Live Event: American Revolutionary War Collection of Richard Newell December 15 in Nashua, NH by RR Auction

Auction

December 15, 2012 â&#x20AC;˘ Nashua, New Hampshire

Live Auction December 15th • 1 PM EST The live auction will be held at The Crowne Plaza Hotel in Nashua, NH.

Preview December 10th-14th • 9 AM - 5 PM EST Schedule an appointment for viewing at our office. 5 Route 101A, Suite 5 Amherst, NH. December 15th • 10 AM - 1 PM EST Auction day preview will be held at The Crowne Plaza Hotel in Nashua, NH.

How to Bid BID IN PERSON Attend the auction Saturday, December 15, to view the lots in-person and bid live! The auction will be held at the Crowne Plaza Hotel, 2 Somerset Parkway, Nashua, NH, and starts promptly at 1 PM EST. You may fill out an absentee bid form onsite if you are unable to stay for the entire sale.

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The American Revolutionary War

THE RICHARD NEWELL COLLECTION RR Auction is proud to present the Richard Newell collection of the American Revolutionary War which features 33 lots including the Proctor– Sang–Newell Collection of Signers of the Declaration of Independence. A complete set of all 56 men who signed this historic document, this collection represents the ultimate accomplishment in American autograph collecting. Of the precious few complete collections of Signers known to exist, this set is one of the finest quality sets ever offered. Most of the examples are substantial-length letters, many of which feature significant historical content by some of the nation’s most important Founding Fathers. This is a rare opportunity to acquire a complete set of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, one of only forty collections known to exist. It is believed that together with the additions made by Richard Newell, this will be the largest offering of individual Signers in the past fifty years.

Force’s scarce and striking reproduction of the Declaration, handsomely displayed 1000. Declaration of Independence. Scarce engraved broadside, “In Congress, July 4, 1776. The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of America. When in the Course of Human Events.” [Washington, D.C.,] engraved by W.J. Stone [1823–1825], reprinted 1833 from the same copperplate, for Peter Force’s multi-volume work, American Archives (1837–1853). By 1820, the original Declaration of Independence, now housed at the National Archives in Washington, D.C., had seriously deteriorated due to inappropriate handling and storage. In an effort to preserve the memory of the venerable document, Secretary of State John Quincy Adams commissioned William J. Stone to engrave an exact facsimile on a copper plate. When Stone completed his painstaking work in 1823, Congress ordered 200 official copies printed on vellum. Stone’s original engraved plate remained with the Department of State. Several years later, Peter Force, historian, publisher and mayor of Washington D.C. (1790–1868), conceived a 20-volume anthology entitled American Archives, which would reprint letters, documents and broadsides from the American Revolution and convinced Congress to fund an edition of 1,500 sets. For the project, Force arranged with the State Department to print 4,000 copies of the Declaration using Stone’s original copperplate. Stone’s imprint was neatly burnished out at the top of the plate—and “W.J. STONE SC[ULPSIT] WASHN.” was placed in the lower left. The facsimiles were folded and bound into volume one of the fifth series of American Archives: A Documentary History of the United States of America. Recently uncovered documentation demonstrates that Force’s edition was not printed in 1848 as previously believed, but earlier, in 1833. American Archives was published at intervals between 1837 and 1853, but paid subscriptions to the elaborate (and bulky) collection proved disappointing. In 1843, when Force received Congressional re-authorization to continue the work, he had scaled back his subscription plan to 500 copies. In the end, only 9 of the projected 20 volumes were ever issued. Although Force printed over 4,000 copies, extant editions of Force’s facsimile are surprisingly scarce. The Force printing, the second edition of the first exact facsimile, remains one of the best representations of the Declaration as the manuscript looked over 150 years ago, before the document’s near complete deterioration today. Beautifully cloth matted and framed, and possibly mounted, to an overall size of 34 x 39.5. In overall very good condition, with intersecting storage folds, well-done professional repairs to separations along folds, repaired areas of small paper loss, with well-done touch ups to the text in those areas, and other separations, light mirroring and ink transfer to print, and some scattered light toning. A visually-striking example of one of only a few hundred printings known to exist. Estimate $20,000 - 25,000

Force Print of the Declaration of Independence

One of only 40 complete sets of Signers known to exist—a collection of superior content containing one of the finest Button Gwinnett documents in private hands 1001. Proctor-sang-newell collection of signers

he centerpiece of any complete set of Signers is the rarest of them all, the autograph of Button Gwinnett. According to the most recent published census, only 51 examples of his hand are known to exist—and only eleven remain in private hands. The Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection features a superb example: a historic 1773 document signed by the Georgia Signer at an important moment in his life. The Gwinnett is complemented by other rare and uncommon Signers including Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton, Joseph Hewes, John Penn, Thomas Nelson, Jr., George Taylor, and Lyman Hall. It is the enormous scarcity of these signatures that make collecting all 56 Signers a near impossible feat. The collection was first assembled by the noted collector Thomas R. Proctor (1884–1920) of Utica, New York. Proctor, as evidenced by the contents of this incredible holding, was an extremely sophisticated collector who not only venerated the Founding Fathers and their sacrifices for American independence, but had a deep and nuanced understanding of the history of the American Revolution. To enhance presentation, Proctor laid each piece into a larger sheet and had the set bound by Bradstreets in elaborately gilt scarlet morocco, with gilt-tooled morocco doublures with the names of the thirteen colonies housed within laurel wreathes. Sometime after Proctor completed his collection in 1905, it was acquired by another great American collector, Philip D. Sang (1902–1975)–one of three complete sets he owned over his lifetime. In 2002, Richard Newell purchased the collection in a private sale. A graduate of the United States Military Academy at West Point and Vietnam veteran, Newell is an avid student of military history. His acquisitions of significant books, manuscripts, and philately over the past several decades have focused on key moments in America’s military conflicts, with an astute appreciation for the underlying social and economic issues behind those struggles. At the time of his purchase of the present set, Newell had already acquired two partial collections of Signers. The first was purchased in the mid 1990s from the estate of Kenneth Laurence, which included 55 of the original 56 (excluding Gwinnett). He bought a second partial set of 42 at a New York auction in 2000.

Lot 1001 (pg 4-72) presents a rare opportunity to acquire a complete set of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence Unlike many extant collections of Signers, which consist of clipped signatures and signed documents, this assemblage features 48 handwritten letters, 22 of which were accomplished during the Revolutionary War with an additional five that date between The Boston Tea Party and the outbreak of hostilities in April 1775. Indeed, the last collection of Signers that contained as many letters signed as the present group was offered in 1967. The quality of this collection simply can’t be overstated. Overall condition would be considered fine, with a range of expected occasional light flaws (for example, scattered soiling, light staining or foxing, unobtrusive intersecting folds, isolated small old repairs or reinforcements, etc), however this set, as a whole, displays condition far surpassing similarly available material and in essence any flaws could be dismissed as trivial. Each piece has been professionally and tastefully inlaid into a larger sheet so that reverse sides or adjoining address panels (some of which also bear franking signatures or original wax seals) are readily viewed. Piecemeal, this is a remarkable assemblage of items; as a single offering it reaches a rarified new level—a superior once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for the most discriminating of collectors. Estimate $1,200,000 - 1,500,000

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

josiah Bartlett New Hampshire

To fellow signer Samuel Adams

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New Hampshire and physician (1729–1795). ALS, signed “Josiah Bartlett,” as Governor of New Hampshire, one page, 7.25 x 9, November 4, 1793, Kingston, [N.H.]. An official letter to fellow Signer Samuel Adams, then serving as Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts concerning a legislative matter. Bartlett writes, in full, “Sir I am to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 9th of October last, with its enclosures and shall take particular care to lay them before the Legislature of this State at their next Session which will be the 25th of next Month.” Following

his tenure in the Continental Congress, Bartlett served as a judge in New Hampshire, eventually rising to chief justice of the state’s supreme court. As chief executive of New Hampshire, he oversaw the writing of the state’s 1792 constitution. An excellent association piece sent between two Signers, each serving in an executive capacity in their respective states. Examples of Barlett’s autograph are scarce in war-dated ALS form. American Book Prices Current identifies only ten examples of that date and format selling at auction since 1976.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Matthew Thornton New Hampshire

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New Hampshire (1714–1803). Scarce manuscript DS, signed “Matthew Thornton,” one page, 7.5 x 12.25, December 10, 1768, Londonderry, with an extensive AES, signed “Matthew Thornton, Just of Peace,” on verso. A document in which Thornton witnesses a deed of gift from George Duncan to his son Robert Duncan and also certifies the document in his capacity as Justice of the Peace. The document reads, in part, “Know ye that I George Duncan of Londonderry within his majesties province of new hampshire in new england yeoman for and in Consideration of the Natural love and affection that I have…to Well Beloved Son Robert Duncan of the above Said town…I have

granted Bargained…and By these presents…grant…unto the Sd. Robt Duncan….the one Halfe of my Real Estate lands and midows quantity an[d] quality.” Thornton was elected to the Continental Congress after the debates and vote on independence had concluded. He did not arrive in Philadelphia until November 1776, but he was still granted permission to sign the document. He stands as one of several who signed the document but did not vote for independence. Examples of Thornton’s hand in any form are scarce. American Book Prices Current identifies only ten DSs selling at auction since 1975.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

“We ought to be…careful not to place too great confidence in those who are not fully established in true Republican Principles, even ‘tho they may fall in (at this late hour) with the spirit of the times”

William Whipple

New Hampshire

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New Hampshire (1730–1785). In 1777 he commanded a brigade of New Hampshire militia at Saratoga and the following year at Rhode Island. Excellent political content war-dated ALS, signed “Wm: Whipple,” one page both sides, 7.75 x 12.75, January 13, 1779, Philadelphia, addressed in his hand on the integral transmittal leaf to fellow Signer Josiah Bartlett (1729–1795) adding his franking signature, “Free W Whipple.” Bartlett dockets the transmittal leaf as well. A wide-ranging, wonderfully candid, and impassioned letter by Whipple, covering a range of important subjects, in which he vents his suspicion and anger at fair-weather patriots and demagogues and voices his belief that their correspondence was being intercepted.

Whipple writes, in full: “Your favor of the 9th Ulto. came to hand this morning.—The powers you mention were brot. by Mr. Feort[?], who informed me, that no such powers had been sent previous to his set[t] ing out. The circumstances you mention leaves no doubt, that Villainies have been practiced at some post office or on the Road between this & N. Hampshire nor do I think it would be very difficult to guess where, perhaps our correspondence may be intercepted in the same manner, in order to discover such interception as soon as it happens I shall in the future number my letter as above this being the third to you since my arrival [he adds the number ‘3’ at the top]. I wish to be favored with any interesting Acts that passd. last Sessions.—Col: [John] Langdon incouraged [sic] me to hope for this some time ago, but I suppose he has forgot it—The plan of finance that was under consideration before your departure has been sent forth some days ago & will reach you before this comes to your hand, indeed the Resolutions went out not so well dressed as was intended, this was owing to the earnest solicitation of those States who wish to forward business, & had rather their constituents should have a naked Bird then wait a week for the Plumage, this dressing was not finish[ed] till Yesterday. I will endeavor to send you a copy of it, the Resolutions youle [sic] find in one of the inclosed papers [not present], the real effect of this plan cannot yet be full ascertained it has already put a stop to the circulation of the two Emissions in this City and I suppose will have nearly the same effect through the States.—The sentences of the Courts Mar[tia]l on the several Genl Officers are confirmed, if prudence did not forbid my commit[t]ing them to paper I could give you some curious anecdotes respecting this business. I will endeavor to procure the Acts you mention and forward them.– I wish to have an account of Your new Assembly, what new members you have &c. Circumstances may cause an altercation in the conduct of men without changing their Principles, I need not caution you against men of that Character,—we ought to be perticularly [sic] careful not to place too great confidence in those who are not fully established in true Republican Principles, even ‘tho they may fall in (at this late hour) with the spirit of the times, and be urgent for persueing [sic] the most vigorous, & decisive measures; in my judgment such Characters cannot be too carefully guarded against, such no doubt are to be found in every State and will be creeping, or forcing themselves into public life such characters no doubt you have met with

even in [space left blank] but suppose a few such should be Delegated from the E—or [illeg.] consequences I know strikes you forcibly. I know you have seen instance where the Blackest designs have been hid under, the cloak of Patriotism, & violent Patriotism too[.] You’ll excuse my troubling you with these thoughts which from my Country and Zealous desire to see Republicanism established in the highest perfection. Perhaps you will not be at a loss why I deliver these sentiments at this perticular [sic] time—You’ll Please to observe it is to you, and you only that I am writing—I think I sent you a paper, some time ago containing a publication of Mr. Dean[‘]s, & some other papers containing performances of Common Sense continuations of which you’ll find in the inclosed [not present] papers these publications have caused no inconciderable [sic] convulsions, which in my Opinion will have very favorable operations[.] I wish to know how they operate with you. Please to remember me very kindly to all true Republican none else can be Friends to America and all such are in titled to the highest Esteem of My Dear Sir.” A marvelous letter by the New Hampshire Signer, so angry at a point he felt the need to apologize for his vitriol. Considering the desperate nature financial and military situation in 1779, no one could blame him. The language in the circulars to promote the Continental budget (our term) that was approved in Congress the day Whipple cynically characterized here as a bird to be dressed, was no more than a request to the states for money which would have to be borrowed—and that the states would need to borrow by printing more currency leading to a major inflationary crisis by 1779. For that reason, 1779 would be last year the Continental Congress would authorize the issuance of paper money. Whipple, like many of his compatriots, was also suspicious of those who came late to the cause after years of neutrality (or Loyalism)—in particular those who would proclaim it the loudest. This anger may have been directed toward Joseph Reed, President of Pennsylvania, who was notorious for his overzealous persecution of suspected Loyalists. Whipple also comments on Congress’ approval of several courts martial, one of which (on December 5, 1778) was for Major General Charles Lee who was disgraced at Monmouth. Sadly, he was too discreet to commit to paper the “curious anecdotes respecting this business.” He also makes reference to the scandal plaguing Silas Deane, who had returned from his mission to France accused of financial mis-management and profiteering. His trial in Congress was a bitter affair. Whipple also makes reference to the firebrand Thomas Paine, writing under the pen-name “Common Sense,” who attacked Deane in the press as a corrupt embezzler. Whipple, sensible not to lay his political convictions on paper, offers the vague verdict on Paine’s attacks: “these publications have caused no inconciderable [sic] convulsions, which in my Opinion will have very favorable operations” and adding, “I wish to know how they operate with you.”

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Massachusetts Governor John Hancock transmits an early river conservation law to the Governor of New Hampshire for approval John Hancock

Massachusetts

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Massachusetts and President of the Continental Congress at the time of the document’s approval (1737–1793). An early Whig leader and leading Boston merchant, Hancock figured prominently in the early struggles against Parliament’s efforts to tax the colonies in the 1760s and 1770s. He also served as the first and third governor of Massachusetts (1780–1785 and 1787–1793). Important ALS, signed “John Hancock,” as Governor of Massachusetts, one page, 7.25 x 9, October 31, 1783, Boston, to New Hampshire Governor Meshech Weare (1713–1786). With integral blank sheet docketed in an unknown hand. Hancock writes seeking the passage of a pair of bills concerning the better resource management of the Merrimack River that formed a portion of the states’ common border. Hancock writes, in full, “In Compliance with the Request of the Two Branches of the General Court, I enclose you Two Acts of this Government making provision to prevent the Destruction of Fish by Mill-Dams, &c in [the] Merrimack River. As the Design’d Utility of this Bill will much Depend upon the Measures that shall be Adopted by the Legislature of your State; I am to request that your Excellency will be pleased to lay those Acts before them, and cannot but flatter myself that they will Take such effectual Steps as will ensure the good Effects which our General Court had in View in passing the Bill.” Hancock’s letter represents an excellent example of interstate

cooperation in the early years of the nation’s history before the federal constitution of 1787—a period where the states behaved like sovereign nations in most respects. The legislation in question was also a pioneering river conservation measure. The law, entitled ‘An Act to Regulate the Catching of Salmon, Shad and Alewives, and to Remove and Prevent Obstructions in Merrimack River, and in the Other Rivers and Streams Running into the Same, within this Commonwealth, and for Repealing Several Acts Heretofore Made for that Purpose,’ was passed in Massachusetts on October 24, 1783. The law reads almost like a modern day environmental measure: ‘Whereas the salmon, shad and alewives, taken in Merrimack River and streams running into the same, have been of great service to the inhabitants of this Commonwealth; and as the fish in the said rivers and streams may hereafter be of great service to the people of this Commonwealth, as well as to those of New Hampshire, if proper care is taken to prevent the un-necessary destruction thereof; and whereas by constant fishing with seines, nets and pots, and erecting weirs and other incumbrances, to prevent the passage and facilitate the taking of the said fish, they are greatly diminished, and there is great danger of their being totally destroyed.’ An attractive example of Hancock’s autograph, with a masterful signature—most fitting for a person whose name is now synonymous with the act of signing one’s name.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

“The Harmony and Conscience of the Colonies is of a thousand times more Importance in our Dispute than the Friendship or Patronage of any great Man in England” Samuel Adams

Massachusetts

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Massachusetts (1722–1803). Adams emerged as one of the early leaders of the movement against the Stamp Act and other British tax measures of the 1760s. Historic-content ALS, signed, “Saml Adams,” one page both sides, 5.75 x 7.5, April 1774, Boston to Arthur Lee (1740–1792) in London with integral address leaf addressed in Adams’ hand and docketed by Lee who at the time was serving as Massachusetts’ agent in the British capital. Adams flatly rejects the idea that Lord Dartmouth, Secretary of State for the Colonies in Parliament, would be able to do or say anything that would dampen the growing imperial crisis.

Adams writes, in full: “Cap[tain] Wood being still detained I have the opportunity of acknowledging your Favor of the 22 Decr last, which is just now come to my hand. I do not much depend upon Lord Dartmouths Inclination to relieve America upon Terms which we shall think hospitable; upon his Ability to do it I have no Dependence at all. He might have said with Safety, when called upon by Lord Shelburne, that he had prepared a Plan which he was resolved to pursue at all Hazard of his Office; for I have Reason to believe it was grounded upon the Hopes that we could be prevailed upon at least implicitly to renounce our Claims. This would have been an acceptable Service to the Ministry, and would have secured to him his office —No great Advantage can be made against us by the Letter which you mention to Lord Dartmouth from the two Houses of our Assembly; for upon a Review of it I think the most that is said in it is, that if we are brought back to the State we were in at the Close of the late War, we shall be as easy as we then were. I do not like anything that looks like accommodating our Language to the Humour of a Minister, and am fully of your Opinion that ‘the Harmony and Conscience of the Colonies is of a thousand times more Importance in our Dispute than the Friendship or Patronage of any great Man in England. At the request of my friend Mr Hancock I beg your acceptance of an Oration delivered by him on the fifth of March last. I intend to write to you again very soon.” William Legge, 2nd Earl of Dartmouth (1731–1801), the stepbrother of Lord North, served as Secretary for the Colonies from 1772 to 1775. Franklin and others regarded his appoint-

ment as a welcome change believing that he would be more conciliatory toward colonial demands than his predecessor Lord Hillsborough. At the start of his administration, Dartmouth attempted to settle disputes over western settlement and try to bring affairs back to the more settled state that had existed in 1763. However, events soon spun out well beyond his control. The Boston Tea Party in December 1773, changed matters dramatically and Dartmouth’s patience would run out. Unbeknownst to Adams at the time, Parliament had just passed the Boston Port Bill on March 31, 1774, that closed the harbor to all commerce unless the town agreed to compensate the ship owners for the damage to their vessels and cargo. Part of what became known in America as the Intolerable (or Coercive) Acts, the law galvanized Whig opposition and pushed the colonies much closer to the brink of open hostilities. Dartmouth personally drafted the Quebec Act of 1774 which extended the boundaries of the former French colony to the junction of the Ohio & Mississippi. To the steadfast Protestants of New England, it appeared that Great Britain was capitulating to the Catholics, further inflaming antiparliamentary sentiment in the colonies. On March 5, 1774, the fourth anniversary of the Boston Massacre, the young John Hancock, Adams’ protégé, had presented an important oration to commemorate the event. In his address, Hancock denounced the quartering of British troops in Boston and questioned the authority of Parliament. The speech did much to elevate Hancock’s public profile helping him win election to the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia that convened in September 1775. A superb letter by Samuel Adams during a critical stage of the American Revolution, written to one of the most important diplomats of the period. Samuel Adams is rare in war-dated ALS form. American Book Prices Current identifies only seven examples selling at auction since 1975 dating from the war. Published in The Writings of Samuel Adams: 1773–1777.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

“America is the City, Set upon a Hill”

John Adams

Massachusetts

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Massachusetts (1735–1826), second President of the United States, first Vice President of the United States. Adams was, with Thomas Jefferson, an author of the Declaration of Independence and negotiated the Treaty of Paris that ended the Revolutionary War. Important war-dated ALS, signed “John Adams” as Minister Plenipotentiary, one page both sides, 7.25 x 9.5, March 18, 1780, Paris, to Major General Nathanael Greene (1742–1786). Docketed by Greene on the docket on verso. Adams opened by subtly announcing the arrival in America of the French expeditionary force under Rochambeau that would prove decisive at Yorktown the following year. Adams then extols the tremendous influence of American affairs in the courts of Europe, likening America to “the City, Set upon a Hill.” Adams writes to Greene, in full, “Give me leave, by the opportunity of the Viscount de Noailles, to take this Method of reviving a Correpondanc[e] which has been interrupted almost three years but was one of the most pleasing I ever had. It is unnecessary to say any Thing, of the Expedition with which this Letter is intended to go, because I hope it will reveal itself to you, in account which will make themselves heard and understood by all the World. As there is a Probability, that there will be more frequent Communication, with America, this Summer than there ever has been, let me by the Favour of your Sentiments, both upon Subjects of Policy and War. Every operation of your Army has its Influence upon all the Powers of Europe, in France, Spain, England[,] Ireland, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Russia, Prussia[,] Portugal, and even in the German Empire. America is the City, Set upon a Hill, I do not think myself guilty of Exaggeration, Vanity, or Presumption when I Say, that the Proceedings of Congress are more attended to than those of any Court in Europe and the Motions of our Armies than any of theirs. And there are more political Lyes [sic] made and circulated about both than all the rest: which renders genuine Intelligence, from good Authority the more interesting and Important. There is a great Vanity of Policy, on Foot, in England[,] Ireland, Holland, and Among the northern Powers all tending to favour the Cause of America, which is promoted by nothing more than by prompt and accurate Intelligence. I am, Sir as much as ever your Friend and Servant John Adams.” Viscount Louis-Marie de Noailles (1756–1804), who carried Adams’ letter across the Atlantic, was second in command of the Régement de Soissonnais—part of Rochambeau’s expeditionary force that departed Brest on May 1, 1780, and arrived off Newport, Rhode Island on July 11. The following year, that army would join with Washington’s to force the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. De Noialles, a close friend of Lafayette (who had married one of one de Noialles’ cousins), personally arranged the terms of the British capitulation. Adams wrote to Greene about a month after his arrival in Paris as Minister Plenipotentiary charged by Congress to negotiate a peace treaty with Great Britain (if the opportunity

arose). While awaiting that opportunity, Adams embarked on a propaganda campaign to bolster European support for the American cause. Writing letters and publishing articles, Adams sought to capitalize on the great weight placed on American affairs in European capitals to bring pressure upon Britain to make peace. To accomplish this Adams required accurate information from America to counter the “political Lyes” and rumors that abounded in the press about American affairs. A high-ranking general, like Greene, would be an appropriate source of information. In the letter Adams belied his initial optimism over the ability of France to finally make a substantial difference in the war after several years of disappointing campaigns. After Rochambeau’s departure for America in May, Adams discovered that critical naval support would not be sent to support him. Instead, France sent her warships to the West Indies which allowed Britain to continue her domination of North American waters. After Rochembeau arrived in Newport, he found himself trapped in the port by blockading British warships for the remainder of the year. In 1781 France would finally bring naval support to bear allowing Washington to join forces with Rochambeau and trap Cornwallis at Yorktown. While that victory did not formally end the war, the blow was great enough to convince Britain to begin peace talks with the United States. As Adams noted in his opening, he and Greene had not corresponded for several years. The last known letter from Adams to Greene before the present example was written on July 7, 1777, attacking Greene’s threatened resignation over the appointment of the Frenchman Tronson du Coudray as a major general, placing him in seniority over himself, as well as Henry Knox and John Sullivan. According to Boatner, “John Adams advised Greene to apologize. Greene did not take the advice, and Congress worked out a solution acceptable to the generals. (Encyclopedia of the American Revolution 1st. ed., 454)” Greene did not respond to the present letter until 1782, and when he did, he blamed Adams with halting the correspondence, not the reverse. (Papers of John Adams, Vol. 12, 220–221). This is an incredible letter from Adams, written at a very critical juncture in the war and addressed to one of the most important generals in the Continental Army. This superb association is more profound in light of the fact that it was Greene’s campaign in the Carolinas between 1780 and 1781 that forced Cornwallis’ to transfer his base of operations to Yorktown, Virginia, where he would soon find himself trapped by a spectacular Franco-American joint land and naval operation. At the same time, the letter also sheds light on Adams’ optimism that the war, then in its fifth year (and no end in sight), might soon end in an American victory. Published in Papers of John Adams, Vol. 9, 62-63.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Robert Treat Paine reports on the failed “Secret Expedition” against Newport, Rhode Island of 1777 Robert Treat Paine Massachusetts

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Massachusetts (1731–1814). Important war-dated ALS, signed “RT Paine,” three pages on two adjoining 7.25 x 9.25 sheets, March 27, 1778, Providence, to fellow Signer Elbridge Gerry. Docketed on verso in Gerry’s hand. Paine offers his conclusions on the failure of the “secret expedition” against the British Fleet stationed at Newport Rhode Island in October 1777. Paine also reports on the progress of a “Regulating Bill” pending in the Massachusetts House of Representatives and his hopes for reimbursement for his services in conducting the inquiry on the failed 1777 expedition.

