Repúblika | September 2014

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[In truth, freedom | In veritate libertas] September 2014 | ISSUE 15 | $4.95VIP

YOUR GUIDE TO THE GENERAL ELECTION

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Volume 3 | No 1 | Issue 15

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#FIJIV TES

Elections are the most horrendous aspect of democracy. It’s the most mundane, trivial, disappointing, dirty aspect. ~ Gael Garcia Bernal

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COVER

14 | It’s time to choose After almost eight years, and after a fren#FIJIV TES zy of campaigning, the pitch of which has sometimes veered into the hysterical, Fijians in Fiji and overseas have finally began voting to choose their government for the country’s return to democracy. Despite the limitations, some logistical problems and various alleged electoral offences, the pre-polling ahead of the main day on 17 September went ahead generally smoothly. But whether Bainimarama’s FijiFirst party is conferred a democratic mandate or people give it to some other party was anyone’s guess in the final few days before the polls On the job Elections supervisor Mohammed Saneem addresses the media during closed. pre-polling, while his deputies look on.

[In truth, freedom | In veritate libertas] September 2014 | ISSUE 15 | $4.95VIP

FIJI VOTES

ESSAYS 34 | Bose Levu Vakaturaga Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi on the role of the abolished chiefs’ body

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17 | Candidates 16 pages of the national candidates list, facts and figures of the 2014 general election

REGULARS

Is there a place for the Bose Levu Vakaturaga in modern day Fiji?

That is a question only the indigenous Taukei can properly answer.

Whatever decision the Taukei make should be collective in nature, and not for any one person to take unilaterally.

36 | Beyond repair? Dr Satish Rai on the fragmentation of the Indo-Fijian community 38 | Press freedom Professor Satendra Nandan on media responsibility

40 | Silence of the dons Dr Christopher Griffin on academics and their silence on national issues

OPINION

9 | Briefing The good, the bad and the ugly of social media

13 | The Rising Ape Alex Elbourne on his third time to vote

46 | The Last Word Ashfaaq Khan on the battle for the political crown

14 | The Green Line Nakita Bingham green political choices

Issue 15 | September 2014

RICARDO MORRIS

ISSN 2227-5738

9 772227 573001

09

YOUR GUIDE TO THE GENERAL ELECTION

Volume 3 | No 1 | Issue 15

COVER ILLUSTRATION ALLEN STEVENS

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editor’snote ricardo@republikamagazine.com

@RicardoMorris

Who will get Fiji’s mandate?

Vol 3 | No 1 | Issue 15

campaign, FijiFirst projected itself as a “movement” that was action-oriented and decisive and which would continue its “revolution” of reforming Fiji that it began with the 2006 military takeover.

Whether the effect of the six other parties will be to divert votes from FijiFirst remains to be seen but opinion polls in the final few weeks showed that Bainimarama remained quite popular while the leader of the major opposition Social Democratic Liberal Party (Sodelpa), Ro Teimumu Kepa had steadily picked up support.

Sodelpa was sticking to its strategy of promoting indigenous interests with the tagline ‘reclaim Fiji’ and was confident of taking power.

The refreshed National Federation Party was also making an impact with its economist leader Professor Biman Prasad promising to reduce vat to 10 per cent if elected into office. Stacked with candidates from a variety of backgrounds and ethnicities, the country’s oldest party campaigned on a platform of ‘trust’, banking on its ‘clean record’ of not supporting coups and pledging to bring the cost of living down.

The new People’s Democratic Party, formed after key members split from the Fiji Labour Party, projected itself as the poor person’s party with workers rights high on its agenda. Its leader, Fe-

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CONTRIBUTORS

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Alex Elbourne

Admin/MARKETING Rosemary Masitabua Publisher & Editor Ricardo Morris ricardo@republikamedia.com

lix Anthony, promises ‘real change’.

The Fiji Labour Party, for its part, went into the polls without its longtime leader Mahendra Chaudhry who was disqualified after his conviction of exchange control offences in June. However, being the seasoned politician that he is, Chaudhry remained front and centre in the party’s campaign meetings. The FLP may no longer be the force it once was, but it no doubt retains support, notably in the sugarcane belt areas.

Of the two other smaller parties, the One Fiji Party, whose registration was initially rejected, has offered an alternative to PDP, NFP and Sodelpa and is led by charismatic young lawyer Vilimone Vosarogo.

The Fiji United Freedom Party, fielding only three candidates, has put up a manifesto that lies on the fringes but offers some interesting ideas.

Roshika Deo and Umesh Chand are the only two independent candidates.

They, along with the parties, will need to garner 5 per cent of the total votes cast to get parliamentary seats.

The stakes are high as Fiji goes to the polls. Whether it will be accepted as free and fair, whether any party will get an outright mandate to rule or if a coalition R is in the offing is anybody’s guess.

rosemary@republikamedia.com

Ashfaaq Khan

We welcome your comments, contributions, corrections, letters or suggestions. Send them to ricardo@republikamedia.com or leave a comment on our social media pages.

Christopher Griffin Joni Madraiwiwi Nakita Bingham

Estelle Masitabua

Satendra Nandan

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Satish Rai

The opinions expressed in Repúblika are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect those of the publisher. The editor takes responsibility for all nonattributed editorial content.

Published by Republika Media Limited | 8 Mitchell Street, Peace Embassy Suite A107, Suva | PO Box 11927, Suva, Fiji | Phone: +679 3561467 Mobile: +679 9041215 | Email: info@republikamagazine.com | Printed by Quality Print Limited, Suva | ISSN: 2227-5738 4

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In veritate libertas

B

y all accounts, the final few weeks of campaigning for the much-anticipated general election has been fiery.

Suddenly, after almost eight years of rule by decree, the democratic space has opened up and the cacophany has been deafening at times but reassuring nevertheless.

Headlines, news articles and opinions that editors would have been wary of publishing previously have gradually began showing up in the months counting down to the main voting day of 17 September.

While the free debate has been refreshing, it was perhaps inevitable that there would be those who would use the opportunity to stir emotions and capitalise on the sensitivities around issues such as land, national identity, indigenous Fijian institutions, economic development and media freedom.

The FijiFirst party of Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama got off to a flying start earlier in the year even before it was registered. With the electoral rules being changed in the middle of the process and the odds against other political parties, at the close of the registration period, six parties and two independent candidates - made it through the hurdles and were allowed to contest the election against FijiFirst. With a slick

Issue 15 | September 2014

inbox Your letters, feedback and viewpoints

The new government’s priorities During August, we asked people on our Facebook page what they thought were the three priorities for the elected government after September. Several people took the time to answer with responses below: Democracy, transparency and service.

Raynold Waisale via facebook.com/republikamag Job opportunities, raising education standards, national security.

Mesake Sivoinavatu via facebook.com/republikamag Address common fear of insecurity.

Revamp health sector because a healthy populace is the beginning of a healthy mind, healthy habits and healthy economy. Give incentives to existing locally based businesses to grow and fast track job creation for our people.

TALK BACK TO US

inbox@republikamagazine.com

Laisa Digitaki Weleilakeba via facebook.com/republikamag Amnesty International opinion After voting, New Zealand should hold Fiji’s government to basic democratic standards, according to Grant Bayldon, executive director of Amnesty International in New Zealand.

New Zealand should mind their own business! Cleanup your own backyard New Zealand before you try and clean up someone else’s!

Nigel Sword via facebook.com/republikamag Agree ... whatever one thinks of the situation in Fiji, the colonialists in NZ should just butt out and sort out their own sh*t. Condescending twats.

Jeremy Duxbury via facebook.com/republikamag

Yes, how dare the executive director of Amnesty International in New Zealand write an opinion piece asking that the New Zealand government hold a dictatorial regime accountable for its actions. How dare they! What’s next?

Asking for torturers to be brought to justice? Shameful, if a country’s dictator wants someone tortured then he or she has every right to torture that person without outside interference or critcism from a bunch of people whining about human rights. – Please note sarcasm.

Laurence Beddose via facebook.com/republikamag Do we or anyone else tell you (Australia and New Zealand) how to run your country’s affairs? Not that you’d listen because your egos are so big!

Tanya Adams via facebook.com/republikamag

4Join us on facebook.com/republikamag4Email to inbox@republikamagazine.com 4Follow us on twitter.com/republikamag4Write to PO Box 11927, Suva, Fiji

NEED TO CHARTER A BUS?

Phone: (679) 3477 268 Fax: (679) 3477 511 Email: info@krlatchans.com P.O.BOX 2427 Government Buildings, Suva

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briefing The nation reviewed

CARTOON: ALLAN STEVENS. SEND YOUR POLITICAL CARTOON SKETCHES FOR PUBLICATION TO INBOX@REPUBLIKAMAGAZINE.COM

SKETCH THE NATION

NUMBERS

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The road death toll as at 1 September compared to 25 for the same period last year. The Western Division has recorded the highest number of fatalities.

137

The number of children in the care of the Social Welfare Department,most of them were victims of sexual and physical abuse and neglect.

198,777 The total registered Methodists as at the church’s annual conference last month, a drop of 1788 since last year.

60,000 The number of people assisted under the Poverty Benefit Scheme, up from 21,000.

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COURT WATCH

Bakani, Dakuidreketi jailed FORMER Native Lands Trust Board (NLTB) general manager Kalivati Bakani and businessman Keni Dakuidrekeit were jailed on 15 August for abuse of office in the latest criminal trial of people the Bainimarama government said had been involved in corruption.

Dakuidreketi received a six-year sentence, while Bakani was jailed for four years by the High Court in Suva for offences dating back to 2004.

Bakani pleaded guilty to five counts of abuse of office under section 111 of the Penal Code, while Dakuidreketi was convicted of five counts after a monthand-a-half long trial relating to their business dealings with the then-NLTB. They were tried over their involvement in loans to IT company Pacific Connex through the NLTB’s commercial arm, Vanua Development Corporation Limited.

At the time, Dakuidreketi was a director of NLTB and had been made chairman of VDCL after VDCL purchased 51 per cent shares in Pacific Connex. The IT company’s maiden contract was to

install enterprise software at NLTB which it quoted at $4.6m but did not have the finances to implement without the VDCL loans.

Bakani and Dakuidreketi were alleged to have used funds attributed to extinct mataqali (landowning units), trust funds and grants to finance loans to the newly incorporated Pacific Connex. The Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption said this was prejudicial to the rights of NLTB and indigenous landowners. The IT company was given some $5m of public funds, mostly belonging to Taukei landowners but only $200,000 was recovered.

Bakani was sentenced to 12 months in jail on each of the five counts, while Dakuidreketi received a sentence of 18 months for each of the five counts. Justice Bandara ordered that three counts dealing with loans from VDCL to Pacific Connex be served consecutively while the two counts where loan security was provided be served concurrently. n

RICARDO MORRIS Issue 15 | September 2014

briefing

The nation reviewed

COMEDY

MILESTONES

Laughing Samoans’ tour ‘resounding success’

Former Land Force Commander Colonel Jone Baledrokadroka is the first person to graduate with a doctorate from the Australian National University College of Asia and the Pacific’s State, Society and Governance in Melanesia (SSGM) PhD programme.

1

The Fiji Scouts Association celebrated its 100th anniversary during the National Scouts Jamboree that was held at the Queen Victoria School grounds in August.

The jamboree also coincided with the 100 centennial celebration and marked a milestone achievement for the association with 2000 Scouts.

2

The Labasa Sangam College of Nursing marked a milestone on 21 August when it launched the first enrolled nursing programme in the country with 25 students registered for the 12-month course. The course is a foundation level nursing programme from which students can later progress to staff nurse level or go on to the degree programme.

TIM WILSON

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The Laughing Samoans, Eteuati Ete and Tofiga Fepulea’i at the Royal Suva Yacht Club.

AFTER taking their “Fresh Off Da Blane” acts to Suva and Nadi in August, the Laughing Samoans reflected on the impact their 2014 Fiji tour had made, both on themselves and the fans.

“The trip was an absolute joy for us,” front-man Eteuati Ete said. “The fans who turned out to see us at both shows were amazing, and we certainly felt and heard the love and the laughter.”

“Thank you to WOWS Kids Fiji and the Uto Ni Yalo Trust for bringing us to Fiji.”

Aside from the laughter and frolicking, Ete emphasised that visiting the children in the Lautoka, Nadi and CWM hospitals was a highlight for them.

“To know that what we do provides some relief for the children and parents going through so much hardship is humbling and satisfying,” he said.

“Please continue to support the work that WOWS Kids Fiji does. Thank you to the countless volunteers who supported the initiative and of course the sponsors without whom we couldn’t have charged such low prices. Vinaka, Fiji. Love you right back!”

WOWS Kids Fiji chairman Makrava Wilson reminded members that this tour was not a fundraiser but part of Issue 15 | September 2014

the awareness campaign as the group re-launches the brand and establishes its registration.

“We are waiting for the accounts to be finalised before sending them for auditing,” Mr Wilson said, “and once that process is complete, we will make the accounts public.”

Meanwhile, comedy partner Tofiga Fepulea’i echoed Ete’s sentiments.

“It’s always a great feeling performing in front of people, but the two shows in Fiji were simply an honour,” he said. “It was humbling to perform as part of WOWS Kids Fiji, and it felt special to perform and bring laughter to families with kids suffering with cancer.

“To know that what we love doing on stage can make a positive difference to these children is the greatest reward for me as a performer and as a human being.

“To see the smiles on the faces of the kids and hear the laughter from them in the front row, that was priceless.”

Aunty Tala then gave thanks to the “beautiful people of Nadi and Suva”, adding that they look forward to coming back again with a brand new show. n

Vodafone Fiji launched the country’s first mobile lottery game on 5 August.

