign Affairs n 5414 votes

Minister for Immigration, National Security and Defence n 2691 votes

PIO TIKODUADUA Minister for Infrastructure and Transport Leader of Government Business n 3611 votes

PARVEEN KUMAR

MERESEINI VUNIWAQA

Minister for Local Government, Housing and Environment n 6358 votes

Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources n 1175 votes

JONE USAMATE

DR MAHENDRA REDDY

CABINET

LAISENIA BALE TUITUBOU

ROSY SOFIA AKBAR

Minister for Employment, Productivity and Industrial Relations n 1585 votes

Minister for Youth and Sports n 830 votes

Minister for Women, Children and Poverty Alleviation n 990 votes

ASSISTANT MINISTERS

VIJAY NATH

Minister for Education, Heritage and Arts n 5398 votes

ASSISTANT MINISTERS

JIOJE KONUSI KONROTE

Assistant Minister for Education, Heritage and Arts n 1616 votes

Minister for Health and Medical Services n 939 votes

ILIESA DELANA Assistant Minister for Youth and Sports n 906 votes

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LORNA EDEN

JOELI CAWAKI

Assistant Minister for Finance, Public Enterprise, Public Service, Trade and Tourism n 1869 votes

Assistant Minister for Agriculture, Rural and Maritime Development and National Disaster Management n 3394 votes

VEENA BHATNAGAR Assistant Minister for Health and Medical Services n 874 votes

BACKBENCHERS

RUVENI NADALO

SANJIT PATEL

BRIJ LAL

VIAM PILLAY

n 2931 votes

n 2700 votes

n 2391 votes

Deputy Speaker n 5018 votes

Issue 16 | October 2014

GOVERNMENT BACKBENCHERS

BALMINDAR SINGH n 1826 votes

SEMI KOROILAVESAU

SAMUELA VUNIVALU

DR NEIL PRAKASH SHARMA

Government Whip

n 1463 votes

n 1391 votes

n 1611 votes

NETANI RIKA

ALIVERETI NABULIVOU

n 1361 votes

n 1306 votes

ALVICK MAHARAJ

ASHNEEL SUDHAKAR

DR JIKO FATAFEHI LUVENI

n 1016 votes

n 895 votes

Speaker n 2296 votes

FIJI’S 2014 PARLIAMENT

RICARDO MORRIS

SPEAKER

BACKBENCHERS

Faiyaz Koya takes his oath of office in front of President Ratu Epeli Nailatikau at Government House on 24 September.

SPEAKER Dr Jiko Luveni Kepa (Opposition Leader)

Gavoka

Nanovo

Lalabalavu

Nawaikula

Vadei

Tikoduadua

Karavaki

Tagivetaua

Salote Radrodro

Seruiratu

Kubuabola

Matanitobua

Tikoca

Maharaj

Koroilavesau (Government Whip)

Konrote

Reddy

Aseri Radrodro

Dulakiverata

Cawaki

Lal

Kumar

Bulitavu

Sharma

Naiqamu

Akbhar

Eden

Koya

Bhatnagar

Delana

Nadalo (Deputy Speaker)

Secretary-General (Viniana Namosimalua) Deputy S-G Clerk Sayed-Khaiyum (AG) Bainimarama (PM)

Natuva Nath

Prasad (NFP leader)

Vuniwaqa

FIJI FIRST 32 seats

Tuitubou

SODELPA 15 seats NFP 3 seats

Rika

Usamate

Balmindar Singh Patel

Issue 16 | October 2014

Kiliraki Prem Singh

Pillay Vunivalu

Draunidalo A total of 496,364 valid votes were cast in the general Sudhakar election. FijiFirst secured 59.2 per cent of the ballots (293,714 votes), SODELPA took 28.2 per cent (139,857 votes) Nabulivou and the National Federation Party managed 5.5 per cent (27,066 votes). The other four parties and two independent candidates did not meet the 5 per cent threshold to secure a seat in the 50-seat Parliament.

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OPPOSITION

SODELPA

NFP

SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LIBERAL PARTY

Ro Teimumu Vuikaba Kepa

NIKO NAWAIKULA

Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu

Mosese BulitavU

Viliame Tagivetaua

Anare Vadei

Opposition Leader Shadow Minister for Education, Heritage and Arts n 49,485 votes

Shadow Minister for Local Government, Housing and Environment n 7348 votes

Shadow Prime Minister and Minister for Sugar and iTaukei Affairs

Shadow Minister for Public Enterprises and Trade

Shadow Minister for Agriculture, Rural and Maritime Development

Shadow Minister for Health and Medical Services

n 6668 votes

n 6276 votes

SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LIBERAL PARTY

Viliame Gavoka

Semesa Karavaki

Ratu Suliano Matanitobua

Ratu Sela Nanovo

Kiniviliame Kiliraki

RATU Isoa Tikoca

Shadow Minister for Trade and Tourism

Shadow Attorney-General and Minister for Justice

Shadow Minister for Youth and Sports

Shadow Minister for Fisheries and Forests

Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs

n 3690 votes

n 3434 votes

n 3268 votes

Shadow Minister for Employment, Productivity and Industrial Relations n 2523 votes

n 2413 votes

n 2406 votes

SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LIBERAL PARTY

NATIONAL FEDERATION PARTY

Salote Radrodro

ASERI RADRODRO

Jiosefa Dulakiverata

Dr Biman Chand Prasad

Tupou Draunidalo

Prem Singh

Shadow Minister for Women, Children and Poverty Alleviation/ Public Service

Shadow Minister for Infrastructure and Transport

Shadow Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources

Shadow Minister for Finance, National Planning and National Statistics

Shadow Minister for Immigration, National Security and Defence

Shadow Minister for National Disaster Management Opposition Whip

n 2300 votes

n 2169 votes

n 2105 votes

n 2966 votes

n 1125 votes

n 8097 votes

OPPOSITION REPRESENTATIVES ON PARLIAMENTARY STANDING COMMITTEES Economic Affairs Viliame Gavoka Prem Singh Alternative member: Aseri Radrodro SOCIAL AFFAIRS Semesa Karavaki Anare Vadei Alternative member: 20

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Ratu Suliano Matanitobua NATURAL RESOURCES Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu Ratu Suliano Matanitobua Alternative member: Ratu Viliame Tagivetaua PUBLIC ACCOUNTS Dr Biman Prasad (Chair)

Aseri Radrodro Alternative member: Salote Radrodro

FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND

JUSTICE, LAW AND HUMAN RIGHTS Niko Nawaikula Roko Tupou Draunidalo Alternative member: Mosese Bulitavu

Ratu Isoa Tikoca

DEFENCE

Salote Radrodro Alternative member: Roko Tupou Draunidalo Issue 16 | October 2014

THE MILLENNIAL

MAJORITY How the changing views of Fiji’s youth population impacted on the general election outcome.

MADS ANNEBERG

Having her say... A young voter casts her ballot at Rishikul Primary School in Nasinu.

By PRIYA CHAND Repúblika Correspondent

hen the majority of Fiji went to the polls on 17 September, among those who visited to exercise their franchise at one of over 2000 polling stations were many young people whose choices no doubt played an influential role in the landslide win of Voreqe Bainimarama’s FijiFirst party. These voters, young leaders agree, have on the whole accepted Bainimarama’s vision of a “new Fiji” with a comIssue 16 | October 2014

mon national identity and the elimination of all kinds of discrimination and corruption. While a diverse range of opinions exist on the “revolution” achieved under Bainimarama’s “decisive” leadership and many Taukei people feel aggrieved at what they view as an assault on indigenous rights and insensitivity to issues close to their hearts, generally many of Fiji’s diverse communities realise that the issues that divide us will eventually become less significant. Kaajal Kumar, the founder and executive director of the youth NGO Aspire Network, says the election results show 4CONTINUED PAGE 22 facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

FIJI VOTES

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ered many felt ethnicity did not matter but leadership that would focus equally on all of Fiji’s communities. “The older generation of Fijian Indians in the past always felt that voting for a political party that was headed by a Fijian Indian would secure the political interest of Fijian Indians living in Fiji. This was not the case in the 2014 elections. “Between 2012 to 2014 a large number of young Fijian Indians that Aspire Network interacted with through its programmes had a different thinking. They felt that race did not matter because we all were Fijians. What was Done deal ... Yabaki Seeto, 27, finishes casting his ballot at important was that the leadRishikul Primary School in Nasinu. er served in the best interest of all Fijians.” On the other hand, there was a large number of young Taukei governance structures that preserve the who were concerned about their in- identity, cultures and traditions of indigenous rights, especially indigenous digenous Fijian people,” she said. identity, rights to their land, and fishing She said young Fijians who went grounds, the respect for their chiefs and through Aspire Network programmes the protection of their traditions and believed that in order for Fiji to progcultures. ress, citizens needed to live in peace and These young people believe their harmony, show respect for indigenous traditional leaders should be accorded Fijian rights and the rights of all comrespect and their views and concerns munities that call Fiji home. and their wisdom must be taken into Kumar added the general election consideration when the Fijian govern- results proved the majority of Fijians ment produced laws and policies about have accepted that all citizens of Fiji indigenous Fijian rights and issues. should be called Fijians because every“Very few”, though, “wanted Great body lived in Fiji and “that it in no way Council of Chiefs reinstated,” said Ku- takes away the rights of Taukei when anmar. other ethnicity is called Fijian.” Kumar explained there was a shift in “The results also prove the majority their thinking where these youth felt it of Fijians have accepted that Fiji should was government’s greater role to protect be a secular state.” resources, economic development of Some youth leaders, especially withtheir land and improve their living stan- in the Taukei community, contend that dards. while many young people had come to She said they understood that it was accept the term Fijian applies to all citithe role of the government to produce zens, the indigenous community feels these laws and policies rather than their aggrieved that they have been arbitraritraditional leaders. Hence they indicat- ly deprived of their cultural institutions ed they were going to vote along policy and identity. lines rather than on ethnicity or the adWilliam Nayacatabu, the president vice of their traditional leaders. of the National Youth Council of Fiji, “This kind of thinking could only told Repúblika in an email interview, come about through education where while the council had not carried out a young Fijian Taukei could differenti- research on the topics of “Fijian” naate between the legal political gover- tionality and that of a “secular state”, nance of a country and the traditional some members who are mainly Taukei RICARDO MORRIS