Paine writes, in full, “With assiduous & plodding Industry we have at last got thro’ the Examination into the Causes of the Failure of the Rhode Island Expedition, as we were not called upon to give any Opinion, so we have not presumed it—by the course of the Examination it appears that several persons have endeavoured to throw the blame on Brigadier Palmer, but a little attention will show he was not the cause of the Failure, but that it issues from the following Causes, among them Vizt. the want of a proper Naval Command to ambush[,] transport & debark the Troops, a business which no military officers as such has any thing to do with— 2dly the want of Tents or sufficient Covering for the Troops within convenient distance, so as to be able to collect them in season, this was one grand & fatal Cause. 3dly the Expedition Falling so late in the year, as to be distressed with a most rainy season which obliged the Troops to take cover, for which they were obliged to scatter 20 miles long and 7 or 8 wide, then collecting them together from so great a distance was exceedingly harrassing [sic] to the Troops, had a tendency to discourage them & unfit then to proceed immediately on such an Expedition[.] 4thly a want of Confidence in the officers one to another & of the Men to all of them which took place by degrees soon after the whole army was formed, notwithstanding at Wh[ich] it is generally supposed that had they gone on with Spirit they much have carried their point—Gen’l Palmer has introduced a State[ment] of facts & observations by way of defence, it affects him exceedingly to think his Character is attacked: I can but hope from the knowledge I have of his early, constant & very great political merit [or, will?] that he may not be thought blame worthy, I believe it is generally thought that one cause of the failure was, a want of abilities for such an undertaking when they should have been, rather than cause of blame anywhere, & for Gen’l Palmer it appears plainly that from a zeal to promote the cause, he undertook more than the strength of his body was equal to, w[hi]ch might

occasion the appearance of neglect in some respect, you know the man & will make such representations as you think proper. I hope the whole will issue to general satisfaction—The Regulating bill hangs by the Eye lids in our house, a Committee of the whole of both Houses after a long Consultation agreed to adopt is by 94 and only 86 & I think soon after a Committee was appointed to bring in a bill, but the Smallpox Spreading in Boston & the Court having Sat a long while they adjoined to the first day of April at Roxbury. Rhode Island, new Hampshire wait to see what we do. Connecticut have passed it; I wish to hear what is done to the Southward. I wrote you in last that we had received the Continental agent at Providence an Actual Expences on the business of the Enquiry, I wish to know who is to pay us for our trouble, we have done the same this time and we want to know whether we are to have any allowance for our labour which has been very great, we sat day after day from 8 in the morning to 8 or 9 at night, & the neglect of our own affairs has been more damage than any allowance I can expect, but as this business was not undertaken for the sake of gain we are very willing to be treated in such a manner as Congress have done in like Cases—I have been 14 days with Mr Edgworth 24 w Mr Marchant 19 on the business which may serve as a guide for allowance[.] Inclosed I send you a Virginia Dollar bill, which pray get changed for me.” Paine comments on a little-known expedition against the British-held Newport on Rhode Island. Authorized by Congress in the Spring of 1778 and led by Gen. Joseph Spencer, the operation included members of the Rhode Island, Massachusetts and Connecticut Militias to launch a surprise amphibious attack on the town. The “Secret Expedition” as it became known, assembled at Tiverton, beside the northern tip of Rhode Island. The force of nearly 10,000 waited through the summer and into the fall before it was ordered to move against Newport. Several attempts to embark were thwarted by bad weather and when the British discovered the plan, the expedition was scrubbed. General Palmer’s brigade bore much of the blame for the failure, though Paine rightly points out the additional mitigating factors. It is widely believed that Washington never intended for the expedition to succeed. He designed it as a diversion in order to prevent the British sending more troops to support Burgoyne at Saratoga. In that respect, the “Secret Expedition” succeeded masterfully. Robert Treat Paine is very rare in ALS form. American Book Prices Current identifies only four ALSs selling at auction since 1974.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Elbridge Gerry Massachusetts

On pensions for invalid Revolutionary War veterans

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Massachusetts (1744–1814). Governor of Massachusetts (1810–1812). Vice President of the United States (1813–1814). Fine content ALS, signed “E Gerry,” as Congressman from Massachusetts, one page both sides, 7.75 x 9.75, January 6, 1790, New York. Addressed in his hand on the integral transmittal leaf to “Alexander Hodgden, Treasurer of Massachusetts,” adding his franking signature, “free E Gerry.” Gerry, as a member of the First Congress of the United States, writes Hodgden on the subject of pensions for invalid veterans of the Revolutionary War. Gerry writes, in full, “On my return to the city Mr. Dalton shewed [sic] me a letter which you had addressed to him & me to be communicated to the other member of Congress from Massachusetts respecting the pension accounts of the State; & in consequence thereof, all the members present a reed to write a letter to the Governor informing him the we conceived it necessary for the State to appoint a commissioner to attend the commitments of the United States during their examination of the pension & other accounts which may be exhibited by the former against the latter, the letter referred to will be transmitted by the post, & will we presume to be communicated by his Excellency to the legislature; in which case should a commissioner be agreed on, we conceive that Mr. Osgood will be as proper a person as can be appointed, because he is well acquainted with the subject, will attend to it, & being on the spot, may be obtained at a much less expense than a person who many be sent from the State 18

& be obliged to continue here untill [sic] the commissioner can attend to the business—many if not all the other Gentlemen of our State in Congress being of their opinion have proposed to write their friends in the legislature on the subject, but being much engaged in other matters I shall be unable to write to mine & must request you to communicate this to such Gentlemen of the Legislature as you may think proper, signifying to them that I have no predication for the plan or appointment if either House have doubts on the occasion.” A fine example of Gerry’s mastery of the legislative matters in his home state while representing the same in the First Congress. At Philadelphia in 1787, Gerry voted against the adoption of the United States Constitution. Despite his misgivings, he stood for election to the US House of Representatives and to everyone’s surprise, emerged there as a strong supporter of the Washington Administration and Alexander Hamilton. The subject of pensions for veterans of the Revolutionary War and their families was a perennial issue in the halls of Congress many decades after the war concluded in 1783. At first only invalids were granted any pension, and most of the support was through the states. It was not until 1818 that federal pensions were extended to indigent veterans. In 1832 Congress extended support to all veterans (and to widows in 1836). The last veterans of the American Revolution died in the years just following the Civil War.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Stephen Hopkins Rhode Island

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Rhode Island (1707–1785). Governor of Rhode Island for several terms between 1755 and 1768. Rare ALS, signed “Step Hopkins,” as governor of Rhode Island, one page, 6.25 x 7, March 24, 1766, no place, to Joseph Clark “General Treasurer of the Colony of Rhode Island.” Hopkins writes, in part, “Please to pay the Ninety Pounds Lawfull Money granted me by the General Assembly to Mr. Moses Brown. and his receipt shall be a sufficient discharge.”

Hopkins is known for his very shaky signature on the Declaration. In this instance, ten years earlier, his hand was far steadier. Moses Brown was the grandfather of John Carter Brown (1797–1874), the noted book collector whose library formed the core of the John Carter Brown Library at Brown University. Hopkins in ALS form is rare. American Book Prices Current notes only four examples selling since 1975.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

William Ellery Rhode Island

William Ellery on federal vs. state authority

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Rhode Island (1727–1820). Fine-content ALS, signed “Wm Ellery Coll,” as Collector of the Port of Newport, one page, 6.75 x 8, August 15, 1808, Newport. Ellery writes to Thomas Arnold, “Surveyor of E[ast]. Greenwich,”concerning three seized ships at East Greenwich, Rhode Island, and the federal government’s supremacy over state law in the matter. Letter reads, in part, “Last Saturday I received a letter from the Secry of the Treasury advising me that the detention of the Schooner Paulina, Sloop Gull, and Sloop Nenus and their respective cargoes is approved and confirmed by the President of the United States: that vessels and cargoes are equally liable to detention;—that the Collr. according to the nature of the case will judge of the propriety of keeping or restoring the vessel and cargo, and on what terms;—that any attempt by Writ of

Replevin, Attachment, Execution or in any other shape to wrest property detained by the Collector is a nullity, That no such authority exists, or is recognized in the State’s Courts, and that the Collector has a right to resist forcibly the execution of such writs, and by force to regain the possession of the articles detained or seized by him. If therefore by a State Writ of Replevin…an attempt should be made, to wrest from you the cargo of the Paulina…you will muster all the force you can and resist the execution thereof.” Following the Revolution, Ellery served a brief stint as Chief Justice of the Rhode Island Supreme Court (1785–1786). In 1790 President George Washington appointed Ellery as Collector of Customs for the District of Newport, a position he held for three decades.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

On the Connecticut claims in the Wyoming Valley Roger Sherman

Connecticut

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Connecticut (1721–1793). Rare and fine content ALS, signed “Roger Sherman,” one page, 7.75 x 9.25, February 14, 1791, Philadelphia, addressed in his hand on verso to Zebulon Butler (1731–1795) in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania. A superb letter to the leader of the Connecticut settlers in the Wyoming Valley of Pennsylvania toward the end of the Yankee-Pennamite Wars. Sherman writes, in part: “I received Your letter of the 3 instant to Capt. Baldwin. I am sorry that the old controversy respecting your lands is likely to be revived, after having been quieted by Solemn Act of the Legislature, it appears to me that the repeal of that Act was a very improvident measure; As to the writs you mention, I am not enough acquainted with the Laws and mode of process in this State to give an opinion in the case, but I suppose that Captain Baldwin has consulted Counsel learned in the law on the Subject and obtained the necessary information. If the claimants under the proprietors of Pennsylvania will prosecute their claims in a course of law, the claimants under Connecticut will have right to a fair & impartial tryal [sic] in the Courts of the United States; where they may avail themselves of their titles derived under Connecticut as fully as if the decision at Trenton had not been made, because they were not parties to that suit, their claims cannot be affected by it.” The intermittent Yankee-Pennamite Wars of the late eighteenth century were one of several interstate conflicts that raged in the background of the American Revolution. The conflict arose when Connecticut granted lands in the disputed Wyoming Valley in northeast Pennsylvania to its residents in 1762. Beginning in 1770, Pennsylvania settlers (Pennamites),

who had also been given grants to the same region by their province, began to move into the region harassing the Yankee settlers. Two small-scale “wars” erupted, one in 1770–1771 and another in 1775. At the close of the American Revolution in 1782, Congress issued the Decree of Trenton which ruled that Connecticut had illegally settled the valley. In 1783 another “war” erupted and fighting did not end completely until 1794. In 1799 Pennsylvania recognized the Connecticut grants, finally settling the dispute.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

William Williams Connecticut

Reporting on the Indian raid on the Wyoming Valley

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Connecticut (1731–1811). Fine content ALS, signed “W. Williams,” one page both sides, 7.5 x 12, January 9, 1764, Lebanon, [Connecticut]. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel, “To Capt Joseph Trumble late, from New England in London.” A lengthy letter to Joseph Trumbull (1737–1778) who served as commissary general in the Continental Army during the American Revolution. Williams opens wishing his correspondent his congratulations on his safe transatlantic journey, “I sincerely congratulate yr having rode safely over the mighty Waves of the boisterous Ocean” and updating him on local news, noting, “no Deaths of any Persons of Note among us nor in the Colony…saving that of Col. Andrew Burr of Fairfield…& of the Revd Jona Lyman of Oxford.” Williams then moves on to the simmering troubles on the frontier at the close of the French and Indian War “The Savages continue to make Slaughter on the Southern Frontiers, & strange that nothing is done to oppose to them, tho since ye cold Weather came on their Rage is somewhat restrained. They have intirely cut off & destory’d the Susquehanna & Delaware Settlements. Majr. Baldwin was early sent by ye Assembly (on express orders for the Purpose from his Majesty) to Wioming [sic], there

to publish his Commission & to warn off all those Settlers &c but 44 were more effectually warn’d before he arrived. Fear these Commotions will have an unhappy influence on the Success of Col Dyer’s Employ.” Williams finishes his letter with a romantic theme, inquiring, “I believe Ladies are plenty in England, can’t you pick out an agre[e] able wife, were I in your Situation & had money now to court with, wo[ul]d try to find her out.” Eliphalet Dyer (1721–1807) had been sent to London as an agent for the Susquehanna Land Company in 1763 in a failed attempt to obtain royal title to the Wyoming Valley in Pennsylvania. In response, Connecticut sent Major David Baldwin as a commissioner to represent the Connecticut settlers in proceedings in Pennsylvania to evict them. When he arrived in Philadelphia, the governor informed him that the Indians had attacked the settlement and dispersed the settlers. Connecticut’s original colonial charter in 1662 was a ‘sea-to-sea’ grant that extended its northern and southern borders clear to the Pacific Ocean. In the early 1760s Connecticut settlers attempted to use that rationale to settle the Wyoming Valley of Pennsylvania leading to the intermittent Yankee-Pennamite Wars that lasted into the 1790s.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

To Roger Sherman’s son concerning an early survey of Connecticut’s Western Reserve Samuel Huntington

Connecticut

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Connecticut (1731–1796). President of the Continental Congress (1779–1781). Governor of Connecticut (1786–1796). Good content ALS, “Saml Huntington,” as Governor of Connecticut, one page, 7.25 x 11.75, March 28, 1787, Norwich, [Connecticut], to Isaac Sherman (1753–1819), son of fellow Signer from Connecticut Roger Sherman (1721–1793) concerning the exploration and survey of the Western Reserve in modern-day Northern Ohio, which Connecticut claimed as its own territory until 1800. Huntington writes, in full, “Yesterday I receiv’d your letter without date; by the Hon. Judge Sherman, The information you have given relative to the western lands is very acceptable; I wish to receive the best Information in your power respecting those lands referred by Connecticutt [sic], in particular the quality Situation, whether & how far they border, on Lake Erie, & every other material Circumstance which may have come to your knowledge. One principal design in appointing a Surveyor from each State, Undoubtedly was, that the States might have a more perfect knowledge of those Western lands as they are located from time to time; you will therefore Communicate to me as opportunity presents, all material Information respecting this Subject. Should have wrote you repeatedly the last Season, if I had known of my Safe or certain Conveyance. Before you leave this State, if you would make Some management, & give me Information, where, & what route will be Safe or most proper to direct my letters, address’d to you, the new full Correspondence may be successfully continued, & be assured it will be very pleasing to this State, & perhaps beneficial; & very acceptable to me.” Connecticut’s original grant of 1662 was a ‘sea-to-sea’ grant that extended its northern and southern borders clear to the Pacific Ocean. In the 1760s Connecticut settlers attempted to use that rationale to settle the Wyoming Valley of Pennsylvania leading to the intermittent Yankee-Pennamite Wars. Connecticut relinquished her claim in Pennsylvania after the American Revolution but held to another 120 mile-wide tract west of Pennsylvania and south of Lake Erie. In 1796 the Connecticut Land Company commissioned Moses Cleaveland to survey the lands, founding the city of Cleveland the same year. Connecticut finally relinquished its claim to the tract in 1800–the last of the Western Claims to be extinguished.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Oliver Wolcott

Connecticut

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Connecticut (1726–1797). Fine content war-dated ALS, signed “Oliver Wolcott,” three pages on two adjoining 7.25 x 9.5 sheets, November 19, 1778, Litchfield. Addressed in his hand on the integral address leaf to fellow Signer Roger Sherman “or Hon Oliver Ellsworth Member of Congress Philadelphia.” Wolcott introduces a young physician from Connecticut and vents his frustrations on the state of American finances. Wolcott writes, in full, “Dr. Leumuel Hopkins late of Waterbury now of this Town will deliver you this Letter, he Accompanies in Quality of Physician, a Mr. Elisha Parmily a young Gentleman of Expectation who has been lately graduated at Cambridge College [Harvard] and is now going to the Southward for the Recovery of his Health—Dr. Hopkins Wishes while he shall be in Philadelphia to attend the physical Academic Lectures there, and to get some Acquaintance with the Faculty in that City. I should have recommended him to Dr. Smith who Lodged at Mr. Cheeseman’s if I knew that he was in the City, but as it is not probable that he is, I take the Liberty to Recommend him to your Notice and that you would Advise him, who is an entire Stranger in those Parts. How he might most properly obtain the objects he has had in View. Dr. Hopkins is a Gentleman much respected by his Acquaintance and is justly Intitled to all that the good which is due to a Person of Virtue and Learning[.] Col. Dyer and Mr. Root who I suppose have gone forward to Congress will inform you of whatever has been done at the last Assembly. The depreciated Condition of the Currency is an Evil of the most distressing kind. We have for a long Time been told that Congress were attending to the Circumstance of Finance—the Subject I believe they find a Very

embarrassed one, but I hope they will be able to remedy in some Measure the Disorders which attend it—A large and universal Tax they will at least I think Recommend and in doing that will agree upon the respective Quotas—Almost Every Distress which We now feel is to be attributed to the depraved condition of the currency—the consequences which may result from it, are what alone can afford the least Grounded hope to the Enemy For my Apprehension if you can establish the Publick Credit you establish at the same time our Independence without any farther contest—I hope this will speedily be done or Things are but I wish the Enemy has not the Incouragement to keep up the War—” Wolcott was not alone in voicing his complaints on the state of the nation’s finances. Much to his chagrin, Congress’ solution for the next two years would be to print even more currency before the practice was stopped in 1780. Considering the loose structure of the Confederation Government, “A large and universal Tax” was not in the offing. Lemuel Hopkins was an accomplished poet and physician (1750–1801). Known as one of the ‘Connecticut Wits,’ he wrote, in collaboration with Theodore Dwight, David Humphreys, and others, many popular political satires. He was an accomplished physician and the founder of the Medical Society of Connecticut. His most famous poem was ‘The Anarchiad’ written in 1786 and 1787 poking fun at the ineffectual Confederation Congress on the eve of the Constitutional Convention at Philadelphia. War-dated ALSs by Wolcott are scarce and quite desirable. American Book Prices Current only shows seven war-dated examples in this format and date selling at auction since 1976.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Francis Lewis New York

“I shall be there...ready to execute your orders in the service of my Country”

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New York (1713–1802). Rare and fine content war-dated ALS, signed, “Fran Lewis,” one page both sides, 7.75 x 8.75, May 31, 1777, Philadelphia, to “The Honble. The Council of Safety.” Lewis writes concerning prize money arising from the capture of the schooner Hannah by Capt. William Rogers of the armed sloop Montgomery. Lewis writes, in large part: “I have the honor to transmit you the Accounts and Sales and Currant of the Schooner Hannah & Cargo captured …& sold at Baltimore. Pursuant to the Resolves of the Honble Convention dated the 1st of April, directing me to invest a moiety of the Net proceeds in Salt, which as it was not to be purchased in this State I proceeded to Baltimore in order to effect it there, and sent my son also into Virginia where there is a considerable Quantity, but not suffered to be taken out of the State without an Application to the Governor from Congress...within these few days arrived at Patuxent a Brig[a]n[tine]

with five hundred Bushells of Salt for account of the Congress, to whom your Delegates are applying for the State of New York; if obtained I will forward it to Esopus [near Kingston].” Lewis intended to remain in Baltimore “the most likely port for arrivals from the West Indies...I shall be there...ready to execute your orders in the service of my Country.” Throughout the war, salt was a rare and valuable commodity as it was a key ingredient for food preservation and for keeping horses. Lewis, like other wealthy merchants and planters, invested in privateering, which formed the vast majority of American naval strength during the war. Privateering was once a way to harass British shipping and commerce, and to make handsome returns for the ship owners as well as their crews. Lewis also sat as Chairman of the Continental Board of Admiralty from 1779 to 1780. Lewis is rare in war-dated ALSs. American Book Prices Current lists two examples of this date and format selling at auction in the past 20 years.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

William Floyd New York

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New York (1734–1821). Rare ALS, signed “Wm. Floyd,” one page, 7.75 x 12, September 8, 1789, New York, to Governor Clinton of New York forwarding a return of his militia brigade. Floyd writes, in full, “Inclosed is a Return of names for some Officers in two of the Regiments of my Brigade [not present] I think they are necessary and proper—Your Excellency will please to Lay them before the Council at their next meeting for their approbation, and oblige.” A four-line subscription, probably in Clinton’s hand, reads: “All these Commissions to be made out and deliv’d to Gen’l Floyd’s order and one of them will send the fees to the office.” At the time, Floyd was also serving as a member of the First Congress as a Representative from New York. Although he was elected as an anti-Administration candidate, as a Presidential Elector in 1792 he voted for George Washington and George Clinton. As an Elector in 1800 however, he opted for Jefferson and Burr. A nice example of Floyd’s hand, boldly signed. ALSs by Floyd are rare. American Book Prices Current identifies only four examples in this format selling at auction since 1979.

Philip Livingston, Sr.

New York

econd Lord of Livingston Manor, and father of the Signer of the Declaration of Independence from New York of the same name (1686–1749). ALS, signed “Ph. Livingston,” one page, 8 x 12.75, October 6, 1735, Albany. Addressed on the verso transmittal panel in Livingston’s hand to Henry Van Rensselaer “Merchant” in New York. A good business letter by Livingston as a successful New York merchant doing business with the colony’s grandees. Livingston writes, in part, commenting that “Rum is very cheap at New York.” He asks his correspondent to purchase a supply on credit from Oliver DeLancy. He inquires about obtaining provisions “for Oswego,” and gives detailed instructions on how they may be had cheaply: “go to your uncle Jacobus Cortland & desire him to speak to the Speaker for you that you can gett [sic] it.” A “good tract of Land for 2000 acres” has been offered to him, but he cautions: “do not mention one word that it is to be for me.” The father of the namesake signer, Livingston, was the second Lord of Livingston Manor and served as Secretary of Indian Affairs for the province of New York. The here-offered Proctor-Sang collection of Signers originally contained two Livingston ALSs, one of the father and one of the son, the Signer from New York. At some point, the Signer’s letter was mistakenly removed, leaving this letter by his father in the collection.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Philip Livingston

New York

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New York (1716–1778). ALS (fully professionally silked for reinforcement), signed “Phil. Livingston,” one page, 7.25 x 9.75, November 3, 1764, New York, to “Messr. Baynton Wharton & Morgan,” merchants in Philadelphia. Livingston writes, in full: “I recd your favours of the 24th of last month informing me that you had not yet been able to purchase our barley which makes me a little uneasy, as the season of the year which may render the planting of it impracticable is advancing fast and the want of it will be a very great disappointment. I beg the continuance of your care to procure it if possible. I request[e]d. you in my last to purchase also 1000 bushls. of barley malt of yr. country make which you will please to decline and I now request that you will purchase only 1000 busls of barley & the remaind[er] of the funds of my coffer to lay out in a good new wheat which please also to send as soon as possible. The wheat must be good & clean & of this years growth. I beg you will buy this wheat and barley as soon as you can as I want it very much.” Southeast Pennsylvania was considered the ‘breadbasket of the colonies,’ a major center of grain production. Barley malt,

as mentioned in Livingston’s letter, was a key ingredient in beer production. The firm of Baynton Wharton & Morgan traded heavily in grains and other goods, much of it for export to southern Europe. The firm suffered severe losses during Pontiac’s Rebellion. As compensation for their losses, the Iroquois granted them a large tract covering much of modern-day West Virginia and eastern Kentucky. Livingston, apart from his success in commerce, was a New York City alderman from 1754 to 1763. He was also a delegate to the 1754 Albany Congress where the Plan of Union for the Colonies was developed (but rejected by George III). The here-offered Proctor-Sang collection of Signers originally contained two Livingston ALSs, one of the father and one of the son, the Signer from New York. At some point, the Signer’s letter was mistakenly removed. To complete the Proctor-Sang collection, we have added this example of the Signer (from the Newell collection which is discussed later in this catalog).