Chief marketing officer Sanjeewa Parera says the PICK6 mobile lottery would revolutionise the gaming space of lottery in Fiji.

4

BSP Life in August launched the start of construction of its Denison-Duncan Mixed Residential Development.

The project is a gated development and will be the first for this type of development in Suva.

Situated on a two-acre block of land in a prime location, this development will provide 15 units, five of them high-end residences with swimming pools.

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WOWS KIDS FIJI facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

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briefing

The nation reviewed

Youth vote to impact result

ELECTIONS 2014

#FIJIV TES

THE final figures of people who registered to vote show that the majority of those eligible have registered including several thousand Fiji nationals overseas and that young people hold the balance of power.

Final statistics released by the Fijian Elections Office put the number of registered voters at 591,095 and of that 18-30 year olds total more than half of all voters at 323,286.

Men slightly outnumber women, with the majority of voters located in the Central Division.

In the two weeks of pre-polling ahead of the main day on 17 September, 65,875 were earmarked to cast their ballots with most of those voting early in the Western Divison.

The politics of social media Social media has introduced a new element to political campaigning, something that did not have to be reckoned with the last time Fiji went to a general election in 2006. Social media platforms have allowed Fijians with access to the internet personal space to express political opinions and share content.

While the benefits of social media for political candidates and ordinary people alike are unprecedented, there have been concerns at the level of discourse on these platforms as Fiji counted down to its first election in nearly eight years.

The Good Social media has become the personification of free speech in the past few years. At the height of media censorship in Fiji, social media sites became the go-to place for people to exchange information. Social media at that point became the final frontier of free speech.

Social media allows ideas and opinion to be shared and discussed in real time without the mediation of the mainstream media. Now the media are forced to monitor and take notice of events that ‘go viral’ on social media.

Political parties have also recognised the immense free advertising that could be had through social media.

Campaigning has never been so personalised and interactive. Ordinary Fijians all of a sudden have the opportunity to interact directly with candidates and have questions answered.

This has been helpful to candidates in promoting their interests. A prospective People’s Democratic Party candidate 8

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(whose candidacy was rejected by the Electoral Commission) even went as far as making a personal manifesto, and other candidates have become advocates for aspects of their party’s manifesto rather than promoting the manifesto as a whole. Party activities, media appearances and political comments have now become fairly accessible.

The Bad The problem with social media is that quite often there is an overdose of information. The flow of information is so rapid that it is hard to keep up.

Information seems to come from various angles and biases and the information often lacks the neutrality and structure you would expect from an article written by a journalist.

Sources of information are difficult to verify and any given individual may have a personal agenda attached to their comments.

The forums and pages in which these comments appear seem to be generally one-sided and people seldom comment objectively.

A rumour, a misinterpreted comment or an out-of-context post can quickly take on a life of its own. Due to social media’s very nature, a falsehood can be shared or retweeted many times before it is debunked, but by then the damage is most likely done.

The Ugly It is next to impossible to monitor and edit social media posts because of the sheer speed of information flow. This can help social media become a breeding ground for hate speech, threats and

innuendo. In physical settings, people tend may not express their more bigoted views but social media gives them a convenient cloak to disassociate and be as blunt as possible.

Numerous fake profiles have sprung up through which people display racism, Islamophbia, and other ill-conceived notions. Several weeks ago a post on Facebook accused the government of changing the structure on top of the clock tower at the Government Buildings to resemble a mosque. Many people instantly shared what they viewed as distressing news. It turns out the domelike structure at the top of the clock tower has always been there – it’s just been cleaned in the renovation the entire block has been undergoing.

The overdose of information leads many to immediately believe the information provided at face value without any verification. Politically this is highly damaging as people tend to get overwhelmed by their political differences and this makes it difficult for them to get an objective, holistic view on the policies of parties and candidates.

This will lead to a whole cross-section of our population voting for a particular party only because they gravely dislike a single policy or stand of an opposing party.

Many voters are under the age of 30 and are voting for the first time in this election and many of them will have access to social media in one form or another. It will be highly interesting to see how this election will pan out with the wildcard of social media at play. n

ASHFAAQ KHAN

Issue 15 | September 2014

briefing

The nation reviewed

HOSTAGE CRISIS

ON THE RECORD

TWITTER

“It is unrealistic for me to believe that you two were riding a tiger without knowing how to get away without being eaten... It is high time public officers realise that their interest is vested with the public and one day they are accountable for all their actions.

They cannot run with the hare and hunt with the hounds.” Justice Janaka Bandara on 15 August in refusing a suspended sentence for Kalivati Bakani and Keni Dakuidreketu after their conviction for abuse of office.

An image released by the Al-Nusra Front, which claimed responsibility for the seizure of 45 Fijian peacekeepers in August.

Peacekeepers released unharmed A Syrian militant group in late August seized 45 Fijian peacekeepers based at the border crossing on the Israelioccupied Golan Heights but freed them after two weeks.

On 27 August, Syrian rebels overran the Quneitra crossing located on the de facto border between Syrian- and Israelicontrolled parts of the Golan Heights.

A day later, insurgents from the al-Qaida-affiliated Nusra Front seized the Fijian peacekeepers and surrounded their Filipino colleagues, demanding they surrender. The Filipinos managed to escape several days later following a gun battle.

Nusra Front described their actions as retaliation for what it called the failure of the United Nations to help Syrians victimised by the civil war, now in its fourth year.

The insurgents issued three demands

for the release of the Fijian peacekeepers: to be taken off the UN terrorist list, for humanitarian aid to be delivered to parts of the Syrian capital Damascus, and compensation for three of its fighters it says were killed in a shootout with UN officers.

Vigils had been organised by civil society and religious groups praying for soldiers’ safety and release.

As this issue went to press, there had been some confusion after an annoucement by military commander Brigadier-General Mosese Tikoitoga the soldiers’ release was imminent which the government later retracted. This was after the group released a video in which the soldiers were shown unharmed.

Two days later the 45 peacekeepers had been released to the United Nations personnel near the location from where they were taken. n RICARDO MORRIS

“The era the society thought in the same way you think today - ‘a husband cannot be held liable for raping his own wife as he has the right to the person of his wife’ - is dead and gone. In the eyes of the law, irrespective of their gender, everybody is equal and treated equally. A spouse is no exception.” Justice Janaka Bandara jailing a Rakiraki man in the High Court at Lautoka on 26 August for the rape of his estranged, six-months pregnant wife.

“I think you would understand with him on the ground and 44 men under his command, looking down the barrel of 150-200 armed elements with five or six times more weaponry than they have, the questions that will be running through the commander’s mind would be ‘Do I become a tiger and fight or do I become a cat and fight another day?’” Army commander Brigadier-General Mosese Tikoitoga speaking to journalists on 31 August on the capture of 45 Fijian peacekeepers at a UN controlled border crossing between Israel and Syria.

You don’t have to suffer in silence free and confidential counselling services and legal advice are available at our branches in suva, nadi, Ba, rakiraki and labasa. You can call our hotline 24 hours a day.

‘

’

Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.

Dr Martin Luther King Jr (1929-1968)

Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre | 88 Gordon St, Suva | Phone: 3313 300 / 9209 470 (24hrs) | www.fijiwomen.com Issue 15 | September 2014

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The nation reviewed

PICTURE

COURTESY FOTOFUSION PHOTOGRAPHY

THE BIG

briefing

Queen of them all ... Nanise Rainima, 22, the newly crowned Miss Vodafone Fiji Hibiscus queen wearing a Kaiyanu caftan by local fashion designer Ana Rabuka of the Stylosophy Fiji Creations. She was photographed by Fotofusion Photography at the My Suva Picnic Park.

Rainima is from Namuka, Nakelo in Tailevu and was educated at Suva Grammar School where she was head girl. Representing Apco Coatings, Rainima also won the prize for best research topic, and was awarded the Miss Personality, Miss People’s Choice and Miss National Tourism sashes.

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Issue 15 | September 2014

Issue 15 | September 2014

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OPINION

Here we go, here we go...

The Rising Ape with ALEX ELBOURNE

T

his is it guys! After eight years we are going back to the polls.

There’s a part of me that wants to be all cynical and jaded about the whole process and about the concept of democracy itself but it’s a small part. A larger part is loving it, I admit it, I am a political junkie. All the drama, all the smear campaigns. All the promises. All the fake Facebook profiles spreading lies and deceit online. Wow. Just wow!

And it all comes down to this. Prepolling is underway and around 10 per cent of registered voters are expected to vote before 17 September. The rest of us will wake up on that day and go to our assigned polling station and vote. And then we’ll wait. See, as interesting and dramatic as the campaigning season has been it will be nothing compared to the happenings when the circus, I mean parliament, is in session. It’s going to be fantastic I tell you.

We’ll swear at our elected representatives, we’ll agree with them, we’ll laugh at them. It will be entertaining and I for one welcome it. On a personal note, I’ve voted in two elections already and this is the first time I’m going to vote as a Fijian, ie, a citizen of this country. The last two times I voted I was classified as an “Other”. Yep, nothing like being called an “Other” in the country of your birth. Good times, good times indeed. So, time to make your choice: One Fiji Party, Fiji United Freedom Party, Sodelpa, National Federation Party, FijiFirst, People’s Democratic Party, Roshika Deo, Fiji Labour Party, Umesh Chand. Who will it be? Get out there and vote. Don’t be indecisive. These are the people who are putting up their hands to decide your fate and your family’s fate for the next four years. So make your choice.

Politics be making us cray cray…

Still on the subject of the upcoming elections. Can we all please agree on a 12

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few things? People on social media especially Facebook using fake profiles to spread messages of hate and bigotry are truly cowards.

Over the past few months, I’ve noticed fake profiles popping up like a particularly bad rash talking about candidates and/or parties in the worst possible way. I’ve seen indigenous Fijians called monkeys, Fijian Indians being told to f**k off back to India, Muslims called spawn of the devil, Chinese Fijians being called dirty murderers, Kai Lomas being called “no culture” and on and on.

And none of these people have the balls to actually own their bigotry. I have no problems with bigots being allowed to openly express their views. I’m all for free speech and I mean free speech. But, like I said, own your bigotry. If you hate women, then say so. If you hate gay people, then say so. If you hate a particular ethnic group, say it.

But do it under your own name so the rest of us can treat your views with the contempt and derision it deserves.

Now, having said that. We really do need to start respecting each other’s political views more. If someone wants to vote for a candidate that you do not agree with, guess what? That’s perfectly fine. In Fiji, we seem to think that anyone who doesn’t agree with our views is wrong. We seem to think, how dare this person does not think the way I do.

We really do need to grow up. It’s just politics. Is it important? Of course it is.

Is it important enough to lose friends and family over? Some people think so.

I don’t. So, the next time someone disagrees with your political views, instead of getting worked up maybe take a bit of time to listen.

We shouldn’t expect too much of our politicians or democracy for that matter. Too many Fijians seem to be of the opinion that democracy and an elected government are like a magic bullet.

Once we have a democratically elected government running things, the thinking goes, everything will be hunky-dory and happy days will be here again. Unfortunately, that’s about as far from the

truth as it’s possible to get. So, whoever we elect, don’t expect too much of them despite all the promises they’re throwing around right now. Remember, these guys are just politicians.

Could all those running for election please, please stop claiming God is on their side. I’m not too sure the creator of well, everything, appreciates you appropriating his/her name for your little political campaign.

Our new electoral system…

It’s so fancy eh? With all the numbers and stuff. Is it just me or does the new system encourage parties to form coalitions? Is that a deliberate feature of this type of electoral system? On that note, it will be interesting to see which parties are able to go into coalition with each other. Imagine all the backroom wheeling and dealing that will be going on. Yay…politics!

Democracy’s biggest problem…

Is it only me or does anyone else find it crazy that we willingly hand power over to those who are actively seeking it ie politicians running in elections?

Especially the professional politicians.

The ones who have been around for ages. I read somewhere that a politician has only two functions. One is to get elected, the second is to stay elected.

And don’t get me wrong, I’m not saying they’re all like that. I’m positive that the people running for the first time in the elections are filled with the fervor and fire to go in there and make a difference. Let’s see how long that passion lasts when the reality of compromise and deal-making to get anything done kicks in. So yeah, you guys, best of luck.

Also, every single aspiring politician/ party is absolutely confident of forming the next government if their Facebook pages are anything to judge by. Meanwhile, there are only 50 seats so we’ll have some disappointed people around when the results are known.

R

n Alex Elbourne is the Breakfast Show host on Legend FM. The views expressed are his own

Issue 15 | September 2014

OPINION

Why I’m voting...

The Green Line with NAKITA BINGHAM

I

often think about how things were in Fiji a century ago, and if I could have a time machine I’d travel back to the beginning of the 20th century to witness Fiji at a most interesting juncture: when the structural foundation our modern-day beloved country was being laid.

In the defining years post-Cession, under the firm colonial rule of the British Empire, our future was represented by a pathway beginning to be forged by the late Ratu Sir Lala Sukuna, almost exactly 100 years ago – a crossroad that would help dictate the prospects of what the future Fiji would hold.

Today we, the people of Fiji, find ourselves pondering the same fate of what is in store for our future, as did our brothers and sisters who lived in a colonial era where oppression, dominance, and threats ruled the Fijians and Indians living in Fiji at the time.

In the past few months, we have all witnessed the growing intensity and heat of the national political race, and with elections just days away, the unwavering anticipation of the fate of our country is looming on the horizon.