young people’s thinking had moved from an ethnicity-focused to policybased system. In an interview with Repúblika, Kumar said a big shift had occurred from the traditional voting patterns of the past, which could only come about through the major impact of a ‘newgeneration’ thinking. Also, for the first time in the historic September elections, 18-year-old Fiji citizens were given the vote, spurring widespread interest in what it means to build a democracy among a generation who were born just before or during the period from the first coup in 1987. First-time voters and young people (between 18-30) accounted for 33 per cent of all registered voters, according to statistics released by the Fijian Elections Office. If you also include ‘older’ youth between 31-40 years, the demographic numbered 323,286 eligible voters – more than half of the 591,101 registered voters. Taking this into account, it is not hard to see how they played a big part in the landslide win for Voreqe Bainimarama’s FijiFirst party, which scooped 293,714 or 59 per cent of the 496,364 valid votes cast. Kumar says the results quite clearly showed FijiFirst won because of its development policies, stability and security – a major factor which reduced the risk of future political instability and created more economic development through investor confidence. “A lot of young Fijians see Prime Minister Bainimarama as the father of modern and developed Fiji and that could be the reason why one politician attracted so many votes,” she said. “Innovation comes through new ideas and the young generation is more attracted to innovation, a government that is willing to try new ideas and the Bainimarama government won because they value the knowledge of young people.” Kumar said the young people of this generation now had a greater understanding of their citizen rights and have the ability to question the government and those in power and impact their policy change – not just accept the policies and ways of the government. Between 2012 and 2014, Aspire Network interacted with young people across Fiji and Kumar says she discov-

Issue 16 | October 2014

FIJI VOTES

Making his mark ... Filipe Tuilawalawa, 25, at Lomanikoro, Rewa shows his inked finger after voting on 17 September at Rewa District School. Lomanikoro is the residence of Rewa high chief Ro Teimumu Kepa, the SODELPA leader.

RICARDO MORRIS

ASHFAAQ KHAN

continued to flag these issues as unresolved. “Many young people continue to disagree with so many things but at the end of the day, we have come to accept what we have democratically agreed and this is what the aim of the NYCF Forum is all about,” he said. Nayacatabu said the youth wings of all political parties had worked hard during the campaign period, which is why he says it is unclear what percentage of young voters went to FijiFirst. “NYCF noticed that there were mixed feelings amongst the young people in regards to the outcome of the elections,” Nayacatabu told Repúblika. “Some were disappointed, some population leading up to and were happy, some were angry and it during the elections period.” continues to be so. But as an entity that “Now there is a need to is impartial and neutral and peace berejuvenate political dialogue ing one of our thematic areas, we conat all levels to keep the state tinue to advise young people who find and the subjects engaged in it difficult accepting the results of the discourse on issues which are election to remain calm and accept the critical for continued demonewly elected democratic government.” cratic sustainability.” He added many young people, comFor one first-time voter, pared to past years were now more acShabnil Ram, the issues were tive and interested in the governance simple and FijiFirst – although of the country because of the increased it came out of a coup regime – education, awareness and training. had clearly spelled out a vision “Many young people are looking for Fiji he agreed. Ram told forward to the process of parliamenRepúblika he chose to vote for tary democracy which would give room FijiFirst because the party was for debate on policies they think that also pro-poor. should be changed.” “Though they took the Nilesh Lal, the coordinator of Diacountry by force and there logue Fiji, an NGO that promotes namay be a lot of criticism about tional reconciliation through interthem regarding this they have community dialogue, believes the managed it well,” said Ram, a people have spoken and given their tertiary student. mandate to the political party they He said with FijiFirst’s think will best serve them. stand on a secular state and a Young blood ... Voters and a polling day worker at Rishikul “Since the youth constituted a very Primary School in Nasinu. Fijian national identity “shows significant portion of the electorate, they also voted signifi- they were not only fighting for seats in parliament but also cantly in favour of the winning party to bring about this re- wanted unity amongst people.” sult,” he told Repúblika. “FijiFirst was different because during their campaigns “It is very important to engage youth in civic decision- they showed people what they have done and what they making, particularly one as important as the political gover- would do. nance of the country, and I feel that the lowering of the voting “Other parties on the hand, went on saying that what Fijiage was a positive move towards increasing engagement.” First had done was not right but none of them gave us reasons R Lal added that youth were often considered a socially and why we should vote for them.” politically apathetic group and that “it was good to see a growing sense of responsibility and awareness amongst the youth n Priya Chand is a correspondent with Repúblika. Issue 16 | October 2014

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Issue 16 | October 2014

Photos by Mads Anneberg, Ricardo Morris, Ashfaaq Khan, Department of Information

Issue 16 | October 2014

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FIRST PERSON

2014 ELECTION

WILL OF THE PEOPLE SATURDAY, SEPTEM BER

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RICARDO MORRIS

THE FIJI TIM ES

Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum Admiral (Ret) and Rear Bainimarama’s Voreqe party is poised FijiFirst country in the to lead the next four years. Picture: MADS ANNEBERG Repúblika Magazine /

ENDORSED Electoral Comm ission What do you

om.fj

A Danish student’s open letter to Fiji

gives polls thu mbs up

By NASIK SWAMI and DAWN GIBSON ing Centre last night. The FijiFirst party THE Electoral leads by a big not fair and had irregularit margin ies. Mr day announce Commission yester- know and the country will get to tions Young said from their observa- made their own observati d the full results tion was conducteFiji’s general elec- Monday of both by tomorrow or day exercises pre-polling and polling pre-polling to polling right ons from d in a free and at the latest. manner. fair througho the divisions that’s , the Commission free and fair. But process was indeed Eastern, in the Central, ut This comes as Young made thechairman Chen Bunn mission he also said the the the Northern combeing released final results were still allegation statement following and the Westwould investigat at the National s by some political e claims of ern and we were satisfied “serious allegation Count- that with ourselves that the parties s,” raised by some the vote counting process was political parties. out in a free andelections were carried fair manner,” he “The Electoral said. think? Commission has  Continue Email timesnews@fij d on PAGE 2 itimes.c

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PROPERTY GUIDE FREE LIFTOU T

My 17 September To the fantastic people of Fiji. I believe this was one of those days whose memories will accompany you for a long time. A day that, despite having the characteristics of any other day, with a beginning and an end, will go on to be more than that. People will remember if they ticked, crossed or circled. Where they voted and whether they waited. People will remember because, hopefully, this day marks a new time for Fiji. This was not my election and I had no vote. Still I will remember for years to come how I ended up spending most of 17 September on a tiny island in Rewa, drinking Ro Teimumu’s kava. Having been in Fiji for more than a week, I was hardly surprised when my day began with waiting three hours for 26

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By MADS ANNEBERG Repúblika Election Intern

Voreqe Bainimarama. The former interim, soon to be elected, right-now-something-in-between Prime Minister was voting at Vatuwaqa Primary School, and a picture of him voting should sum up the past, present and future of this election and be worth the wait. Like most places, there was a massive queue in the morning. Meticulously, voters would make their way up the stairs and turn left or right by surname. A woman in a wheelchair entered the premises and caused a moment of confusion with the staff, but helpful, smiling and pragmatic as most other Fi-

BANG BANG P42

jians, they let the ballot travel the stairs instead of her. Multinational observers stopped by without remarks, and the Commissioner of Police came and told of a calm day in general. So powerful was the positive spirit of this day that when Bainimarama finally did show up, he smiled, interacted with the media and was as charismatic as ever. He said he was confident he would win. I headed back to the media centre and had it been any other place than Fiji, I probably would have stayed put and updated the website. But instead we rented a car – my editor, me and two others – and headed out of Suva. We went to one polling station at a primary school in Nasinu and one Issue 16 | October 2014

ASHFAAQ KHAN AND RICARDO MORRIS

FIRST PERSON

Dateline Fiji ... Mads Anneberg spent just under two weeks in September as an intern with Repúblika covering the lead up to and during the election and count. During that time, three of Anneberg’s photos for Repúblika were used by the Fiji Times, two of them (one show on facing page) were printed on as the lead photo on page one. On election day he drove the Repúblika team from Suva through Nasinu and Nausori stopping to observe polling venues along the way, ending up at Nadoi village, next to Lomanikoro, the seat of Sodelpa leader and Rewa high chief Ro Teimumu Kepa.