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Lewis Morris

New York

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New York (1726–1798). Scarce war-dated ALS, signed “Lewis Morris,” one page, 7.25 x 9, [no month, no day], 1780, Society Hall [near Princeton, New Jersey], to William Livingston, Governor of New Jersey. Morris forwards a request to the governor on behalf of an unknown woman. Morris writes, in full, “Mr Stockton will hand you the two Letters, I am Sorry to be troublesome to your excellency, but when you read the letter you will excuse me, I am well assured your Answer will not be favorable to the woman, however I must beg you will be kind enough to let me have it by the first opportunity, and you will greatly oblige.” “Mr Stockton” may be fellow Signer Richard Stockton of New Jersey (1730–1781). An attractive example of his autograph accomplished while in exile from home at Morrisania, which was under British control from 1776 to the end of the war in 1783. War-dated ALSs of Morris are rare. American Book Prices Current notes only two other examples in this format and of the period.

Francis Hopkinson New Jersey

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New Jersey (1737–1791). Good content war-dated ALS, signed “Fras Hopkinson,” one page, 7.5 x 12.25, May 12, 1780, no place, to Pennsylvania Governor Joseph Reed reporting an error in his Congressional pay and asking if he could be paid in something other than Continental currency, which was virtually worthless by 1780 due to rampant inflation. He writes, in full, “I am much obliged to your Excellency for the Order on the Treasurer in my Favour but beg leave to point out an Error in the Sum. nine Months Salary at £500 per an. should be £375 & the Order is only for £337-10—as I suppose this was not intended, I have enclosed the Order for Re-examination. I know not whether it is the Will of Council that this should be paid in the same manner other Salaries are paid or in the depreciated Currency. As the Order now stands the Treasurer thinks himself authorized to pay it in Continental Dollars only, at 7/6. p. Doll.s I urge nothing but wish to know the Intentions of Council.”

Only two weeks later, Hopkinson also made yet another claim for compensation, this time for several patriotic motifs including the Treasury Board Seal, “7 devices or the Continental Currency,” and “the Flag of the United States of America.” For his services he claimed no compensation for his work, but did request a reward, “a Quarter Cask of the public Wine.” He heard nothing in return. In June he submitted a bill for drawings of the “Naval Flag of the Untied States.” This time he asked for £9. The Treasury board turned him down in October, citing the fact that Hopkinson was not the only person consulted (as the Treasury Board put it) “on those exhibitions of Fancy” and thus could not claim sole credit. Still, Hopkinson’s bill remains the only extant written claim to the design of the American flag.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Richard Stockton New Jersey

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New Jersey (1730–1781). Rare war-dated ALS, signed “Richd. Stockton,” one page both sides, 6 x 7.25, [July?] 4, 1778, Philadelphia. Addressed in his hand on the integral transmittal leaf to “Mrs. Furguson at Greene Park.” Stockton writes, in full, “Our common friends, Mr. Searle & Dr. Rush [?] have this morning sounded the minds of such persons as they have tho’t the most proper; and they are clearly of the opinion that you must obtain leave from the Government of Pennsylvania and also that altho you could not be called to account legally, for applying to the Governor of Jersey, by any favors here, yet that such a step would give umbrage here and may probably prevent the future lenity and moderation of this Government which they hope and expect will be shown you—besides I do not believe that Gov. L would give you leave if you were to apply to him under the present circumstances, and therefore I hope you will not put the matter to trial—Mr. Elisha Bodinot [sic, Elias Boudinot] is gone to the lower Courts of Jersey and won’t return. I suppose these three weeks, otherwise he could forward Serkey [?]—but there is no other person that I know of in that Country who could answer the purpose. I feel for you in this additional

trial and wish I could assist you, but it is out of my power. I am here alluding upon the Physicians respecting the complaint in Congress, and God only knows what is to be issued of it—” It is unclear to what Stockton alludes, though it might concern a jailed relative of Mrs. Furguson’s. Elias Boudinot had served for some time Commissary of Prisoners and was often involved in the exchange of prisoners between America and the British. James Searle (c. 1730–1797) was a prominent merchant in Philadelphia. A signer of the 1765 Non-Importation Agreement, Searle served in the Continental Congress in 1778. While in Congress, he wound up in a cane fight with Secretary Charles Thomson after Searle accused Thomson of misquoting him. Both received slashes to their faces. Benjamin Rush (1745–1813) a fellow Signer, served in the Continental Congress from 1776 to 1777. Stockton is rare in war-dated ALSs. American Book Prices Current notes only two examples selling at auction since 1974.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Arranging a prisoner exchange John Witherspoon New Jersey

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New Jersey (1723–1794). President of the College of New Jersey (Princeton, 1768–1794). An extremely rare and fine content war-dated ALS, signed “Jno Witherspoon,” one page, 8 x 11.75, February 20, 1780, Princeton, addressed in his hand on the verso to “Colonel Bradford” in Philadelphia concerning an anticipated prisoner exchange with the British. Witherspoon arranges for several prisoners in American custody (some of whom may have escaped) to be sent to the British lines as to be exchanged for Americans imprisoned in New York.

“It would put me to a great Charge to send Guards with them at different Times— I sent a letter to the Board of War giving notice of a few of them that had been off ”

Witherspoon writes, in full: “I have received your Letter signifying that a general Exchange is in View & desiring that the Persons might be sent in—you will find that before I received your letter I had sent it a considerable Number of them leaving here only 4 Married Men who have each of them a Wife & Child or Children and one Man who has been sick most part of this Winter & was not able to travel one of the Women also has been bedfast a great Part of the Time she has been here. It seems best therefore that they should stay & join the Party on their Way to New York especially as from Sickness they could not all go & it would put me to a great Charge to send Guards with them at different Times—I sent a letter to the Board of War giving notice of a few of them that had been off. There is a Report that they are taken again but I am not yet certain. I shall see Col. Beatty at his own House probably in a Day or two & shall inform him how the Matter Stands & the End of this or Beginning of next Week expect to be in Philadelphia.”

Col. John Beatty (1749–1826) was the American Commissary General of Prisoners, who tended to the interests of the American prisoners in British-held New York and attempted to promote exchanges. Witherspoon, an influential Protestant clergyman, became active in the Committees of Correspondence in 1774 and in June 1776 was chosen a New Jersey delegate to the Continental Congress: “he reached Philadelphia in time to be of real service on July 2 in refuting the arguments of opponents of independence” (Boatner). He continued as a delegate to Congress until 1782 and played an important role on many committees. War dated ALSs of John Witherspoon are exceedingly rare, especially war-dated examples. American Book Prices Current identifies only two examples of that date and format selling at auction since 1975.

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Abraham Clark New Jersey

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New Jersey (1726–1794). Member of the Annapolis Convention of 1786. Member of Congress from New Jersey, 1791–1794. Superb political content ALS, signed “A. Clark,” one page, 8 x 12.25, “Saturday Morning,” docketed, “March 17[89],” no place, to Captain Jonathan Dayton (1760–1824) lambasting Alexander Hamilton and questioning the wisdom of the constitution of 1787 less than a month before Washington was inaugurated as the first President of the United States.

“Col. [Alexander] Hamilton, he really appears to be what I have some time thought him, a Shim Sham politician”

Clark writes, in large part, “…I feel my self out of all patience with Col. Hamilton, he really appears to be what I have some time thought him, a Shim Sham politician, he must need soon run himself aground, his politicks are such as will not stand the test, he will soon refine them to nothing—He is clear that by the Law the Govr. & Council ought to have declared the members on the 3rd of March: but thinks prudence requires our acquiescence in the last advice of Council for fear of making a Noise that will disturb this young infant child of his; which if it is to be hurried & raised by our giving up all our liberties most dear & Valuable, a fair representation, we had better let the Creature die; I am for Nursing it profusely with wholesome food, and raising it up to a proper state of manhood to support us in those priviledges we are contending for, but to give up our most Valuable priviledges for fear of giving uneasiness! What a Strange Idea—give up those priviledges which government is designed to secure for us; give up our Rights to secure what remains, which is nothing. Besides, is it giving quiet[?] to the Gen. Government to raise a State into a servant which might prove extremely Detrimental to the government. & perhaps fatal hit for a Silence in a business where too many thousands are concerned, is not to be expected. The United States cannot but become acquainted with this business, and unless justice is sought for by us and granted by Congress, a much greater injury will arise to the Government, than can happen by a Manly Opposition in a Constitutional way. The more I think of the business, the more I am out with this great little trifling genius, and will say no more about it at present; only I wish you to answer this letter & then shew [sic] him his... by giving his brain a little Shock, it may in some manner settle them; not with a view of Obtaining any Assistance from him which I do not wish; however carefully preserve his letter.” Clark was an attendee at the Annapolis Convention of 1786 that discussed ways to reform the Confederation government.

He was also invited to attend the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention in 1787, but he was too ill to attend. It appears that during this period, Clark had misgivings as to how far Hamilton and others were willing to subsume states rights in favor of the central government. Though Clark did not speak well of the new constitution, nor its chief proponent Alexander Hamilton, he appears to have a change of heart in the middle of the letter: “I am for Nursing it profusely with wholesome food, and raising it up to a proper state of manhood,” yet reflecting on the apparent contradiction: “What a Strange Idea—give up those priviledges [sic] which government is designed to secure for us; give up our Rights to secure what remains, which is nothing.” Despite his reservations, Clark did serve as a pro-administration Representative from New Jersey in Congress from 1791 until his death in 1794. The letter reveals some of the political fissures that were already developing in the Early Republic that would form the nucleus of the First Party System pitting Federalists against the Jeffersonian Republicans. Clark is rare in ALS form. American Book Prices Current identifies only four examples selling at auction since 1974.

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John Hart New Jersey

One Signer pays another for his service on the Committee of Safety

igner of the Declaration of Independence from New Jersey (c. 1711–1779). Fine association war-dated manuscript DS, signed “John Hart,” one page, 8.25 x 4, April 21, 1776, New Brunswick, New Jersey. A certification that fellow New Jersey Signer Abraham Clark had served in the Committee of Safety and signed on the reverse by Clark, “Abra: Clark.” Hart writes, in part: “This is to Certifie that Abraham Clark hath attended the Committee of Safety at New Brunswick this Present Month of April Fourteen Days for which he is to receive four pounds four shillings...”

A superb association piece signed only months before both would affix their names to the Declaration of Independence. Hart was chosen to represent New Jersey in the Continental Congress in June 1776 after the revolutionary state government replaced the previous delegation that had opposed voting for independence. He would only remain in Congress until August 1776 when he left to become the first speaker of the New Jersey General Assembly.

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Morris instructs his secret business partner to recover a debt as he attempts to corner the tobacco market Robert Morris Pennsylvania

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1734–1806). Morris was known as the “Financier of the Revolution,” who leveraged his own monies and financial acumen to help raise funds to support the new nation. After the war he became involved in land speculation and lost his fortune in 1798, famously landing in debtor’s prison. Fine content ALS, signed “Robt Morris,” four pages on two adjoining 7.5 x 9 sheets, August 17, 1784, Philadelphia, to Tench Tilghman (1744–1786) in Baltimore. A good financial content letter written to one of George Washington’s most trusted staff members during the Revolutionary War, concerning the debt of a former business partner as he made a failed attempt to corner the American tobacco market while still serving as Superintendent of Finance. Letter reads, in part: “When I settled with Mr. Hudson at Wilmington last November, I engaged to assist him in borrowing £5000 St[erlin]g in Europe to relieve him of many pressing demands that there existed against him. His necessities did not permit his waiting for Reply’s to our letters and I had his drafts for that Sum negotiated. The proposals however have been declined by every person to whom they have been offered and I am now obliged to Replace the Money he drew for, this is very inconvenient and I have devised a mode of doing it by Negotiation in which I take the liberty to prepare some trouble to you as you will see by the letter for Mr. Hudson enclosed herein. You will see that my wish is to serve Mr. Hudson in this business & to save him as much as possible for expence. If He purchases any bills on Europe I rely on you to judge if they are good & to refuse them if you do not approve of them otherwise I may be exposed to still further advances by having them Returned protested, If When Mr. Hudson delivers you any bills that you deem good be pleased to endorse his draft on me for the Cost of such bills and it shall be paid,

but he must also deliver you his Note payable to you on Order at 60 or at [black space] days after date for the same Sum at the Bank in this City this Note or Notes You will endorse and transmit the same to me that I may get it discounted and I will Indemnify You against such endorsements, I choose Them in that way for a particular reason & as you are to get nothing but your trouble for your pains in this business, I will do as much or more for You in the same way you will examine into the Value of the State or States which Mr. Hudson proposes to Mortgage for my security and when you have agreed on what is sufficient Mr. Ridgly can draw the proper writing for which purpose you will explain to him the Nature of this Transaction which the intended Security is to Cover in particular & you can facilitate Mr Hudsons purchase of bills.” A boldly signed ALS by Morris with good association. Tench Tilghman, who after his service for George Washington had established himself in a mercantile house in Baltimore. During the mid-1780s Morris secretly ran two major ventures in tobacco speculation in an attempt to corner the market. Because he was still Superintendent of Finance, he could not make his role public and risk public scandal. The scheme ultimately failed in 1786 (partly due to Tilghman’s death from hepatitis), and Morris turned to western land speculation which would end in his financial ruin. The “Mr. Hudson” in question here is likely Jonathan Hudson of Maryland with whom Morris formed mercantile partnership in 1779. Morris often upbraided Hudson for bad business decisions, accusing him at one point of “eternally pushing beyond your strength you harass and distress all your Friends and Connections.” (See Charles Rappleye, Robert Morris: Financier of the American Revolution, 205.)

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Benjamin Franklin bids farewell to a friend and fellow scientist, a week before his final return to America Benjamin Franklin Pennsylvania

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1706–1790); Colonial agent for Massachusetts and Pennsylvania; First Postmaster of the United States; First American Ambassador to France; President of Pennsylvania. One of the most accomplished men of the eighteenth century, Franklin excelled as a printer, author, political theorist, politician, diplomat, postmaster, scientist, inventor, and statesman.

de Medecine sent through Count Meni. When you send me any thing for the future, do it thro’ Mr Grand my Banker here. I have none of the green Soap left. Mr. Valtravers, to whom you communicated my having requested your Company to America, has offered himself in your stead. I thank him for his kind Intention but cannot accept his offer. He would talk me to death. Adieu, my very dear Friend. My best wishes for Health, long Life and Happiness will ever attend you. One more Adieu.”

Extremely fine content ALS, signed “B. Franklin” one page, 7 x 9, July 6, 1785, Passy. A warm letter to his close friend, Jan Ingenhousz (1730–1799), the eminent Dutch born physician and scientist announcing his imminent departure for Philadelphia, discussing future plans for his grandson Benjamin Franklin Bache, and apologizing for involving his friend in a bad business deal.

Benjamin Franklin loved France tremendously—and France loved him in return. When he first arrived in Paris in December 1776, he was treated like a modern-day rock star—crowds packed the streets of the city to catch a glimpse. During his eight-year stay in the Paris suburb of Passy, Franklin endeared himself to nearly everyone: scientists queued to consult him, glamorous women fell over themselves to flirt—and he relished the attention. Franklin confessed to the noted salon hostess Madame Helevétius that although France was his favorite country in the world, it was not his native land. So loved and respected that when he boarded the Marie Antoinette’s personal litter to depart for Le Havre on the afternoon of July 12, 1785, the entire village of Passy turned out to see him off. (Morgan, Benjamin Franklin, 298). Upon his return to Philadelphia, Franklin was welcomed home as a hero, second only to Washington as a champion of American independence. The Pennsylvania Assembly unanimously elected Franklin as President of the state and he served as a delegate to the 1787 Constitutional Convention. He also became an abolitionist, freeing his two slaves, and became president of the Philadelphia Abolition Society. Continued on page 38.

Franklin writes, in full, “I received a short Letter from you dated the 25th of May, and since another of June 11. The Copies you mention to have sent me by a Court Messenger of your book in German are not come to hand; but the 4 Copies in French of Observations on the Eudiometre are received; and M. le Begue has delivered me two Copies of the Work just published here, for which I thank you much.—I enclose the Pieces you desire of me. My Grandson, whom you so kindly inquire after, goes with me [to Philadelphia], but may possibly return to Europe, tho’ that is uncertain. I will, you may depend on it, do whatever is possible for me to recover your Money of Wharton. I am heartily sorry you ever had any thing to do with him, or with Merchandise. I depart next Week for Philadelphia, and being much hurried can only write these few Lines to take leave of you. I have not received your Melanges de Physique &

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Continued from page 37. While Franklin lived in Passy, he was joined by his grandson, Benjamin Franklin Bache (1769–1798) who he trained as a printer. Bache did not return to Europe as Franklin speculated he might. Instead, he embarked on a professional printing career in Philadelphia. When his grandfather died in 1790, he inherited all his printing equipment and established the Philadelphia Aurora which became a severe critic of the Washington and Jefferson administrations.

Franklin in 1777 concerning his observations of “flammable air.” After discovering a similar gas in Italy, he developed the “Volta Pistol” eudiometer that enabled him to discover and isolate methane in 1778. Ingenhousz’ work as a physician with John Pringle also led him into work with smallpox inoculations. In 1769 his successful inoculation of the Austrian royal family landed him a position as personal physician and counsellor to Empress Maria Theresa. During his tenure in Paris, Franklin attempted to use Ingenhousz’s influence to bring Austria into the war against Britain.

“Mr. Valtravers, to whom you communicated my having requested your Company to America, has offered himself in your stead. I thank him for his kind Intention but cannot accept his offer. He would talk me to death”

Ingenhousz, a physician by training, is widely credited as being the father of photosynthesis. He became interested in chemistry after becoming acquainted with Franklin while the young physician was working with John Pringle in London in the late 1760s. Franklin, then serving as colonial agent for Massachusetts in London, became life-long friends with Ingenhousz and the two frequently corresponded. In 1771, the pair visited Joseph Priestly in Leeds who demonstrated an eudiometer (or as Franklin refers to it in the present letter, “the Eudiometre,” an instrument designed to measure the oxygen content of the air, a prospect that captivated Ingenhousz who began collaborating with the English scientist on gasses. The pair worked frequently with the eudiometer to measure other gasses present in the atmosphere and Ingenhousz used it in his observations of oxygen emissions from plants in reaction to sunlight (photosynthesis) published in 1779*. Ingenhousz also became a champion of the use of the eudiometer as a scientific tool, publishing an article on the subject in the May 1785 issue of Journal de Physique, “Observations sur la construction et l’usage de l’eudiometre de M. Fontana, et sur quelques propriétés particulières de l’air nitreux, adressées à M. Dominique Beck”—to which Franklin mentions receiving four copies and two, “just published here [Paris]” in the present letter. In an odd twist, it was Franklin who inadvertently spurred a further improvement of the eudiometer by Count Alessandro Volta. Volta made his improvement after reading an article by

In 1780, at Franklin’s recommendation, Ingenhousz invested a substantial sum of money with Philadelphia merchant, Samuel Wharton in (1732–1800). The deal soon went sour and Wharton ducked Ingenhouzs for nearly seven years until Franklin used his influence to make things right. New Years Day 1787 Ingenhousz thanked Franklin for his “endavours to persuade Mr. Wharton and his son to pay me what is du[e] to me.” (Ingenhousz to Franklin, Jan. 1, 1787).

This is a truly wonderful and heartfelt letter that underscores Franklin’s deep friendships and bonds that he made during his many years abroad in England and France and written at a key turning point in his long and storied career. ________________________________________________ *However Ingenhousz’s work, Experiments upon vegetables: discovering their great power of purifying the common air in the sunshine and of injuring it in the shade, (1779), may in fact have been ghostwritten by John Pringle. Much of the work was done by Joseph Priestly who is cited 45 times. (Les Woodcock, Review of Echoes of Ingen Housz: the long lost story of the genius who rescued the Hapsburgs from smallpox and became the father of photosynthesis by Norman and Elaine Beale.)

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George Clymer Pennsylvania

George Clymer urges a campaign against British-allied Indians in Western Pennsylvania

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1739–1813). Fine content war-dated ALS, signed “Geo Clymer,”one page, 7.75 x 8.25, April 30, 1778, Stewart’s Crossings, with integral transmittal leaf addressed in Clymer’s hand to Brigadier General Edward Hand (1744–1802). Clymer urges an expedition against British-allied Indians in western Pennsylvania lest the region be abandoned. Clymer writes, in full, “Every Day affording fresh Reason to fear a general Determination to abandon the Country on this side the [Allegheny] Mountains unless some hope can be held up of an Expedition into the Indian Country—We are of the Opinion it would be very useful in this Report to have communicated to the People what we have recommended to Congress on this Subject. Should you entertain the same Sentiments we wish you would take the Trouble of writing the several Lieutenants of the Counties upon it or employing any other method of giving general Notice.”

General Hand, in command of Fort Pitt, had already led an expedition against the Mingos that year. In February 1778, he led a force of 500 undisciplined militia in a punitive expedition against the British allies. On their return after failing to find any Mongos, they attacked a small village of Delawares killing two men. The Delawares saved themselves from further slaughter by alerting Hand’s men to a village of Munsees nearby. When they found only four women and a child, the militia murdered all save one woman. The expedition became known derisively as the “Squaw Campaign.” The next major campaign against the Ohio Valley tribes did not occur until 1780 under George Rogers Clark. War-dated letters by Clymer in ALS form are particularly scarce. American Book Prices Current identifies only two examples of this date and format selling at auction since 1975.

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George Taylor

Pennsylvania

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1716–1781). Fine military-content war-dated manuscript DS, signed “Geo. Taylor” one page, 8 x 10.75, December 21, 1775, Easton, Pennsylvania, additionally signed, “Henry Kooken,” “Christopher Wayne,” “John Wetzel,” and “Peter Keachlein.” A petition to the Pennsylvania Committee of Safety to commission Henry Allise a captain in the Continental Army. Taylor and his fellow advocates present the “The Petition of Henry Allise of Upper Saucon Township in the County of Northampton, Therewith, That your Petitioner is desirous of entering into the Service in the Continental Army and prays to be appointed a Captain in one of the Battalions now to be raised and he doubts not to be able to raise a good Company in the said County—” They add,

that “We the Subscribers Recommend the Petitioner as a Sober Active Spirited Man of good Character and considerable property and we think fit to command a Company.” According to muster rolls sourced in the Pennsylvania Archives, Allise was already captain of a militia company of 105 men from Upper Saucon Township as of May 22, 1775. Taylor and his associate’s appeal on his behalf appear to have fallen on deaf ears as we have no record of Allise ever being granted a commission in the Continental Army. George Taylor is rare to obtain in any form. American Book Prices Current records only four examples selling at auction since 1974.

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Benjamin Rush introduces a new customer to John Nicholson, Robert Morris’ partner Benjamin Rush

Pennsylvania

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1745/6–1813). An accomplished physician, Rush served as Surgeon General for the Continental Army. ALS, signed, “Benjamin Rush,” one page, 6.75 x 8.25, July 2, 1795, [Philadelphia], addressed in his hand on the integral address leaf to “Mr John Nicholson.” Nicholson, a major partner in Robert Morris’ western land speculations of the 1790s that landed both in debtor’s prison when the market crashed at the close of the decade. Rush still viewing western lands as a good investment, introduces “The bearer Mr. Wilson a wealthy Immigrant from Scotland intends to purchase, & settle on some of the new lands in Pennsylvania. I have advised him to call upon you—knowing how extensive and various your possessions are in that way, and how well disposed you are to deal with strangers upon terms of honor & mutual advantage.” Hopefully for Mr. Wilson’s sake, he didn’t spend too much on the lands, as he, like Morris and Nicholson, would have lost his shirt!

John Morton Pennsylvania

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1725–1777). Rare DS, one page, 7.75 x 13, June 17, 1763, Chester County, Pennsylvania. The deposition of Christian Blatchford against William Butler “in respect to his having Begat A Bastard Child on her Body.” The deposition reads, in part, “the Examination of Christian Blatchford of the Township of Marpole single woman… [who] had a Bastard Child Born of her Body and that William Butler of the Township of Easton in sd. County is the father of said Child and that said Child was Begat at the house of John Adams in the Township of Whiteland … Before the time of her Delivery, that the sd. Butler also had Carnel [sic] Knowledge of her Body some small time Before that at the House of her Brother John Blatchford of the Township of Whiteland Aforesd. and that Before Obtaining any favors of her he Promised her Marriage and that no man on Earth is the father of sd. Child But him and that she never Knew any other man—” Additionally signed by Christian Blatchford with her mark, “R” with notes on bail for her and her brother to appear again in court.

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James smith

Pennsylvania

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1719–1806). Rare ALS, signed “Ja Smith,” one page, 6.5 x 8, May 27, 1774, no place. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel on verso to his wife, “Mrs Eleanor Smith at York.” Smith advises his wife of his continuing travels soon before he would attend the Pennsylvania convention that called for the First Continental Congress. Smith writes, in full, “I take the opportunity of Mr. Green going down to acquaint you of our safe Arrival & Continuance here—our landlord Mr. Ball has plenty of Hay Oats Brandy Wine & indeed everything but Horse Room—Mr Tartly & me have a Room & bed to ourselves—I did intend to have sent Cozar & the Portmanteau [a large trunk opening into two equal parts] home by way of Carlisle but I find I cannot spare him on account of the Horses—as it will be but a few days till I set off to Carlisle from whence you will hear further from your—Affectionate Husband.” Smith adds a short postscript, “Remember me to Pegsy, Betsy & Geo.; you need not say anything to my Name sake as he does not use you quite well.” Soon after writing the present letter, Smith attended the Pennsylvania Provincial Meeting of Deputies held in July 1774 to choose delegates to the First Continental Congress that convened in Philadelphia in September. Representing York, Pennsylvania, he also sat at the Pennsylvania Provincial Convention in January 1775. After the Quakers in the colony resisted calls for a break with England, Smith travelled home to raise one of the first volunteer companies of militia in Pennsylvania—similar to the ‘Minuteman’ companies established in New England. ALSs by Smith are quite rare. American Book Prices Current notes only three examples selling at auction in the past three decades.