I truly feel a sense of pride when I see my fellow countrymen and women taking the reins of their civic duties and working hard to ensure democracy and freedom prevail. However, in the event it shouldn’t, given thinly veiled threats from various people in positions of power, then perhaps Fiji should be the lead author in witting the book The Pedagogy of Coup Culture.

I must admit, I’m a little bitter about this whole process and I truly admire those citizens who have maintained a sense of hope, their heads held high with dignity. If you ask me, (which nobody has) I would say this latest national election process has at times seemed Issue 15 | September 2014

very fast and loose with the boundaries of what democracy means, as the very process by which elections are occurring has not been representational in all formalities.

When a person’s freedoms have been taken away or censored, it leaves one feeling disempowered. Now it’s time to exercise the right to vote, many of us for the first time, and perhaps this can be

the election where a vote matters the most, reclaiming the power to elect a governing body who will restore checks and balances, transparency, and accountability, relieving Fiji from a system where national interests are determined by a select few without representational mandate.

Choosing a political party to side with has been a difficult task, but after ploughing through several manifestos, I finally arrived at a decision.

I’m 28 years old and I have never voted because I spent a part of my adult life overseas and moved back to Fiji in 2009.

I never had the opportunity, but now with the 2014 election, I will make my

vote count and have faith that the power it holds will prevail in this transition back to a democratic state.

Legitimising our form of government means every vote holds the weight to transform Fiji.

For every vote cast, each citizen sends a message to the politicians and government as a call of representation for what the majority of Fiji believes in.

It is an opportunity for all of us to have our voices heard, and it is better than having no voice at all.

Thinking that your vote doesn’t matter, that it won’t change anything, and not voting according to your best judgement, is a failure to accept personal responsibility for your role in the fate of Fiji – it disempowers you and undermines the process of restoring civil liberties that this election has provided the opportunity for those who care about their society to revive and reclaim.

The 2014 election is a testament of reclaiming human rights, reinstating democracy, restoring individual freedoms and liberty, and ceasing the endeavours to disenfranchise our sovereignty by corporate interests and foreign powers. The absence of a government ruled with checks and balances means that decisions are made by a select few without the consent or discussion from a fair representation, perpetuating the cycle of inequality.

I’m voting because I want to see our government mobilised, enforcing and creating just laws and policy that will strengthen our core as a nation, ensuring our resources and ecosystems are protected and managed properly and not sold short or undervalued. I want to see mobilisation that maximises each citizen’s freedoms.

The future for me means a sustainable Fiji, with minimal dependence on foreign resources. I’m voting because I don’t want to see our oceans depleted to meet the demands of consumers overseas. I’m voting because it’s my right. R n Nakita Bingham is a Suva resident and works as an assistant in sustainable marine managed areas. The views expressed here are her own. facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

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COVER

It’s time to choose

#FIJIV TES

By RICARDO MORRIS

M

ore than eight years after Fiji last participated in a general election, its people are being given the chance to have their say this September, in a vote that will define the country’s future.

Campaign rhetoric aside, at the heart of this general election is a verdict on the rule of Voreqe Bainimarama and his cabinet.

If people vote in numbers for his FijiFirst party, he will return to power with a democratic mandate and it will mean they generally appreciate his military-

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inspired “strong, decisive leadership”, as Bainimarama himself describes it.

If they reject him at the ballot box, it will mean that despite the extensive development across all sectors and the re-engineering of Fijian society, ultimately they viewed his military ousting of Laisenia Qarase’s government in December 2006 as a breach of those values they aspire to.

Fiji’s oldest political party, the National Federation Party, says this general election is about choosing between perpetuating the “coup culture” or finally breaking that cycle.

This year, Fijians are going to the polls

under a new electoral system which its architect Attorney-General Aiyaz SayedKhaiyum says is more representational and removes the legal requirement to vote along ethnic lines that has been blamed by some for the divisions that have blighted Fiji since independence.

In the previous three general elections, citizens voted for 71 members of the Lower House of Parliament under the alternative vote system. Those 71 seats were divided along “communal” lines with indigenous Fijians getting the bigger share of 23 reserved seats. The ethnic Indian community got 19 seats, general electors got three seats and one Issue 15 | September 2014

MADS ANNEBERG

COVER

Having his say A soldier at Queen Elizabeth Barracks casts his vote in pre-polling ahead of the 17 September main voting day, while left Voreqe Bainimarama addresses the crowd at Sukuna Park in Suva during a FijiFirst family fun day.

was for a Rotuman member. There were also 25 “open” seats that anybody, regardless of ethnicity, could contest.

Voters were given two ballot papers – one for their communal constituency and another for an open constituency.

In 2006, 13 political parties and 68 independent candidates – 338 candidates in total – contested the general election.

Of those, only 27 were women or 8 per cent of the total candidates. The total of 479,674 registered voters represented about 92 per cent of the estimated target of 517,000 eligible voters.

In contrast, this year Fijians go to the poll under an open-list proportional representation system and have only one vote in a single national constituency.

For the first time, 18 year olds have been given the vote and indeed young people aged 18-30 years make up more than half of all registered voters. Young people and their vote could very well be the kingmakers in this election.

The political parties decree imposes conditions that proposed parties must meet to be registered which is why there has been a drop in the number of parties contesting.

This year only seven political parties and two independent candidates are contesting, with a total of 248 candidates. Women’s representation has douIssue 15 | September 2014

bled since the 2006 election with 16 per cent of candidates – 41 – being women.

Following a massive voter registration drive, the Fijian Elections Office says 591,095 voters including those overseas had been registered.

Fiji goes to the ballot under a new system – the D’Hondt system of proportional representation. The system favours large political parties and popular independent candidates because a threshold of votes has been set in order for parties to qualify for a place in the new 50-seat single-chamber parliament.

Parties or independent candidates will need to poll at least 5 per cent of the total votes cast in order to qualify for a seat. The votes for parties or independent candidates who do not meet the threshold will be discarded before the rest of the votes are tallied and seats allocated to the remaining parties or independent candidates.

Of the many issues that have occupied candidates and their electorate, some are persistent ones like land, poverty, unemployment, education, health and economic development.

For the first time though, the debate over national identity – are we all Fijians? – and the Great Council of Chiefs, important as they are, have dominated the national discourse to the point of

crowding out other bread-and-butter issues that could have been given more space.

FijiFirst and Qarase’s reincarnated Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA) – led by the Rewa high chief Ro Teimumu Kepa – are undoubtedly the major players. Bainimarama himself has acknowledged that SODELPA is FijiFirst’s only real competition but he remains confident of prevailing at the polls.

However, both FijiFirst and SODELPA also have to contend with the other parties, especially the revamped National Federation Party and the new People’s Democratic Party.

Under Professor Biman Prasad, the NFP has tried to shrug off its image of being an Indo-Fijian party to one broadly representative of Fijian society and taking advantage of its 50 years of existence to urge voters to trust its leadership to restore economic stability.

PDP, which was formed after key party figures broke away from the Fiji Labour Party, is unabashedly union-based, being led by the former general secretary of the Fiji Trades Union Congress, Felix Anthony.

PDP has campaigned on a platform 4CONTINUED PAGE 16 facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

15

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of restoring workers rights, human rights and the rule of law and bringing “real change” to Fiji.

Bainimarama’s FijiFirst has attracted a wide range of candidates from across the spectrum. It is the only party with a full field of 50 candidates.

The Fiji Labour Party also maintains its presence in this election and could yet prove it remains a force to reckon with. However, with the disqualification of its leader Mahendra Chaudhry because of his conviction on currency offences, it may not be the political pow-

erhouse that it once was.

If none of the major parties appeal to voters, they also have a choice of candidates from the two smaller parties – One Fiji Party and the Fiji United Freedom Party. One Fiji Party under lawyer Vilimone Vosarogo is fielding 13 candidates, while FUFP is the smallest with just three candidates.

Fijians of all walks of life have a momentous choice ahead of them this month. Will they vote for the party of a person who despite his good intentions in reshaping Fijian society, came to pow-

er by force? Or will they retreat into the comformtable compartments of voting along ethnic and blood lines? The outcome should be one to watch.

Whichever way you look at it, this election is historic. It has been the longest period between elections postindependence, the longest polling period (two-week long pre-poll exersise), the lowering of the voting age and, of course, national identity.

Whatever the outcome, this month will indeed be a September to rememR ber.

How parliamentary seats will be allocated P

#FIJIV TES

arliamentary seats in Fiji’s proportional voting system will be allocated through a mathematical formula called the D’Hondt method.

Victor D’Hondt was a Belgian mathematician who created the system in 1978. It allows fractional voting amounts to be converted to whole numbers.

This guarantees parties an exact number of seats in parliament while aiming to preserve proportionality as much as possible.

The steps below show how D’Hondt’s method will allocate seats in Fiji’s Parliament: Step 1: Totalling the votes Total votes for all candidates are counted and totalled.

Step 2: Independent and party votes calculated Votes received by each candidate will then listed in descending order and the total vote for each party is established.

For independent candidates, their total vote will be recorded from step one.

Step 3: Determining the five per cent threshold To win a seat in Parliament, an independent candidate or party is required to achieve five per cent of the overall number of votes.

To determine the threshold the following formula is used: total number of votes cast x 0.05 = threshold.

For instance if 500,000 people vote then this number 16

| Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

is multiplied by 0.05, giving the result of 25,000. This means an independent candidate or political party must receive 25,000 votes to win a seat.

If they do not reach this vote threshold they will not qualify for a seat in parliament and votes they receive will be excluded from step 4.

Step 4: Determining the number of seats The total number of votes for each party and independent candidate is tabled.

This is done by dividing the total votes of each remaining party and remaining independent candidate by one.

For parties, but not for independent candidates, the total is then divided by two, and then by three, then by four and so on.

This is done up until a party’s total number of votes have been divided as many times as the number of candidates a party is running.

There are 50 seats in Parliament. The 50 highest figures on the table then determine the number of seats each party receives in parliament.

Step 5: Allocating seats Seats are allocated to candidates in their parties based in order of the votes they receive. For instance the candidate who receives the highest number of votes is given first priority. The candidate who receives the second highest amount of votes is given second priority and so on until all 50 seats are allocated. n

THOMAS CARNEGIE/PACIFIC SCOOP

Issue 15 | September 2014

2014 NATIONAL CANDIDATES LIST

#FIJIV TES

FIJI FIRST

www.fijifirst.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

138

139

143

145

146

RATU INOKE KUBUABOLA

ASHNEEL SUDHAKAR

JILILA KUMAR

SANJIT PATEL

APAKUKI KURUSIGA

Ratu Inoke is the Foreign Minister.

Sudhakar is a lawyer by profession.

Kumar is a retired vice principal.

Patel is a former mayor of Nadi.

Kurusiga was the deputy CEO of ITLTB.

153

162

167

169

173

JIMILAI WAINIBALAGI

BRIJ LAL

VIJAY NATH

KOLETA SIVIVATU

BALMINDAR SINGH

Wainibalagi is a former senior civil servant.

Lal is the former permanent secretary for education.

Nath is a life insurance adviser and a driving instructor.

Sivivatu is a lay preacher and former teacher.

Singh is a financial consultant who previously worked at FICAC.

184

185

187

200

212

ALIVERETI NABULIVOU

TIMOCI NATUVA

SEMI KOROILAVESAU

OSEA NAIQAMU

MERESEINI VUNIWAQA

Nabulivou is president of the Ginger Farmers’ Cooperative in Naitasiri.

Natuva is the Minister for Works, Transport and Public Utilities.

Koroilavesau is a retired navy commander and has worked in tourism.

Naiqamu is the current CEO of Fiji Pine Trust.

Vuniwaqa is a former PS for Justice and Registrar of Political Parties.

216

217

220

222

223

SAMUELA VUNIVALU

MATAIASI NIUMATAIWALU

RUVENI NADALO

JOSEPH VERAMO

LUISA WAQANIKA

Vunivalu is a former member of the RFMF.

Niumataiwalu is the former MIDA director.

Nadalo has worked in hospitality for 30 years.

Veramo is a social scientist and consultant.

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Waqanika has had a long career as a civil servant.

Issue 15 | September 2014

FIJI FIRST

www.fijifirst.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

232

237

VILIAME NAUPOTO

PIO TIKODUADUA

Naupoto the Minister for Youth and Sports.

251 AKHTAR ALI

Tikoduadua was recently PS in the PM’s office.

255

AIYAZ SAYED-KHAIYUM

240

245

250

FAIYAZ KOYA

ROSY AKBAR

A teacher by training, Dean is recognised for his leadership.

Koya is a lawyer based in Nadi and has served on several boards.

Akbar has a background in education.

MOHAMMED ABE DEAN

259

263

LORNA EDEN

LAISENIA TUITOBOU

265 DR JIKO LUVENI Luveni is Minister for Social Welfare, Women and Poverty Alleviation.

Ali is a human resources specialist.

Sayed-Khaiyum is the Attorney-General of Fiji.

Eden is a board member of the Fiji Hotel and Tourism Association.

Tuitubou is the former commissoner central.

279

282

286

294

ILISONI GALALA NO. 2

NETANI RIKA

288

JOSAIA V BAINIMARAMA

DR NEIL SHARMA

JOELI CAWAKI

Prime Minister of Fiji.

Galala is a community worker.

Rika is the former commissoner eastern.

Sharma is the Minister for Health

303 TEDDY FONG Fong is a postgraduate student and environmentalist.

Issue 15 | September 2014

304 DR MAHENDRA REDDY Reddy is the chair of the Commerce Commission

Cawaki is the former commissioner western.