polling station where nothing appeared to be going on in Nausori. This magic day led us further away from the capital in which its winners will soon gather. We wanted to visit Ro Teimumu Kepa’s polling station in Rewa. Kilometres flew by and asphalt turned to gravel before we finally reached the place where a man in a motorised wooden punt would take us to the small island where she lives. We learned that Ro Teimumu had just left, which sort of defeated the original purpose of our trip. But after visiting the two polling stations on the island, we got the second best thing. In the spirit of the day and as a thankyou she had given kava to her SODELPA supporters in her community, which we were invited in for. In a house with a high spirits, where the floor served as both floor and furniture, a handful of happy voters had gathered to celebrate. There is hardly any point in telling you that this was SODELPA stronghold, with a good number of FijiFirst supIssue 16 | October 2014

porters as well, because that was not the point. People were celebrating that they had voted, that they had been heard. After several hours and God knows how many bowls of nature’s anti-Red Bull, we cautiously walked back. Along with the polling stations, sunlight was closed for business, and someone graciously led us back to the boat through the darkness on a spiderweb of sidewalks. Which were obviously not aside any road, making them just walks. I am no expert, but I felt this day had been the perfect window through which to look at the election and even a very Fijian way of spending Election Day. And I mean that in the most positive way imaginable. I am afraid we have lost much of our enthusiasm surrounding elections in Denmark. Not that we don’t vote and not that we don’t celebrate this day of democracy. But over the years, everyone has simply come to agree on so many things that our vote cannot bring around two different tomorrows, which, I guess, decreases the genuine excitement of hav-

ing your say. You, however. Even though your decision time and again has been overruled by an interfering power, you seem to – rightfully – believe in your impact. In that particular house on that small island in that remote area, everyone was proudly holding up their inked pinkies, singing songs to celebrate their vote. In my short time here, you people have inspired me in many ways – some more than you know. And your election is no exception. You are nailing this democracy thing and I can only hope the people you have chosen today will do the same.

Yours truly, Mads n Mads Anneberg, a Danish exchange student

at Auckland University of Technology’s Pacific Media Centre and Pacific Scoop was attached to Repúblika in September to cover the general election. Along with Alistar Kata, who worked with USP’s Wansolwara, the pair won a special topic scholarship to cover the election, with student editor Thomas Carnegie working in Auckland. facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

WILLIAM WEST/AFP

DISPATCH

Dark days ... Two neighbours survey the ruins of a indo-Fijian house torched by rebels in Waidalice north Tailevu in August 2000, in an area that had strong support for coup leader George Speight.

The king-makers A perspective on Fiji’s 2014 election SATISH RAI By Dr Joni madraiwiwi Special to Repúblika

have been following Fiji election 2014 keenly from the time the election was announced a few years ago. Almost half of that time I lived and worked in Fiji. I participated in some of Professor Yash Ghai’s constitutional forums in Suva and shared a few of my thoughts with the members at one of these forums. Like many people living in Fiji and in the Fijian diaspora I was very happy that finally an election was taking place in Fiji. When I returned to Sydney in late 2012, I kept track of the events in Fiji and started a Fiji election segment on my online television chan28

| Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

nel The Fijian Diaspora TV. I shared my thoughts on the election processes with my viewers and was looking forward to presenting many more segments, right up to and beyond the election on 17 September. However soon it became clear to me, with some help from two articles written by Professor Wadan Narsey on the electoral processes that the election would be of a very different kind, a kind in which the role of the leaders of the participating parties would play a crucial, if not a deciding role. I had promised my viewers to present to them names of 50 candidates who I believed would be good as Fiji’s parliamentarians; to take Fiji forward. I ended up not doing that. It had become clear to me, through

analysis of the electoral system used in Fiji that electoral victory or defeat would rely heavily on the votes that the leaders would attract. The popularity and abilities of the leader of a contesting party, and his or her ability to maximise votes from the Fijian voters would, in the main, decide the fate of the party as well as rest of its candidates. As the election campaign progressed it also became clear that there was no credible match for Voreqe Bainimarama, the leader of the FijiFirst party. It also became clear that much thought had been invested by those in charge of this party’s election strategy to out-manoeuvre its opponents from the outset. The leaders of the two most prominent parties in Fiji, Laisenia Qarase and Mahendra Pal Chaudhry were sidelined Issue 16 | October 2014

from the election processes through legal processes and both their credibility as politicians and public servants was terribly maligned through the media. Their high flying political wings were truly clipped. With Chaudhry sidelined as an election candidate, it appeared that the Fiji Labour Party (flp) did not have any credible member to replace him as the leader. Chaudhry decided to lead the party into the election, but his credibility being in tatters by then, he was not the formidable leader he once was. Hence the Fiji Labour Party was out of contention to win the election. Without Chaudhry to vote for in this election, some of the staunch Labour supporters may have been left with little choice but to switch their votes to some other credible indo-Fijian candidates in another party. The scene was set for an electoral wipe-out for the Fiji Labour Party. One of the two main parties who could have provided FijiFirst a credible challenge was thus rendered a non-player a few weeks before the voting day. Now the main opponent of FijiFirst was the Social Liberal Democratic Party (Sodelpa), in many ways, the revised version of the old sdl party, which was ousted in 2006 by the future leader of the FijiFirst. It was considered by many, not the least by its own leadership, that Sodelpa provided the natural home for ethnic Fijian voters. But with its popular and rather imposing leader in form of Qarase sidelined from election, the party initially struggled to find another leader. The leader finally selected did not have the same appeal as Qarase; later made obvious during the face-off on a live interview between her and Bainimarama. The election being a battle of leaders, Sodelpa’s leader did not inspire much credibility and the possibility of her receiving a sizable Taukei vote to enable her to form a government was starting to look bleak; at least from some of our perspective. With the fate of the flp sealed even before the election, it was an opportune time for the oldest Indo-Fijian party, the National Federation Part (nfp), to rise from its electoral ashes and grab the Indo-Fijian votes. It was a very hard act to follow, after flp’s sterling successes Issue 16 | October 2014

RICARDO MORRIS

DISPATCH

Happy days ... Hindu devotees of the god Ganesha mark the end of a festival in its honour in Suva in August.

since its initial 1987 victories and its ability to attract the indo-Fijian votes. However the election of the acclaimed Professor Biman Prasad as nfp leader was a step in the right direction. With a great academic career and community work behind him, and blessed with an affable personality, it appeared that the nfp had found a leader who would revive the nfp as the natural home for the Indo-Fijian voters. In many other circumstances Prasad may have been able to achieve just that. But in this election the indo-Fijians had a different agenda – well some 80 per cent of them anyway. It was becoming clear from even a few years before this election that, for the majority of indo-Fijians security and peaceful existence in Fiji was the most important issue as far as this election was concerned. There is little doubt that the interim Bainimarama government had provided just that for them from 2006 and they believed that, if elected, Prime Minister Bainimarama would continue to provide security and peace for the much traumatised indoFijian community in Fiji. Additional offerings in the lead up to the election, such as free education and so on, would also have provided additional incentives to the indo-Fijians to vote for Bainimarama. There is scope for much more to discuss and write on Fiji’s 2014 elections. However to end this little observation, I would like to recall briefly my thoughts on the person who started the coup cul-

ture in Fiji. I recall that media around the world wrote at the time that ‘God had spoken’ to Sitiveni Rabuka, or words to that effect, to carry out the coup to protect the rights of indigenous Fijians, presumably from the indo-Fijians. A few years later I recall reading that his ethnic cleansing program of indo-Fijians was motivated by his desire to make the indo-Fijians electorally insignificant in Fiji, only their labour was needed. I am now amused by the fact that he didn’t realise that ‘God has weird and wonderful ways of working’. He perhaps did not realise that his actions would eventually lead to the ethnic Fijians, now the majority by far in Fiji, facing-off each other in electoral battles. This was clearly witnessed in this year’s election. Rabuka too would have witnessed that in this battle, the indoFijians were the king-makers! Way back in 1987, drunk with power and a misplaced sense of responsibility for his own people, Rabuka may not have contemplated this scenario. Hopefully, today’s Fijian politicians will be proven to be more visionary! R

n Dr Satish Rai is a Sydney-based print and

TV journalist and film and TV producer. He has background in policing (Fiji and London), sociology, anti-racism (UK), writing, academia, journalism, politics and film and TV production. He wrote his MA thesis on Colonialism and Political Coups of Fiji (1997). His doctoral thesis was titled In Exile at Home - A Fiji Indian Story (2011). facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

RICARDO MORRIS

OPINION

Body language ... Then FijiFirst MPs-elect at a multifaith thanksgiving service on 21 September at which Bainimarama claimed victory for his party in the general election he created. The Methodist Church chose not to attend an earlier service also held at the ANZ National Stadium in Laucala to mark the release of the 45 Fijian peacekeepers who had been held captive in Syria for two weeks until their release just before the election.