George ross Pennsylvania

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1730– 1779). Rare war-dated ALS, signed “Geo: Ross,” one page, 7.75 x 12, August 25, 1775, Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Addressed in his hand on the verso to Jasper Yeates concerning the end of a house lease. Ross writes, in full, “I have agreed to let my son George go into the house you now live in at the expiration of your Lease which will be I think on the 10th of December next. I hope it will not be inconvenient to you and that you will be able to procure another house by that time.” Jasper Yeates (1745–1817) was a prominent Pennsylvania attorney and judge. He was also a member of the commission sent to negotiate and end the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794. Soon after he vacated Ross’ house, Yates was appointed a special commissioner to investigate Native American affairs in Pittsburgh. War-dated ALSs by Ross are extremely rare. American Book Prices Current reveals no examples selling at auction since 1975.

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James wilson Pennsylvania

“I have Time Leisure and opportunity to repel refute and vanquish you in the said Cause. Hereof fail not as you shall answer the contrary at your Peril”

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1742–1798). Author of the pamphlet, Considerations on the Nature and Extent of the Legislative Authority of the British Parliament (1774) that argued that Parliament had no authority to pass laws in the colonies due to a lack of direct representation. Wilson was a prominent and influential delegate at the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention of 1787. Rare ALS, signed “James Wilson,” one page both sides, 6.5 x 8.25, November 27, 1783, Chester. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel to “Jasper Yeates Esquire [in] Lancaster.” A humorous letter to fellow attorney Jasper Yeates, whom he was opposing in orphan’s court, requesting a delay in the proceedings. He writes, in most part, “There is a Case depending in your Orphan’s Court, in which I have been applied to a very considerable time ago for my Opinion; but have been prevented by a Variety of Reasons for making it up. Let me beg it of you as a splendid Favour not to push on the Cause

next Week. I shall be blamed if it is heard then. If the Voice of Friendship and Solicitation will not prevail—attend—attend and tremble at what follows—’By Virtue of the censorial Power Authority and Jurisdiction in me residing, placed and invested, I hereby will require and command you Jasper Yeates Esquire of the Borough of Lancaster Counsellor at Law to stop desist and give over all further Proceedings in a Cause depending in the Orphan’s Court of the County of Lancaster wherein I am Counsel against you; late I have Time Leisure and opportunity to repel refute and vanquish you in the said Cause. Hereof fail not as you shall answer the contrary at your Peril.” Wilson has ‘authenticated’ his facetious proclamation with the ‘signature’ of, “Stephen Chambers, Censor.” Jasper Yeates (1745–1817) was a prominent Pennsylvania attorney and judge. He was also a member of the commission sent to negotiate and end the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794. A fun letter illustrating the lighter side of the law. Wilson in ALS format is rare. Auction records identify only four ALSs selling at auction since 1976.

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caesar rodney Delaware

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Delaware (1728–1784). Also a member of the Stamp Act Congress (1765), Rodney famously rode his horse 80 miles nonstop to break the deadlock within the Delaware delegation to vote in favor of Independence on July 2, 1776. Excellent war-dated ALS, signed “Caesar Rodney,” four pages on two adjoining 6.5 x 8 sheets, December 23, 1775, Philadelphia, to John Thomas Rodney. Rodney comments on the Canadian Expedition led by Montgomery and Arnold—squelching a rumor that Quebec had fallen to Arnold—as well as reporting on an act of Congress to raise a Continental regiment in Delaware that became known as the “Blue-Hen” Regiment. Rodney writes, in full, “I have enclosed you with this [not present], the Resolution of Congress for Raising a Regiment in the Lower Counties [Delaware], upon the Continental Establishment; you have also on the same paper the Resolutions Relative to New-Jersey and Pennsylvania setting forth the terms, our Regiment being to be raised on the Same; you will be pleased to make known the inclosed Resolution to your Brethren of the Committee of Safety, as soon after it Shall come to hand as may be Convenient for you—I Should have wrote to you by Billy or by the Post at farthest had I not been in day by Expectation of your arrival in town, but as the weather is now set in to be verry [sic] Cold, hardly expect to see you here before new-Years-day; the weather is like to Continue to be so cold that I Shall travel Slow, and therefore don’t expect be at Dover before before Tuesday or Wednesday following—I sent by Bills Vessell a Small box of fine Cut tobacco which I Recollect not to have mentioned in my Letter, and have since put on board of Palmer Sewed up in a Bag, one Gallon of Garden pease, and beg you Will have these things taken Care 44

of. I did not know whether we were in Want of the last Article or not, but Sent them down for fear we Should, it has frequently be the case. The intelligence of Our haveing [sic] got possession of Quebec, it seems is not true; Lord Sterling who sent us the Express was too Credulous—Since then we have letters both from Arnold & Montgomery—Arnold says he is before Quebec, and Montgomery marched the 25th of November to his assistance, so I don’t doubt we shall have a good account of that place in a little time—I am Glad to hear that Betsey is like to get well, And desire to be remembered to her and all the Rest of my friends.” The 1st Delaware Regiment, raised in December 1775, served with the Continental Army in nearly every major battle of the Revolutionary War including Long Island, Harlem Heights, White Plains, Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine, Germantown, Fort Mifflin, Monmouth, Camden, Cowpens, Guilford Court House, Hobkirk’s Hill, Eutaw Springs, and Yorktown. By the time of Rodney’s writing, Gen. Richard Montgomery had arrived to reinforce. Benedict Arnold at Quebec. A week later, in the midst of a snowstorm on New Year’s Eve, 1775, Arnold and Montgomery, vastly outnumbered and lacking any tactical advantage, attempted to assault the fortified city with disastrous results. Montgomery was killed, many were taken prisoner, and American hopes to control Canada were dashed. ALSs of Rodney during the critical years of 1775 and 1776 are exceedingly rare. American Book Prices Current records only three examples of this caliber selling at auction since 1974.

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George read Delaware

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Delaware (1733–1798). Scarce ALS, signed “Geo: Read,” one page both sides, 6.5 x 8.5, January 14, 1787, Dover. Addressed in his hand on the integral transmittal leaf to his son, an attorney in New Castle, advising him on an inheritance case pending in court. Read writes, in part, “Mr. [Gunning] Bedford carries this, he goes from hence to attend your Orphans Court on Tuesday–I was spoke to him by a person interested in the Settlement to be made by To: Clark (Miller)… as that acct. is a complicated one and liable to be quest’d. by 2 Sets of persons.” He wonders if the Court will “postpone the final allowance...to prevent an application for a future revision.” From the State Council, he reports that they are engaged “upon a Bill for more equal assesmt. of Property & for raising County taxes & Levies. The President [of the State] continues very unwell tho better than heretofore being still confined to his room.”

Read was referencing President Thomas Collins (1732–1789), who served as Delaware’s chief executive from 1786 to 1789. He also makes a reference to the carrier of the letter, Gunning Bedford. However it is unclear whether it was Gunning Bedford Sr. or Jr., both of whom were active in Delaware politics, Bedford, Sr. (1742–1797) serving as governor and his cousin Bedford, Jr. (1747–1812) a Signer of the US Constitution. Bedford, Sr. also married Read’s sister in 1769. Read was a delegate at the Annapolis Convention of 1786 and the Philadelphia Constitutional Convention of 1787. He also represented Delaware in the US Senate from 1789 to 1793 and subsequently Chief Justice of Delaware until his death in 1798. ALSs by Read are scarce. American Book Prices Current records only five examples in this format selling in the past thirty years.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Thomas McKean Delaware

To Caesar Rodney in Delaware: “A good God has determined to save our State even against the inclinations of the people at large; he has graciously heard the prayers of a chosen few”

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Delaware (1734–1817). President of the Continental Congress (1781). President of Delaware (1777). Governor of Pennsylvania (1799–1808). Fine content war-dated ALS, signed “Tho M:Kean,” three pages on two adjoining 6 x 7.75 sheets, April 8, 1778, Lancaster, Pennsylvania, to fellow Signer Caesar Rodney (1728–1784). McKean commiserates with Rodney over local politics and his resistance to political radicals as well as the lack of rooms available in Congress’ temporary home in York, Pennsylvania, vowing to live in a hut as a Continental soldier if necessary. McKean writes, in part, “With the utmost sincerity of heart I congratulate you the happy Election for Sussex: if I could have had such a set of virtuous men in the General Assembly, when I had the honor to be one of them, I could have rendered effectual services to my favourite Delaware. A good God has determined to save our State even against the inclinations of the people at large; he has graciously heard the prayers of a chosen few. With the like sincerity do I congratulate you and the States upon your appointment to the Supream [sic] command, and need not tell you that you may freely demand my best services. The regulations of the Army are not yet finished by Congress; when they are you shall be furnished with them, and from time to time to time shall have all manner of Intelligence, as I can now convey it with certainty. I am now here, holding a court of Oyer & Temriner & General Goal Delivery & must do the like business in several other Counties before I can return to

Congress wch. I left a few days ago .. Don’ be suprized [sic] when I tell you, that I could not after infinite pains procure a lodging for you in York-Town, and that I do not know where I shall get one for myself on my return. However I shall not desert the Service if I should be obliged even to hut it as the army do in camp...” McKean, suspicious of the radically democratic Pennsylvania Constitution of 1776 with its unicameral legislature and weak executive, used his powers as Chief Justice to counter what he believed to be its defects. In effect he set the precedent for ‘judicial review’ two decades before John Marshal set the same in the US Supreme Court. During the winter of 1777–1778, while the British occupied Philadelphia, the Continental Congress relocated to York, Pennsylvania, which was surely overwhelmed by the sudden influx of new people. No wonder McKean couldn’t get a room. In his resignation to “hut it as in the army” was a sly reference to Washington’s army encamped at Valley Forge at the time. The letter is also a excellent association piece between two fellow Signers, both from the semi-autonomous ‘Three Lower Counties’ of Pennsylvania that became known as Delaware. McKean served both Delaware and Pennsylvania during his long political life.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Samuel Chase Maryland

Chase reports the arrival of the British fleet in Chesapeake Bay destined to capture Philadelphia in 1777

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Maryland (1741–1811). Chase later served as an associate justice of the Supreme Court and has the unfortunate distinction of being the only US Supreme Court justice federal official ever to be impeached. Rare and important war-dated ALS, signed “S Chase” one page both sides, 8 x 12.5, August 25, 1777, Philadelphia, to Maryland Governor Thomas Johnston. A hurried letter reporting intelligence on the imminent arrival of Howe’s army that was to advance upon and capture Philadelphia. Letter reads, in full: “We are informed from the Head of Elk, by letter from Hollingsworth dated yes[ter]day that a person he sent to view the Enemies [sic] fleet, gives account that 200 sail lie from Turk[e]y Point to the Mouth of Sassafras [River], & that Troops are on board, none were landed on Saturday late in the Evening. On Yesterday Morning Gen. Washington passed thro this City with the Troops under his immediate Command, about 5000. On this Morning Gen. Nashes Brigade bet. 12, & 1500, marched thro’ this City about two Hours ago. Genl. Sullivan will be here in three days. Things remain in the same State in the North as they were when we rece[ive]d the account of Stark’s Victory [at Bennington, August 16, 1777]. We hear we have made 160 prisoners on Staten Island, no account is come to Congress. I beg leave to remind you of the State of the fort at Whetstone [White Stone, Virginia, on the Chesapeake] and the defects mentioned in Genl. Gates’ Memorandum. I believe nothing has

been done in Consequence of this advice, which you may see in a Number of the late Council of Safety.” A superb letter capturing the drama and uncertainly prevalent during the campaign of 1777. Burgoyne’s army, marching south from Canada, was threatening to cut the colonies in two while General Howe led an expedition from New York to capture the rebel capital of Philadelphia. Howe’s troops landed at Head of Elk, Maryland a day or two after the date of the present letter while Washington moved south from Philadelphia to meet him. The Americans were out-maneuvered at Brandywine (September 11) and within a week, the British were marching on Philadelphia. The British would control the city for the remainder of the year and into 1778 while Washington’s army starved to the north in their winter cantonment at Valley Forge. Chase also mentions General John Stark’s spectacular victory at Bennington, Vermont which marked the beginning of the end for Burgoyne’s expedition that would end in his surrender at Saratoga in October 1777. War-dated ALSs by Chase are exceedingly rare. American Book Prices Current identifies only one war-dated example, and that is of only a routine nature. Published in Letters of Delegates, Vol. 7, 542.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Thomas Stone Maryland

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Maryland (1743–1787). Rare ALS, signed “T Stone,” one page, 7.25 x 9.25, December 3, 1772, docketed on verso. Stone petitions the “worshipfull Justices of Charles County Court,” to reroute a road that ran directly through his plantation that he purchased only four years prior to writing. Stone writes, in large part, “Thomas Stone most humbly sheweth that the road leading from Portobano to Mrs. Sarah Eilbock’s runs directly through the middle of your Pet[itioner]’s plantation is almost impassable—that the said road might be turned from whence it now runs to run upon the dividing Line between your Petitioner & a certain Richard Gambra of the County afsd. loss to the Injury of your Petitioner and none to the advantage of the publick, it being equally…capable to be made a much better Road.” Stone even offers to clear and grade the new road at his own expense. Soon after his marriage in 1768, Stone purchased 400 acres and began construction on his estate, Habre de Venture near Port Tobacco, Maryland. In 1774 to 1776, Stone was a member of Maryland’s Annapolis Convention—which appointed him as delegate to the Continental Congress in 1775. As a delegate, he voted in favor of the motion to draft a Declaration of Independence despite Maryland’s instructions to vote against it. In June 1775, the Annapolis Convention reversed itself allowing Stone to vote in favor of the Declaration of Independence in July. ALSs by Stone are extremely rare. American Book Prices Current identifies only two examples selling at auction since 1976.

Charles Carroll of Carrollton Maryland

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Maryland (1737–1832). US Senator from Maryland (1789–1792). ALS, signed “Ch Carroll of Carrollton,” one page, 7.75 x 10, February 8, 1827, Baltimore. Carroll addresses an unidentified business agent about various accounts related to his tenants and numerous debtors. Carroll writes, in part, “The tenants have commenced no doubt paying their rents due last Sept.” He gives a list of his debtors and notes “when you applied last year to the above debtors and told them I could not give them more than one year indulgence they all promised to pay their respective debts in March or May of the present year. I beg you to remind them...if not complied with, the notes of all of them will be put in suit.” Carroll retired from public life in 1801 after stints in the Continental Congress, the US Senate, and the Maryland Senate to manage his 17,000 acres at Carrollton Manor. He briefly came out of retirement in 1828 to help found the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

William Paca Maryland

Governor Paca addresses the Maryland legislature on finances

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Maryland (1740–1799). Good financial-content and scarce LS, signed “Wm. Paca,” as governor of Maryland, three pages on two adjoining 7.25 x 8.75 sheets, November 14, 1785, Annapolis. A draft letter to the Maryland legislature, with numerous corrections and emendations in his hand with an additional signature on the address panel, “W Paca,” In this involved message to the legislature concerning the management of the state’s finances, Paca writes, in large part, “I have the honor to lay before you Copies of letters which passed between the Honble Intendant and myself on the Subject of advancing the State Agent a Sum of Money to defray the Expenses of the Bills in Chancery in England concerning the public Bank Stock. The General Assembly at their last session approved of the Conduct of their Agent in prosecuting and defending those Bills, and by an Act confirmed and established both the Appointment and Proceedings, and directed the Governor and Council to instruct him to go on with these Bills with Vigour and Expedition.—But when their Instructions were given to the Agent he declared his inability to prosecute and defend the Bills alleging that the General Assembly had made no Provision to pay the Expences.—The House of Delegates having adjourned to the Spring and the Senate to the Fall and their final day of adjournment having elapsed the Power of convening the Assembly devolved on me in my Official Character as Governor of the State; and it became a question of considerable annoyance whether it was most for the Interest of the Public to call the Assembly in Order

to Supply Funds of the Agent or to Suffer the Bills in Chancery to lie over till the Fall unprosecuted and undefended. In deliberating on the Question I saw the dangerous Consequence of having those Bills without Counsel to prosecute and defend them: all who are acquainted with legal or Chancery Proceedings know that Rules are of Course obtained to enforce the Prosecution or Defence of Suits and if not complied with…I never would have suffered so much of the Bank Stock to be exposed to the Risk and Hazard of being swept away for want of a sum of money to employ Counsel for the State and to prosecute and defend the Bills concerning it. Having thus Stated the Principles which led me to apply to the Honble the Intendant and under the Sanction of which he advanced the Money taking Bond with Security to account for the expenditure, I Shall Submit the Rectitude and Policy of the Measure to the Candour and Judgment of your Honors.” Paca adds instructions on the verso: “Be pleased to copy this according to the Corrections and have it ready in the morning for Signing.” Signed just before he left office on November 26, 1785. In 1790, George Washington appointed him as a Federal Judge for the District of Maryland. The American Revolution left the states in enormous debt and many struggled to manage them prior to the federal assumption of these debts under a plan forwarded by Alexander Hamilton in 1790. Letters and documents by Paca are quite scarce. American Book Prices Current cites only 13 examples selling at auction since 1976.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Jefferson assures General Nathanael Greene that he will be reinforced by Virginia militia that would fight at the Battle of Guilford Court House—one of the most pivotal battles of the Revolutionary War Thomas Jefferson

Virginia

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Virginia (1743–1826) and author of the same. Governor of Virginia and Third President of the United States. Important war-dated ALS, signed “Th: Jefferson” as Governor of Virginia, one page, 7 x 9, February 18, 1781, Richmond, [Va.] to Major General Nathanael Greene, with an address panel accomplished in Jefferson’s hand. Jefferson responds to Nathanael Greene’s urgent request for reinforcements to oppose the rapidly advancing British forces under Lord Cornwallis threatening Virginia. Those reinforcements would form a critical portion of the troops that would fight a month later at Guilford Court House—the most important engagement of the Southern Campaign of 1780–81 that would thwart British designs to conquer the South.

Jefferson writes, in full: “I have this moment received your favour of the 15th from Boyd’s Ferry. I had heard yesterday of the approach of Ld. Cornwallis, gave orders in consequence for embodying so many of the militia between this place & that as could be armed and of this gave you information in a letter of yesterday’s date. I hoped at the same time that the militia would not await my orders, & by the letters I receive they have not. I sincerely wish you may find it practicable to avoid a general action till you can be sufficiently reinforced with militia which I am sure you will be as far as arms can be found. I have no doubt you know and will avail yourself of the Continental arms which passed on not long since, and of those lodged by Col. Stevens at Pittsylvania Court House. The moment I hear Cornwallis has crossed the Dan I shall order every-man to be embodied on this side [of the] river within a reasonable distance who can be armed. I shall attend as far as shall depend on me to what you recommend as to the officering the militia & mounting the cavalry. As to you yourself I would advise that you make no scruples about property so far as it is wanting for the public; only give orders that the owners be furnished with proper documents that they may be reimbursed.” Jefferson adds in a postscript vertically along the left margin: “P.S. take horses to mount your cavalry, and I will undertake to have it furnished[?].” Washington sent General Nathanael Greene to assume command of the Southern Department in 1780 following a string of defeats that left the British in control of Georgia and large portions of the Carolinas. Replacing Horatio Gates after the American defeat at Camden on August 16, 1780, Greene struggled to rebuild the Southern Department. Soon afterwards Greene took the unorthodox move to split his already pitifully small force. The strategy paid off.

In January 1781 the detached force commanded by Daniel Morgan roundly defeated Tarleton’s feared legion of mounted dragoons at Cowpens, South Carolina. Incensed, Cornwallis chased Greene northward toward the Dan River, threatening Virginia—a state already under attack by a British force led by the turncoat Benedict Arnold. Boatner predicted that “If Cornwallis had caught and destroyed Greene’s army he would have been able to link up with Benedict Arnold, swell their combined force by liberating the Convention Army [the prisoners from Saratoga] and the Cowpens prisoners, and all four Southern provinces would have come back under royal authority.” (Boatner, Encyclopedia of the American Revolution, 1st. ed. 1027.) Jefferson sent this letter to Greene four days after his army had successfully crossed the Dan River on February 14 forcing Cornwallis to halt on the southern side—unable to launch an attack for a lack of boats to cross. Jefferson’s promise of Virginia militia was most welcome to Greene who had less than 1,500 ill-equipped men under his command. As Jefferson notes in his letter, many militiamen had not awaited his orders to turn out. Greene’s ranks swelled to nearly 4,500 as Virginia and North Carolina militia joined him en masse. In early March, Greene was sufficiently strong enough to move against Cornwallis and on March 15, 1781, he offered battle at Guilford Court House. The two and a half hour engagement, one of the fiercest battles of the war, ended in a tactical defeat for Greene. But it proved a strategic defeat for Cornwallis. His force, numbering only 1,900, suffered nearly 100 dead and over 400 wounded—a quarter of their force. Cornwallis had no alternative but to retreat south toward the safety of the coast, choosing Wilmington, North Carolina, as his base. As a result, the British soon lost control of much of the South Carolina and Georgia interior, concentrating their strength at Savannah and Charleston. In the summer of 1781 Cornwallis would again move northward to threaten Virginia. At the end of the summer, after ravaging the Virginia countryside, Cornwallis decided to make a base at Yorktown, Virginia—a strategic blunder which would prove to be his undoing. This is a masterful letter written at one of the most important moments in the war. Jefferson’s actions helped turn the tide of the Revolutionary War in the South, enabling Greene to force the British to retreat and setting the stage for the climatic battle of Yorktown.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

George wythe

Virginia

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Virginia (1726–1806). Wythe was the first law professor in the United States and was a mentor to Thomas Jefferson, James Monroe, John Marshall, and other Virginia leaders. Rare ALS, signed “G. Wythe,” one page, 7 x 8.75, October 18, 1770, no place. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal leaf on verso to, “Mr Allason.” Wyeth requests a legal favor for a sick friend. He writes, in full, “Mr Waller being so indisposed that he cannot attend to business, your letter, inclosing a case for his advice, was put into my hands, with a desire to consider the questions you propounded, and let you know my sentiments upon them, which you will receive with this [not present]. The fee you sent to him is returned,

as I am not the person intended to be consulted and am only desirous of doing a kind office for my very good friend.” After the American Revolution, Wythe became a firm opponent of slavery. He freed most of his own slaves in 1787 and as Judge of the Chancery Court of Virginia, attempted to abolish slavery through judicial action holding numerous freedom suits that according to the 1776 Virginia Declaration of Rights, all men were presumptively free. ALSs of Wythe are very rare. American Book Prices Current notes only one example in this format selling at auction since 1975.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

thomas nelson, jr. Virginia

Thomas Nelson on his resignation from the Continental Congress

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Virginia (1738–1789). Governor of Virginia in 1781. Important war-dated ALS, signed “Thos Nelson Jr.,” one page both sides, 7.25 x 9, March 23, 1777, Offley Hoo, [Virginia], to Edmund Pendleton (1721–1803) concerning his decision to resign from the Continental Congress where he had signed the Declaration of Independence the previous year. Letter reads, in full: “I am greatly concern’d that I am under the necessity, of applying to the Assembly at this time, for permission to resign my seat in Congress. The confinement, necessary for the faithful discharge of that important trust, is so great, that I find it highly injurious to my Health. I was advis’d to quit the business for a time, in order to get the better of a dangerous complaint, by which I was attack’d at Baltimore. I was in hopes to have effected it soon by exercise; but it has been my misfortune, to have had a second attack lately, which makes me almost despair of a compleat [sic] recovery. I shall notwithstanding, set out for Philadelphia, as soon as I find myself in a condition to travel, the State being but thinly represented. I do not intend to withdraw myself altogether from Public

business, but shall endeavor to render every service to my Country that my Health & poor abilities will admit of. Excuse me, Sir, for requesting the favor of you to represent this matter to the Assembly, who will, I have no doubt, proceed at the proper time, to the appointment of another Delegate, to supply my place in Congress.” Nelson resigned his seat in May 1777, but stayed active in Virginia politics and served as a brigadier general commanding the Virginia militia during the siege of Yorktown. Edmund Pendleton was a member of the Virginia delegation to the First Continental Congress of 1775 together with George Washington and Patrick Henry. In 1776, Pendleton was President of the Virginia Convention that authorized its delegates at the Continental Congress (including Nelson, Jr.) to vote in favor of independence. A superb letter between two founding fathers concerning an important event in Nelson’s political career.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Richard Henry Lee Virginia

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Virginia (1732–1794). Military content war-dated ALS, signed “Richard Henry Lee,” and additionally by fellow Signer “Francis Lightfoot Lee,” and “Joseph Jones,”one page both sides, 7.5 x 9.25, November 27, 1777, “York in Pennsylv[ani]a,” and addressed in Lee’s hand on the integral address leaf to “His Excellency Patrick Henry Esqr., Governor of Virginia.” The three Virginia delegates to the Continental Congress recommend Anne Philippe Dieudonné de Loyauté (1750–1830), a French officer seeking a commission to instruct and train Continental artillery.