306

315

323

PARVEEN KUMAR

JIOJE KONROTE

ALVICK MAHARAJ

Kumar has been the longest serving mayor in Fiji.

Konrote has had an illustrious career in the RFMF.

Maharaj is a registered pharmacist.

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19

FIJI FIRST

www.fijifirst.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

330

334

SAVENACA VAKALIWALIWA

ALEXANDER O’CONNOR

Vakaliwaliwa is a social commentator.

O’Connor has more than 41 years of experience in the private sector.

FIJI FIRST

www.fijifirst.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

330

334

SAVENACA VAKALIWALIWA

ALEXANDER O’CONNOR

Vakaliwaliwa is a social commentator.

358

O’Connor has more than 41 years of experience in the private sector.

361

JONE USAMATE

VIAM PILLAY

Usamate is the vMinister for Labour.

Pillay is a community worker.

Number of MPs elected for Fiji First

351

HIMAIYAT ALI Ali is president of the Suva branch of the Fiji Institute of Surveyors.

362 ADI LAISA TORA Tora is a radio presenter.

352

280

356

VEENA BHATNAGAR

ILIESA DELANA Delana is a Paralympic gold medallist.

Bhatnagar is a radio personality.

376

365

HOWARD POLITINI

INIA SERUIRATU Seruiratu is the minister for agriculture.

Politini is a young entrepreneur and runs a tour business with his wife.

The only disabled candidate contesting this general election is Iliesa Delana of FijiFirst.

FIJI UNITED FREEDOM PARTY

268 MANOJ KAMAL Kamal is a businessman with a diploma in auto engineering.

299

NAYAGODAMU KOROVOU

VILIAME TAMANIVALU

Korovou is a private school teacher.

Tamanivalu is retired but hopes to be the voice of the poor.

Number of MPs elected for Fiji United Freedom

www.tiny.cc/FUFP

Parliament will convene back at its original location in Government Buildings, where Sitiveni Rabuka staged his 1987 coup.

358

361

351

HIMAIYAT ALI Ali is president of the Suva branch of the Fiji Institute of Surveyors.

Delana is a Paralympic gold medallist.

376 HOWARD POLITINI

VIAM PILLAY

ADI LAISA TORA Tora is a radio presenter.

Seruiratu is the minister for agriculture.

Politini is a young entrepreneur and runs a tour business with his wife.

The only disabled candidate contesting this general election is Iliesa Delana of FijiFirst.

FIJI UNITED FREEDOM PARTY

268

280

299

MANOJ KAMAL

NAYAGODAMU KOROVOU

VILIAME TAMANIVALU

Korovou is a private school teacher.

Tamanivalu is retired but hopes to be the voice of the poor.

| Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

Bhatnagar is a radio personality.

INIA SERUIRATU

Pillay is a community worker.

20

VEENA BHATNAGAR

ILIESA DELANA

365

JONE USAMATE

Kamal is a businessman with a diploma in auto engineering.

356

362

Usamate is the vMinister for Labour.

Number of MPs elected for Fiji First

352

Number of MPs elected for Fiji United Freedom

www.tiny.cc/FUFP

Parliament will convene back at its original location in Government Buildings, where Sitiveni Rabuka staged his 1987 coup.

Issue 15 | September 2014

FIJI LABOUR PARTY

www.flp.org.fj

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

135

136

140

142

149

RONEEL LALIT SINGH

LAISA BALE

Sekaia Suluka

Mohammed Khan

Lavinia Padarath

Singh has a diploma in business, accounting and marketing and is a keen sports fan.

Bale holds a LLB (Hons) degree and runs a consultancy business.

Suluka is a retired police officer and has received several awards for his service.

Khan is a Suva lawyer and a senior partner of MA Khan ESQ, Barristers and Solicitors.

Padarath holds a master’s in HR management, a nurse by profession and former MP.

163

165

168

170

203

Meli Bogileka

Kamlesh Chandra

Vyas Deo Sharma

Pasepa Rosarine Lagi

Kalisito Maisamoa

Bogileka was a former member of the People’s Coalition government.

Chandra has a commerce degree and is a Nadi accountant and business consultant.

Sharma is a former MP and is the direcror of Khelvin Realtors Ltd.

Lagi is a consultant in accounting, taxation and business administration in Suva.

211

218

224

227

239

Marika Tauva

Tula Ram

Udit Narayan

Josaia Waqabaca

Ponipate Lesavua

Ram is a retired farmer and a former building contractor and a social worker.

Narayan is a former MP and Minister for Primary and Preventative Health Services.

241

246

Pratap Sen

Solomone Catarogo

Tauva is a retired Assistant Superintendent of Police and has worked with FICAC.

Sen is a retired schoolteacher, soldier, a preacher and a former boxing champion.

Issue 15 | September 2014

Catarogo is a former soccer national rep and boxer, farmer and community worker.

Maisamoa is lawyer who holds qualifications in environmental health, civil law and prosecution.

Waqabaca is a taxi operator and a former unionist.

Lesavua is a former parliamentarian and former Superintendent of Police.

247

267

272

Jone Bebe

Surendra Lal

Rupeni Silimaibau

Bebe is a retired senior radio engineer and is currently a farmer in Tailevu.

Lal is a former MP and the current president of the National Farmers Union.

Silimaibau is a business development consultant and holds a degree in management.

facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

21

FIJI LABOUR PARTY

www.flp.org.fj

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

275

289

296

302

309

Hari Krishna

Ratu Filimone Ralogaivau

Paras Ram Somaiya

Kamlesh Prasad

KINI MARAWAI

Ralogaivau is a Bua chief and former Senator and MP.

Somaiya is a Labasa farmer, former bank officer and involved in the sugar industry.

Prasad is a Labasa private investigator, real estate agent and a former journalist.

Marawai is a Suva lawyer and a former trade unionist.

Krishna is a retired principal education officer and a former head teacher.

314

319

332

337

360

Anendra Prasad

Narendra Padarath

PAULINI WAQANOBORO

Chandar Singh

MONICA RAGHWAN

Prasad is a businessman and an active social and religious worker.

Padarath is a businessman and a former MP.

366

370

Varaun Nitin Lal

Joji Koroiwaca Koroiwaca is the CEO of the Mataqali Rokacikaci Trust and is a retired police officer.

Singh is a telecommunications engineer and community worker.

Lal is a businessman and community worker in Ba.

Singh is a Nasinu businessman and a former Labour Senator.

Raghwan is director and property manager of Raghwan Construction and a former MP.

371

373

378

Patrick Singh

Damodar Nair

DEO NARAYAN

Nair is a Tavua businessman and a former MP.

Narayan is a community worker and a retired police officer.

Waqaniboro was the lone woman councillor elected in Labasa in 2005.

Number of MPs elected for Fiji Labour Party

379

381

DR ROHIT KISHORE

ANAND SINGH

Kishore is an academic and ex-PS for Lands.

Singh is a lawyer and a former MP.

22

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Women make up 16 per cent of the 248 candidates in the 2014 general election at 41.

Issue 15 | September 2014

NATIONAL FEDERATION PARTY

www.nfpfiji.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

137

141

151

154

155

BAL SUBRAMANI

NARENDRA REDDY

Emasi Ravulo

Ansu Vikashni Lata

Attar Singh

Known as Bala Dass, he contested the 2001 and 2006 election for NFP.

Reddy of Tavua has an exemplary record of service to NFP and the community.

Ravulo of Savusavu is a former head teacher with 28 years of education experience.

Lata is a consultant and market researcher with service in health and community work.

Singh is a lifelong unionist who has now turned to politics.

157

166

175

177

186

Siddiq Faizal Koya

Simione Naituku

Dr Eci Nabalarua

Davendra Naidu

Pramod Rae

Koya is a UK-educated lawyer at his firm of Siddiq Koya Lawyers in Nadi.

Naituku of Nausori has a strong background in social research and studied law.

Nabalarua is a longtime academic in social science and politics.

Naidu is a successful Ba businessman and a poultry farmer.

Rae is an educator and trade unionist with a lifelong affiliation with NFP.

191

192

193

Satya Nand

Kavai Rabukagaga

199

Latchmaiya Naidu

Raman Pratap Singh

Khalid Ali

Nand is a retired teacher and an award-winning vegetable farmer.

Naidu is a Labasa community personality and established his own business in 1987.

Rabukagaga of Wainunu, Bua is a former police sergeant educated in Suva schools and USP.

Singh is an NFP stalwart, lawyer, former MP, senator and councillor.

Ali is a Ba cane farmer, a former deputy mayor and well known social worker in the district.

202

204

206

Deven Magan

Dr Sunil Kumar

Magan of Toorak, Suva is a JP and a licensed investment adviser.

Kumar is an economist with four degrees and a strong analytical ability.

Parmod Chand Chand is a Labasa businessman and experienced parliamentarian.

Issue 15 | September 2014

207

Sakiusa Masinivanua Ratutila Ratutila is a traditional leader from Nasovivi, Namuka, Macuata

201

213 Tupou Draunidalo Draunidalo is party president and a lawyer.

facebook.com/republikamag | RepĂşblika |

23

NATIONAL FEDERATION PARTY

www.nfpfiji.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

214

221

225

233

248

FAY VOLATABU

SADASIVAN NAICKER

Rakesh Kumar

Priscilla Singh

Bimal Prasad

Volatabu is a community advocate for women, an educator and unionist.

Naicker has a long record of community service and is a former senior customs officer.

Kumar is an accounts auditor in Lautoka.

Singh is a human righters defender and gender justice advocate.

Prasad is studying law student and has been involved in community service and football.

249

256

261

270

273

Semi Titoko

Ragho Nand

Dorsami Naidu

Sant Kumari Murti

Tuinadave Radogo

Titoko hails from Ra and is a lawyer having previously worked as a court clerk.

Nand is a veteran social worker based in Nausori, a former schoolteacher and MP.

Naidu is a lawyer and former NFP MP from 1992-1999.

Murti is a community and social worker and a retired school teacher from Labasa.

Radogo is an SDA church leader and operates a dive and backpacker resort.

285

290

305

Amrit Prasad

Etonia Lote

307

Pino Venasio

Manasa Baravilala

Mohammed Rafiq

Prasad is a retired civil servant with 32 years of service in agriculture.

Venasio hails from Rotuma and is a transport owner and teacher.

Lote is a distinguished musician and educationist.

Baravilala is a former CEO of FRU with extensive business experience.

Rafiq is a former teacher from Vanua Levu and is active in the sugar industry.

322

324

326

Dr Bijend Prasad Ram

Prem Singh

316

Kele Leawere Leawere of Nadroga is a major international rugby star.

24

Ram is a medical doctor with 36 years of service.

| RepĂşblika | republikamagazine.com

Singh of Nadi is a businessman, consultant and experienced politician.

Bhim Raj

Raj of Labasa is a retired civil servant who is involved in community work.

311

333 Jagannath Sami Sami is prominent in the sugar industry, trade unions and football.

Issue 15 | September 2014

NATIONAL FEDERATION PARTY

www.nfpfiji.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

339

340

341

343

347

RAINJESH SAN

USAIA MOLI

Seni Nabou

Anishni Chand

Dr Biman Chand Prasad

San is a highly experienced former captain with Fiji Airways.

Moli’s career focuses on youth development and mentoring.

Nabou has a background in human rights, politics and environmental activism.

Chand is a lawyer originally from Lautoka and now residing in Nausori.

Prasad is party leader and economics professor.

349

353

364

374

Rishi Ram

Eroni Maopa

Kalisi Ratuwara

Inia Tamani

Ram runs his own taxi company and is a commissioner for oaths and justice of the peace.

Maopa is a lawyer and former police officer.

Ratuwara runs her own migration business and is currently studying law.

Tamaniservedingovernmentfrom1968-2007 androsetothepostof DirectorofLandTransport.

Number of MPs elected for National Federation Party

CHAND IS YOUNGEST TO STAND

F

iji’s oldest political party, the National Federation Party fields the youngest candidate in this year’s general election.

Anishini Chand, originally of Lautoka is 23 years old and lives in Nausori. She attended Lautoka Central College before graduating from USP with a Bachelors of Arts and Bachelor of Law degree. She was admitted to the bar earlier this year.

She has a career in civil litigation and criminal defence.

Chand says she is standing for election because she wants to see parliamentary democracy restored to ensure

Issue 15 | September 2014

that decisions of national significance are properly debated. She advocates for separation of powers into legislative, executive and judiciary, upholding the rule of law and granting justice to every citizen, and an independent media.

She wants citizens to have a right to protest and strike on issues on which they hold differing views.

Public service appointments to be based on merit and while tackling unemployment issues, to ensure that job selection is open and meritbased. With economic development there should be a decent quality of life for every citizen.

Her slogan in this campaign is “justice, transparency, objective media and equal opportunities for all.” n www.nfpfiji.com

facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

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ONE FIJI PARTY

www.facebook.com/onefijiparty

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

183

215

Adriu Misiki

Vilimone Vosarogo

Ian Mitchell Simpson

Misiki is a company director.

Vosarosa is a lawyer and One Fiji Party leader.

Simpson is a Taveuni businessman and contest the 1999 poll.

144

156

180

Akosita Fine Ditoka

Asenaca BATIKARA

Ditoka is a former senior government official.

Batikara is a registered teacher.

226

236

242

243

260

Akmal Ali

Makereta Rosi

Sitiveni Kalou

Semi Momoedonu

Paul Peters

Rosi is an Urata village businesswoman.

Kalou is the general secretary of One Fiji Party.

Momoedonu holds a Bachelor of Commerce and a Diploma in Management.

Peters is businessman who lives in Nasinu.