WHAT’S SO ANTICHRISTIAN ABOUT EQUALITY? By Dr KIRSTIE CLOSE-BARRY 30

| Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

Issue 16 | October 2014

iji is a country known as much for its coups as its tourist attractions. At the heart of the ongoing struggles in this island nation is the

issue of who exactly is a Fijian. At the last census, conducted in 2007,

iTaukei (indigenous Fijians) were 57 per cent of the population while IndoFijians, the majority only a generation ago, made up 37 per cent. With such a significant Indo-Fijian population, it is well and truly time to find a way to accept them as Fijians. The language of exclusion needs to stop. The recent elections, the first since the 2006 coup, were preoccupied with this issue. Not only were political factions involved – with the coup leader Voreqe Bainimarama pushing to remove the ethnic aspects of being ‘Fijian’ and others such as Sodelpa opposing this – but also religious leaders. Just two weeks before the election the Reverend Iliesa Naivalu of the Methodist Church, still the most popular denomination with iTaukei Christians, circulated a letter in which he advised Fijians to ‘vote wisely’ and ensure that Fiji becomes a Christian state. This comment signals support for Sodelpa, the only political party that has called for such a change. Naivalu’s letter adopts exclusive language that has become the hallmark of Fiji’s ethno-nationalist politics, and something that Bainimarama has tried to stamp out. He wrote: “Christianity was being engraved in the lives of the iTaukei people” and accused the state of trying to “downgrade the God Almighty, his Son Jesus Christ and the Holy Spirit to be equal with idols that are being worshipped in Fiji today.” In other words, of given equal respect to the faiths of Hindu and Islam. Protecting indigenous rights in Fiji from settlers is a key concern. Naivalu even used Australia as an example of successful acknowledgement of indigenous identity, noting the widespread practice of acknowledging traditional owners at state or religious events. The letter also suggested that indigenous Australians are able to access wealth through the native title system that has been established. It is no accident that he mentioned Australia. It was Australian missionaries who helped to shape the Fijian church and embed indigenous hegemony. The interest in maintaining indigIssue 16 | October 2014

The Methodist Church responded on 25 September to issues raised about the letter from Reverend Iliesa Naivalu, the church’s secretary for Christian citizenship and social services. The media conference, a recording of which the church uploaded to YouTube, also addressed the church’s non-participation in the PM’s interfaith thanksgiving service after FijiFirst’s win. 4http://tinyurl.com/qzvk8yz enous representation in politics is also on the agenda. Bainimarama has dismantled many of the government structures that were created throughout the colonial period as a means of protecting Indigenous rights, beginning with the dissolution of the Great Council of Chiefs almost immediately after the 2006 coup. The Methodist Church and Sodelpa’s leaders have raised alarm at these moves, arguing that indigenous political rights and identity are under threat. No one would argue with the need to ensure that the indigenous people of Fiji need to have their rights to land and wealth protected. But does it have to be done at the exclusion of Indo-Fijian and other peoples? This is a complex issue and one that Australians will find the hardest to answer since Australia is also facing questions regarding the recognition of indigenous peoples in the Constitution. Naivalu suggested that the Methodist Church wants to aid “good relations and interaction of the different ethnic groups in Fiji”, but he said that peace will only exist if indigenous hegemony is maintained. The church should try and model the way forward for the country, but its history is just as marred by ethnic tensions, and so needs to be highly reflective and perhaps redefine itself if it is to

move forward with Fiji. After the arrival of indentured labourers from India in 1879, the Methodist mission tried to evangelise to Indo-Fijian communities with limited success. The mission institutionalised ethnic separation in Fiji and in recent years the Taukei Methodists and the Indo-Fijian Methodists have operated within separate divisions of the one church. Naivalu believes that the Methodist Church should take the lead on bringing the two ethnic groups together, “to understand each other, to acknowledge what is significant to the other and work out together constructive steps for a lasting peace.” However, the church has not necessarily been effective at bringing people together. However, it too needs to work at demonstrating peace and accommodation. Fijian Methodism has been inhibited by this feared loss of identity throughout its history. The same problem keeps emerging time and time again. The question is: are we at a juncture where this can be addressed? If the language of exclusion adopted by Methodists and Sodelpa’s leadership is to continue, we are not likely to see the Indo-Fijian community embraced fully in Fiji. Despite the issues with Bainimarama’s coup and subsequent government, it needs to be recognised for its efforts to ensure some degree of equality for the Indo-Fijian and other communities in Fiji. Recognition of all of Fiji’s people as Fijians does not have to be to the detriment of iTaukei identity. Nor does it necessarily have to limit iTaukei access to land. Questions of accommodation and inclusion despite ethnic and cultural diversity will be important for Fiji’s new parliament, and will be one of the main stumbling blocks faced by the Parliament’s foremost leaders, Bainimarama and Ro Teimumu Kepa. R n Kirstie Close-Barry is an Australian historian who has just completed a PhD looking at the history of racial and cultural division in Fiji’s Methodist Church. She would have received her doctorate in early October. facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

n n h o

OPINION

From ‘Fiji for Fijians’ to ‘we are all Fijians’

y n

g s t

h e e

By Rolando Cocom

he use of the term “Fijian” as a label for national identification remained a significant ideological frame in the run up for elections on 17 September. By ideological frame, I refer to the fact that the phrase “We are all Fijians” is represented by an array of inter-related set of stories, symbols, images, as well as rhetoric in an attempt to define and provide reasons as to why the public should or should not vote for a political 32

| Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

party. This ideology is represented as the highest maxim of social equality. It is used to justify, maintain, and increase popular support for the FijiFirst party. This is visible in the media, where political candidates are often asked to take a position on this issue. The premise is that if we know the candidate’s position on this, we will know their core political values and vision for Fiji. Those who are hesitant to support ‘Fijian’ as a common-term or ‘national identity’ are explicitly and implicitly cued to be proponents of disunity and inequality.

Fiji or Viti It is said that when the Europeans had asked the Tongans for the name of islands we now know as Fiji, they provided them with the term Viti. It follows that the terms ‘Fiji’ and ‘Fijian’ arose out of a mispronunciation of the word Viti. Colonialism inaugurated the emergence of a collective ‘Fijian race’ or the Taukei Kei Viti or Kai Viti, which loosely translates into ‘the owners of Fiji land’ and ‘persons from Fiji’ respectively. Prior to this, identification was primarily based on one’s birth and kinship connections Issue 16 | October 2014

PAUL JONES/AFP

OPINION

Follow the leader ... Civilians go through drill training at Fiji’s Parliament complex in June 2000 where George Speight and his supporters held Prime Minister Mahendra Pal Chaudhry and 26 other members of parliament hostage for 56 days. The Speight-fronted 2000 coup espoused the ‘Fiji for the Fijians’ views that had been popularised by the Taukei Movement.

in a vanua or mataqali among distinct communities/confederacies and not as a collective ‘Fijian race’. There were diverse pronunciations and spellings of Fiji such as “Beetee, Fegee, Fejee, Fidjee, Fidje, Fidgee, Fidschi, Fiji, Feigee, Vihi, Viji, and Viti” (Williams & Calvert, 1859, p. 1). However, Fiji and Fijian became common labels used in the colonial state to refer to the land and the ‘natives’. Coups and Fiji for Fijians These labels “Fiji/Fijian” are not in themselves the problem or the solution to ethnic-relations in Fiji. The problem is the actions of elitist alliances and the practice of racial ethno-nationalism which have instilled divisive values Issue 16 | October 2014

and practices to these classifications. Colonial policy and the coup-makers through their use of these categories have established the social boundaries between the two ‘races’. To the Fijians, the Indians were to be known as the vulagi (foreigner). To the Indians, the Fijians were to be known as the jungalis (jungle people). This is not to say that there are no cultural differences between the two but that the state plays a crucial role in how these differences are viewed, expressed, and lived. Support for the 1987 and 2000 coup was summoned precisely on a form of oppositional categorisation from the colonial period. It featured arguments to ‘protect’ the taukei (owners of the land), lotu (Christian religious beliefs), and the vanua (land and groupings), which were supposedly endangered. The mobilising theme was the protection of Fijian interests with “Fiji for Fijians” as a rallying motto. We Are All Fijians Unlike the previous coups in 1987 and 2000 which were executed under the ideological banner of “Fiji for the Fijians”, Bainimarama has been able to popularise the idea that his governance represents democracy with the motto “We are all Fijians” and “Fiji for all Fijians”. Bainimarama, who was the commander of the Fijian army at the time, accused the Quarse government of election fraud and took control of government in 2006. Since then, Bainimarama has conducted a widespread media campaign that emphasises “We are all Fijians”. In 2010, he issued a decree stating that the indigenous peoples should be officially known as the iTaukei and that all other citizens should be known as Fijians. He also issued many other decrees proclaiming that his actions were in the best interest of all citizens, such as dismantling the Great Council of Chiefs. The “We are all Fijians” phrase has become the common-sense lens from which to positively interpret and justify past and future actions of the Bainimarama regime. The issue of a common name

is linked to the efforts of the National Federation Party (NFP) which was the first party to advocate for a common roll and a common name for citizens prior to Fiji’s independence. However, at the time, Fijian politicians and intellectuals argued that such actions would be disastrous for Fijian identity and culture. Therefore, such proposals were never approved. Bainimarama has been able to rearticulate this ideology at a time when no other message would have worked in his favour. He could not rely on the ideology of Fijian paramountcy (‘Fiji for Fijians’) because this was what the Qarase government was employing. Qarase was implementing policies which were designed to establish the dominance of Fijians in areas such as the economy, education, and the public service. Bainimarama employed the ideology of ‘ending racism’ and of ‘moving Fiji forward’ to gain local and international support for his dismissal of Qarase, whom he had originally appointed after the 2000 coup. Through this re-articulated ideology, Bainimarama has sought to downplay the fact that he came to power illegally, that he has violated the constitution, and that he has been unaccountable over the years (For example, why would the Auditor-General reports only be release after the elections?). He has been able to do this because he commanded the military and because he is phenotypically Fijian. The ideology of “We are all Fijians” is the emotional and symbolic glue which holds the Bainimarama regime together. It has resounded with approval among some segments of populace including key public figures as it represents the idea of civic equality and nationality unity. In March this year, Bainimarama announced the formation of his political party called FijiFirst, a name which was designed to promote this ideological theme. His initial 2006 promise to have returned to the barracks after establishing mechanisms for a stable democracy 4CONTINUED PAGE 34 facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