Lee writes, in full: “Conversing with Monsr. Loyauté on the subject of what you are pleased to say the Assembly have in contemplation for him, we find the plan quite the reverse of his wishes, and inconsistent with his ideas of being personally and quickly useful in the field. Of good family and early trained to war by his father who as a general in the Artillery of France, he wants to be in action and hopes to acquire glory by the good services of himself and the Corps he shall instruct. The probability of the war going south next Campaign, and the character he had learnt of Virginia, made him readily agree with the views of the Delegates to remain behind his Companions who are returning to France, in expectation of serving our Country by introducing the knowledge of Artillery, in an manner consistent with his ideas of military character. We may yet avail ourselves of this Gentleman’s abilities as you will see by the inclosed proposition [not present], which we pray you Sir to lay before the honorable Houses. We have many reasons for wishing this man may meet with approbations. Because we are well convinced of its public utility—Because of the generous cordiality with which this gentleman accorded with our proposals contrary to the earnest solicitations to his Countrymen to the contrary and of others who wanted him to go to other states, and whom he has offended by giving our the preference. And because lastly, he is here left behind the rest of his Corps who were departed before our answer arrived here. As Monsr Loyeauté has been informed that the number of British Cruisers in the Bay of Boston renders it difficult to get safely out of that Harbour, he has accepted the invitation of R. H. Lee to pass some time with him at Chantilly this winter, so that if the Houses accept his profered [sic] service, a letter sent to him there, will occasion his immediate attendance in Williamsburg. He is of the opinion that for the business of instruction it will be quite proper that we should be provided with six field pieces, and as there are many belonging to the Continent[al Army] now lying at Charles Town, we have no doubt but that Congress will indulge our Commonwealth with 6 or 8 pieces on applications being made by desire of our Assembly.” From the start of the Revolutionary War, Congress was besieged by European officers, many of them young and inexperienced, volunteering their services to the new nation.

“The probability of the war going south next Campaign, and the character he had learnt of Virginia, made him readily agree with the views of the Delegates to remain behind his Companions who are returning to France, in expectation of serving our Country by introducing the knowledge of Artillery”

Baron Von Steuben, who during the winter of 1777–1778 transformed the Continental Army into a disciplined and professional force, was one of these officers. Henry agreed to appoint Loyauté Virginia’s Inspector of Military Stores in January 1778 (Jefferson, Papers, 2:178n). The French officer was an obvious choice as he reportedly arrived in America with 10,000 muskets and 50 cannon from France in 1776. He served throughout the war and was awarded the Cross of St. Louis by Louis XVI in1784. He fled France during the Revolution in 1790 and served in the British army for a number of years. He later returned to France and served in the Russian Campaign of 1812–1813. A superb combination of signatures of two Signers writing to the storied Virginia patriot, Patrick Henry—making this a very desirable association piece.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Benjamin harrison Virginia

Governor Benjamin Harrison of Virginia seeks to recover stolen slaves at the end of the Revolutionary War

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Virginia (1726–1791). As a member of the Secret Committee of the Continental Congress, Harrison helped plan the formation of the Continental Army. He served as Governor of Virginia from 1781 to 1784. He is also the father and great-grandfather of two US presidents, William Henry Harrison and Benjamin Harrison respectively. Rare and excellent slave-related content war-dated ALS, signed “Benj. Harrison” as Governor of Virginia, one page, 6.25 x 7.75, March 31, 1782, “Virginia,” to an unidentified correspondent (but likely the governor of North Carolina) concerning the issue of stolen and fugitive slaves in the closing years of the Revolutionary War. Harrison writes, in large part, “I have enquired after the negroes you suppose have been bro’t into this Country, and find that many have been sold that must belong either to your State or South Carolina. I have every disposition that you could wish to have them returned to their proper owners but know of no way that it can be done, but by a tedious course

of Law. If I should issue a Proclamation it would probably be the cause of their being sent out of the Country. The best method I can think of is, to lay the matter before the next assembly, who will no doubt pass some act by which the right owners may recover them immediately. I have now Sir to request for the citizens of this State, the same favor from your assembly, as I am inform’d that many Negroes have been stolen from the lower part of the Country and sold in your State.” From the outset of hostilities with Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation in 1775, the British induced slaves to escape from their masters in exchange for freedom. As the war shifted to the south after 1778, slaves took advantage of the instability to escape. When the British evacuated Savannah in July 1782, over 5,000 African Americans departed with them. Also taking advantage of the chaos were profiteering bandits who kidnapped escaped slaves (and those still in bondage) and sold them illegally in other states. Benjamin Harrison is rare in war-dated ALS form. American Book Prices Current identifies only five examples sold at auction since 1974.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Francis Lightfoot Lee

Virginia

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Virginia (1734–1797). Rare ALS, one page both sides, 6 x 7.5, September 21, 1773, Menokin, [Richmond County, Virginia]. Written to Col. Landon Carter, Lee’s longtime friend and neighbor concerning a planned visit with Carter. Lee writes, in part, “I can and would immediately begin, but every day expect some people here on business, besides having some particular plantation affairs upon hand which I think will be the better for my presence...I shall expect you here, & be so good as to press all that fall your way who will not enter voluntarily into the service.” Commenting on an unidentified friend, he observes that “his fortune depends upon the world, which is always influenced by mere opinion...

let us continue to act as we think best for ourselves & let our friends the Doctors do the same.” A good, informal letter from Lee to his neighbor. The next year, Lee was among those who called for a general congress of the colonies and for a convention in Virginia in the wake of the Boston Tea Party and the closing of Boston’s port in retaliation. Landon Carter (1710–1778) was the son of Robert ‘King’ Carter (1662/63–1732), one of the wealthiest men in the American colonies in his time. When Landon Carter died in 1778, he left behind over 500 slaves and 50,000 acres of land. ALSs of Lee are rare. Auction records note only seven examples in this format selling since 1974.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Carter Braxton Virginia

igner of the Declaration of Independence and planter from Virginia (1736–1797). Braxton was the grandson of the Robert “King” Carter (1662/3–1732) one of the wealthiest planters of the Old Dominion. Good financial content ALS, signed “Carter Braxton,” one page, 7.25 x 9, March 21, 1782, no place, to Messrs. Wadsworth & Carter with integral transmittal leaf addressed in Braxton’s hand. An unusual letter written late in the war, in which Braxton, desperate for funds after the British had destroyed his Virginia plantations, attempts to dump his large stock of corn and beef on a pair of Hartford merchants. Braxton writes, in part, “I was sorry to hear there was any difficulty in the way of your receiving the Corn from Hampton. I am sure had I been present you would have had things represented in a satisfactory manner. I wish to know what further supply of Corn you want either here or at W[illia]msburg & they shall be laid in on terms that shall give you entire satisfaction. The truth is

I have so much on hand that I am at your Mercy. At the same time I rely on your generosity & Justice. You will want Beef & sundry things here all which I will supply as far as they can be had on good terms. If I should want Bills on Phila[delphi]a or some Corn yt[?] may I have them—Do you mean to sell any of the French Garrons due & at what Price perhaps I may purchase if very low.” During the American Revolution Braxton loaned large sums of money to Congress and invested in privateers, many of which were captured or destroyed. The British returned the favor by destroying many of his Virginia plantations—a financial blow from which he never recovered. In 1786 he was forced to sell his vast estate to settle his debts and he moved into a row house in Richmond. War-dated ALSs of Carter are scarce. American Book Prices Current identifies only five examples in this format and of this date selling at auction since 1974.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

William Hooper

North Carolina

igner of the Declaration of Independence from North Carolina (1742–1790). ALS, signed “Will Hooper,” one page, 7.25 x 12.25, “Friday” [with early pencil date of July 10, 1788], no place. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel on verso to “the Comptroller General.” Hooper writes, in full, “When you have perfectly possessed yourself of the purpose of the

within enclosed papers [not present], I will thank you to return them by my Son—and I will do myself the pleasure to attend you at any hour which you shall name, tomorrow to know the result as I am about to write Mr London. His name by an accident was torn from a note which this carries [not present].” A fine, unusually large example of Hooper’s autograph accomplished toward the end of his life.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Joseph Hewes offers intelligence to North Carolina Governor Caswell on the departure of a large British Fleet from New York that captured Savannah, Georgia, a month later Joseph Hewes North Carolina

igner of the Declaration of Independence from North Carolina (1730–1779). A New Jersey native, Hewes was a successful merchant who moved to North Carolina in 1760 where he rose rapidly in the colony’s political world. During his tenure in Congress, he was appointed Secretary of the Naval Affairs Committee. John Adams often credited Hewes with laying the foundations of the US Navy. Rare and excellent content war-dated ALS, signed “Joseph Hewes,” one page both sides, 7.25 x 10, November 24, 1778, Edenton, [N.C.], to Richard Caswell, Governor of North Carolina. A terrific content letter to the Governor from Hewes on his return from Philadelphia and reports on shifting attitudes in the Continental Congress toward the conduct of General Charles Lee at Monmouth as well as mistakenly predicting that a large British fleet that was preparing to sail from New York was not en route to the southern states.

Hewes writes, in full, “I returned home a few days ago from Philadelphia after a disagreeable Journey and find my self rather better in health than I have been for some time, before I left the City a large Fleet supposed about 150 Sail, had gone from New York under Convoy of Several Men of War, from the best Information we could get they were bound to great Britain having on board Invalids, Officers of reduced Regiments & Tories. I have a Letter dated 3d Nov. since I left that place that all the British Troops were then embarked but not Sailed that the Fleet was lying at the Hook in all appearance ready, that the City of New York was Garrisoned by about Seven thousand men, chiefly Hessians, new Levies of Tories. I left General [Charles] Lee at Philadelphia soliciting Congress to reverse the Sentence of the Court Martial respecting his behavior at the battle of Monmouth. When he first came to Town I was told a large majority of Congress were for Confirming it, but just as I was set[t]ing out I was told the Numbers were nearly equal and I have no doubt by this time but the General and his fast friend Rich.d H. Lee have prevailed on the majority to reverse it, the Politicians in Philada. were much divided in respect to the destination of the British Troops. I found the majority of them were of [the] opinion they would part go to the West India Islands and the remainder to great Britain it was pretty Generally believed they were not going to So Carolina as was first expected; if it should prove so I hope I shall have the pleasure of seeing your Excellency at Halifax in January.”

Hewes was reporting on a closely-watched sailing by a large fleet of ships and troops about to embark from New York. Hewes, members of Congress, even Washington had no reliable intelligence where the ships and men, numbering about 3,500 troops under the command of Lt. Col. Archibald Campbell and escorted by a squadron commanded by Comm. Hyde Parker. Hewes’ grim speculation that the fleet might actually be headed to Charleston was less far fetched than he could have imagined. The expedition set sail on November 23 from New York and on December 23 it appeared off Tybee Island at the mouth of the Savannah River. After a battle on December 29, in which most of the American defenders were captured, the British controlled Savannah, Georgia. The campaign was the start of a new strategy to regain control of the southern provinces by appealing to strong Loyalist sentiments they believed to be there. That strategy would result in the establishment of royal authority in Georgia, and capture of Charleston in 1780. Hewes offered a bit of gallows humor at the prospect of a attack on Charleston, remarking, “if it should prove so I hope I shall have the pleasure of seeing your Excellency at Halifax in January.” Halifax, in Nova Scotia, was Great Britain’s main naval base in North America and the site of a prison for captured privateers. Hewes also discusses the case of General Charles Lee, who during the Battle of Monmouth (June 28, 1778) chose to retreat, contrary to Washington’s orders—turning what could have been a decisive victory for the Continental Army into a mere stalemate. Washington did not originally intend for Lee’s poor performance to be a subject of a court martial, but when the disgraced general began writing public letters denouncing Washington’s treatment of him, the angered general ordered one. Lee was found guilty and suspended for 12 months. On August 16, Washington forwarded the matter to Congress where debate on the matter began on October 23 and voted to confirm the verdict on December 5. (Boatner, 612) Autographs in any form by Hewes are difficult to source and are quite scarce. American Book Prices Current identifies only two war-dated ALSs selling since 1974.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

John Penn North Carolina

igner of the Declaration of Independence from North Carolina (1741–1788). Extremely rare and superb wardated ALS, signed “John Penn,” one page both sides, 8 x 11.75, July 6, 1777, Philadelphia. With integral transmittal leaf addressed in Penn’s hand to Richard Caswell, Governor of North Carolina. Penn reports on his efforts to obtain more funds for his cash-strapped state and sends news of Washington and Howe’s maneuvers in New Jersey.

Penn writes, in full, “It is with great concern that I inform you we have not been able to send off the money for our State yet, Doctor Burke and myself have done every thing we could to procure it knowing what pressing demands you have, and the necessity there is for using dispatch; there was very little money in the Treasury when I got here and one or the other of us has been almost every day at the Treasury Board. I am in hopes we shall be able to dispatch 300,000 Dollars in two or three days, you may depend that nothing on our part will be wanting the money is chiefly raised on this and this Eastern States by way of the loan officers. General Howe after having made a variety of manuvres [sic] and finding that General Washington would not give up his strong Post went over to Staten Island and soon after sailed with his troops to New York, it is supposed that he intends by way of the N[orth]. River [ie. Hudson River] to form a junction with Burgoyne if possible. General Washington did not incline to risque [sic] a battle on equal terms, nor was Gen. Howe willing to attack our Army on the hills, or to march far this way and have our Troops behind him. It is out of my power to tell you how many soldiers in either Army ours is said to be increasing. The Brigades sent after the enemy had frequent skirmishes tho’ nothing of great consequence was done. We have nothing new from Europe lately. M. [Arthur] Lee one of the Embassadors [sic] is gone to Madrid. Informed you some time ago how very dear Salt was in Maryland and this state owing to a few persons purchasing it up, and that I suspected endeavours would be made by some of them to ingage [sic] all that useful article with us, in order that your excellency might if possible put a stop to such a mischievous practice should it be attempted. I am with the greatest respect.” The first several months of the Campaign of 1777 were inconclusive as Penn notes in his letter. Washington, unwilling to expose his ill-trained soldiers in an open field battle with Howe, chose to keep his distance and attempt to draw the British further into the hills of New Jersey. Howe did not take the bait, nor did he want to make a move on Philadel-

“General Washington did not incline to risque a battle on equal terms, nor was Gen. Howe willing to attack our Army on the hills, or to march far this way and have our Troops behind him”

phia and risk Washington cutting him off by land from New York. After several weeks of maneuvering, Howe returned to his base in New York. Most observers supposed (and logic would dictate) that he would then make an effort to support Burgoyne who was moving south from Quebec to Albany. However Howe had his own plans. On 23 July, 15,000 men set sail and toward the end of August they landed at the head of Chesapeake Bay threatening Philadelphia from the south. Washington attempted to stop them at Brandywine but was outmaneuvered and Philadelphia fell to British forces soon afterwards. Although the British occupied the nation’s capital, Burgoyne was trapped at Saratoga with no hope of any meaningful support from New York and was forced to surrender. Money and supplies were a major problem throughout the Revolutionary War. Salt was especially important as it was used to preserve meat and was also important for keeping horses. Congress would eventually pass legislation in order to limit profiteering on supplies critical to the army. ALSs by Penn are extremely rare. American Book Prices Current notes only three examples selling at auction since 1975.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Edward Rutledge South Carolina

Rutledge takes leave as governor of South Carolina due to ill health—only six weeks before his death

igner of the Declaration of Independence from South Carolina (1749–1800). Rare and important ALS, signed “Edward Rutledge,” as Governor of South Carolina, one page, 7.25 x 12, December 13, 1799, Columbia, [South Carolina]. Addressed in his hand on the integral address leaf to “the Honorable, The President of the Senate.” Rutledge writes, in full, “I left town very much indisposed, have not had a day’s health since I have been here, & my indisposition seems to increase. As I have finished all my communications to the Legislature, if they have no objection, I

will return home, & endeavor to re-establish my health.” Rutledge did not return to his duties. He died on January 23, 1800. After his service in the Continental Congress, Rutledge served as a captain of artillery in the South Carolina militia, seeing action at the Battle of Beaufort in 1779. He was captured by the British at the fall of Charleston in 1780 and not released until the following year.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Image above is double actual size.

Thomas lynch, jr. South Carolina

A rare Thomas Lynch, Jr. signature authenticated by Lyman C. Draper

igner of the Declaration of Independence from South Carolina (1749–1779). His father Thomas Lynch (1727–1776) had served in the Continental Congress from 1775 to 1776 but had to return home due to ill heath. Thomas, Jr. was chosen to take his father’s place in Congress where he voted for and signed the Declaration. In 1779, he sailed to St. Eustatius in the West Indies, but his ship was lost at sea in a storm and was never found. Rare ink signature, “Lynch,” on a 1.5 x .75 slip affixed to a 6.25 x 7 sheet, no date [circa 1766–1770], no place [likely London]. Accompanied by an authenticating ANS of the noted collector and historian, Lyman C. Draper (1815–1891) who writes, “This ‘Lynch’ signature was discovered & obtained since the printing of the Essay on the Autographs of the Signers, clipped from a volume of Swift’s Works, Lond[on]. 1766, preserved in the family of a sister of T. Lynch, Jr. & is guaranteed to be genuine.” Lyman C. Draper, Director of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, obtained a collection of clipped Lynch signatures from a descendant of Lynch between 1889 and 1891, the year of his death. Among these were a series of clipped signatures from the title pages of an eighteen-volume Works of Swift, apparently purchased by the young Lynch when he was a law student in England from 1766 to 1770. Lynch is the second rarest of the Signers next to Button Gwinnett. Dr. Joseph E. Fields identified 81 examples in his 1960 census (See “A Signer and His Signatures or The Library of Thomas Lynch, Jr.,” Harvard Library Bulletin, Spring, 1960, 210–252). The present example is number 25 on his list. Although he is more common than Gwinnett, only five examples have appeared at auction since 1974 according to American Book Prices Current. The present example is greatly augmented by Draper’s authentication and note of provenance.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Thomas Heyward, Jr. South Carolina

igner of the Declaration of Independence from South Carolina (1746–1809). Extremely rare ALS, signed “Thos. Heyward,” one page, 8 x 10, August 29, 1797, White Hall, addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel on verso, to Nathaniel Heyward concerning a malicious bill brought against him. Letter reads, in full: “I wrote to you last week by Mr. Simmon’s servant—since which I have received a copy of Brailsford’s Bill from De Saussure, who I suppose has given you a sight of it. He avoids mentioning your Claim & Marie’s Settlement, the only two points I am contending with him about, & fills up his bill with downright Absurdity & the most malignant Abuse—I have sent down my answer to De Saussure & I wish you would urge him to bring it to a

Conclusion. I have written to him to that Purpose & if my Presence could accelerate the Business I would go down, at present it does not appear necessary but whenever it comes before the Court I shall certainly attend.” Henry William de Saussure (1763–1839) was a prominent South Carolina attorney and jurist who had served as the director of the United States Mint in 1795. Both Heyward and de Saussure participated in the defense of Charleston in 1780, and both were taken prisoner after the British captured the city. Heyward is very rare in ALS form. American Book Prices Current notes only three examples in this format selling at auction since 1975.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Arthur Middleton South Carolina

Signer Arthur Middleton purchases land on Hilton Head

igner of the Declaration of Independence from South Carolina (1742–1787). A radical Whig, Middleton was one of the more vocal members of the South Carolina’s Council of Safety and was known for his ruthless treatment of Loyalists. Middleton was imprisoned in 1780 when the British captured Charleston and spent a year in custody in St. Augustine. Rare partly-printed DS, signed “Arthur Middleton,” one page, 18.75 x 14.4, March 5, 1772, no place [but likely Charleston, South Carolina]. An indenture between Daniel

Blake and Middleton in which for the sum of ten shillings, Middleton purchased several tracts of land on Hilton Head Island. An attractive document featuring a superb example of his signature beside a red wax seal, perfect for display. Middleton is the third rarest of the Signers. A search of American Book Prices Current and Americana Exchange reveals only 32 examples of his autograph in any form appearing at auction since 1974. Of those, only seven were war-dated ALSs.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

The rarest of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence: Button Gwinnett Button Gwinnett

Georgia

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Georgia (1735–1777). Gwinnett was born in Gloucester, England, the son of a minister. He emigrated to Georgia in 1765 where he first operated a dry goods store in Savannah before purchasing St. Catherine’s Island where he established a plantation. He soon became heavily indebted and was forced to sell the plantation in 1773. At the same time, he entered Georgia politics, emerging as the leader of the Popular Party, the more radical of the two Whig factions that dominated Georgia politics. In 1776 the provincial congress chose Gwinnett to command the state’s Continental Army troops. The move was opposed by the conservative Whigs who refused to approve the appointment. The opposing factions compromised and Lachlan McIntosh was installed as commander of the military forces, while Gwinnett was given a seat in the Continental Congress as consolation. During his short tenure in Congress, Gwinnett voted for and signed the Declaration of Independence. When he returned to Georgia, he helped draft the state constitution and was soon elected president of the state. Now at the height of his political power, Gwinnett began to harass his political rivals headed by Lachlan McIntosh. The conflict culminated in a duel between the two in May 1777 in which both were wounded. Gwinnett however, died three days later from his wounds. Extremely rare Manuscript DS, signed “Button Gwinnett,” one page both sides, 14 x 5, February 5, 1773, no place [likely Savannah, Georgia]. The document concerns an account relative to his financial difficulties, being a settlement between Gwinnett and his creditors in which he agreed to give up his entire

plantation. On one side of the sheet, headed “Button Gwinnett Esq: in Acc Curr with Messrs Rose & Porteau,” the bankers give account of the amounts owed by Gwinnett to various named creditors and the Provost Marshall, as well as “Judgements in the hands of Wm Horntown.” To settle his obligations, Gwinnett agrees to sell “the Island of St. Catherines & Stock of Honey Cattle Hogs &c Lumber & Plantation Boat” for £5,750. On the verso is a continuation of the account, with the same heading; the column totals £400. Beneath the total, following the words “agreed to by” is Gwinnett’s full signature. Related Gwinnett documents concerned with the sale of St. Catherine’s from the same period are in the set of Signers at the Library of Congress (gift of Pierpont Morgan Library); and in the Fogg Collection of Signers at the Maine Historical Society. According to the most recent census of known examples of Gwinnett’s autograph, there are only 51 known extant. Of those, only eleven are in private hands, the balance being held in institutional collections. Ryan Speer’s, “Button Gwinnett Signatures: A Census,” (Manuscripts, Vol. 60, No. 4, 2008), lists the present example as number twenty-two. While most Gwinnett documents concern routine business and legal matters, this piece relates to an important event in his life: the loss of his entire plantation to pay off his debts. This event spurred Gwinnett to begin his political career in earnest, subsequently propelling him into conflict with McIntosh—a struggle that would result in his death in 1777. The circumstances behind this particular document make it very desirable and among one of the best Gwinnett documents a collector can hope to obtain. Continued to page 70.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Gwinnett’s signature in any form seldom appears at auction

Continued from page 69. While Gwinnett’s early death (he was one of the first Signers to die after 1776) is cited as primary reason for the scarcity of his autograph, yet it should be noted he was 42 years old at the time, giving him plenty of opportunity to sign documents and write letters. Joseph Fields, in his 1950 census, noted that the destruction of Savannah, first in the Revolutionary and again in the Civil War contributed greatly to the scarcity of his papers. Increasing his rarity is the fact that the Gwinnett family line died out before 1800—and the collecting of Signers, especially the obscure ones, did not come into fashion for many decades afterward. Gwinnett’s signature in any form seldom appears at auction. American Book Prices Current identifies only six examples of his signature selling at auction since 1974. This is a rare opportunity to acquire the “Holy Grail” of American autographs.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

Lyman hall Georgia

Governor Hall prepares for treaty negotiations with the Cherokee at the close of the Revolutionary War

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Georgia (1724–1790). Governor of Georgia (1783–1784). Superb wardated ALS, signed “Lyman Hall,” as Governor of Georgia, one page, 7.75 x 12.75, April 9, 1783, Savannah, to Major General Nathanael Greene at Charleston, South Carolina. Hall adds his franking signature, “L Hall,” to the integral transmittal leaf that is headed, “On Public Service.” Hall writes to General Greene, commander of the Southern Department, concerning upcoming treaty negotiations with the Cherokee and requesting a military escort for the wagons carrying diplomatic gifts. Hall writes, in full, “We have Engaged to Supply Some Goods, as presents to be Deliv[ere]d. to the Indians at the Treaty to be held at Augusta, begining [sic] of May next; for which Purpose our Superintendant [sic] Mr. Rae, has Sent some Wagons to Charles Town, to carry them forward. therefore, request The Favour, that you will Order a proper Escort for safe Conduct, on that Occasion.” Like many Indians in the trans-Appalachian West, the Cherokee sided with the British during the American Revolution putting themselves in a difficult position as British fortunes waned. On May 31, 1783, at Augusta, the Cherokee ceded most of their lands between the Savannah and Chattahoochee Rivers in the Treaty of Long Swamp Creek. Peace would only last until 1793. War-dated ALSs of Hall are nearly impossible to obtain. American Book Prices Current lists only one war-dated example in this format selling at auction since 1974.