Ali has a degree and sociology and a former GS of the USP Students’ Association.

Number of MPs elected for One Fiji Party

276

354

375

Peni Vuevuelala

Viliame Raile

Taliai Rasolo

Vuevuelala is an employee of FSC and is interested in youth development.

Raile has experience in farming and hopes to engage youth in agriculture.

Rasolo is a real estate consultant.

192,273 People aged 18-30 years who are eligible to vote

INDEPENDENT CANDIDATES

195 26

Umesh Chand

Roshika Deo

Chand is a businessman from Nuku village on Rabi Island. He was the first person to submit a nomination for the 2014 general election.

Deo is a law graduate, feminist and a human rights advocate. She was one of the earliest to declare her candidacy last year.

| Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

283

591,095 Total number of Fijians who registered to vote

http://tiny.cc/RoshikaDeo2014 Issue 15 | September 2014

PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC PARTY

www.pdpfiji.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

147

152

159

161

174

SATISH CHANDRA

SURUJ MATI NAND

Felix Anthony

Adi Sivia Qoro

Anuantaeka Takinana

With 13 years of experience in the mining industry Mr Chandra hopes to work for workers’ rights.

Nand from Suva was a Member of Parliament from 1999-2000.

Anthony of Lautoka is the former General-secretary of FTUC and a former MP.

Qoro, a former MP, has served as a government official and consultant for over 30 years.

178 Nazia Nisha Khan Khan is a taxi proprietor who hopes to be the voice of the underprivileged.

179

Kiniconi Bogidrau

Takinana from Suva is a retired school teacher and former businessman advocating equal citizenship

181

190

196

Naipote Vere

Jeremaia Tuwai

Kolinio Vuda Tavua Vuda is a community worker who wants to promote the polices of the PDP manifesto.

Bogidrau is a former soccer player and a couch who advocates youth development through sport.

Vere is a former policeman and a lawyer who hopes to address the issue of unemployment.

Tuwai is an engineer advocating youth advocacy.

209

210

198

205

Mahendra Lal

Kalisito Bolatolu

Ram Suresh

Lal from Labasa has over 34 years of experience in the sugar industry and hopes to bring down the cost of living in Fiji.

Sunil Dutt Sharma

Waisale Tabuya

Bolatolu is a community worker involved with various activities with religious groups.

Suresh is a retired head teacher and a pundit and hopes to focus on education if elected.

Sharma an engineer advocating community capacity building.

Tabuya is a lawyer who hopes to develop rugby for youth.

230 Abhi Ram

Ram is a land developer and social worker who hopes to fight for truth and justice.

Issue 15 | September 2014

231

234

Sandeep Narayan Singh

Michael Fernando

Singh is the producer of Fiji’s Dancing Superstar and is an advocator of youth development through arts.

Fernando is a retired farmer and social worker

238

Adi Sivo L Ravuwale Ravuwale from Labasa is a single mother who stands for women empowerment.

229

244 Atunaisa Delai Delai is a former Policeman and hopes to continue to serve the nation as a poltician.

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27

PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC PARTY

www.pdpfiji.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

252

253

257

258

264

SITIVENI LASO RAIKANIKODA

NICHOLAS PETERO BALEIKORO

Eroni Bagasau

SUlochna Wati

Manasa Naiceru Nasara

Raikanikoda is a lawyer and a former prosecutor.

Baleikoro is a youth and workers’ rights advocate.

Bagasau has been a community worker in informal settlements for 40 years.

Wati has been a social worker for 20 years and is an advisory councillor.

Nasara is a retired school teacher.

266

269

271

278

281

Poate Uculoa

Uculoa is a religious minister and founder of Apostles Gospel Outreach Fellowship International.

Jone Baravilala Rasi

Joeli Drodrolagi

Rasi is a community and youth worker from Matawalu village, Lautoka.

Drodrolagi is a cane farmer from Seaqaqa, Macuata.

297

300

Jone Dakuvula

Anay Prakash

Dakuvula has worked as a consultant for many NGOs and formerly was the director of CCF.

Prakash is a clerk advocating infrastructure and youth development.

287

291

Solomone Natou

Peni Ravai Turaganisolevu

Ilaijia Tavia Vuniyayawa

Natou is a community worker from Nadi and hopes to make a difference in the live of the underprivileged.

Turaganisolevu is a former teacher and SEO who hopes to reform the education system.

Vuniyayawa is a former draughtsman who hails from Namara Village in Nadi.

Josiah T J Loloma Loloma is Labasa managing director and a pastor.

Qovu is a former MP and runs a consulting service.

313

318

320

Lynda Tabuya

Peni Daukaulotu Delai

Ashok Kumar Singh

Delai has over 25 years’ experience in the hospitality industry.

Singh is an exporter and social worker from Rakiraki.

312

Sat Narayan Has served in the police force for over twenty years and hope to continue to serve Fiji as a Politician.

28

301

Dr Emasi Qovu

Tabuya is a successful lawyer who wants young people to stand up for their rights.

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321 Adi Varanisese Ligalevu Ligalevu held senior diplomatic/trade posts and is a business adviser.Ka Issue 15 | September 2014

PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC PARTY

www.pdpfiji.com

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

338

342

346

350

357

Munesh Prasad

Amele Wabale

Ratu Iliesa Raseru

Mereoni Tuvou

Vijay Singh

Prasad is a community worker and advisory councillor from Savusavu.

Wabale is an active social worker who wants to focus on improving the standard of living in communities.

Raseru has held executive posts in Fiji and New Zealand.

Tuvou is a housewife from Sigatoka.

Singh is a lawyer, businessman and a former MP.

Number of MPs elected for PDP

369 Isimeli Neioko

Mohammed Saneem, educated at USP and Labasa College, is Fiji’s youngest Supervisor of Elections at 29 years old.

Neiko is a farmer and a retired solider and businessman who hopes to focus on farmers in the Sigatoka Valley.

The D’Hondt method Fiji will use a proportional representation electoral system, with allocation of seats following the D’Hondt method. It is a highest averages method for allocating seats in party-list proportional representation. The method is named after Belgian mathematician Victor D’Hondt, pictured, who described it in 1878. There are two forms: closed list (a party selects the order of election of their candidates) and an open list (voters’ choices determine the order), which Fiji will use.

Proportional representation systems aim to allocate seats to parties in proportion to the number of votes received. For example, if a party wins one-third of the votes then it should gain one-third of the seats. In general, exact proportionality is not possible because the divisions produce fractional numbers of seats. As a result, several methods, of which the D’Hondt method is one, have been devised which guarantee that the parties’ seat allocations are whole numbers that sum to the correct total, while aiming to preserve proportionality as far as is possible.

In comparison with the Sainte-Laguë method, D’Hondt slightly favours large parties and coalitions over scattered small parties.

Issue 15 | September 2014

Economist Dr Wadan Narsey writes: “Whether any candidate is elected will be decided not just by how many votes the party receives in total, but also by how many votes the candidates themselves receive relative to their fellow candidates.” n Wikipedia/Narsey On Fiji

After all the votes have been tallied, successive quotients are calculated for each party. The formula for the quotient is:

quot =

V s+1

Where V is the total number of votes that party received, and s is the number of seats that party has been allocated so far, initially 0 for all parties. facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

29

SODELPA

www.sodelpa.org

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

148

150

158

160

164

ASERI RADRODRO

NIKO NAWAIKULA

Salote Radrodro

Nemia Vainitoba

Ratu Suliano Matanitobua

Radrodro has a Master’s in Business Admin and has served in executive positions in private and public sector.

Nawaikula, a former MP, runs a legal practice and specialises in indigenous issues.

Radrodro has a BA and Post Graduate Diploma and is self-employed.

Vainitoba attended the University of Wolverhampton in the UK.

Matanitobua is a former MP and human resources executive.

172

176

182

Sushil Sudhakar

Samu Saumatua

171 Mikaele Leawere

Ratu Tevita NiumataIwalu

Leawere has a BA in education and has worked as a teacher and various positions in ministry of education.

Ratu Tevita is a farmer from Visoqo, Namuka, Macuata in Vanua Levu.

Sudhakar is a former civil servant who has studied at Victoria University in New Zealand.

Saumatua has a Master’s in philosophy who has served as a senior military officer and the minister of local government.

189

194

197

208

Peceli Rinakama

Losena Salabula

Rinakama has a BA in history, politics and admin. He hopes to promote indigenous right.

Salabula has a BA in linguistics and history and is a former MP.

Samisoni founded the Hot Bread Kitchen chain.

She holds a doctorate in business admin.

Singh was a former political and public affairs specialist with US embassy and is CEO of Public Relations Fiji Ltd.

228

235

254

262

Mitieli Bulanauca

Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu

Tomasi Vakatora

Bulanauca has an MBA from the University New England in Australia.

Lalabalavu is a former cabinet minister and holds the chiefly title of Tui Cakau.

Vakatora has an MBA and is an accountant who has served in FIA surveillance panel.

Simione Rasova Rasova has worked in the hospitality and travel industry and was the acting national director of the SDL party in 2006.

30

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Mere Samisoni

Nirmal Singh

188 Semesa Karavaki Karavaki is a lawer and a former Supervisor of Election.

219

Mosese BulitavU Bulitavuis a lawyer with an MA in Good Governance.

274 Abdul Sahim Cavalevu Cavalevu is an accountant and is the general manager of West Meats Limited.

Issue 15 | September 2014

SODELPA

www.sodelpa.org

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

277

284

292

293

295

VANE SERUVAKULA

MICK BEDDOES

Jiosefa Dulakiverata

Pio Tabaiwalu

Viliame Tagivetaua

Seruvakula is a former employee of the Vatukoula gold mine who is interested in socioeconomic development..

Beddoes was the former leader of opposition and a businessman.

He was also the Chief Executive of the World Netball Company.

Dulakiverata is a property valuer and has a master’s of business property.

Tabaiwalu has an MSc in social science. He is the general secretary of SODELPA.

Tagivetaua was a former DO, divisional commissioner for TLTB and Fisheries Commission.

Dr Tupeni Baba

310

317

325

Simione Drole

298

308

Marika Lewaqai

Ro Teimumu Vuikaba Kepa

Sitiveni Naileqe Loco

Drole is a mineral exploration and development consultant.

Baba has a PhD in education and has served in three elected governments both in cabinet and senate.

Lewaqai is a student at USP and hopes serve the people of Fiji.

Kepa is a former Teacher and has served as the education minister in the SDL government.

Loco was a former teacher and education officer. He is from Naisaumuia Village,Verata in Tailevu.

329

331

335

327

328

Jeremaia Namuaira

Luke Vidiri Ratuvuki

Laisani Qaqanilawa

Namuaira holds a graduate diploma in public admin and a BA and hopes to focus on land issues.

Ratuvuki holds a Bachelor of Agriculture and is interested in issues pertaining to qoliqoli and tourism.

Qaqanilawa holds an MBA and is SODELPA’s youth representative.

344

345

Ratu Sela Nanovo

Viliame Gavoka

Ratu Osea Bolawaqatabu

Gavoka has studied at the University of Hawaii and wants to develop the tourism industry.

Ratu Osea is a retired civil servant from Sigatoka village, Nadroga.

336

Nanise Nagusuca Nagusuca holds an MA in governance and was also a former MP.

Issue 15 | September 2014

Ratu Sela is a company executive.

Viliame Satala

Anare Vadei

Satala was a former professional rugby player in Japan, USA and France. He has also been a coach.

Vadei is a retired civil servant.

348

355 Kiniviliame Kiliraki

Kiliraki has served as the president of the Queen Victoria School PGTA.

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31

SODELPA

www.sodelpa.org

Mark the box beside a candidate’s number if they are elected.

368

372

George Shiu Raj

Marika Uluinaceva

RATU JONE BOUWALU

Raj is an accountant and a former cabinet minister of the SDL government.

Uluinaceva has developed inclusive educational courses such as the Matua Programme.

Ratu Jone is from Namoli village in Lautoka and is president of SODELPA West branch.

359

363

367

RATU Isoa Tikoca

Penina Ravulo

Ratu Isoa is a former Fiji High Commissioner to Papua New Guinea.

Ravulo has studied at USP and FSM and hopes keep the economy strong by protecting jobs.

Number of MPs elected for SODELPA

377

380

382

Parayame Cakacaka

Josefa Natau

Ratu Jone Kubuabola

Cakacaka holds a BA in management and education and has been a teacher and an education officer.

Natau is a retired civil servant.

Kubuabola has a MSc from University of England and hopes to bring Fiji to economic viability.

4195 people aged 81 years and older are registered to vote in the general election.

FIJI’S 2014 PARLIAMENT Make your own colour code and shade each seat according to the political party or independent candidate to show representation in the 50-seat single-chamber parliament.

OPPOSITION

FIJI FIRST FIJI UNITED FLP NFP ONE FIJI PDP

GOVERNMENT

SODELPA

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Issue 15 | September 2014

#FIJIV TES

The politics of ethnicity

By ASHFAAQ KHAN Contributor

D

emocracy is a word that has been thrown around a lot in the history of our nation. The ideology of democracy has been much debated, and throughout the history of our nation the classic definition of democracy has been under constant threat. There have been many times the will of the people shown through the ballot has been threatened by the presence of bullets often in the name of ethnicity and religion.

The late A. D. Patel, the first leader of the National Federation Party, floated the idea that Fiji should vote under a common roll, a concept that was not appreciated by the ethnic Fijian dominated Alliance Party. After Patel’s death in 1969, his successor Siddiq Moidin Koya (popularly known as S. M. Koya) made a compromise with the Alliance Party and the result was a system of democracy which had Fiji’s population voting on ethnic lines.