OPINION

4FROM PAGE 33

had now been pushed aside. He now aimed to gain official support for his governance in the run up to elections. He has exercised several key social reforms and media campaigns to this end: free education policy; reform of scholarship scheme to be based on merit; rural development projects; creation of a new constitution, and appears to have de-facto control of Fiji’s mainstream media. We are all Fijians, but who are you The counter ideological frames of the other parties contesting election are based on human rights and liberal democratic discourses. They argue that the Bainimarama regime has proven to be unaccountable, unjust, and undemocratic. For instance, the Social Democratic Liberal Party (Sodelpa) argues that Bainimarama’s imposition of a common name is against indigenous rights and culture. They hold that ‘Fijian’ must be the official name for the indigenous peoples. This argument bears the traces of the ‘Fiji for Fijians’ ideology as it merges past members and support from the pro-indigenous campaign of the Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL) party, founded by Qarase in 2001. It supplements its ideological power by calling on the international convention of indigenous rights which asserts the right of indigenous people to protect their ‘identity’. Their ideological goal is to ‘reclaim’ Fijian cultural institutions and democracy. In this regard, this ideological frame is geared towards gaining massive Fijian support. Another major party to contest the elections is the National Federation Party (NFP). And while it is likely that the NFP remains committed to idea that ‘Fijian’ is the best common name for civic unity, given the political situation, they have chosen to inform the public that this should be done through democratic process and not by a military regime. They argue that the regime had no legal democratic authority to 34

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employ this term for the citizenry. They prefer to take the matter up for public consultation which demonstrates its respect for law in a democracy and their empathy to dialogue with the indigenous peoples. This underscores NFP’s ideological frame of liberal democracy, equality and respect for all citizens and in so doing encourages voters to support them and not FijiFirst which has been a dictatorship. The NFP in my opinion is the best of the political parties. Their track record shows that they have always argued for equal representation, respect and compromise with the indigenous community, and would properly lead Fiji towards democratic stability and sound economic growth. However, there is a need for the FNP to insert themselves more radically in the “We are Fijians” ideology. “We are Fijians” must be dis-articulated and rearticulated in ways which demonstrate their commitment to equality, national unity, and gain popular support. They should emphasise the fact that by and large the populace continues to use the terms like ‘Indians’ and ‘Fijians’ in everyday life, and that it is okay to use Fijian as a marker of national collectivity as well as a marker to refer to the indigenous people. They should also devise strategies which can build on the desire for national unity in more creative ways. For example, they may pledge to have a day of national inter-cultural festivities, which will exhibit shared and unique cultural practices from all of Fiji cultures not just Indian and Fijian cultures. They should organise a group of singers or actors from diverse ethnic backgrounds to create songs and dramas for their campaign. They may also consider a proposition to modify the constitution to insert a clause which declares Fiji a multi-religious state versus a secular state. In order words, they must present themselves with a more impressive strategy and symbols of national unity than the Bainimarama’s “We are Fijians” campaign.

Conclusion It would appear that Bainimarama has been successful in the public sphere as far as this ideological device of “We are all Fijians” is concerned. Journalists and the media in general have consistently disapproved of any politician who disagrees with the use of Fijian as a common label. Those who disagree with Bainimarama’s “We are all Fijians” are cast as promoters of racial division and ‘returning Fiji to the politics of old’. There are no guarantees that the policies of the Bainimarama government which one may interpret as progressive will in effect create a stable multicultural Fiji. The regime’s hegemonic governance has come at the cost of media censorship, unaccounted economic practices, political corruption, and human rights violations as documented by the alternative media and civil society reports. The illegal actions of Bainimarama are overlooked by FijiFirst supporters who encourage the public to realize that the nation has finally achieved a ‘national identity’ and to observe the infrastructure development taking place (never mind its unsustainability). For some of the populace, the ideology of “We are all Fijians” is a positive step towards national unity. For others, it is as a threat to Fijian identity. And still for others, it is an illegal change with no material rewards. Fiji First had the upper hand because it has dominated the public sphere and has complemented this ideology with recent infrastructure development. For better or for worse, the “We are all Fijians” motto has a wide appeal and it’s no surprise that Bainimarama won the election. But I also am not happy. Maybe I’ll be content, but not happy. R

n Rolando Cocom is a graduate scholar at the

University of the South Pacific. His research interest is focused on the processes and struggles of multiculturalism, nationalism, and identity. Issue 16 | October 2014

salon

courtesy Mark Faamaoni/Big Mark Photography

RepĂşblika

Cultural stimulus for the curious mind

Walking strong for children

PAGE 36

Repúblika | salon

October 2014

Tae’s dying wish now a reality T www.FACEBOOK.COM/WOWSKIDSFIJI

ae Kami had only lived for 15 years but when cancer finally took her life on 16 August 2008, she had already made an impact on Tonga, Fiji and the wider Pacific region with her valiant, upbeat and spiritual struggle with a rare form of the disease. Even before her passing a song the young Tongan composed had provided inspiration for a charity aimed at improving the quality of life of children living with cancer.

Walking strong ... Eteutai Ete, with umbrella, and his walking companion Hussain Habib, left, with support walkers on day four of the WOWS walkathon.

THE GREAT WALK www.taekamifund.org

L Rainbow sisters ... Tae Kami, centre, with her younger sisters in June 2008, two months before she died.

Walk On, Walk Strong, Tae’s song, is the name of the charity her parents, Taholo and Sina Kami, set up to honour her vision. The journey towards fulfilling their promise to their daughter reached a peak in September when WOWS Kids (Fiji) was officially registered as a charitable trust. In 2009, Sina Kami founded the Tae Kami Foundation in Tonga and initially the WOWS committee in Fiji worked alongside the Fiji Cancer Society. Now, WOWS Kids (Fiji) is fully fledged and has broadened its reach to include children who are suffering from other life-threatening conditions. “This is a very teary-eyed moment for us,” Sina Kami said from Nuku’alofa. “It was our daughter Tae’s dream that we set up an organisation to care for children who are suffering from cancer. My husband Taholo and I made a promise to her before she died that we would fulfill those dreams. “Tae’s message was ‘Walk On, Walk Strong’, and this can be applied to so many things in life, not just health issues,” Kami explained. “It’s been a long, windy road to get us this far, and at times it has just been Tae’s words that have kept us going.” In 2005 at age 12, Tae Kami was diagnosed with a rare cancer of the jaw, which meant extensive and costly specialised treatment in New Zealand. After several very complex operations over a period of three years, Tae passed away in August 2008. Before she died, she wrote the song Walk On, Walk Strong as an encouragement to other patients and families struggling with cancer. The Tae Kami Foundation was set up with the hope of helping other Pacific families dealing with the same heartache. n

WOWS KIDS (FIJI)/TAE KAMI FOUNDATION

aughing Samoan Eteuati died had a big impact on Tofiga Ete took two weeks out (Fepulea’i) and me,” he before the of his busy life to lend his walk. “So it was a privilege to be personality to a 13-day marathon in Fiji last month for the WOWS that raised funds for the newly- Kids concerts to raise awareness registered WOWS Kids (Fiji), a for the Walk On Walk Strong charity set up to honour the late cause.” Tae Kami’s life and vision. The WOWS Kids (Fiji) Walk “I’ve never bought into the around Viti Levu is essentially a celebrity status we the Laughing “two-week walkathon” to raise Samoans have funds and been accorded. FOR UPDATES awareness But I’ll accept it n www.wowskids.org for children happily to raise n www.facebook.com/WOWSKidsFiji with cancer funds for those n www.taekamifund.org and other lifein need,” Ete threatening wrote in a post DONATE TO WOWS KIDS conditions. on the WOWS (Tax deductible) All funds Kids Facebook n BSP account number 104-16097 raised will go page. towards the “A shocking statistic Taholo work of WOWS Kids (Fiji), inKami (Tae’s mother) has shared cluding the setting up of resource with me is nine out of ten kids centres in Suva and Lautoka, as who get leukaemia in the western well as the WOWS Kids Care world are treated successfully. In Fund, which helps to look after the Pacific Islands only one out of the needs of these children. ten is treated successfully.” The other core walkers during Ete put in extra hours of train- the walkathon were former socing at his home in Wellington in ceer star Hussain Sahib, Francis the weeks leading up to the 6-18 Chung (in his wheelchair), Fiji October walk. Times journalist Dawn Gibson, Early on 6 October, Ete start- WOWS Kids communications ed his 462-kilometre clockwise officer Jeremy Duxbury and Seru trek around Fiji’s main island Rokosuka. from Sukuna Park in Suva, where Ete added: “Thank you all very he finished the walk 13 days later much for your amazing support on Saturday 18 October to fan- and posts of encouragement. It’s fare, an ‘international head shave’ meant a lot to me throughout the and a free concert featuring top journey. If you can translate those local performers Rako Pasefika. words into monetary support I’d “Meeting Tae Kami back be even more grateful.” in 2008 two weeks before she n WOWS KIDS republikamagazine.com