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

George walton Georgia

Walton admonishes his son for not writing more often

igner of the Declaration of Independence from Georgia (1749–1804). ALS, signed “Geo Walton,” one page, 6.25 x 6.75, September 9, 1800, Augusta, [Georgia], to his son, complaining that he doesn’t write enough. Walton writes, in part, “What is the reason you do not write more frequently? Your Mother, by your silence, is always apprehending sickness. This ought to be prevented.” Walton adds that an epidemic “has prevented, of course, your brother going to Virginia; and he now goes to school in Augusta. They are both well, as Your affectionate father.” Walton was a political ally of Lachlan McIntosh, a foe of Signer Button Gwinnett and was unfortunate enough to be caught in the middle of their political battles. He also participated in the duel between the pair that resulted in Gwinnett’s death.

Walton’s son, George Walton, Jr. (1786–1863) later became Secretary of State of East Florida under General Andrew Jackson in 1821, and in the same capacity over the combined territory from 1822 to 1826. Offered together with a letter by his wife, Dorothy Camber Walton (1754–1832). ALS, signed “D Walton,” one page, 7 x 4.75 January 10, 1809, Meadow Garden, also to their son, congratulating him on his recent engagement, “Your happiness my beloved Son, has ever been the first and most anxious wish of My heart—Your Union with the object of your affections will I hope & trust insure it in you. I am impatient to imbrace my dear daughter, who I am prepared to Love. If a good day tomorrow, I shall expect you.”

Proctor-Sang-Newell Collection of Signers - Lot 1001

The Newell Supplement of Signers Although Proctor had completed his collection in 1905, he had intended always to improve upon it, adding a page of blank entries to the original index to the volume for future owners to record their additions. To facilitate this, he only loosely bound the laid in page leaves bearing the autographs into the volume. Eager to fulfill Proctor’s original intent for the collection, Newell began acquiring finer quality examples of Signers that were only represented by routine signed documents and letters. Over the past decade, Newell managed to acquire a superb war-dated letter by the rare Signer Arthur Middleton in which he compliments John Hancock. He also purchased a letter by Matthew Thornton to the New Hampshire Committee of Safety asking someone to represent him at an important October 1775 meeting with Benjamin Franklin and George Washington. He also found an incredible–content letter by Robert Morris writing at the end of 1776 in which he acts as an agent for the Continental Congress that had fled to Baltimore fearing a British attack on Philadelphia. Newell also remedied an error made by Sang’s descendants when they removed the two examples accomplished by Philip Livingston Jr., from Proctor’s original set that left only an example by his father, Philip Livingston Sr. Newell added an autograph letter of Philip Jr. that had been part of the Kenneth Laurence collection of Signers to once again complete the set.

The Newell Supplement of Signers

The New Hampshire representative receives 120 shillings on “August 11th, 1776 by Cash Rec’d at Philadelphia,” for signing the Declaration of Independence 1002. Josiah Bartlett. Signer of the

Declaration of Independence from New Hampshire and physician (1729–1795). Manuscript ADS, one page, 12.25 x 8.5, January 1, 1778. Document from The State of New Hampshire to Josiah Bartlett, detailing financial accounts pertaining to “time and expences between the 3’d Day of September 1775 and the 9th Day of November 1776, Three Hundred & Ninety five Days at 30/pr Day as pr order of the Genl Assembly,” in the amount of 592 shillings, 10 pence and zero pounds. A tally is put in order, detailing when and from where the funds were received: “By cash rec’d of…August 1775 to be accounted for, 140:0:0; By cash recei’d at Philadelphia as pr Receipt 30th Dec. 1775, 120:0:0; August 11th, 1776 by Cash Rec’d at Philadelphia, 120:0:0; May 1776 Rec’d Cash of the Treasr to be accounted for, 100:0:0; By Cash Rec’d for Jared Tracys, Bringing money from Philadelphia, 10:16:0,” coming to a tally of 592:10:0. with Bartlett adding, “Errors Excepted pr Josiah Bartlett,” endorsed by a Justice of the Peace. Bartlett’s name is also docketed three times on the reverse in

another hand. Intersecting folds, uniform toning, scattered light spotting, a few light areas of soiling, three trivial areas of separation along the central vertical fold, rough edges with a few small tears, and show-through from writing on the reverse, otherwise very good condition. An outstanding financial account, penned nearly entirely in Barlett’s hand, outlines payment from the state of New Hampshire for his time serving in the Continental Congress from “the 3’d Day of September 1775 and the 9th Day of November 1776.” Bartlett was the first representative to be asked regarding a declaration of independence from Great Britain, to which he affirmatively responded. As the second signer, he made his affirmation official on August 2, 1776, when he penned his signature to the formal copy of the Declaration, right after Hancock’s. Just days later, Bartlett would reap the fruits of his labor: “August 11th, 1776 by Cash Rec’d at Philadelphia, 120:0:0.” Estimate $6,000 - 8,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

His wife ill, Matthew Thornton asks someone to cover for him at a critical meeting with Washington and Franklin 1003. Matthew Thornton.

Signer of the Declaration of Independence from New Hampshire (1714–1803). Scarce and fine content war-dated ALS, signed “Matthew Thornton,” as President of the New Hampshire Committee of Safety, one page, 6.75 x 11.5, October 16, 1775, Londonderry, [New Hampshire], addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel on verso to “the Honble. Committee of Safety Exeter.” Thornton, as head of the revolutionary government of New Hampshire, was invited to Cambridge, Massachusetts, to meet with representatives of the Continental Congress, General George Washington, and fellow New England political leaders to discuss the reorganization of the Continental Army—but in light of the continuing ill-health of his wife, asks if someone else from the New Hampshire Committee of Safety could be sent in his stead. Thornton writes, in full, “Last Thursday I set out for Cambridge I got there fryday [sic] P. M. was informed that the Gentn. did not leave Philadelphia till the Sixth Instant & were not expected till the 15 or 16 Instant, when at Home my Cloase [sic] has not been off but one night for ten past & if my wife is not better [word missing] not possibly leave Home[.] If you Send a Committee tomorrow & Can goe [sic] it will be exceeding[ly] agreeable to me to meet them & take their advice, & in Case I Cannot, they will be ready to Represent the Colony. I leave all to your wisdom.” In very good condition, with intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), scattered soiling, old reinforcements on the reverse to vertical edges, and two small areas of paper loss (one resulting in the loss of one word, and repaired from behind). Thornton was expecting to meet with a delegation of three members of the Continental Congress charged “to repair immediately to the camp at Cambridge, to confer with General Washington, and with the governor of Connecticut, and the lieut-Governor of Rhode Island, the council of Massachusetts, and the President of the convention of New Hampshire, and such other persons as to the said Committee shall seem proper, touching the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army.” (Congress, Journals, Sept. 29, 1775) The next day, they appointed Benjamin Franklin, Benjamin Harrison and Thomas Lynch, Sr. to the delegation. Hearing of their arrival, Thornton travelled to Cambridge in early October, but when the committee failed to appear, he returned to attend to his sick wife. (Charles Thornton Adams, Matthew Thornton, 30–31) The delegation arrived soon after Thornton’s departure and met in Cambridge from October 18 to 23, 1775, to discuss the reorganization of the Continental Army with George Washington and representatives of the New England Colonies. On those recommendations, Congress approved the reorganization of the Continental Army into 26 regiments on November 4. A superb early letter from the first year of the Revolutionary War concerning a key conference that set the organizational structure of Washington’s army for the year 1776. War-dated examples of Thornton’s hand in any form are scarce. American Book Prices Current identifies only seven examples selling at auction since 1975. Estimate $12,000 - 15,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

1004. Elbridge Gerry. Signer of the Declaration of

Independence from Massachusetts (1744–1814). Governor of Massachusetts (1810–1812) and Vice President of the United States (1813–1814). ALS, signed, “E. Gerry,”one page, 7.75 x 9.75, June 8, 1812, Cambridge, [Massachusetts]. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel to “Major General [Henry] Dearborn.” At the outbreak of the War of 1812, Gerry writes concerning a young gentleman’s desire for an officer’s commission and to serve with Dearborn. Gerry writes, in full, “I have received the certificate enclosed from President Kirkland, this morning. the note has no direction, because the young[?] Gentleman did not disclose to Mr Kirkland the object. It is to obtain an appointment in the army, & if possible, in your [military] family. You can give him all the information & aid requisite on the occasion.” Intersecting folds passing through the signature, a few pin holes to blank areas, and a small area of seal-related paper loss to left edge (continuing to the integral address leaf), otherwise fine condition. Gerry refers to John Thornton Kirkland (1770–1840) who served as president of Harvard University from 1810 to 1828. General Dearborn had recently been commissioned a major general overseeing the northern border from the Niagara River to the coast of New England. His efforts to invade Canada in 1813 were met with little success, and he was reassigned to an administrative command in New York the same year. He was discharged in 1815. Estimate $2,000 - 3,000

1005. William Ellery. Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Rhode Island (1727–1820). ALS, “Wm Ellery,” one page, 7.75 x 9.5, March 23, 1815, Worcester. Addressed in his hand on the integral transmittal panel to “Miss Philadelphia Ellery Care of Charles Dyer Merchant Providence R: Island &c.” A warm personal letter to a young relation, in the wake of the end of the War of 1812. Ellery writes, in part, “I…am glad to find that Belinda is willing to perform her promise to live with us when peace shall take place…the weather has been so cold since you wrote your letter and the roads so bad, and made worse by the snow that fell last night, that it is impossible for me to fix upon the time when I shall be at Providence….Your brother W., and wife and daughter attended by Edward Channing arrived at Newport last Saturday...Be yourself at Providence as soon as you conveniently can.” After news of family members, who are coming to Newport, Ellery notes that “Mr. Timmy has gone again to Hartford, and does not mean to live at Newport, the air there not suiting his health so well as that of the country.” In very good condition, with intersecting folds, small restored area of seal-related loss at left edge, and the once-removed signature and sentiment now skillfully replaced (along with a square area of paper to its immediate right). Ellery replaced Samuel Ward as the Rhode Island delegate to the Continental Congress in 1776. During the War, his home and lands were plundered by the British. Following the Revolution, Ellery served a brief stint as Chief Justice of the Rhode Island Supreme Court (1785–1786). In 1790 President George Washington appointed Ellery as Collector of Customs for the District of Newport, a position he held for three decades. Though he was a staunch Federalist, the Jeffersonian Republicans chose to retain his post when they assumed power in 1800. Estimate $1,000 - 2,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

1776 letter from the Continental Congress “order Col. Maxwell to put his Regimt in a State of Readiness to March to Albany” 1006. John Hancock.

Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Massachusetts and President of the Continental Congress at the time of the document’s approval (1737–1793). Revolutionary War-dated ALS signed “John Hancock, Prest,” one page, 8 x 12.5, January 10, 1776. Letter to Lord Stirling. In full: “I have it in Charge from Congress to order Col. Maxwell to put his Regimt in a State of Readiness to March to Albany, which you will pleased to direct immediately, & as soon as Ready pray inform me, that the particular orders of Congress may be Transmitted for his proceedings.” Letter is removably encapsulated in acid free Mylar. In very good condition, with intersecting folds, one through a single letter of signature, some areas of restored paper loss to reverse of edges and corner tips, scattered toning and soiling, and some scorch marks to top right and bottom left. With the Revolution underway, Hancock arrived in Philadelphia in 1775 and was unanimously elected president of the Continental Congress, the first national government of the United States. As public support for independence strengthened and Congress prepared to officially declare, Hancock dealt with their official correspondence, including select military orders. In this letter to the 2nd New Jersey Regiment’s Colonel William Maxwell, through Lord (General William Alexander) Stirling, he orders their preparation for a march to Albany, from whence they would begin their role in the investment of Quebec. This regiment and both men noted remained active through the entirety of the war, participating in such noted battles as Brandywine, Germantown, and the final Battle of Yorktown. Sending orders to two loyal Patriots who saw the war through to the end, this is a wonderful early Revolutionary War-dated letter in Hancock’s hand, penned just six months before he placed his famous signature on the Declaration of Independence. Estimate $15,000 - 20,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

1007. Stephen Hopkins. Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Rhode Island (1707–1785). Governor of Rhode Island for several terms between 1755 and 1768. Rare ALS, signed “Step Hopkins,” one page, 6.25 x 7.75, September 1754, Newport, [Rhode Island]. Addressed in his hand “To— Mrs. Anne Smith at Smithfield.” A warm letter in which widower Hopkins courts his future wife. He writes, in full, “While I am here employed in the drudgery of following Vice and Grand through the lurking places of Craft and design, You are peacefully Pursuing the Paths of Peace and Contemplating the Laws and designs of Heaven; go on ever in those happy Courses and enjoy that as happyness that is attendant thereon; Your prayers will endeavour to Preserve me from the Snares incident to the Station I am placed in. Mine shall attend you in your Journey which I hope may be very agreeable as your returne will be to him who with truth Subscribes himself.” Professionally inlaid into a slightly larger sheet and in fine condition, with a tiny 78

pin hole of paper loss, wax seal remnant in left margin, and scattered light soiling. Hopkins’ first wife, Sarah Scott died in 1753. In 1755, he married widow Anne Smith Hopkins (1717–1782). Accomplished the year before the first of his four terms as Governor of Rhode Island and only months after his return from the historic Albany Congress, which approved Benjamin Franklin’s plan to unify the colonies under a president appointed by the crown. Although rejected by the colonies, the Albany plan formed the basis for the Articles of Confederation of 1777. Hopkins is known for his very shaky signature on the Declaration. In this instance, twenty years earlier, his hand was far steadier. Hopkins in ALS form is rare. American Book Prices Current notes only four examples selling since 1975. Estimate $3,000 - 5,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

1008. Samuel Huntington. Signer

of the Declaration of Independence from Connecticut (1731– 1796). President of the Continental Congress (1779–1781) and Governor of Connecticut (1786–1796). Fine content war-dated LS, signed “Sam. Huntington President,” as President of the Continental Congress, one page, both sides, 7.25 x 9, May 24, 1781, Philadelphia. Written to Major General Nathanael Greene (1742–1786) commanding the Southern Department advising him of appointments for Greene’s medical staff—many of whom were in captivity, taken at Charleston in 1780. Huntington writes, in full, “You will receive enclosed the Copy of a Resolution of the 15th Instant [not present] containing the Appointment of the Principal Officers in the medical Department for the southern Army. You will observe that all such Officers of the medical Department appointed under the former Directorship of Doctor Oliphant [sic, Olyphant] who are now in Captivity in South Carolina and Georgia and have the Charge of the Sick in those States are continued in their respective Offices &c but to extend no farther than to the Troops & Hospitals within the Enemies Lines. Your dispatches of the 22nd & 24th of April have been viewed.” Professionally inlaid into a slightly

larger sheet and in fine condition, with scattered faint toning and writing lightly showing through from opposing sides. At the time of writing, Greene was capitalizing on the strategic success of Guilford Court House, which, despite being a tactical American loss, forced Cornwallis to retreat to the coast. This allowed Greene to push into South Carolina and force occupying British forces to retreat toward the relative safety of Charleston. David Olyphant (1720–1805) was a Scottish-born physician who escaped to South Carolina after fighting at Culloden in 1745. Congress commissioned him Director-General of the Southern Hospitals in 1776. Olyphant was taken prisoner at the surrender of Charleston in 1780, receiving treatment from the British that elicited a formal protest from General William Moultie. Following the war, his health failing, he moved to Rhode Island where he spent the remainder of his life practicing medicine. Estimate $3,000 - 5,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

The scarce New York Signer authorizes a state payment, written by FDR’s preceding relative 1009. William Floyd.

Manuscript DS signed “Wm. Floyd,” one page, 5.25 x 7, November 23, 1784. Warrant for New York State Treasurer Gerard Bancker, written out by Isaac Roosevelt. In full: “You are hereby authorised to pay Ezra L’Homodieu Esqr. for the Use of John Franiks, the sum of Twenty two pounds Sixteen shillings being for his Services under the direction of the Late Major John Davis Dec’d.in Procuring Clothing & C in persuance of an Act of the Legislature of this State passed the 7th March 1781 and in so doing this shall be your warrant.” Signed at the conclusion by Floyd, as a Commissioner, and also signed by Roosevelt. Reverse bears a handwritten and signed receipt from L’Hommedieu which reads, “Rec’d New York 24th November 1784 from Gerard Bancker Treasurer Twenty two pounds

sixteen shillings in full for the within order.” Document has been professionally cleaned and inlaid to a 7.5 x 9.75 off-white sheet. Aforementioned cleaning, previous light folds, light show-through from receipt on reverse, and a uniform shade of mild toning, otherwise fine condition. In his 1995 reference History Comes to Life, Kenneth Rendell places Floyd’s autograph material into the “rare” category among the Signers. Isaac Roosevelt was one of ten representatives from New York City who participated in the state Constitutional Convention, and was the great-great-grandfather of Franklin D. Roosevelt. Isaac achieved the most political success of any Roosevelt before Theodore Roosevelt. Estimate $2,000 - 3,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

1010. Lewis Morris. Signer of the Declaration of Independence from New York (1726–1798). ALS, signed “Lewis Morris,” one page, both sides, 7.75 x 13, August 15, 1795, Morrisiana, [New York], addressed on the integral transmittal leaf to his son, and namesake, Lewis Morris IV (1754–1824), a former aide-de-camp of Nathanael Greene during the American Revolution, then living in Charleston, South Carolina. Morris writes, in large part, “I was made very happy the other day when I returned from New Haven where I went with brother Daniel. My chief business there was to speak to Mr. Dwight and some of the tutors who have promised to do everything in their power to serve him…I am not very well. I believe it is a bad cold but I hope to get over it. I have no fever but you know how a man feels with a bad cold… was surprised to hear of Mr. Cox’s application to you for money. I think you need not fear for any suit as you never became Jacob’s security...Jacob [Jacob Morris (1755–1844) the second son of the Signer] made the same request of me. I told him if I had money he should have it, but that I never would put my hand and seal to any instrument for John

Cox…Daniel is a fine boy and he is deserving of every attention of all his friends…the farmers in this county have lost as vast amount of hay from the great floods of this summer. I have been in among the rest but have got a fine parcel of salt hay and in good season…God bless you and believe me your affectionate father and friend.” In very good condition, with intersecting folds passing through the signature, a tape repair to an area of fold splitting on the second page, and writing showing through from opposing sides. A fine, warm letter from the New York Signer. After the war, his son settled in South Carolina where he had served in the final years of the conflict with Nathanael Greene. He served five terms in the South Carolina General Assembly from 1789 to 1801 and served as the state’s lieutenant governor from 1794 to 1796. Estimate $4,000 - 6,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

Morris ‘holds down the fort’ in Philadelphia while Congress flees to Baltimore 1011. Robert Morris.

Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1734–1806). Morris was known as the ‘Financier of the Revolution,’ who leveraged his own monies and financial acumen to help raise funds to support the new nation. After the war, he became involved in land speculation and lost his fortune in 1798, famously landing in debtor’s prison. Superb content war-dated ALS, signed “Robt Morris,” four pages on two adjoining 7.75 x 9.5 sheets, January 12, 1777, Philadelphia. Written to fellow merchant John Langdon (1741–1819) who was serving as an agent for Continental prizes in New Hampshire. Morris updates Langdon on the flight of Congress as the British invaded New Jersey in 1776, and his appointment (together with George Walton and George Clymer) as agents of the Continental Congress while the main body fled to Baltimore as a precaution in the event Philadelphia was captured by Howe’s rapidly advancing army. Morris expresses his pleasure at the prospect of being useful to this country in a time of crisis and believing that Congress had taken favorable notice of his show of initiative. Morris writes, in full, “As you wou’d undoubtedly hear of the unhappy situation of this city for some weeks past, you wou’d naturally suppose that to be the only cause why you did not hear from me. When the British troops made such a rapid progress through the Jerseys & got within a few miles of us, the Congress thought proper to remove to Baltimore, at that time I sent my family, my books, papers and considerable effects into Maryland, but having still a great value here and being desirous of spiriting up our people in all my power, I determined to wait until; the last, happy in having done so, as I have had an opportunity of being very useful both to this country & to the general cause. The Congress know this well, and have appointed myself & two others that remained here, a committee with full powers to transact all Continental business that may be proper and necessary here. I mention this as an apology for not having wrote you sooner for I do assure you, the business of that committee engrosses so much of my time that I cannot attend my own business. The letters I rec’d from you in answer to my proposals for speculating in prize goods &c are in the country with my other papers & such variety of business had gone through my hands since that I do not perfectly remember their contents, but think you had made some purchases which I very much approved at the time and wished you to proceed being certain that goods bought with judgment at moderate prices much answer very well. I continue of the same mind and authorize you to proceed not doubting your utmost care & attention as to quality & prices as well as to the safety of the goods after bought. I wish also that you wou’d buy a good prize vessel, double decked, & pick up a cargo for her suitable for France, dispatch her for Bordeaux consigned to Messrs. Smal. & J.H.