Fijians, regardless of their ethnicity, are groomed to be ethnically segregated.

According to Dr Satish Rai, a former Fijian academic based in Australia, when ethnic Indians first arrived in Fiji they were kept segregated from the native population by the British Colonial authorities. This was a shortsighted move was a measure to protect indigenous culture.

Either they lacked the foresight to see that this would create a serious problem after they allowed girmitiyas to stay back in Fiji as free labourers after their indenture contracts expired or it was a deliberate move by the colonial government to create a working class and business class of people who would live in Fiji and yet would not fully identify with the country.

The deliberate segregation of the ethnic Indians of Fiji caused for the better part of our history of ethnic co-existence an identity crisis amongst them as they have always been labelled as Kai Idia or ‘people from Indian’ even though most ethnic Indians have very limited ties to their so called “Motherland” and several generations have been born here.

Politicians since independence have Issue 15 | September 2014

not shied away from playing the “race card” whenever it was convenient for them. The “race card” is the ultimate trump card when it comes to Fijian politics. Things like economic development, general bread-and-butter issues, crime, poverty, health care, welfare, women’s rights, and many other important policies take a back seat when this card is played.

We have had three coups in the name of racial supremacy to prove this. All of these coups, including the 2006 “clean-up campaign”, have spelled economic disaster for Fiji.

Who do you blame for this divide?

The British who are long gone or the various governments who have been power over the past 44 years of our history as an independent nation? The indigenous Fijian and ethnic Indian population in Fiji have co-existed for over 135 years but in all this time, a vast majority of the population does not understand each other’s language or culture.

This has done nothing but helped segregate us further. If you consider the social groups or friends group in schools, workplaces or neighbourhoods you are bound to notice that these groups are usually ethnically mutually exclusive. Very rarely will you see a group of friends or colleagues in the social circuit that is ethnically balanced. Language plays a very important part in the formation of a social group. Say an ethnic Indian joins a group of indigenous Fijians. Sometimes even without realising members of the group of the same ethnicity will start conversing in their mother tongue resulting in the one member who does not understand the language feeling excluded. It is therefore of paramount importance to teach the two groups each other’s language and culture from a very early age to bridge this gap, which is something that has begun in primary schools from this year.

The fact that the indigenous Fijians consider the ethnic Indians’ involvement in politics and policy-making on their behalf a threat is understandable as most ethnic Indians have a fairly limited understanding of Taukei protocols and customs. If Fiji truly wants to universalise the term Fijian for every citizen following

the model of Australia, New Zealand and other countries, the State should also consider the fact that these countries make a genuine effort in the inclusion of indigenous customs, traditions and language in their academic systems and formal protocols to help preserve the indigenous ways and also to make every citizen a part of the culture regardless of ethnicity.

In similar fashion most ethnic Fijians fail to understand that it is important to make ethnic Indians feel a sense of belonging to the country. Much has been said about the issue of a national identity. The Bainimarama government nationalised the term ‘Fijian’. This has not set well with a lot of people who believe that the term Fijian should be exclusive to indigenous Fijians who believe that the term ‘Fiji Islander’ to be adequate as a national identity. Fiji Islander would have been and still can be a good term for our national identity but the term was hardly referred to when it was active in the past.

For example our rugby team is called the Flying Fijians, our rugby sevens team is referred to as the Fijian Sevens team and the golfer Vijay Singh is the “Fijian golfer” and I do not remember a time in which a prime minister or president of our nation addressed us as “my fellow Fiji Islanders”.

This, though largely unintentional, was nothing short of a lack of acknowledgment for people of Fiji who did not identify as ethnic Fijians. If Fiji Islander was or is to become the term for our national identity, I believe its usage should be encouraged nationally and internationally.

As we head to elect our first democratic government in nearly eight years, it is important that we do not make the same mistake that we have done in the past. It is important that we choose to vote for a party with policies that we identify with rather than making the choice on ethnic lines. In the long run we all are of this nation and we need to understand and respect our differences and embrace our similarities. Then only we can proudly proclaim that Fiji is the ‘way the world should be’.

R facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

33

Ethnic discourse and the

Bose Levu Vakaturaga

By Joni madraiwiwi Special to Repúblika

S

ince its suspension in 2007 and subsequent abolition in 2012, the Bose Levu Vakaturaga (‘BLV’) has been the subject of much heated and controversial debate. A large part of the criticism has been cast in terms of its elitist nature, comprised as it was of traditional indigenous leaders and senior elders, as well as its anti-democratic origins and the part it played in Taukei ethno-nationalism. While those claims may have some merit, they do not explain the complete picture.

It may be of interest to share some Taukei perspectives in this regard, if only because there remains a certain reticence among them to share matters close to the heart of the Taukei more widely. Such attitudes are not helpful to promoting intercultural dialogue and engagement.

The origins of the BLV date back to the early days of British colonial rule when the governor and his administration created an advisory body to advise him on matters relating to the indigenous Taukei population, whose chiefs had ceded Fiji to the British Crown. It retained an advisory capacity up until independence, while nominating several of its members to the Legislative Council. Post independence, the BLV nominated members to the Senate or Upper House where they retained a veto over all legislation relating to Taukei af34

| Repúblika | republikamagazine.com

fairs, most prominently land. Post 1987 (to 2006) in a republican Fiji, the BLV elected the President who was a ceremonial head of State.

It is salutary to reflect on the nature of the BLV and why it was given its name. The accepted translation is Great Council of Chiefs. However, that interpretation suggests hierarchy and neglects the nuances in the phrase “Bose Levu Vakaturaga”. “Vakaturaga” means in a chiefly or courtly manner, envisioning that BLV proceedings would be in that vein. “Bose Levu” may be taken more as important council or gathering rather than great council. Put together, it became a gathering or meeting in which the emphasis was on the (chiefly) way in which discourse was conducted rather than on its status. The BLV connoted the concept of meetings conducted with dignity and respect in relation both to the matters discussed as well as the participants themselves.

The rationale of the BLV lay in the collective wellbeing of the Taukei rather than on individuals per se. Rooted in the indivisibility of the turaga (chiefs) and their tamata (people) as reflected in the saying “Turaga na turaga ni tamata, tamata na tamata ni turaga’ (i.e.

Chiefs are chiefs of the people, people are people of the chiefs). Education, urbanisation, globalisation and the ubiquity of the media among other factors have eroded those emotions to some extent, but they still subsist in the communal Taukei identity that continues to manifest itself in our midst. What some observers and commentators have

overlooked is the power of symbols in our society. For a significant number of Taukei, the BLV represented some sense of themselves as a repository of knowledge and wisdom on matters Taukei, sitting at the apex of the Fijian administration (as it then was). That is not to deny that many of them were concerned about reforming the institution and making it more relevant to the needs of the early twenty-first century.

For the Taukei in general, the BLV was part of their Taukei identity. In having some connection to members of the BLV who were from their yavutu, as in their place of origin or heritage, Taukei whether from the urban or rural areas identified with them. Their legitimacy was rooted in the context of the vanua and the three-legged stool relationship constituted together with the lotu (the Church) and the matanitu (the Government). Dismissing the BLV as somehow less Taukei in character because it was a colonial construct, misses the point.

Like the lotu, the Taukei Administration, Taukei Land Trust Board and the Taukei Lands Commission, the process of indigenisation was complete and its external origins had no bearing on current opinion. It had become in a very real sense a Taukei institution.

In applauding the removal of the BLV, the focus has been on the dissolution of a reactionary and antediluvian entity. It has been welcomed as a reformist and progressive initiative. However, it is a matter of public record that Taukei voices have been deafeningly silent. It is not the silence of approval but Issue 15 | September 2014

MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY

#FIJIV TES

Beginnings ... The Great Council of Chiefs meeting at Waikava was opened by Governor Gordon on 20 November 1876 and lasted nearly three weeks. Gordon outlined his plans for indirect rule and established procedures for future meetings. Numerous resolutions were adopted and at the end of the meeting a letter to the British Queen was signed by the principal chiefs. Various people came to the climax of the meeting which included a feast, dancing and a solevu.

Senior members of the Great Council of Chiefs with Cakobau seated at the top of the ramp above his brother Ratu Josefa Celua. The chief to his left, wearing a white masi turban is likely Musudroka, the Vunivalu of Rewa. Waikava, Vanua Levu, Fiji. Possibly photographed by F. Dufty, December 1876.

#FIJIV TES

This image is from the exhibition at the Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology at Cambridge titled Chiefs & Governors: Art and Power in Fiji (6 June 2013 – 19 April 2014). Inspired by MAA’s exceptional collection of Fijian artefacts, photographs and archives, it is a collection closely linked to the early colonial history of Fiji and the foundation of the museum. Curated by Anita Herle and Lucie Carreau, Chiefs & Governors was the first exhibition dedicated to Fijian Art in the UK.

of keeping one’s own counsel. At least until after the storm has passed. Media controls have contributed to that apparent silence. The loudest voices raised in favour, and given coverage, have emanated from other communities. No mention was made, or justification attempted, of the arbitrary way in which the decision was taken to suspend and then (subsequently) abolish the BLV. Or that the original suspension owed more to the umbrage taken by those in authority to the BLV’s initial refusal to endorse their choice for nomination as Vice President, rather than any issue of principle. In this rare display of independence, the BLV was accused of politicising its role.

The lack of consent or approval of the Taukei in the demise of one of their signature institutions was considered unimportant, in comparison to the debate over its relevance. Those who trumpeted the virtues of good governance, transparency and accountability took refuge in an impenetrable silence. That the BLV had a certain legitimacy among the Taukei was an irrelevance. What mattered was a certain messianic determination in knowing what was best for the Taukei. So it is therefore critical to appreciate the angst felt by many Taukei at the disregard shown by one of their ‘own’, presented as part of a reformist agenda. Not the angst of anger, but that of bewilderment, hurt and confusion. One not dissimilar to the question posed by Christ to Saul on the road to Damascus “Saul! Saul! Why persecutest thou, me?”

The continuing debate over the reinstatement of the BLV is portrayed as an attempt to reinstate chiefly prerogatives and privileges. And yet the persistence of this conversation has little to do with those concerns, and more to do with the arbitrariness of the decision to remove the BLV. It is fuelled further by the adamant stance that it will, under no circumstances, be reinstated. What or how the Taukei feel about that is of little consequence. Had the Commander (as he then was) taken the time and trouble to consult the Taukei, he may well have got the response he sought; or at the very least support for significant reform of the BLV. In any case, while there was a certain prestige associated with membership, the monetary and other benefits were derisory. Put bluntly, there were no Issue 15 | September 2014

chiefly perks to be had and to frame the debate in those terms is both simplistic and misconceived.

Similar arguments about privileges are linked to the equally arbitrary decision to abolish the entitlements of the Turaga ni Qali and Turaga i Taukei as extension of the mantra of “a common and equal citizenry”. Again there has been applause by non-Taukei observers for the ‘democratisation’ of the distribution of Taukei lease monies. The Taukei traditional system is by definition unequal: it is after all, a chiefly system.

Those in chiefly positions of leadership necessarily have greater obligations than those they lead. Hence the differentials in distribution of lease monies for good reason. It worked reasonably well from its inception in 1944 to the recent past, and there have not been any reported instances of widespread abuse. Disputes over chiefly titles and receipt of monies related thereto are a separate issue. The determination to portray equalisation of lease monies distribution as a wonderfully egalitarian reform only reinforces Taukei perceptions of cultural arrogance on the part of non-Taukei. A cultural lens, while having the potential to fall prey to myopia, also highlights the significance of context.

Further justification of the disestablishment of the BLV stems from the perception of it being representative of the Taukei elite. The stereotype is that of a body that was comprised solely of chiefs.

A close study of its composition will reveal that it was far more representative of the Taukei than has been assumed. It contained both chiefly and non-chiefly persons as well as educated and professional Taukei who acted as advisers. So it was for the most part reflective of Taukei opinion, including the bouts of ugly nationalist and racist sentiment that abounded in the years after May 1987 and May 2000. For that the BLV must assume some responsibility, but it ill-behoves other communities to tacitly assert that these feelings were largely the preserve of the indigenous Taukei community. Racism is learned behaviour and all cultures, to the extent that they promote narcissistic traits among themselves and a disdain for the ‘other’, stand indicted.

The Taukei are simply more open in their belief they are entitled to recogni-

tion as the original inhabitants and majority landowners of this country, their Taukei language is autocthonous to Fiji and theirs is its basic cultural reference.

‘A common and equal citizenry’ does not change those realities. That pledge needs to take account of them to create better understanding of how indigenous rights are part of human rights. While the former are not privileged as against the latter, they emphasise that this notion of equality accords a special place to Taukei as indigenous people of the land.

In this dialectic, there is a readiness to cast the epithet of racism against those who would assert those perspectives.

It is misplaced because there is no implied superiority or seeking of privilege or entitlement, more acknowledgment as a people indigenous to these islands; a relationship that predates the others and which seeks some kind of recognition.

Is there a place for the Bose Levu Vakaturaga in modern day Fiji? That is a question only the indigenous Taukei can properly answer. They conferred legitimacy and authority on it through long years of practice and acquiescence. As their proportion of the population increases inexorably, matters of concern to the Taukei will assume prominence, whatever our notions of equality and the pronouncements of the Constitution. They may well decide that the BLV has had its day, and it is time to move on. Whatever decision the Taukei make should be collective in nature, and not for any one person to take unilaterally.

The basic issue is in what form, if any, should the BLV be reconstituted? Only when that initial hurdle has been surmounted may the discourse be widened about functionality, role and relevance.