www.muavoyage.com

THE MUA VOYAGE Guided by nature

ressure increases on the developed world to open its eyes to the realities of climate change, as the Mua Voyage expands to three canoes – sailing on behalf of all Pacific Islanders with the message to the world about ‘Our People, Our Islands, Our Ocean, Our Future’. The three vaka canoes – the Marumaru Atua of Cook Islands, the Uto ni Yalo of Fiji, and the Gaualofa of Samoa, which also has crew from Tonga – departed Suva, Fiji, this morning on the third leg of the Mua Voyage. They were farewelled with a ceremony at Laucala Bay on 14 October. The three canoes are sailing to Vanuatu and then on to Australia, where they will join up with the Haunui of New Zealand. The four canoes will then sail together into Sydney Harbour – a high-profile and visible way to grab the world’s attention and convey the critical message on oceans and climate change. The vaka canoes will sail under the Sydney Harbour Bridge on Wednesday 12 November, the opening day of the iucn World Parks Congress 2014. The Congress is the landmark global forum on protected areas, held once every 10 years, and is expected to bring together more than 3000 people from at least 160 countries. “We the government and people of Fiji recognise the importance and bravery of what [you] are about to do, and the messages you are taking to Australia…” said Attorney-General Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, who was chief guest at

UTO NI YALO TRUST

Taking on the challenge ... The crew of Fiji’s Uto ni Yalo perform the bole before their departure.

the farewell ceremony. “When they see those Pacific sails, they’ll ask and wonder who you are and they will hear your call, your message from all of us – not just to the Congress but to the public of rich countries – [from] ‘ridge to reef’, our collective concern is about our people, our ocean and climate change… This message is very important – you are representing our countries and our families. I’m very proud and envious of you and your bravery.” The voyage shows the lengths that republikamagazine.com

Pacific Islanders are willing to go to just to get the world’s attention on the important issues of management of the oceans and addressing climate change. The voyage demands the world join with Pacific Islanders to protect and manage the large ocean spaces in this climate-challenged world. n

IUCN

FOR UPDATES n www.muavoyage.com n www.facebook.com/muavoyage

ADVERTORIAL

The renewable energy solution Speech by H.E. Gilles Montagnier, the Ambassador of France to Fiji on the inauguration of the Total Vuda solar farm

or all countries on all continents, energy supply has always been a major issue. Today, global warming is also a great challenge that leads us to make cleaner and planet-friendly choices. The Pacific Island States, where the oil bill accounts for a significant share of the national wealth, are primarily affected. They are also the main victims of climate change for example Kiribati French Ambassador H.E. Gilles Montagnier makes and Tuvalu, whose dis- his speech during the inauguration of the Total Vuda appearance is a likely solar farm. adoption of a new, ambitious, global threat, but also in Fiji where some villages had to be relo- and binding climate framework. In the shorter term and more concated. Renewable energy is obviously the cretely, France is active in the region best solution to this double imperative through the European Union, contribof energy supply and environmental- uting to 20 per cent of its official dely friendly choices. Island states have velopment assistance (ODA). France understood this like Tokelau, the first is also active through its companies, country in the world to claim 100 per such as Total as we can obviously nocent renewable energy. In Fiji - this is tice today, and though its Territories. In New Caledonia alone – I take a much larger market - renewables account for 76 per cent of the energy New Caledonia as an example because mix, mainly due to hydro. The govern- it is culturally the closest of our three ment goal is to achieve a 90 per cent Territories in the region - no less than rate in 2015. For that, the FEA wishes 11 companies offer renewable energy to increase the number of IPPs (Inde- solutions. They are very reliable compendent Power Producers), which will panies – including some subsidiaries require a law guaranteeing a feed-in of world champions, such as GDFtariff. Without this assurance, which Suez. One of them, Vergnet Pacific allows calculating the return on in- has already intervened in Fiji, with the vestment, no reasonable investor will construction of the Butoni wind farm embark on the adventure. And when it near Sigatoka. Those companies are just close comes to energy, it is better to be reaby, which facilitates contact and aftersonable! France is of course very sensitive to sales service. They are at the heart of these issues. With the European Union, the subject that brings us together it has always been a driving force in today. Some came on an exploratory the climate negotiations, developing mission to Fiji and with a feed-in tariff a fruitful partnership with the Alliance in place, they would certainly invest, of Small Island States (AOSIS) chaired imitating Total, a company which deby Nauru. And it is France which will serves today our warm congratulahost in 2015 the 21st Conference of tions for this superb installation. It is Parties (COP). Our ambition for this the beginning, I am sure of a great ad“Climate Summit - Paris 2015” is the venture in solar energy in Fiji. 38

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A NEW WITH S

olar energy – abundant, clean and renewable – is becoming more efficient every day. Here at Total, we are actively preparing the future by stepping up our ongoing investment in solar power, a critical component in the world’s sustainable energy supply. For 30 years, specialists at Total and in our subsidiaries have helped drive progress across the photovoltaic solar energy chain, fostering the emergence of a reliable, efficient and costeffective technology. In 2011, by becoming the majority shareholder of SunPower, one of the world’s leading solar energy operators, Total has given new impetus to its development. A major change in scale, with a key ambition: to become a new world leader in solar energy. Issue 16 | October 2014

ADVERTORIAL

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n developing their strategy of becoming an energy provider, Total (Fiji) Limited opened their 67kW photovoltaic solar system at their Vuda Point Terminal in June. The idea for the solar system, which was developed entirely by their staff, was to implement a concrete solution to reduce energy consumption, as well as to demonstrate the capability of SunPower1 E20 panels, the highest efficiency panels on the market today. The 67kW system, consisting of 204 E20 panels organised in four ground-mounted rows, is capable of generating over 100MWh per year, supplying over 95 per cent of the Vuda Point Terminal’s power requirement. The grid-connected system will allow for any excess power generated to be transferred to the Fiji Electricity Authority’s grid, and also consume power from the grid when solar power generation is low and during the night. The solar system, which is a true innovation for petroleum companies in Fiji and the Pacific, follows on from the introduction of Excellium Unleaded and Excellium Diesel fuels into the Fiji market. These innovations are indicators of Total (Fiji) Limited’s evolution from a traditional fuel company of the past to an energy company of the future.

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Issue 16 | October 2014

and innovation are the solid foundations on which we are building a longterm, profitable solar energy business. In June 2011, following a friendly takeover bid, Total became the majority shareholder of u.S.-based SunPower, one of the world’s leading solar energy operators. We now hold a 66% stake in the company.

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The RKS v FRU saga By VILIKESA RINAVUAKA

ugby is what really matters in Fiji. It’s the game where good memories last a lifetime; and where the bad ones fade at the sound of the final whistle with a handshake, a laugh and a beer or two. But as always in rugby, as in life, things are never that simple. A case in point is the recent saga of the five Ratu Kadavulevu School (RKS) students – Joseva Rauga, Ratu Epeneri Uluiviti, Timoci Meya, Ratu Filimoni Nawabalavu and Filipe Qoro – who were the subject of a tug-of-war between the Fiji Rugby Union (FRU) and RKS. The former wanted the five players in camp to depart with the Fiji Under 18 team for the Youth Olympic Games in Nanjing, China on 11 August. The latter wanted to hold on to the players so they could participate, later that same week, in the Deans Final – the pinnacle game in the career of all secondary school rugby players in Fiji. It was a school versus country issue. For the outside observer though it initially looked simply like a case of influential and vocal old boys, supported by a number of parents, clamouring to get their way over the custodians of the game in Fiji – the FRU. For anyone who doubts the FRU’s authority on the game it is actually enshrined within its constitution where the FRU is referred to as the “controlling body of the game of rugby union in Fiji”. The FRU constitution is of course the one officially recognised by the International Rugby Board (IRB). This initial and relatively private têteà-tête soon developed into a very public squabble when both sides were unable to come to an agreement. This resulted in the FRU issuing a media release on 9 August which amounted more or less to an ultimatum to RKS. The poorly written media release issued under the name of the new chief executive officer, Radrodro Tabualevu, stated: “The Fiji Rugby Union confirms that it will cite the Ratu Kadavulevu School rugby team for not releasing the students to participate in Youth Olympic Games in Nanjing, China…” The release went further by clearly setting out what the FRU’s intentions were with regard sanctions for RKS: “The FRU 40