Delap with orders to make sale of both vessel and cargo provided the vessel can be sold for a sum equal to her first cost which I am in hopes will be very reasonable, you’ll put in a prudent carefull master & send her away as soon as possible because I think the risque of the voyage is considerable during the winter. I do not particularize the articles to compose this cargo because I don’t know what you can get, but masts, spars, oak plank, bees wax, pearls & potash, fish oil &c &c are wanted in that country & will answer well if laid in at moderate prices & unless this can be done I wou’d drop the plan altogether, but if it can be executed reasonably, the sooner the better & the value of vessel & cargo not to exceed three thousand pounds lawfull money. You’ll tell Messrs. Delap to hold the proceeds in their hands subject to my orders & if they cannot sell the vessel to send her back to you with a cargo of salt. You will want money to execute this business and I am in hopes can supply yourself by drawing on me. You may depend the bills shall be punctually paid but if that will not do, I will furnish you with money from hence from time to time the sums you may write for.” Intersecting folds, small splits along fold ends, and writing showing through from opposing sides, otherwise fine condition. Retreating across New Jersey, Washington crossed the Delaware into Pennsylvania on December 7, 1776, and proceeded to destroy every boat along the 75 mile stretch to hamper a crossing by the British that would threaten the capital at Philadelphia. Fearful that Washington’s pitifully small army would be unable to stem the tide, Congress resolved to move its seat to Baltimore on December 12. The next day, however, Howe announced his intention to close the campaign for the season and not advance any further. Congress was not taking any chances. They left Philadelphia on December 20 leaving Morris, Clymer, and Walton as official agents of Congress, empowered to transact all Continental business in Philadelphia. Despite Washington’s surprise victories at Trenton and Princeton in December and January, a move that forced the British to abandon many of their forward posts in New Jersey, Congress chose to remain in Baltimore until March 4, 1777. By the time Morris wrote Langdon in the present letter, the danger of a British invasion of Philadelphia had largely subsided (for the time being), allowing him time to catch up on his personal business. Morris’ conduct here would be greeted today with a good deal of suspicion as he was essentially using his and Langdon’s official connections to speculate in prize goods from captured British merchantmen. A superb war-dated letter by Morris, accomplished at one of the more critical moments in the Revolutionary War. Estimate $20,000 - 25,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

New Jersey exempts iron workers from militia service, 1777 1012. John Hart. Signer of the Declaration

of Independence from New Jersey (c. 1711–1779). War-dated manuscript DS, signed “John Hart,” as Speaker of the New Jersey General Assembly with a six-line endorsement in his hand, two pages, 8.25 x 13, May 24, 1777, [Burlington, New Jersey]. Hart approves, “An Act to Exempt a Number of Men, to be employed at the Iron Works at Batsto and Mount Holly in the County of Burlington, from actual Service in the Militia, under the Restrictions and Regulations therein mentioned.” Countersigned by Governor of New Jersey William Livingston (1723–1790), signed “Wil: Livingston Presdt.” The resolution, reads in part: “Whereas it is highly expedient that the Army and Navy of the United States of America should be furnished as speedily as possible with a Quantity of Cannon, Cannon Shot, Camp Kettles and other Implements and Utensils of Iron, which the Furnaces at Batso, and the Forge and rolling Mill at Mount Holly… are well adapted to Supply…whereas John Cox…the Proprietor and Conductor of the said Works…that he is now under contract for a large Quantity

of the said Articles…that the workmen are necessarily employed in the said Iron Works, being Objects of the Militia Law, are so frequently called away, and some times at those Critical Season of Business which the said Works are peculiarly subject to.” The law exempted these men who were deemed critical to supplying the war effort. Scattered light soiling, creasing, and toning (heaviest along central vertical fold), small tape repair to reverse of the second page, and some old pin holes near the top edge, otherwise fine condition. The Batsto Iron Works were established in 1766 by iron master, Charles Reed and purchased by John Cox in 1773. The works manufactured supplies for the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War including kettles and cooking pots. The works remained in operation well into the 19th century before the town became a center of glassmaking. Estimate $12,000 - 15,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

1013. John Morton. Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1725–1777). Rare party-printed war-dated DS, signed “John Morton Speaker,” as Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly, one page, 13.25 x 8.5, April 6, 1776, [Philadelphia]. A commission for a lieutenant with an early seal of revolutionary Pennsylvania. The document commissions “Morton Garret, Gentleman,” appointing him as a “Lieutenant of a Company of Foot in the Battalion of Musketry in the Service of his Province for the Protection of the same, against all hostile Enterprizes, and for the Defence of American Liberty…you are to observe and follow such Orders and Directions…from the Assembly…from the present or any future Committee of Safety for this Province, or from your superior Officer.” Endorsed on the verso by justice of the peace “Nichs Fairlamb” who certifies on May 30, 1776, that Morton Garrett had appeared before him and “was qualified to the within commission.” Short splits along somewhat fragile intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), the first letter of Morton’s surname possibly darkened, and moderate irregular overall toning affecting appearance, otherwise very good condition. Garrett was part of Captain John Nice’s company and soon after was promoted to Captain of Francis Murray’s company forming part of the “Pennsylvania Regiment of Foot” before he resigned his commission in 1777. John Morton is rare. American Book Prices Current notes only four examples selling at auction since 1975. Estimate $2,000 - 3,000

Wilson faces a legal impasse: “The Arrangements in the Court of Appeals render it impossible for us to be of any Service to our Clients” 1014. James Wilson. Signer of the Declaration of Independence from Pennsylvania (1742–1798). In 1789, he became one of the original nine justices appointed by Washington to the Supreme Court. War-dated ALS, one page, 8 x 13, May 6, 1783. Wilson writes to fellow Philadelphia lawyer, Edward Burd, in full: “We proposed to have attended at Chester at least during some Part of the Sessions: But the Arrangements in the Court of Appeals render it impossible for us to be of any Service to our Clients. Will you be good enough to mention this to the Judges, and to the Attorney General, that no Causes which can possibly be postponed may be tried in our Absence? You will also, as you may have opportunity, mention to our Clients the Reason of our Absence.” Address panel on reverse is penned in Wilson’s hand. Letter affixed to a slightly larger cardstock sheet by its left edge of the second page. In very good condition, with lightly intersecting folds, uniform toning, light spotting, a few spots of mild soiling affecting the text, rough edges, a light pencil notation, and a mild spot of residue from the wax seal on the reverse of the second integral page. During this time, Wilson was serving as the Advocate General for France in America; in January of the same year, he took his seat as a delegate to the General Congress, all the while, enjoying a reputation as one of the most celebrated lawyers in Philadelphia. Estimate $1,000 - 2,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

1015. George Ross. Signer of the Declara-

tion of Independence from Pennsylvania (1730–1779). Rare ALS, signed, “Geo: Ross,” one page, both sides, 7.5 x 11.75, no date, no place, to his brother Getty in his hometown of New Castle, Delaware. Ross writes a jovial letter to his brother, poking fun at an obese relative, and even invoking a mild racial slur, referring to his brother and a friend as “Creowls” and asking them not to take offense. Ross writes, in full, “It was with the greatest concern I received the account of your illness and had I not been ill of this Govt. at Philada. would have visited you at New Castle as I ever had so shall I forever continue to preserve the most sincere & Brotherly affection for you, and though it is our fate to be settled at a distance from each other yet distance & absence which sometimes lessens the affections will never give the least abatement to mine. I long to see you & my dear little nephew and also to have the pleasure of Mr. Tills company for whom I always had a particular Esteem & am much concerned to hear of his Indisposition[.] I fear the country you live in will shorten all your lives and even render them almost burdensome while you continue what I call Just to breath & not to live I should be very glad[.] It would suit Mr Till & you to come up here & spend some time in our fine wholesome air[.] I am sure it would be for the advantage of you both. Neither of you ought to return this spring to Sussex [County, Delaware] but play & recruit for by

what I hear you are almost two Creowls. Now don’t you or Till be affronted at this—Nancy wanted much to have gone to New Castle from Philad[elphi]a to see you but the Weather was to[o] severe a great way round home & very bad entertainment on the road—She & Mrs Lawler Joins with me in their love to you Mr: Till your little boy Sercky[?] Caty & all other Friends at New Castle[.] We all wish yours & Caty’s speedy recovery she must take a little more of your Fatt[e]ning air—I suppose such is a bluff as ever her good nature keeps her laughing she fattens on it[.] I rec’d her letter and would have wrote to her but the bearer is just going & I have not time—I will not line[?] your patience but conclude my dear Getty with Assuring you that I am.” Professionally inlaid into a slightly larger sheet and in very good condition, with intersecting folds, scattered overall soiling and toning, and old repairs to tiny areas of paper loss. Ross, a successful attorney in Lancaster, was elected to the First Continental Congress in 1774, and was active in government and the law until his death in 1779. What Ross meant by the “Govt. at Philada.” is not known, but we presume he meant the Pennsylvania Provincial Assembly where he served from 1768 to 1776. Examples of Ross in ALS format are rare. American Book Prices Current identifies only three examples selling at auction since 1975. Estimate $3,000 - 5,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

1016. Charles Carroll of Carrollton. ALS signed

“Ch. Carroll of Carrollton,” one page both sides, 7.75 x 9.75, November 18, 1825. Letter to James F. Brice. In part: “Wm Nichols told me you have distrained his property: in doing so you acted injudiciously. The articles distrained are valued…to $1934.50. Nichols wishes you to buy on my account the property distrained and to leave it in his hands for sale to hnr my claim agst him of $1686.30 1/4; to your doing so I have no objection & desire you to buy the property. I believe Nichols to be an honest man & will sell the articles, particularly the tobacco better than either of us, and apply the proceeds of sale honestly to the discharge of his debt. The $13.60 due to Mr. Randall for shingles you will allow in…payment of his rent... Nichols says plaster is of no benefit to the soil of the Farm. I know it is too light for wheat, but plaster will stiffen the soil, improve it by producing clover.” Reverse of second integral page bears an address panel in Carrollton’s hand, “To James F. Brice, Esqr, Annapolis,” and docketed on another panel in an unknown hand. In very good condition, with intersecting folds, one passing between portions of Carrollton’s signature, a uniform shade of mild toning, with a couple areas of circular toning to back page of letter, partially separated hinge, and a couple small areas of paper loss to second page. Lengthy correspondence from the then 88 year-old who had long shied away from politics, but remained immersed in his businesses. Estimate $1,000 - 2,000

1017. Thomas Stone. Signer of the Declaration

of Independence from Maryland (1743–1787). Good slavery-content war-dated partial manuscript ADS, signed “Thomas Stone” within the text, one page, 8 x 8.75, no date [c. 1779] Charles County, [Maryland]. A document concerning a legal dispute over the sale of slaves. Stone writes in part, “…Samuel Love…by Thomas Stone his Attorney complains that the said Thomas Reader on the first—day of March—in the year seventeen hundred and seventy nine—at a certain place called the plantation in Charles County…took the said Negro boy Slave called Ned of the price of three thousand pounds Current Money and the said Negro Girl Slave called Henreitta of the price of three thousand pou[nds] current money…and Testament of the said Samuel Love…and the said slaves unjustly detained…” Lightly trimmed edges, and an area of paper loss (and apparent loss of a few words of text) to the lower half of the right edge expertly restored, otherwise fine condition.

From 1774 to 1776, Stone was a member of Maryland’s Annapolis Convention, which appointed him as delegate to the Continental Congress in 1775. As a delegate, he voted in favor of the motion to draft a declaration of independence despite Maryland’s instructions to vote against it. In June 1775, the Annapolis Convention reversed itself allowing Stone to vote in favor of the Declaration of Independence in July. Material in Stone’s hand is quite rare. American Book Prices Current identifies only two ALSs (and one ADS) selling at auction since 1976. Estimate $3,000 - 5,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

Governor Paca on confiscated Loyalist property 1018. William Paca. Signer of the Decla-

ration of Independence from Maryland (1740–1799). ALS, signed “Wm. Paca,” as Governor of Maryland, one page, 7.25 x 9, March 7, 1783, Annapolis, “In Council,” addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel to “The Honorable The Intendant,” [Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer (1723–1790)]. Paca writes to Jenifer, the Intendant for Revenue for Maryland, concerning his inability to intervene in a case involving the confiscation of Loyalist property at the close of the Revolutionary War. Docketed in an unknown hand on verso, “Gov. & co. Mar. 7, 1783 about the Comms. for Confi[scate]d property.” Paca writes, in full, “The Subject mentioned in yours of the 7th We conceived lies within the Department of the Commissioners for the Sale and Preservation of British Property over whom you only have the controlling Power; not being an Affair which can properly come before Us, and There being a Difference of Opinion between you and the Commissioners as to the Practicability and Policy of the Sale, We do not choose to interfere in the Matter, xxxxxxx especially as We have not a Competent knowledge of the Subject.” Professionally inlaid into a slightly larger sheet and in very good condition, with intersecting folds (vertical

fold passing through the signature), small area of repaired paper loss at left edge, and some bleeding to much of the text from onetime exposure to moisture (not affecting readability or the signature. At the close of the Revolutionary War, the states were burdened with the task of distributing property confiscated from Loyalist residents who had fled the country. Of the approximately 500,000 Loyalists in America in 1775, about a fifth left the country rather than swear allegiance to the United States. St. Thomas Jenifer was an important Maryland patriot serving as president of the state’s council of safety from 1775 to 1777. He represented Maryland in the Continental Congress from 1778 to 1782. Dissatisfied with the Articles of Confederation, he attended the Mount Vernon Conference, a meeting that helped lead to the Philadelphia Convention of 1787. Letters and documents by Paca are quite scarce. American Book Prices Current cites only 13 examples selling at auction since 1976. Estimate $2,000 - 3,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

“It is said that the Enemy have all of them returned to Augustine except the 71st Regt which is ordered to N York. Remember me respectfully to your Brother delegates” 1019. William Hooper.

Signer of the Declaration of Independence from North Carolina (1742–1790). Good content and fine association war-dated ALS, signed “W Hooper,” one page, both sides, 7.75 x 9.5, with a postscript on the adjoining integral transmittal leaf, no date [prob. September 1779], no place [prob. Wilmington, North Carolina]. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal leaf to fellow Signer Joseph Hewes (1730–1779) in Philadelphia and marked “Free.” Hooper begs his friend, in great detail, to furnish him with a fashionable hat (unobtainable in North Carolina) so he does not resemble a mere “butcher boy,” and reporting British withdrawals from South Carolina and Georgia to St. Augustine, Florida. Hooper writes in full, “I wrote you a few weeks ago. I hope that scrawl got safe to hand altho the subject matter was not otherwise interesting than as it assured you of my constant remembrance of your kindly attention to me and my earnest wishes to have it in my power to be made convenient to you. This is intended to give you a fresh instance of my readiness to call your obliging disposition into exercise. You must know that I am almost unhatted, my present chapeau would be a scandal to a butcher boy and neither South Carolina nor this state can supply me with a better. Pray apply in my behalf to friend Tybout or some other of the craft and get me a fashionable hat made and forward it to me to Halifax to Gilchrid or to your House at Edenton that I may find it at one or the other at the Sup Court. Some Traveler perhaps may be prevailed upon to bring it along. The longest string enclosed must be the measure of the circumference of the crown of the hat the other of the greatest diameter. My hat you may recollect is one or two sizes larger than yours—I said a fashionable hat I do not mean in the excess, but I approve of large hat as best calculated for this Climate—The short string is perhaps unneces-

sary. We have no news here, it is said that the Enemy have all of them returned to Augustine except the 71st Regt which is ordered to N York. Remember me respectfully to your Brother delegates. I wrote very lately and very long letter to friend [and fellow NC Signer John] Penn and shall write [Cornelius] Harnet when I hear that he has arrived...P.S. I see advertised in the Phila paper copper plate copy books for Children pray send me one or more of them if there are of different sorts—& let me know the expense both of the hat & them that I may depposite the amount in Contc. with Mr Smith.” In very good condition, with intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), trivial pin holes near top edge, scattered overall toning, and writing showing through from opposing sides. We are not sure where Hooper obtained his intelligence, but it appears to be wrong. The 71st Highland regiment, which helped capture Savannah in 1778 and Charleston in 1780 remained in the Southern Theater for the duration of the war. Hooper may have been unknowingly referring to a move by British troops out of South Carolina to help defend Savannah against a combined Franco-American attack in September, 1779. Hooper resigned from the Continental Congress in 1777 and moved home to North Carolina. When Cornwallis moved into Wilmington in 1781, both his city home and his plantation were burned by the British. As a signer, Hooper was a wanted man by the British, and was forced to go into hiding keeping him separated from his family for over a year. In all, the letter is a superb association piece, written to a fellow signer and mentioning a third, with fine content. Estimate $25,000 - 30,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

Exceptionally scarce letter from one of the rarest Signers, flush with details regarding the event that would ignite the inferno of the revolution 1020. Thomas Nelson, Jr. Signer of

the Declaration of Independence and member of the Virginia Delegation to the Continental Congress (1738–1789). Rare ALS signed “Thos. Nelson, Jr.,” one page both sides, 7.5 x 9, February 18, 1775. Nelson discusses politics in a letter to Col. Landon Carter on the eve of the Revolution, in full: “It gives me pleasure to find that I am not forgot by my friends at a distance, especially by so respectable a one as yourself. We have been much alarm’d at a report that the New Yorkers had deserted the cause, but it is with joy I acquaint you that that report is contradicted & that the Motion that was rejected was the postponing the consideration of the proceedings of the general congress to a future day; but that they immediately took the matter up & highly approved every thing the Delegates had done. Some people are apt to conceive that things are as they would wish them to be. There is as little foundation for the report concerning, that vile Traitor Ruggles, as for the other. It is true he has drawn up a association in opposition to the Continental one but we are told he has not a single signer to it & that he is obliged to seek for he as (?) Fox like to hide himself in, but it is to be hoped, they will make him bolt before it be long & then I think his chance will be but a bad one. A paragraph in a late English paper says that on the day appointed for the House of Commons to take his majesty’s most gracious speech under consideration the Gallery & Lobby were so crowded, that (not by a common Mob, but by a very respectable body of the Peoples among them men of distinction) that they could not proceed to business, redressed sooner than was at first imagined. We have some powerful friends in England; I can not say whether, they are so from principle or from necessity, either will answer our purpose.” Address panel on reverse of second integral page is penned in Nelson’s hand. In good condition, with three horizontal mailing folds, partial separations along one of the folds, a clear separation of the first page from the second integral page with three strips of reparative tape attaching the two, uniform toning, scattered foxing, moderate show-through from writing on the reverse, a few areas of surface loss affecting the text, several cracks to the page, a few areas of ink erosion, two shadows from a wax seal, and a pencil notation. After the proceedings of the First Continental Congress of October 1774 were postponed to May 1775, and with it an answer to the colonies’ grievances, the domino effect that

“We have been much alarm’d at a report that the New Yorkers had deserted the cause” would catapult the colonies into their ultimate fight for freedom would commence. With Pennsylvania and New York seeking resolution with Great Britain, Nelson laments that “We have been much alarm’d at a report that the New Yorkers had deserted the cause.” Alternative motivations were surfacing, and ”that vile Traitor Ruggles” sought to cross over to the other side: “It is true he has drawn up a association in opposition to the Continental one but we are told he has not a single signer to it & that he is obliged to seek for he as (?) Fox like to hide himself in, but it is to be hoped, they will make him bolt before it be long & then I think his chance will be but a bad one.” On November 30th, King George III would deliver his game-changing ‘the die is cast’ speech, condemning the colony of Massachusetts and decrying a state of rebellion as a response to the Suffolk Resolve. Many still retained hope that a resolve could be reached, Nelson included, citing, “A paragraph in a late English paper says that on the day appointed for the House of Commons to take his majesty’s most gracious speech under consideration the Gallery & Lobby were so crowded...that they could not proceed to business, redressed sooner than was at first imagined...We have some powerful friends in England; I can not say whether, they are so from principle or from necessity, either will answer our purpose.” But the colonies would see the swift and fierce hand of the British monarchy in action exactly two months to the date of this letter when, on April 18, the colonies would find themselves thrust into the vicious throes of the revolution. The colonists would soon see the vicious result of challenging the British, and the monarchy would soon see the disastrous results of underestimating a people united for freedom. Estimate $15,000 - 20,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

Middleton writes on John Hancock: “a very benevolent worthy man...I make no doubt he Continues the same unless his government may have soured his Temper” 1021. Arthur Middleton. Signer

of the Declaration of Independence from South Carolina (1742–1787). A radical Whig, Middleton was one of the more vocal members of the South Carolina’s Council of Safety and was known for his ruthless treatment of Loyalists. Middleton was imprisoned in 1780 when the British captured Charleston and spent a year in custody in St. Augustine. Rare war-dated ALS, signed with his initials, “A. M.,” three pages on two 7.75 x 12.75 sheets, October 29, 1782, Baltimore. Addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel to Charles Pinckney (1757–1824) in Philadelphia. Middleton pens a witty and lengthy letter describing his southward journey home after serving in the Continental Congress since 1781. He also takes time to praise John Hancock and advises his young correspondent to visit him in South Carolina as soon as he had “sown a few more of your young Oats.”

Middleton writes, in full, “We arrived here last Evening after a tolerably agreeable Journey; considering bad weather, Stumps, Stones craggy hills &ca. we have met with some hairbreadth Scrapes, but came off without accident having got over the worst of the road, we now expect to rode upon Carpets, & outride the Wind—Poor Elliott the first day or two rode upon Pins, now & then damn’d the Sulky, then the blind Horse, then the Liquor Case, (the bottom having jolted out) & Bobby came in for a few Cases—Upon this, as upon all similar Occasions, I recommended Patience, & we now have nothing to do but to think & talk of our Friends, to laugh at difficulties, see our Horses well fed, eat when we can get it & Sleep when we don[’]t forget it. In accord we are now in a good train, with a prospect of quick Journey—I inclose you a Letter [not present] to Mr. Hancock; he was a very benevolent worthy man. & took pleasure in doing Kindnesses—I make no doubt he Continues the same unless his government may have Soured his Temper, which is not very probable, as Dignities confer[e]d upon a man of Sense, generally tend to humanize, & I hope you will find it so—Remember me affectionally to the major & his family; tell him I think he will judge right in taking the other road, we have found this hitherto much more broken & disagreeable than I expected—let him know the Two Horses he spared me are well, the large Horse is either a little lame, or shams[?] it but goes very well. & the white foot is too good to run with the rest, as he chooses to draw the whole weight himself, so that he is confused to the sue of George, who had the honour of being nearly starved in the Tower[?]—Acquaint the Major I shall depend upon him his driving directly to the Ashley River where we will make the best preparations for

his reception the Times will admit of—I fear he will not find Hay or blades, but hungry Horses will eat Straw—He must not Omit bringing Mrs. M. F. I shall expect—pray make my Love to her, & to Miss Polly my respects to the old Lady, & Compliments to all in the House with you—Mrs. M. F.’s light shines every night to that we see her good works, we have not yet consulted the Bundle of good things, but often think & talk of her without their Assistance, we shall apply to it when we get into the Wilderness– there is a manner of conferring favours, which renders them infinitely more gratefull [sic], there were stolen upon us, & I shall not easily forget them; The Lantern shall be dedicated to the bona Dea, & the Sun, in my Museum; if I have one left—Don[’]t forget to acquaint Mrs. Morton (the fat House keeper) if she should call, that the first money I can Tape[?] & Scrape together after I get home shall be forwarded to her—I shall say nothing more to you upon the subject of your Projects; I spoke my mind freely, as I wish you happiness; I know your Father will expect to see you before you embark for Europe, & under that Idea, I make [?] of seeing you in Carol[ina] as soon as you have sown a few more of your young Oats—But go where you will, you are [illeg] of my good wishes, & it will give me pleasure to hear from you—We leave this in a few minutes, & I have not time to correct this scrawl—your [illeg.] eye must therefore excuse Errors of the Pen &ca. Believe that there are not many, but the Hear of Your friend & Servant AM. PS: Elliot presents his Compliments to all in your circle—Nothing new here, either foreign or from the South Adieu—I shall write to Mr. Izard when I have more to say to him.” In very good condition, with intersecting folds, nearly complete separation along the hinge, and scattered overall light soiling and staining. A marvelously informal and chatty letter revealing the dynamism of Middleton’s personality. Both Pinckney and Middleton had been taken prisoner at Charleston, South Carolina. Pinckney later became an influential delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787. Examples of Arthur Middleton’s autograph are extremely rare. Among the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, he is the third rarest. A search of American Book Prices Current and Americana Exchange reveals only 32 examples of his autograph in any form appearing at auction since 1974. Of those, only seven were war-dated ALSs. Listed in J. Fields, The Autographs of Arthur Middleton, Manuscripts: The First Twenty Years, 85-104, listing the present letter as number 30. Estimate $25,000 - 30,000

The Newell Supplement of Signers

Rutledge lays to rest an unsettling debt owed by General ‘Mad’ Anthony Wayne involving a “Sale of 33 Negroes from Genl. Wayne to E. Penman” 1022. Edward Rutledge.

Signer of the Declaration of Independence from South Carolina (1749–1800). ADS, signed four times “Ed: Rutledge,” three pages on two sheets, 8 x 13, April 16, 1791. Discharge of debt owed to the estate of James Penman and his heirs by General Anthony Wayne. The first page, in the hand of James’ son Edward Penman, lists “Papers deposited by Edwd. Penman with Edwd. Rutledge Esq.,” with itemized debts owed by Wayne. Includes a £1,000 Bill of Exchange dated 28 Sept. 1785 drawn by Willem & Jan Willink of Amsterdam and payable to Penman; also “a Bill of Sale of 33 Negroes from Genl. Wayne to E. Penman,” a “Lease and release from Genl. Wayne to E. Penman of Richmond & Kew” [Wayne’s two rice plantations] and a “Warrant of Atty. by E. Penman to Wm. Lewis Esqr. [Wayne’s attorney] of Phila. to enter satisfaction” [on the Pennsylvania judgment]. This list is signed by Rutledge in the lower right corner. The reverse of the first page, entirely in Rutledge’s hand, is Penman’s release of Wayne’s debt. Rutledge writes, in part: “I the said Edward Penman by virtue of the power in me vested has…by these Present, Do remise, release & forever discharge the said Anthony Wayne of & from the payment of the said monies.” The release is signed at the top of the third page by Penman and as witnesses by Rutledge and by Richard Wayne, Junr., a cousin who was apparently representing the General.

of Penman’s signature. In very good condition, with some archival tape repairs to partial separations along horizontal folds, one affecting Rutledge’s witnessing signature, scattered toning and soiling, a couple small pencil notations, and a couple small repaired tears.

Written below are two endorsements by Rutledge. Under Rutledge’s second endorsement is a notarizing endorsement

Estimate $4,000 - 6,000

Having received two rice plantations from the state of Georgia in 1782, Revolutionary War hero General ‘Mad’ Anthony Wayne procured slaves from Penman to tend his fields. When a series of misfortunes ended up costing him both plantations and all of his slaves, he was left with a massive debt of “Five Thousand and Eighty Seven Pounds Eighteen Shillings.” Like many Southern politicians of the early Republic, Edward Rutledge held strong pro-slavery views and actively tried to bar African Americans from the Continental Army. Though unsuccessful, his influence remained strong and was a contributing factor in the division of the nation that eventually led to the Civil War. After his service in the American Revolution, he returned to the South Carolina state assembly and his legal practice, where he handled Penman’s estate. An exemplary and highly desirable document connecting the Declaration’s youngest signer and a key Revolutionary War general.

The Newell Supplement of Signers

Key Figures of the American Revolution The auction also features excellent content letters from other key actors in the American Revolution who did not add their name to the Declaration of Independence. Of tremendous interest is a letter written by Benedict Arnold to his sister a week before his treasonous plot to turn over West Point to the British was uncovered. George Washington is also represented in a fine 1782 letter discussing a location for a new powder magazine built at West Point. Other important American generals are represented including Nathanael Greene and Friedrich Von Steuben, as well as some of the most significant British commanders: William Howe, John Burgoyne and Charles Cornwallis. The Burgoyne letter is especially intriguing as he writes concerning his return home to England after his surrender at Saratoga.