In that discussion all communities will have a right to participate where there is some potential for the BLV to have a national role. The Ghai Commission saw the BLV as playing a social and cultural role in the life of the nation, particularly in terms of promoting the Taukei language; something to ponder for the future, as we continue to explore (and find) a balance between and among common, R ethnic and multicultural identities. n Joni Madraiwiwi is a traditional leader, lawyer and a former Vice President of Fiji (2005-6). facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

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Beyond repair?

An historical perspective on the fragmentation of Fiji’s ethnic Indian community SATISH RAI

By Dr Joni madraiwiwi Special to Repúblika

T

he foundation of the Indian community in Fiji has been a fragmented one starting with the recruitment, transportation and distribution of the original girmitiyas. I have discussed these issues in great detail elsewhere in my writings, films and online TV segments. However here is a brief summary of them as a reminder for our readers.

The British recruiters of Fiji girmitiyas, in pursuit of their policy of dividand-rule, and perhaps for some other reasons as well, targeted their recruitment over a very large area of India, ensuring regional, linguistic, cultural, traditional, caste and religious differences among the 60,500 Indians recruited and transported to Fiji from 1879 and 1916. The main regional groups were Indians from Bihar, Northwest Province of Avadh (present day Uttar Pradesh), Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, and Malabar Hills (present day Kerala).

Later additions to these girmitiyas were the free migrants from Gujarat and Punjab, who migrated to Fiji on their own will in pursuit of business interests and independent farming opportunities. The girmitiyas, however, formed, by far, the largest group of Indians in Fiji by the time the indentured system, now redefined as forced labour, ended finally in 1920.

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Some 40 per cent of girmitiyas returned to their homes in India before or after completion of their indenture; most of the remaining 60 per cent were prevented from returning home, and exiled in Fiji to provide a cheap and permanent source of labour. Almost all of them died in Fiji without ever setting their feet in their homeland or seeing their loved ones there.

However, despite all these differences and despite many obstacles, especially after their exile in Fiji, the vision and diligence of the girmitiyas towards their cultural identity helped them to form a semblance of integrated and caring community within a short period after the dreaded indenture system was abolished. All their hard work and sacrifices for the sake of their children, however, was unceremoniously destroyed by the 1987 coups.

The 1987 coups, which we now know from its executor, Sitiveni Rabuka, was also designed to perform the task of ethnic cleansing of the Indo-Fijians to a more manageable level; a task which, some 27 years later, is almost complete.

The Indo-Fijian community of Fiji has been reduced from 52 per cent in 1987 to some 35 per cent in 2014, depleting by several thousand through migration each year.

A low birth rate, coupled with higher Taukei birth-rate will add to depletion of the Indo-Fijian community in Fiji.

There will be a time in the not too distant future, if the present trend con-

tinues, the Indo-Fijian community will consist mainly of all those who are not able to migrate because of poverty, low skill sets or low education qualifications, and those who are doing well in business and those who are blessed with good jobs.

The rest would have migrated mainly to the Pacific rim countries (Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the United States), to join their near and dear ones who have already fled Fiji because of the three racist coups and one ‘clean-up’ coup since 1987.

The Indo-Fijian community is deeply fragment because of the effects of the coups, which was the catalyst for the Indo-Fijians initially fleeing from Fiji in a haphazard manner, especially after the 1987 coups. Families, relatives, friends, villagers, school and work-mates were scattered over several countries; once a caring and cohesive community in nature, now destroyed beyond recognition for ever.

But 27 years on from the destructive coups, the Indo-Fijians still living in Fiji were coming to terms with their reality.

They had accepted that what had happened to them was mainly beyond their immediate control, and just as their girmitayas did more than 100 years ago, they too decided to make sacrifices to ensure the security and progress of their children. Thousands migrated, but the majority of them, for various reasons, are still living in Fiji. The majority among them have accepted that they Issue 15 | September 2014

#FIJIV TES

will live in Fiji for the rest of their lives; but they still have a dream of sending their children and grandchildren overseas one day.

After the initial shock of the coups and fragmentation of the Indo-Fijian community that followed, today, the ground reality for the Indo-Fijians living in Fiji and in the Fijian diaspora has been accepted with due reservations.

People generally wish to move on with their lives, work hard and live in harmony with each other. It appears that even coups in Fiji do not dampen the spirits of people of Fiji for too long. Coups have now become one of the ground realities in Fiji.

However, I believe that the 2014 election has the potential to fragment the Fijian community, both the indigenous and Indo-Fijian community in a way that no other event in Fiji has done in recent times, barring the fragmentation caused by the racist coups of 1987 and 2000. For the purpose of this article I will confine my views to the Indo-Fijian community only.

Even as we count down the days to the main polling event on 17 September, there is sufficient evidence to suggest that the Indo-Fijian community is being torn apart along political lines like no other election in Fiji before. We know that this kind of political fragmentation of the Indian community had started way back in the 1930s, when Maha Sangh (farmers’ union) was deliberately created by some of the free Indian migrants to break up the advancements made by the Kisan Sangh in favour of the girmitiyas.

The leaders of the new Maha Sangh sought the backing of the south Indian community by giving them some financial incentives against the north Indian girmitiyas. The north Indians girmitiyas formed the largest Indian regional community in Fiji and supported Kisan Sangh. The free Indian migrants, which also included a few lawyers who were educated in the UK and perhaps were aware of the British divide-andrule technique, successfully courted the south Indians who were late arrivals in Fiji with different cultural and linguistic practices from the north Indians. These differences provided these aspiring free Indian politicians fodder to exploit and Issue 15 | September 2014

fragment the two communities, something has not fully healed even today.

The next major fragmentation occurred when the hugely divided National Federation Party decided not to back its leader Siddique Koya to become Fiji’s first Indo-Fijian prime minister after the party secured a surprise victory in the first general election in 1977. The party fragmented into two factions, the Dove and Flower factions, which in a few years, paved the way for the formation of Fiji Labour Party.

The FLP went on to become the natural home for the Indo-Fijians, while also securing a small but significant minority of indigenous Fijians. The Fiji Labour Party secured an election victory in the 1987 general election, but the government formed under its leader Dr Timoci Bavandra was short-lived, and it was ousted on 14 May 1987. We have already learnt that this coup led to the physical fragmentation of the Indo-Fijian community to different parts of the world.

I have outlined only a few of the fragmentation processes that have been occurring in the Indian community from the time of their transportation and exile in Fiji. The process is, however, much more complex and needs more space to do justice to the subject. This is pointed out only to illustrate this complex process and bring us to 2014 elections, which threatens to put the final nails in this fragmentation process.

I don’t think any of the political activities in Fiji, from the time of the Kisan Sangh and Maha Sangh acrimony, posed threats to divide and fragment the Indo-Fijians as this election. I do not have space to argue fully as to why I have this opinion but I will leave the readers with a few pointers.

For the first time the Indo-Fijians have lost faith in their own leaders to provide leadership and especially security to them. Most of those who I have spoken with and the mood that is reflected in the comments on social media is that they wish to have security at almost any cost in Fiji. They see the leader of the FijiFirst party providing them the security they need. I will not argue whether they are right in placing their faith in the new messiah for them; not too long ago the leader of the Fiji

Labour Party was their god! Today, for some reason or other, he has become the devil! But there is still support for the Fiji Labour Party because the diehards will not desert their once-charismatic leader.

The perceived fall from grace of the Fiji Labour Party also provided some oxygen to the almost-dead former natural political home for the Indo-Fijians, the National Federation Party. Under the new and young leadership, a newlook multi-racial party may well attract back some of the Indo-Fijian votes in this election. The fourth party that is vying for the 35 per cent Indo-Fijian national votes – the People’s Democratic Party – is led by some of the former FLP members.

Since the first election after independence, we saw the Indo-Fijians voting mainly for two parties. In the beginning the contest was between the Alliance Party and the National Federation Party.

Then the contest was between warring factions of the NFP, followed by that between the Fiji Labour Party and NFP. Apart from the contest between the National Alliance Party (which always received votes from a minority of IndoFijians) and the National Federation Party, the contest was mostly between two parties which were considered to be Indo-Fijian-led.

But this is not the case this time around and this fact is bringing out very strong reactions within the community, even in individual families. As the election draws nearer, the arguments may grow stronger and divisions may well dig deeper. The next few weeks will be revealing and one hopes that no longterm or even permanent fragmentation in the Indo-Fijian community develops in Fiji as well as in the Fijian diaspora because of this election. I will re-visit this subject after the election. (I believe a similar fragmentation process may well be happening in the Taukei comR munity as well).

n Dr Satish Rai is a Sydney-based print and

TV journalist and film and TV producer. He has background in policing (Fiji and London), sociology, anti-racism (UK), writing, academia, journalism, politics and film and TV production. He wrote his MA thesis on Colonialism and Political Coups of Fiji (1997).

His doctoral thesis was titled In Exile at Home - A Fiji Indian Story (2011). facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

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#FIJIV TES

Press for freedom with facts SATENDRA NANDAN

By Dr Joni madraiwiwi Special to Repúblika

I

n the political maelstrom that Fiji’s islands and individuals will suffer in the next couple of months, more than freedom of the press will take a severe battering. And not always for the better.

In the past 27 years, Fiji has suffered coups: the worst and the best, as far as coups go. Those of us who care in our own ways for the beloved islands, and who love the island-nation because of its unnecessary suffering, know the price our people have had to pay in shattered lives, broken homes; but more than ever they also share a common destiny.

Many personal and family tragedies have touched and impinged on the national collective consciousness. All happy families, wrote Leo Tolstoy, resemble one another, but every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. This is true of nations too for in a larger sense a nation is a family.

There are, however, experiences of which even the great Russian novelist, the unrivalled author of War and Peace, was unaware. For example, it’s been said that no poetry is possible after the Holocaust, or the bombing of Hiroshima 38

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and Nagasaki. And yet the human heart beats with hope and the human imagination continues to create: the birds sing in the trees of Hiroshima and new structures are built on the ruins of the Twin Towers. In Fiji’s new Constitution it’s beautifully and uniquely expressed: ‘freedom of imagination and creativity’.

You might think these human happenings have nothing to do with Fiji – sometimes missing on the world map; often seen as only two tiny dots or drops in the vast Pacific.

Fiji is, in my opinion, a microcosm of human ills and goodness, of pain and possibilities in a people: archaic in some ways, modern in many ways. Where else in the South Pacific will you find a people of such variegated vitality, humanity and a healthy sense of humour. When the warning of a tsunami is given, many drive to the shore to see if it’s coming!

After every cyclone, they rebuild and replant. After every coup, they have a new constitution and elections. People vote in large numbers as if nothing had dented their faith in the inherent dynamics of democracy in the most intimately intertwined multicultural nation of our region.

A small nation that has been through these heart-attacks and heart-aches surely deserves fresh air of freedom and

A journalist has the freedom to report but also to show to the reader and the listener the truth of the reportage

responsibility of the highest kind and deepest understanding and respect.

And it’s nowhere more visible than in the pages of our newspapers, magazines and the sounds and images of the audio-visual media.

Recently two international cases in journalism make the point tellingly: Peter Greste, an Australian citizen and a TV journalist with Al-Jazeera, has been jailed for seven years, for allegedly supporting the ousted Mohammed Morsi’s Muslim Brotherhood – a party that used the freedom of democracy to gain power and, once in power, began dismantling the structures that support and sustain democracy and its infinite variety and voices. The Arab spring of hope turned into a long winter of despair for many citizens. Many died.

The military intervened. So far, no American leader or a European statesman has called it a coup, as far as I know.

So there are coups and coups as there are wars and wars: just and unjust.

Greste became a caged victim of the oily, mercenary, messy politics of the Middle East. The international outrage will eventually free an Australian citizen; what happens to his Egyptian colleagues jailed with him is quite another matter.

The other case, in the heart of EngIssue 15 | September 2014

#FIJIV TES

land, is of Andy Coulson, the sometime media director of the British Prime Minister David Cameron. Coulson was also the former editor of now defunct News of the World owned by the media mogul, Rupert Murdoch, known in Fleet Street as the ‘dirty digger’ from Down Under. Often his paper did dig deep – mainly dirt.

Murdoch has the reputation of making prime ministers and breaking governments with the power of his press. This is flaunted as the freedom of the press by the many pampered journalists in his Aegean stables.

One can question the judgement of Prime Minister Cameron, but few will disagree with the judgment of the distinguished judge, Mr Justice Saunders, who jailed a rogue journalist.

Andy Coulson has been jailed for breaking the law under the nose of Fleet Street, which once symbolised freedom of the press, next to the House of Commons, the mother of parliaments.

What we should be asking is: how was this freedom used? And abused?

And to what purpose? And how well the public interest was served or public trust betrayed? We live in a society supported by these structures and if the salt loses its saltiness wherewith shall it be salted?

There’s nothing like absolute freedom – your freedom extends to the tip of your fore finger but it ends at the tip of my nose.

In short, there’s no freedom of any kind without an equal sense of responsibility and the recognition of another’s liberty and respect for privacy.

When I was a young journalist in New Delhi on The Statesman, my favourite readings were the daily Manchester Guardian, a weekly magazine New Statesman and a monthly magazine aptly named Encounter.

The Guardian’s great editor, C. P. Scott, enunciated his paper’s philosophy: “Comment is free but facts are sacred.”

In that simple sentence is summed up the sacred duty, professional ethics and the sense of responsibility of the journalist. Seven years from now the Guardian will be celebrating its bicentennial – a fabulous achievement. And, like Johnnie Walker, still going strong Issue 15 | September 2014

without losing its unique blend of malt whiskies so popular in Fiji.