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will make submission to the independent IRB sanctioned disciplinary committee to have RKS suspended from the Deans competition for not only bringing disrepute to the Fiji U18 7s team to Nanjing and not supporting the development of rugby in Fiji by releasing these players for National Duties.” This release provoked a major backlash against the FRU via social media and in particular through Facebook; though many of the comments were simply a knee-jerk reaction by RKS supporters towards suddenly losing five top players on the eve of the most important showdown in Fiji secondary schools rugby. However in all the noise there were a few distinct voices asking some very pertinent questions with regard FRU’s communication, planning and preparation: As we now know, without the five players RKS lost the Deans Trophy to Lelean Memorial School 13-8. It was obvious to those who watched the game that RKS were quite clearly affected by the loss of what amounted to a third of their starting XV. However despite this RKS coach Waisea Narusa remained upbeat in defeat. “We came here to win even without our five key players that have joined the national under 18 side for the Youth Olympics,” Narusa said. “The boys should hold their heads up for a marvellous game and we also congratulate Lelean for the win.” As for the FRU, the inclusion of the five players from RKS in the Fiji Under 18s did not produce the desired outcome. The side was thumped in the semi-finals by France 34-12; and, despite being favourites for the gold medal, in the end had to settle for a bronze with a hard fought 12-nil victory over Kenya. Knowing all this you now have to begin questioning exactly how the FRU actually prepared for this important tournament and whether decimating an RKS team preparing for the most important game in schoolboy rugby was in fact the correct thing to do. As is often the case, hindsight is a great thing and while the five RKS players are known to be terrific XVs players were they really tested in the abbreviated code to jus-

tify being selected by the FRU before jetting off to Nanjing? In Nanjing they came up against teams who’d had several months of preparation for this one tournament. As everyone knows natural talent only gets you so far – it’s hard work and planning that gives you the win. Furthermore was there really a need to take five RKS players in the first place? The Fiji Secondary Schools 7s competition was won by Nasinu Secondary School back in May, yet in a national squad of 12 players not a single one was from Nasinu. Also, did persons responsible for team selection attend the Fiji Secondary Schools 7s tournament? Did the FRU communicate with Fiji Secondary Schools in good time their intentions surrounding the Youth Olympics? And the questions go on. However, around every cloud has the proverbial silver lining and perhaps the best thing to have come out of all this is the fact the Fiji U18s actually failed to claim gold in a tournament that had only six teams competing; and with teams like Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and England not represented. Had the Fiji U18s claimed gold then it’s likely all pertinent questions surrounding the team’s planning and preparations would’ve been ignored with the FRU and the coaching staff of the Fiji U18s happy to accept all accolades pointing to the fact they’d claimed the win. As it stands now though those questions need to be asked and answered. Finally, it should aIways be the call that national duty takes preference over provincial/club/school obligations and the FRU has the teeth within its own constitution to ensure this happens without having to threaten anyone with what the IRB may or may not do to them. However, it is not fair on local teams if the national body imposes its will without due warning or proper planning as has obviously happened in this case. The FRU needs to take a long hard look at its internal mechanisms and get the engine fixed before it becomes broken beyond repair – a good working calendar of events released to all its affiliates and members would be a start. Issue 16 | October 2014

THE ALTERNATIVE XV By VILIKESA RINAVUAKA

n the first week of October national Flying Fijian head coach John McKee named a 30-man squad for the November Tour which includes games in Europe against France (8 November), Wales (15 November) and USA (21 November). The Flying Fijians squad selected by McKee is as follows: 1. Campese Ma’afu, 2. Jerry Yanuyanutawa, 3. Manasa Saulo, 4. Taniela Koroi, 5. Isei Colati, 6. Peni Ravai, 7. Tuapati Talemaitoga, 8. Viliame Veikoso, 9. Api Ratuniyarawa, 10. Leone Nakarawa, 11. Tevita Cavubati, 12. Nemia Soqeta, 13. Dominiko Waqaniburotu, 14. Nemani Nagusa, 15. Akapusi Qera, 16. Malakai Ravulo, 17. Masi Matadigo, 18. Nicola Matawalu, 19. Henry Seniloli, 20. Nemia Kenatale, 21. Jonetani Ralulu, 22. Josh Matavesi, 23. Nemani Nadolo, 24. Vereniki Goneva, 25. Asaeli Tikoirotuma, 26. Watisoni Votu, 27. Alipate Ratuni, 28. Timoci Nagusa, 29. Metuisela Talebula, 30. Lepani Botia Non-Travelling Reserves - Leroy Atalifo, Sunia Koto, Waisea Nayacalevu, Samisoni Viriviri. By all accounts it seems a pretty good squad. So we’ve set about the task of naming an equally as competitive Alternate Fiji XV that would challenge any Flying Fijian XV McKee would come up within the above named squad. It actually turned out to be an easier task than initially thought with a number of top class players putting their hand up for automatic selection. Never mind that some of those selected may be looking to join other national teams or possibly be currently injured. So what were we looking at when selecting our Alternate Fiji XV? Well we’ve gone for real power and grunt in the forwards. There are no frills with this eight-man forward pack who could anchor a jumbo jet to the tarmac. Then there’s a backline with experienced local talent on the inside, dynwamite in the centres and explosive speed out wide. McKee are you taking notes because we reckon our Fiji team would give a decent account of themselves against any team. Issue 16 | October 2014

Here we go then with the Alternative XV: 1. Ratu Penijamini Makutu One of four local based players in the squad Makutu, 25 years, is arguably the most under-rated player in Fiji. Blessed with a size that would make WWE wrestlers tremble he is almost as agile as he is big and in the loose can be a tough opponent to put down. He needs to believe in himself to realise his full potential but we’d hope by putting him in a Fiji team Makutu would rise to the occasion. Makutu was last selected for Fiji for the 2012 November Tour. He was also unlucky not to be selected for RWC2011 when injury prevented him taking part in the trials. 2. Sunia Koto One of five players in this side who were part of the sensational RWC2007 team. The veteran Koto, 34 years, is as solid as they come and while he may not have the agility around the ground, as someone like incumbent Flying Fijian hooker Talemaitoga Tuapati, he has the experience and know how to match it with the best in the business. This former Suva prop forward has done well to hold down his position at French side Narbonne for a number of seasons now and currently enjoys seniority status at the French ProD2 club. Koto spent two years at London Welsh Prior to arriving at Narbonne 3. Alex Hodgman Hodgman joined the champion Canterbury squad this year. He represented Fiji in the Under 20 tournament in South Africa in 2012 and impressed New Zealand selectors enough to then be selected in the NZ U20 side in 2013, playing his first match against his old teammates in the world championship opener between NZ and Fiji in France. He has been described by Canterbury Head Coach Scott Robertson as a big, athletic prop who has a bright future ahead of him. We just hope that bright future includes playing for the Flying Fijians and next year would be good thanks Alex.

4. Api Naikatini You get this guy really fit and injury free and, with his iconic Mr T hairdo and beard, and you get arguably one of world rugby’s most outstanding lock forwards. However no matter what state of fitness he’s in on the field, in the white jersey, you can count on Naikatini to give you 200% of effort. If you want someone to lay his heart on the field for you than Naikatini is your man. In this regard we’re presuming injury may be the reason for Naikatini’s non-inclusion within the squad named by McKee. 5. Jone Qovu Over the years we’ve unfortunately seen far too little of Jone Qovu in a Flying Fijian jersey. Qovu’s sizeable talents would probably have never been discovered were it not for the now defunct Colonial Cup. Playing for the Northern Sharks based up in Labasa a 21 year old Qovu, in the space of one season, took the team from the whipping boys of the competition to semifinalists. A versatile player who initially began his career at lock but soon grew into a very powerful number eight as well. For this exercise we’re sticking him back at lock where his presence in the engine room alongside Naikatini will give real thrust to the tight five. 6. Sean Morrell ‘Sean who?’ we hear some of you ask. This forgotten former Flying Fijian loosie has packed on the beef since he won his only cap for Fiji, against Japan in the Pacific Nations Cup in June 2009. In July of the same year he was selected for the Fiji sevens team and won gold at the 2009 World Games. In 2011 he joined Romanian side CSM Baia Mare and this year was an integral figure for the side as they won the Romanian Club Championship. It’s unfortunate for Fiji that Morrell is plying his trade in out of the way Romania as his talents deserve a far higher stage. Fiji head coach John McKee could do much worse than look at Morrell with RWC2015 in mind. 4CONTINUED PAGE 42 facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

THE ALTERNATIVE XV 4FROM PAGE 41

7. Netani Talei The ever-popular Talei who went from a skinny and introverted Fiji age grade rep to a muscle bound, loud and colourful character who is never scared to flaunt his muscle bound torso at every opportunity. For a while he was even captain of the Flying Fijians and against Scotland in June, 2013 led the Fiji team in a new, but short-lived, version of the cibi called the bole. However outside of his colourful character on the field Netani Talei is all business. Supreme fitness, coupled with good strength and a great deal of pace means Talei is a major asset to any Flying Fijian team. 8. Sisa Koyamaibole If you could pick one rugby player in world rugby to be in your corner in a fight then forget the Tuilagi brothers, theTongan Maka clan, a fit Jonah Lomu or any South African front row forward – Sisa is your man. When he smells blood the man, who’s been touted in the past as world rugby’s strongest player, is a beast. When that aggression can be teased out of the normally mild mannered Moala native and into a game then he can be devastating as he was during RWC2007 when Fiji came within 20 minutes of knocking South Africa out of the RWC. 9. Jock Luita Luita’s talents have for some reason barely been recognised beyond representing local provincial side Nadi. However Luita has all the makings of a top international scrumhalf. A whiplash pass from the base of the scrum, a cheekiness around the field, an eye for the gap, a strong defender and an intelligent head on his shoulders. While it’s possible Luita may just have passed his prime he still remains a top class scrumhalf as he proved for the Warriors during the Pacific Rugby Cup earlier in the year. 10. Jiuta Lutumailagi The easy option here would have 42