Our own first local daily was founded in 1869. Few newspapers in a small colony enjoyed such monopoly of freedom and power for over a century.

A few years ago when the Bainimarama government changed the rules of media ownership there was quite a hue and cry – and yet media ownership is in Australia a major political and moral issue.

The government’s central thrust was that journalists and the media must take proper responsibility for what they feed the public they purport to inform and serve. They must write under their byline, which meant serious research, checking of facts and writing. The greater the power, the greater is the responsibility.

In Fiji, too much damage had been done by tendentious propaganda by a few that had frayed the fabric of the Fijian society at so many levels of social harmony and political growth of a young democratic nation.

And once a nation (and a person) suffers heart-attacks, it must take care of its daily diet and exercise both restraint and responsibility.

And this is never more important than during an election.

In a pertinent case in the recent Indian elections, a major political figure was banned from campaigning for making false claims against another party’s political platform. Personal vindictiveness was the man’s main motive, not political philosophy of any consequence.

The Election Commission intervened – winning an election on false premises or promises is just dishonest practice and corrupt politics. The leader was prevented from campaigning until investigations were completed.

In fact, the Fijian Electoral Commission can stipulate that a party or an individual who wins a seat on falsification of facts available to the public, should and could be deprived of their seat after a judicial review finds that party or person guilty as charged. This, I think, will add credibility to the election process and will certainly act as a deterrent to unscrupulous demagogues.

Here’s a case of some relevance: I’ve been reading lately that the leader of a

political party has been saying the native land tenure in Fiji is in jeopardy?

Is this true? What are the facts?

Creating false fears is politically more heinous a crime than taking undeclared donations.

One has to read the preamble of the new Constitution to understand how far from the truth are this politically bankrupt leader’s pronouncements and assertions. And yet this party has the privilege of fighting the election on this very Constitution.

The land issue has been so falsely and fallaciously used in Fiji for so long that it’s no longer funny: the Electoral Commission has the power, I think, to put an end to this kind of lurid and ludicrous propaganda.

It will help make this election more exhilarating and exciting when it can make the candidates think and get out of their ghettoes of race, religion, communalism, fear-mongering, using corrupt and corrupting strategies.

A journalist has the freedom to report but also to show to the reader and the listener the truth of the reportage.

Journalism is not a crime but journalists cannot be criminals either, as Andy Coulson’s case rather disgracefully illustrates. The criminal then becomes the news of the world.

A journalist should always remember the occupational hazards of his profession (to paraphrase the old forecaster’s lament): Among life’s dying embers These are my regrets: When I’m right no one remembers When I’m wrong no-one forgets.

Freedom of the press, academic freedom, parliamentary privilege, are advanced and strengthened by those who practise these with professional ethics and personal integrity and conscientiously deepen public trust, individually and collectively.

When you devalue the institutions, we’re all diminished.

R

n Professor Satendra Nandan is currently

writing a book on his political and literary experiences of Fiji, India and Australia. His latest book, Nadi: Memories of a River, was published in July. Nandan was the first chairman of the Media Industry Development Authority. facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

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OPINION

Silence of the dons Entitlement and our cultures of silence

By Dr CHRISTOPHER GRIFFIN

I

refer to two articles in the March issue of Repúblika, one by Professor Wadan Narsey on the “hibernation of Taukei intellectuals academics in particular, the other by Ratu Joni Madraiwiwi, “Beyond a culture of silence”. But for the moment I’ll confine myself to Dr Narsey – and expand on him – who here and elsewhere discourses on the “culture of silence” idea, which I introduced over a decade ago in a little book that grew from two earlier pieces on language, thinking and development, and from ruminating upon the 1987 coup.

(Texts, violence, lies & silence: anthropologist and islanders, negotiate the truth, USP, 2003, 98 pages.)

Clearly, the “culture of silence” concept has resonated. Furthermore, Dr Narsey’s passing reference in March to “cultures of silence”, plural, is valid and worth further exploration, for the phenomenon is not exclusively indigenous, and its implications for communication within, and across, ethnic boundaries are manifold. For both these reasons, however, it is odd Dr Narsey appears unaware of the book, a silence or hibernation of his own, which sits uncomfortably with his rhetoric on other people’s transparency and entitlements.

I should explain. By entitlement I 40

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mean entitled to be heard, entitled to speak and (for that matter) speak out.

Which in turn mean entitled to be acknowledged.

There is also another side to entitlement one’s entitlement or right to remain silent, and one’s entitlement or right to expect silence. In law, for instance, the first applies to defendants, and the second applies to magistrates and judges who expect ‘silence in court’.

The latter also applies, of course, to ethnic Fijian chiefs sitting in traditional gatherings, where deference is obligatory.

The right to remain silent is further bound up with another entitlement, the right to remain ignored, pass unheard, and go about one’s private business without being held to account. Indeed, so fundamental is this to what it means to be ‘human’ that when robbed of it – by tricksters, thieves, States acting legitimately or illegitimately, or by anyone else – we feel de-humanised, our very humanity violated. Personhood and privacy, trust gone, all further interaction is jeopardised.

Numerous philosophers, jurisprudence scholars, sociologists of religion – cults especially, as well as writers have mined this territory. None better than Kafka and Orwell whose bleak landscapes are globally evident today,

not only in totalitarian states, but in established liberal democracies where surveillance (and its counterpart, the forced confession), is a norm we were unaware of until Edward Snowden broke his silence via the Guardian and Washington Post, and Julian Assange began Wikileaks.

State and private enterprise surveillance is ubiquitous and our Trojan horse is high tech. Some we have tacitly agreed to for our safety: CCTV, spy satellites, and drones; the innocent apparently have nothing to fear from the harvest of mega-data. Others we have embraced with such fervor we can no longer envision life without them: mobile phones, smart phones, computers and the internet, email, iPads, Google Earth, GPS and social media. Yet all threaten our privacy. All are subject to the gaze of the witch–hunter.

Whereas legitimate state surveillance must mostly remain covert and its operatives bound to secrecy, journalists and academics in the sciences and humanities are not merely entitled to speak the truth, it is their duty, and it is the duty of newspaper owners and editors, and university administrators, to encourage them. Both institutions are essential to democracy and open societies. And many journalists, academics and others risk life and limb to deliver Issue 15 | September 2014

OPINION

How free to speak out? ... The former main entrance at USP’s Laucala Campus. Some of the academcs there have come in for criticism, but also an attempt to understand their silence, on issues within the domain of academic freedom to speak out on.

– Peter Greste, for example.

Conversely, there is sometimes sound reason for the silence of the dons, not least in the Pacific. Firstly, most simply lack of time to sufficiently research and speak outside their specialty. The diligent don’s life of lecture preparation, teaching, setting and marking exams, doing research and sitting on committees put a brake on speaking. Loss of nerve is not the only reason.

Second, as Ratu Joni has explained, in Fiji (and other small, consensus–oriented, Oceanian societies where social connectivity is pervasive) the desire not to offend relatives weighs heavily with indigenous intellectuals in a way it does not for non-indigenes.

Finally, local academics may fear career-damaging retribution from their administrations if they voice unpalatable truths. The days when dons and students considered themselves as much “the university” as administrators are gone. The university is a corporate body, a bureaucracy, managers are less disposable then teachers. Their language is rich in euphemism (e.g. “change management”) and the jargon of business manuals and funding agencies. Careers are easily stymied.

Fear of missing out on grants, incurring punitive teaching loads, getting little or no conference or study leave, Issue 15 | September 2014

or not having one’s contract renewed, loom large in the regional academic’s mind, especially when there is no tenure. Small wonder those in early or mid-career “hibernate” and hope for better climes and times, or seek them overseas. It is easier for those further in their careers when finances are more secure, families grown up, and the begging bowl more or less taken care of. It is different otherwise and in indigenous cases the dependency is unceasing.

That said, the Pacific academic intellectual is not entirely off the hook. The public is entitled to hear occasionally from its well-paid, independent, professional thinkers, if only because objective rational dissent remains relatively scarce.

On stages bigger than our own any number of academics have played the role of what I call “public intellectual” who in plain language, English or vernacular, short on ego, big on society, call elites to account, identify humbug, and uphold human rights.

The linguist Noam Chomsky is one such.

Closer to home retired USP geographer, Emeritus Professor Crosbie Walsh, is a public intellectual, and so is Dr Wadan Narsey. Each brings critical and divergent expression to national affairs, and in this picture we can include

another former USP professor Satendra Nandan. Of the three, only Narsey lives here permanently and Walsh stands alone as not being a Fiji national or an ousted politician.

It might not be too much to say some are born to be public intellectuals, some are made public intellectuals, and some have public intellectualdom thrust upon them. The late Simione Durutalo who I seem to remember wrote a paper on the Pacific intellectual combined something of the last two, and once again represented the type people are entitled to hear from.

After all, what is a don worth if he or she cannot lay claim to rational argument, informed opinion, and a semblance of wisdom regarding the “good life”; the life lived-well?

And what is a university worth if its administrators do not support their faculty and students in this pursuit via a diversity of courses that critically examine the human condition, and in that examination directly or indirectly help us find solutions to the problems our R condition has created. n Dr Christopher Griffin is a British social anthropologist who lectured at USP for seven years in the late 1970s and early 1980s. He lives in Rakiraki and is the author of Nomads Under the Westway published in 2008. facebook.com/republikamag | Repúblika |

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Issue 15 | September 2014

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thelastword Comment is free*

By ASHFAAQ HASAN KHAN

N

ow that the Hibiscus Festival is over, I thought I would have to wait an entire year to see queens wearing fancy dresses, smiling at the camera and trying their best to sound canny while advocating on a subject that they “believe in”.

My thoughts on the matter changed taking a drive one day when I saw a very fine looking photo of Bainimarama in a very bright bula shirt on the side of a bus asking me to vote for him. A few minutes further ahead I see a very savvy looking Professor Biman Prasad along with a Tupou Draunidalo asking me to vote for them. Just a little further down I see Ro Teimumu Kepa dressed in a traditional sulu chamba and spotting her iconic buiniga. This got me thinking how much politics is like a giant beauty pageant.

Think about it: every politician tries to look their best, sound their best, dress their best and try and make themselves sound smarter than all the other politicians.

Every beauty pageant and election begins with the selection of contestants/ candidates. The first thing to ensure is that the contestant is likable (or at least can pretend to be), has a pleasant personality, looks good and has some charisma.

Now that the wishy washy things are out of the way you have to think of some technicalities. In both cases it is helpful if you have not been involved in anything indecent prior to the actual event; you should be a citizen of the country and “appear” passionate about the issues surrounding national development.

After the announcement of the con-

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testants for Hibiscus these women are under constant criticism from the public. Comments like, “Oh my god, look at the dress she is wearing!” or “I can’t believe she said that!” becomes run-ofthe-mill conversations. The public and your competition thrive on your flaws and flinch at your success. Politicians are no different. Straight after their candidacy is announced every aspect of their lives is examined under a proverbial microscope. How much money does the candidate make? What his relationship with his wife is like? Their friendships are questioned along with everything they hold private. To the public they become objectified and must be a model of perfectness.

During the time in which they actually compete for the pageant crown the stuff gets real. All of a sudden you are to appear in front of thousands of people in front of you and watching on television.

At that point you have to ensure that regardless of what you are feeling you have to put up a show, look and sound smart and get as many people to like you as possible.

Politicians face the same dilemma.

One moment you are living a quiet and private life and the next you are in the spotlight. All of a sudden you have advisers advising you what to wear (you can’t wear something too expensive as it might put the poor folks off and you can’t wear something too cheap because you’ve got to execute class), telling you to mind your Ps and Qs and at the same time you have to come up with and advocate an issue which is near and dear to you.

Most beauty pageants require you to participate in private and public judging while you must possess a talent to

showcase. In the private judging you are required to meet your judges in person as they question you and try to get to know you better, while in the public judging you are asked questions and you are supposed to answer them with thousands of eyes on you.

Politicians on the other hand go to pocket meetings which become their venue of private judging and then they go on television programmes in which they are asked questions, which at times they do not know the answer to with thousands of eyes glaring at them. While the queens sing, dance, cook, do poetry, karate etc for their talent, politicians flash out their experience in law, civil service, finance, governance, trade unions as highly desirable talent.

At the end of the day for both beauty queens and politicians it all comes down to the votes. Mostly the smartest sounding contender with a solid talent and charisma wins and they give a big speech about how they are going to use this platform to do some really ground-breaking work (that is unless you know the judges personally) but the funny thing is that you usually do not hear from the reigning queen or the winning politician till the next event.

Pageants and elections have so much in common and I often wonder, just like the late Robin Williams did, that maybe these politicians should wear a slash letting us know who their corporate sponR sors are. n Ashfaaq Khan is a freelance writer and a

filmmaker. He likes to write political satire and make educational films. He is married with one child.

Issue 15 | September 2014

*But facts are sacred. ~ CP Scott

The scramble for the crown

FIJIAN ELECTIONS OFFICE

AT YOUR POLLING STATION 1

As you enter, you will be given a Voter Instruction Booklet

2

Produce Voter Identification

3

Sign the Voter List

4

Upon receipt of the Ballot Paper, proceed to a voting screen;

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Circle or Tick or Cross the number of the candidate you wish to vote for on the ballot paper

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After voting ink will be applied to your left index or little finger

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Place the ballot paper in a ballot box And you have voted

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Issue 15 | September 2014

www.electionsfiji.gov.fj

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facebook.com/Fijianelectionsoffice

I’m Voting because I’m Fijian

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twitter.com/ElectionsFiji

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