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been to select Seremaia Bai but instead we’ve chosen Nadroga general Jiuta Lutumailagi. We like to think of Jiuta as ‘Mr Dependable’ on the field. He’ going to do everything you need him to do. Basically what you see is what you get with Lutumailagi. It’s no frills rugby, just good smart commonsense play. In fact the only thing frilly about Jiuta is his various hairstyles. 11. Timoci Matanavou OK this was a difficult choice. Napolioni Nalaga for all the accolades he’s received playing in France for Clermont has quite surprisingly never really turned it on for Fiji. This is probably the reason why he has been left out of the Fiji 30 man squad and is certainly the reason why he’s not in this Alternate Fiji XV. Matanavou on the other hand is an exceptional winger in his own right for Toulouse. While Matanavou does not have the physical presence of Nalaga he has far better footwork and is a more natural runner with ball in hand. After performing so well in France over recent seasons it’s a pity Matanavou has only one Test cap to his name. 12. Seremaia Burotu We must admit to being a little surprised at ‘Jerry’ Burotu’s absence from McKee’s 30-man squad. Playing for Biarritz in France, Burotu has proven to be a powerhouse and indeed on the odd occasion Burotu has gone from centre to playing no.8 such is the explosive power the man possesses. He perhaps lacks the wherewithal of some of the world’s best inside centres in terms of running lines and support play but for sheer power and size only Nemani Nadolo has it over him. In fact having Nadolo and Burotu as a centre pairing for Fiji could possibly be a masterstroke creating one of the most lethal and feared midfield partnerships in world rugby. 13. Setareki Tamanivalu There’s little doubt in anyone’s mind the only reason Taranaki’s Setareki Tamanivalu is not in the side is because he

has an eye on the All Blacks jersey. With the sort of form he’s been in this season for Taranaki few people would bet against him walking into a black jersey in the not too distant future. RWC2015 may come too soon for Tamanivalu to do so but it’s more than likely, if All Blacks coach Steve Hansen has taken notice, he has as good a chance as anyone of becoming the incumbent All Black no.13 come RWC2019. 14. Sireli Bobo They say only the finest wine gets better with age the rest just turn to vinegar. Bobo is amongst the finest wine at anyone’s table. When you see Bobo run it’s like watching a thoroughbred horse in action. A physique any personal trainer would dream of Bobo may have lost perhaps a quarter of a second on the pace he had during RWC2007 but he is still quick and his superior fitness and strong genes mean he could well be around for a few more years yet. It’s interesting to think Bobo began his rugby career as a lock - whoever made the inspired decision to try him on the wing deserves a medal. 15. Apisalome Waqatabu A gifted fullback whose talents surprisingly remain undiscovered by any overseas club to date. For a couple of season’s we’ve all been waiting for Waqatabu to transfer his talents on the local scene into the international scene; but when he initially made the Fiji 7s squad a season or so back he was disappointing. However he seems to have put all that disappointment past himself and is currently in spectacular form for provincial rugby champions Nadroga and has an opportunity now to perform on the world stage after once again being selected into the Fiji 7s squad for the Gold Coast 7s. As the form full back in local provincial rugby Waqatabu makes the cut in this Alternate Fiji XV. Let us know what you think or give us an alternate suggestion by emailing us at rakavi@rakavi.com Issue 16 | October 2014

Situated metres from the beautiful beach on Sunset Strip in Sigatoka, the resort offers sweeping sea views all around. The resort has spacious villas named and decorated in tribute to the ships that shaped Fiji’s history. Crow’s Nest offers a variety of accommodation, including self-contained rooms. The seagoing theme extends to the pool, a binnacle and brass-bedecked museum of bluewater relics from Fiji’s old whalers and sailors. Tel: 650 0230 Fax: 652 0354 Email: crowsnest@connect.com.fj

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Politics and marriage

ll those married folks out there, do you remember the days when you were single? Good times weren’t they. Those thirsty Thursdays at the bar, late night movies with your girl or guy and those night outs you had with your mates. In most cases marriage slows us down. We have a whole other person to be accountable for and trust me when I say it is no walk in the park. With the elections now over it got me thinking on how much a marriage was exactly like the formation of a new government. A lot of work is put into sweeping your potential partner off their feet. Lots of promises are made. Cheesy lines like “Baby I will bring the stars to your feet” or “I promise never to leave your side” or my personal favourite, “we will NEVER argue”. Our pheromone levels do not allow us to see the impracticality of these promises and we really start to think that our path would be paved with stars. A political campaign is the political equivalent to sweeping a person of his or her feet. A lot of promises are made and in our awe of the persona in front of us we undermine the practicality of these promises and we all flock to present a proverbial ring to our favoured leader in the form of a tick, cross, or circle. If enough people along with you favour a leader; congratulations you are married to the ideals and principals of the leader and his party for the next four years. Like a marriage, a new government goes through various stages.

Stage 1: Passion This is the honeymoon stage. The romance is instance. In retrospect, it often seems as short-lived as the scent of the roses you got on Valentine’s Day. As soon as your beloved leader forwards a motion in parliament which adversely affects you, your faith and trust in your leader takes a motion in the opposite direction. Stage 2: Realisation When Albert Einstein said that time is relative he was not kidding. Soon after the honeymoon period is over you realise the improbability of the promises you were made coming true in the fashion you imagined it would. At this stage you discover that your leader is not only human; but he/ 46

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she has a thousand other priorities before yours. Disappointment and early conflicts are the hallmarks of this difficult, unavoidable period, as the two of you make the first steps toward accepting each other for who you really are. If you see any future in your relationship with your government laying the groundwork for a long future together is based on acceptance, a certain degree of compromise on both ends, respect and willingness to change. This creates a foundation for being truly known, understood and supported in the years ahead. Stage 3: Rebellion You miss their long campaign videos and rallies. They miss not having a ruthless mother-in-law (being a shameless metaphor for the opposition) questioning their every move and motion. Even if you successfully navigate the realisation stage and lay a solid foundation for a workable coexistence, a time inevitably comes when selfinterest often overtakes the interest of your union with government and when this happens a battle of wits occur. Peaceful co-operation amid a battle of wit is tricky business. You both believe you’re right, so of course your partner’s wrong. That means you’re simultaneously offended at being called wrong and claiming the moral high ground. To this day I quiver, spill coke on my pants and for some strange reason start having the song “Eye of the Tiger” from Rocky 3 play in my head every time my wife asks me “do these jeans make my butt look big”. In eight years of marriage I have done numerous mathematical calculations on the perfect buttto-denim ratio but I must sadly admit that I have not come up with a workable solution to the problem. So I figured since I am not a mathematician maybe my approach was wrong. Maybe I should have stuck with a subject I am familiar with so with the qualifications in philosophy at my disposal I tried my hand at the problem and, trust me guys, telling your missus according to Plato’s theory of forms, “your butt is mere projection of your actual butt on a cave wall which you are chained to, thus your perception of your butt is flawed and a mere unclear reflection”, is not an appropriate answer as well. Much like in a marriage the relationship between voters and their government learning the art of the good fight should be the mission at this stage – often it is the nature

of the battles, rather than the substance of the discussion, that leads to trouble. Why? Rebellious thoughts, when met with anger and frustration, often lead to rebellious actions. Stage 4: Cooperation As your relationship with your government progress over time, they inevitably become more complicated. Careers grow, needs get bigger, personal commitments grow deeper, and expectations skyrocket. In the cooperation stage, your relationship takes on a business-like personality. Set aside all that love and emotion and personal-realisation stuff: there are policies to be made, debts to be paid, investments to be handled, careers to be directed, health to be managed, and – first and foremost – children to be educated and moulded. Step 5: Explosion Out of nowhere disaster strikes, another recession hits or a serious bout of inflation infests the economy. In this stage both you and the government are running amok trying to deal with this event. Both demand things of each other. The government demands resourcefulness and patience while being constantly belittled by the proverbial mother-in-laws on their incompetence. You demand stability while both of you are knee deep in stuff you find at a manure packaging plant. Confronted by a crisis, your relationship with your government can be a source of solace or be sorely tried by the unexpected pressure of new roles, new limitations and new fears. Step 7: Completion After four years of a lot of ups and downs your relationship with your government comes to an end. Like an old married couple this is the time to reflect on the times you had together. If the good times outweigh the bad times you have the chance of continuing your marriage with your government by asking for them back on the polls. On the other hand you also have the option of being wooed by another party and being swept of your feet again. In that case you are back at stage one. R n Ashfaaq Khan is a freelance writer and a

filmmaker. He likes to write political satire and make educational films. He is married with one child. Issue 15 | September 2014

*But facts are sacred. ~ CP Scott

By ASHFAAQ HASAN KHAN

Issue 16 | October 2014

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