Key Figures of the American Revolution

1023. (William Howe). CommanderIn-Chief of British Forces in America during the American Revolution (1775–1778). Fascinating manuscript DS, “William Henry Gibson Not Pub,” three pages on two adjoining 8 x 12.75 sheets, March 8, 1796, no place. A notarized copy (not signed by Howe) of an affidavit concerning his assertions in which Howe affirms that a large quantity of whale oil and ox hides had been found abandoned when he captured New York City in 1776. The text of Howe’s statement reads: “I The Right Honorable Sir William Howe Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, General and late Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s Forces in North America &c &c &c Do hereby Certify that in The year one thousand seven hundred and seventy six, when His Majesty’s Forces under my Command took possession of the Town of New York, there were found amongst other stores which were abandoned by the Americans, Four 96

thousand Raw Ox Hides and one hundred Barrels of whale oil, and as no person either on behalf of himself or others, did lay Claim to such property, It was by my Orders put under Charge of the Quarter Master Generals Department to be used in His Majesty’s Service…” A few spots of foxing to the third page, and a light circular stain on the second page from offsetting of the still-intact white wafer seal, otherwise fine condition. Why Howe was compelled to give this statement is unknown. It may have been that an exiled loyalist had claimed the abandoned property and was attempting to recover some compensation from Howe personally. The British controlled New York City from the fall of 1776 through the spring of 1783. Estimate $3,000 - 5,000

Key Figures of the American Revolution

Three days after the Battle of Virginia Capes, Clinton announces that reinforcements were ready to set sail to reinforce Cornwallis at Yorktown 1024. Henry Clinton. British

General (1730–1795) who served as Commanderin-Chief in North America (1778–1782). Important war-dated manuscript LS, signed “Henry Clinton,” one page, 7.75 x 12.5, September 8, 1781, New York, to Admiral Thomas Graves. Unaware of Graves’ defeat at the Battle of Virginia Capes only three days earlier (September 5), Clinton announces that reinforcements bound for Cornwallis at Yorktown were ready to depart New York. Clinton writes, in full, “I have the Honor to inclose you and Lord Cornwallis of the 2n Instant sent by the Pegasus, and of my Letter to Lord Cornwallis of the 6th by a runner. By this last You will find that the Troops are embarked and ready for moving to the Chesapeake the Instant I hear from you. I am persuaded therefore that I need not mention to You, Sir, how anxious I am for that Honor, or how necessary it is to lose no time in reinforcing the Army at York the first moment if becomes possible.” Light show-through from three old mounting remnants along extreme top edge, and a small area of edge paper loss at bottom border, otherwise clean, fine condition. Cornwallis arrived in Yorktown in early August 1781 intending to use the small Virginia town as a base for resupply. The following week, Washington, who had been planning a joint Franco-American operation against British-held New York, learned that a French fleet was soon to arrive off the Chesapeake. Washington and Rochambeau quickly altered their plans and began moving their armies to Virginia to take advantage of the situation. On September 5, 1781, De Grasse’s fleet battled a British fleet under Admirals Graves and Hood at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay. The fight proved inconclusive, but inflicted enough damage to induce the British to withdraw to New York a week later. The French fleet now controlled the mouth of the Chesapeake Bay cutting off Cornwallis’ army at Yorktown and sealing his fate. Clinton’s promised reinforcements would have to wait days before they realized they would not be going anywhere. Ironically, it was the promise of reinforcements from New York that may have convinced Cornwallis to remain in Yorktown rather than fight his way out when he still had a chance to do so. After a siege lasting several weeks. Cornwallis surrendered to Washington and Rochambeau on October 19, 1781 effectively ending the Revolutionary War. Estimate $5,000 - 10,000

Key Figures of the American Revolution

1025. Jean Burgoyne. British Major General who led the 1777 expedition from Canada that ended in his surrender at Saratoga: the pivotal American victory that convinced France to become an ally of the United States. Important war-dated LS, signed “J. Burgoyne Lt. Genl.,” three pages on two 7.25 x 8.75 sheets, March 20, 1778, Cambridge, [Massachusetts]. Written to Captain [Hew] Dalrymple commanding the frigate Juno advising him that the Continental Congress had granted him a parole for himself and his family to return to Great Britain after his surrender at Saratoga. Burgoyne also makes arrangements for British transports, laden with provisions for the British prisoners-of-war taken at Saratoga encamped near Cambridge, Massachusetts, to approach Boston under a flag of truce. He also makes two references to a “military chest” and, in a postscript “chest of cash” that was to be sent aboard those transports—an article he had officially agreed in the terms of his surrender to turn over to the United States. In full, “My Aide de Camp returned yesterday with the leave of Congress for my self and my family to return to England. I propose to have the pleasure of kissing your hands on board the Juno as soon as the necessary business here can be dispatched. The Congress having thought proper to adhere to the Resolve of the 8th of January respecting the suspension of the Convention, and consequently it must be some months before the matter can be decided. I think it would be [a]greably[?] for the economy of Government to land all the provisions destined for the troops from on board the transports under your command. General Heath will send you herewith an engagement of protection for the said transports to come into Nantasket road [near Hull, Massachusetts], and I request you to make no delay in forwarding that measure. General Heath will also engage for the safe conveyance of the military Chest, which I understand is on board you[rs], and I request you to forward it by a Lieutenant and in a safe vessel which General Heath will furnish. If you were induced to bring the Juno, higher up there will be no difficulty in procuring a parole for her protection, but if it is equal to you I have no manner of objection to going on board while you are in Cape Cod Harbour, and upon the whole rather prefer it as I think it may save time.” A short postscript adds, “The vessel sent by General Heath will proceed no further than Nantasket Road, you will therefore send the Chest of Cash on board one of the Transports.” In clean, fine condition, with unobtrusive intersecting folds and a trivial thin strip of old mounting remnants along the extreme left edge of the first page. Burgoyne’s rare signature is very clear and bold.

Lieutenant General Burgoyne, on account of his ill state of health, have leave to embark for England by Rhode Island, or any more expeditious route, with the officers of his family and his servants; that General Heath furnish the necessary passports, accepting a parole from Lieutenant General Burgoyne, Lieutenant Colonel Kingston, and Dr. Wood, that should the embarkation of the troops of the convention of Saratoga be by any means prolonged beyond the time apprehended, those officers will return to America, upon demand and due notice given, and will re-deliver themselves into the power of Congress, unless regularly exchanged.’ (Congress, Journals) Congress never authorized the return of the remaining troops during the course of the conflict, fearing that returning those soldiers would simply enable Great Britain to send others in their place. The “Convention Army” (as it became known) remained encamped in Cambridge until 1779, when it was transferred to Virginia where it spent the remainder of the war. Over the years, a good number escaped their confinement—quite a number of whom remained in the United States after the war. Here, Burgoyne arranges for supplies to be delivered from the British headquarters in New York for his captive army. Interestingly, he also makes arrangements for shipping home his “military chest”: literally a mobile chest of drawers containing the army’s money, accounts, and other vital documents. The term was also used to simply refer to a stash of hard money used to finance an army’s campaign. (In the postscript, Burgoyne refers to it as a “chest of cash.”) In the surrender negotiations, Horatio Gates agreed to Burgoyne’s insistence that he retain his colors, accoutrements and military chest—much to the consternation of Congress. As early as November 22, 1777, a congressional committee complained about the lenient terms given to Burgoyne: ‘there is no mention in the said return of standards, military chest, medicines, or tents…’ (Congress, Journals). General Horatio Gates explained the chest’s absence to Henry Laurens on December 3, 1777, explaining “From the best Accounts the Enemy’s Army had been lately cleared Off; so that it is not probable there was any Military Chest.” (Laurens, Papers, Nov. 1, 1777 - Mar. 15, 1778, 126) The subject arose several more times in Congress’ deliberations in late 1777 and early 1778, but Congress never got their hands on it, and Burgyone was able to go home with his money (and his colors) intact.

When Burgoyne capitulated at Saratoga on October 17, 1777, he did not technically ‘surrender.’ Rather, General Horatio Gates agreed to a ‘convention,’ in which the British would lay down their arms but instead of remaining in America as prisoners, he and his army would be allowed to return to Europe on a parole guaranteeing they would never return to fight in the conflict. Burgoyne and his army marched under guard to Boston where they were to await transports to return them to Great Britain. Soon thereafter, both sides began to bicker over terms. On January 8, 1778, Congress resolved to suspended the convention, citing a number of breeches of its articles by Burgoyne. (Congress, Journals)

Burgoyne departed for England a month later in mid-April 1777, embarking from Newport, Rhode Island and arriving at Portsmouth on May 13.* Widely-blamed for the fiasco, upon his return, he was deprived of his regiment among other official humiliations. Burgoyne fought for some time for a trial in an effort to clear his name, but it was never granted. Historians have been more kind to Burgoyne than contemporary public opinion in England, sifting the blame towards Lord German who was responsible for overall strategy in the Campaign of 1777. Instead of insisting that Howe support Burgoyne’s expedition from the south, Germain left him free to mount an attack on Philadelphia which placed Burgoyne in his predicament at Saratoga.

On March 3, 1778, the Continental Congress resolved, ‘That

Estimate $10,000 - 15,000

Key Figures of the American Revolution

1026. Johann Karl Philip De Krafft. An archive of eight documents and related notes, dating between 1776 and 1883, together with ephemeral notes relative to the military career of Johann Karl Philip Von Krafft and his descendants in America.

Johann Karl Philip von Krafft (1852–1804) was born in Dresden to a career military family and was commissioned an ensign in 1773 in the Prussian army under Frederick the Great. He resigned his commission in 1776 desiring greater adventure in another army. Between 1776 and 1778 he travelled to Russia, Denmark and Quebec unsuccessfully seeking a new officer’s commission with a brief service as an American privateer. Von Krafft attempted to secure a position in the Continental Army at Valley Forge in early 1778, but when he could not, he crossed the lines into British-occupied Philadelphia and joined one of the German regiments fighting for the British and saw action at Monmouth and spent the remainder of the war with Henry Clinton’s army at New York. At the close of the war, he married Miss Cornelia de la Metre, who as Steuben mentions is a “Girl of no fortune” in New York. After returning with the British Army to England in 1783, he returned to America the following year where is supported his family in New York as a teacher. He then obtained a position as a surveyor and draftsman for the Treasury Department, a position he held until his death. On his return to American, he altered his surname from “von Krafft” to “de Krafft,” which was used by his descendants in America. Von Krafft’s published journals, covering the years 1776 to 1784, provide a superb alternative primary resource detailing the history of the American Revolution as observed by a European. The present collection features two war-dated letters from significant German commanders in the American Revolution including Friedrich Wilhelm Von Losseberg who commanded German troops at Trenton and Rhode Island. ALS, signed “Lossberg,” one page, 7.25 x 8.75, [no date, but early November 1783], [New York], to Von Krafft. With the British army set to evacuate New York City, Lossberg writes [loosely translated], in part, “Concerning the circumstances that you introduced me to, I will report your resignation request to his Excellency and request that yourself stay at your current position. Colonel Von Lengenke will declare the Interims Certificate as good.” The collection also includes Maj. Friedrich Heinrrich Sheer, a German officer and prisoner of war captured during the Saratoga campaign. ALS, signed “Scheer,” one page, 6.5 x 7.75, May 7, 1783, “Friedrichstown,” [Maryland], to von Krafft. Loosely translated in part, “Have found out with much pleasure that His Honorable High Prince had the great pleasure of naming you Ensign in the highly praised Regiment of his Excellency General Lieutenant Von Bose. I congratulate you wholeheartedly and am very obliged that you wanted to report on your own advancement to me in my imprisonment.” The collection also includes letters from friends who remain unidentified including an. ALS, signed “DuBois,” 7.25 x 9.25, September 17, 1776, writing [likely to von Krafft], in part, “Yesterday’s correspondence brought me great distress, even more due to my own miserable circumstances, which allow me no possibility to help your own [circumstance] with money...To this I am adding a recommendation that will hopefully not be without use. Holding you in highest regards.” De Krafft was then en route to Amsterdam from St. Petersberg in his quest for military adventure. The group also includes a letter by a friend M. L. Nohs, ALS, one page 7.75 x 12.75, February 8, 1784, Portsmouth Common, [England]. He writes to Baron De Krafft in part, “I am happy to inform you of my safe arrival at home Friday at 2 o’clock, I found all my family well, except my father he has the gout which confines him to his room. I hope your cold is better than when I left you, my cold is a great deal better. The ship General Worme came in is still in the Harbour—I have not been able to find out any other lodging for you yet again you come down, except that you had before at Mr. Tracey’s.” The material related to his descendants includes an LS by noted American author Caroline Kirkland (1801–1864), four pages with integral leaf, 5 x 8, December 2, 1850, New York, to her cousin Elizabeth S. De Krafft, wife of Captain John Charles Philip De Krafft (1826–1885) commanding the USS Hartford, flagship of the Asiatic Station. She writes in part, “My dear cousin whom I have never seen! Cousin Margaret Wadsworth tells me your thinking of coming to New York-and I write these few words to say that I hope you will do so, and come directly to my house. Where my daughters and myself will be happy to see you and show you what we can of this great Babylon.” Captain Charles De Krafft fought in the Civil War in the Western Blockading Squadron, continuing his famous relative’s military tradition. Also present is a manuscript manifest, two pages 6 x 10, no date, listing items purchased by Capt. De Krafft in Japan for his family together with also a handwritten ANS by Cornelius De Krafft, 7.5 x 5, referencing the circumstances of his birth and travels from Philadelphia to Georgia in 1800 as well as an ALS by Civil War officer Thomas H. Edsall, four pages with integral leaf 4.5 x 6.5, December 2, 1883. To J. W. de Krafft concerning a missing leaf left out of a journal regarding de Krafft’s grandfather which he wants to translate and return with regard to a history he is writing. A terrific collection of material worthy of further research. Estimate $1,500 - 2,000

Key Figures of the American Revolution

101

Key Figures of the American Revolution

Benedict Arnold announces his wife’s safe arrival at West Point—written less than a week before he would meet with John André for the last time 1027. Benedict Arnold. Major General in the Continental Army during the American Revolution who distinguished himself at Saratoga (1740–1801). One of Washington’s most skilled and able generals, he turned traitor in an infamous plot to turn over the fortress at West Point to the British. Superb war-dated ALS, signed “B. Arnold,” and again “Arnold” several times in text, one page, both sides, 8 x 13, September 16*, 1780, “Head Quarters Robinsons House” [West Point, New York], to his sister Hannah Arnold in Philadelphia. Written only days before he would meet with John André to finalize his plans to turn the Hudson River stronghold of West Point over to the British, Arnold reports to his sister the safe arrival of his wife, Peggy Shippen Arnold (1760–1804), at West Point and inquires on his three sons who were in his sister’s care. Arnold writes, in part, “Mrs Arnold…arrived here without any accident but very much fatigues as was the Dear Little Boy, who has a very sore head. They are both much resurrected, & Mrs Arnold has an exceeding good appetite. I am extremely unhappy to hear the Dear Little Boys in Maryland are discontented, but I cannot suppose as you seem to imagine that they are in want of the necessities of Life. The luxuries, I believe they have not, but I am assured by every Gentleman whom I have seen that has visited the School, that Mr Booth keeps a plentiful Table of good plaine [sic] Dishes Food. I hope they will have more prudence than to leave the School. I have no doubt of them being treated with kindness, then, but if they should continue to be Discontented I will remove them next Spring to some new school. Mrs Arnold informs me it is very Sickly in Phild[elphi]a. I am very apprehensive for you and my Dear Henry,—the situation of my Family divided and at such a distance from our side is very disagreeable indeed. Mrs Arnold informs me the there is a prospect of producing the house full that Mr Allen owned. The situation is disagreeable but the house I believe is convenient. If it can be produced. I suppose Mr Shippen will wish you to move the beginning of the next month. Inclosed is a Letter for the D[ea]r Boys in Maryland which I wish you to forward the first opportunity, with any Articles they may write for which you think necessary for them. Give present my tender love to my D[ea]r Henry kiss him for me, & tell him a comfort He will write to me.” Arnold adds a short postscript, “The Linen of Mount Vincent from McPherson to son James Mrs Arnold tells me is in the closet in Her Chamber. I wish you to look for and give it to Mr [Edward?] Shippen.” Somewhat irregular gray toning over the first few lines of text (not affecting readability), a couple of trivial old mounting remnants on the second page, and stamps of the Mercantile Library and Tomlinson Collection at the bottom of the second page, otherwise fine condition. The letter is an incredible testament to Arnold’s ability to compartmentalize his life. At the time of writing, Arnold was in the midst of conspiring with the British but he writes to

his sister as if nothing special was afoot, musing on the future of his sons as if he would remain in his place for some time. On September 21 1780, Arnold met with the British emissary John André and made the final arrangements to deliver his command at West Point to the British. Two days later, however, the plot was discovered when André was caught carrying incriminating papers by New York militia near Tarrytown. On hearing the news, Arnold fled to General Clinton in New York City on September 25. André, the dashing 31-year-old English major, well-liked on both sides, was not as lucky. He was tried and hung as a spy on October 2, 1780. Arnold left his wife behind when he escaped to New York aboard the H.M.S. Vulture. When Washington arrived in West Point, he reporetly encountered a hysterical Peggy Shippen Arnold–emphatically denying any knowledge of her husband’s plot. Because her family, the Shippens of Philadelphia, were known for their loyalist leanings, she was under suspicion but for a lack of evidence never arrested or charged. She soon returned to Philadelphia with her infant child but on October 20, 1780, the authorities warned her out of the city. She crossed the lines to New York to join her husband. Arnold had expected to be handsomely awarded and honored by the British. He was to be sorely disappointed for he never received a major command as his new allies never trusted him fully. He received a brigadier general’s commission and led an expedition into Virginia in late 1780. After the war, Arnold pursued a failed mercantile business in New Brunswick and spent the remainder of his life, unhappy and unwelcome, in London. In the present letter, Arnold refers to his sons, the three from his first marriage to Margaret Mansfield, two of whom, Benedict (1768–1795) and Richard (1769–1847) were then living in Maryland at a boarding school. The youngest, Henry (1772-1826), stayed with Arnold’s sister. Benedict Jr. later joined the British Army and died in action in Jamaica in 1795. Richard and Henry both joined their father during his time in New Brunswick. Richard spent the remainder of his life in Ontario while Henry lived in New York City. Letters and documents written and signed by Arnold from the eve of his treason in September 1780 are rare and extremely desirable. We have been able to source only eight examples datelined at West Point appearing at auction in the past century. As far as can be ascertained, this letter is the closest by date to Arnold’s fateful meeting with André and his defection to the British than any other offered at auction (the next nearest to the date of Arnold’s defection is September 8). Provenance: The Marshal B. Coyne Collection. Estimate $10,000 - 15,000

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Key Figures of the American Revolution

In a letter of remarkable content, Cornwallis candidly confesses: “I should have been hurried into the most embarrassing and dangerous situation possible, with every prospect of ruin to myself…nothing could be more repugnant to my inclination and wishes than to assume the command of the army” 1028. Charles Cornwallis. Brit-

ish General who served in America from 1776 to his surrender at Yorktown in 1781. Governor General of India (1786–1793), Lord Lieutenant of Irleand (1798–1801). Excellent content ALS, signed “Cornwallis,” four pages on two adjoining 7.25 x 9 sheets, September 14, 1794, Brome, to Henry Dundas (1742–1811) William Pitt the Younger’s Secretary of State for War. Recently returned from India, Cornwallis informs Dundas of his disinclination to become Commander-in-Chief of the British Army and giving his recommendations for the following year’s campaign against France during the War of the First Coalition. Cornwallis writes, in full, “Your letter of yesterday’s date has relieved me from much anxiety of mind, as I was very apprehensive from the summary mode of proceeding to which Lord Grenville seemed to incline by what he said after dinner at Wimbledon, that I should have been hurried into the most embarrassing and dangerous situation possible, with every prospect of ruin to myself, and very little probability of rendering any essential service to my country. I trust that the Duke of York was apprised that nothing could be more repugnant to my inclination and wishes than to assume the command of the army, and that I saw as strongly as himself the impossibility of his serving, or even remaining with the army under me. I conclude that I am now completely ruined at St. James’s, indeed I could not be much worse than I was before, but that is a circumstance that will not disturb my rest, nor abate in the smallest degree my attachment & affection for the Great Personage, from whom I have formerly received much favor and kindness. I cannot judge without much more circumstantial information whether our army will be able to maintain a more forward position during the next winter; I suppose it must depend, as well as the recapture of Antwerp, upon our next gaining some very decided advantage over the enemy soon after our troops are put into motion; I always conceived the two measures, of a forward movement, and the exchange of Lord Moira’s corps, to be absolutely incompatible. I perfectly agree with Lord Moira in thinking that if our accounts of the strength of the Royalists is correct, and not exaggerated, it would require at least 20,000 good British troops to undertakes any solid operations in France; and indeed a much larger

body would be required to afford any very sanguine hopes of success. As to myself I can only repeat, that whilst I am able, I shall ever be ready to serve my country; but you must remember that Lord M. will no more serve under me than H.R.H. would, and I think you should not lightly deprive yourselves of the services of the former, who as a soldier is in my opinion of the two, the most worth retaining. I return you all the papers, except the printed paper from India, which I have not had time to read; It is more unjust than unusual to abuse a man for his measure before it is known what they are to be, but I think the matter too contemptible to make it worth your while to trouble yourself about him. I will come to you to talk over the arrangement of the India army whenever you please after the end of this month, but I should be sorry to be absent from Suffolk from more than three or four days at a time unless it was absolutely necessary. I have however not only declared, but shown my readiness to attend, whenever Mr. Pitt and yourself have wished to see me.” In fine condition, with evidence of an old removed mounting remnant along the extreme right edge of the last page, and writing showing through from opposing sides. Surprisingly, the defeat at Yorktown did little to dampen Cornwallis’ career prospects. He returned to England with Benedict Arnold and was greeted as a hero, though his strategic blunders were used by his political enemies against him. In 1786, Cornwallis was appointed Governor-General of India. For his military and diplomatic successes there he was created Marquess Cornwallis. Cornwallis’ message to the Duke of York must have been heard loud and clear. Upon his return to India in 1794, he was sent on several fruitless diplomatic missions and then appointed Master of the Ordnance, responsible for overseeing the army’s entire infrastructure. In 1798, he became Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, a post he held until 1801. In 1805, Pitt again appointed him Governor General of India, and Cornwallis died there the same year. A superb letter written by one of the most important military figures in the Revolutionary War. Estimate $2,000 - 3,000

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As the war comes to an end, Washington, still wary of the British, heeds concerns of the construction of a magazine at West Point 1029. George Washington.

Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army and the first President of the United States (1731/2–1799). Important war-dated manuscript LS, signed “Go: Washington,” one page, 7.25 x 11.5, August 6, 1782, Newburgh, New York, with integral address leaf bearing his franking signature, “Go: Washington.” A letter to Major Villefranche concerning plans for the French officer to construct a powder magazine at West Point. In full, “I was informed by the Genl. Paterson, that the place assigned by Majr. Genl. Knox & others for erecting the Magazine, was in your opinion very unfit for the purpose; if this is the case, I wish you to point out some other place on West Point, and give your reasons in writing, as soon as possible, why you prefer it to the place first mentioned.” In fine condition, with intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), and a faint block of uniform overall toning from prior display (a bit heavier along the edges). The lightly-soiled integral address leaf has an expected area of seal-related paper loss far from any writing, and a trivial brush to Washington’s remarkable franking signature. A fine content war-dated letter written in the closing days of the Revolutionary War with peace negotiations ongoing in Paris. Despite the relative calm, the British still controlled New York City, and Washington remained wary of their intentions and desired to reinforce this important stronghold on the Hudson River. To accomplish this he turned to Jean Louis Ambroise de Genton, Chevalier de Villefranche, a French soldier and engineer who had joined the Continental Army in 1776. During the war, he rose to major in the Corps of Engineers. He also was familiar with the post’s defenses having worked on them in the past. After preparing a full report on the repairs needed for West Point, Washington ordered the project to go forward on April 18, 1782, with Villefranche in charge. On July 4, 1782, the Board of War ordered that West Point become an official repository for gunpowder and authorized the construction of a magazine. Washington, in consultation with Henry Knox, selected a location and began construction. Villefranche’s case for why the location should have been moved is unrecorded in Washington’s papers, but his case must have been persuasive. The site of the magazine was evidently moved to Constitution Island, which lay directly across the Hudson from West Point. On August 12, construction began there on a magazine that would hold 1,000 barrels of powder. Washington was impressed enough with Villefranche to recommend his promotion to Congress in 1783, and in May 1783, he was made a lieutenant colonel. Estimate $30,000 - 35,000

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1030. Nathanael Greene.

Major General in the Continental Army (1742–1786). He entered the army as a private and rose to become one of Washington’s most able and dependable general officers. He is best known for his exploits in the Southern Theater where he singlehandedly reversed the tide of the war from 1780 to 1781. His actions set the stage for Cornwallis’ defeat at Yorktown. War-dated ALS, signed “N Greene,” one page, both sides, 7.25 x 9, February 23, 1783, “Headquarters,” [Charleston, South Carolina], addressed in his hand on the transmittal panel to General George Weaden (1734–1793) and adding his franking signature, “N Greene.” Greene writes, in full, “I will only write you a line of remembrance as May or Forsyth can give you all the news. I would not write this but to convince you that you hold the same esteem and regard with me that you ever did. Mrs Greene is very unwell and what is very uncommon with her is rather low spirited[.] She talks of going to the Northward this spring. I hardly think she will but her

108

children begin to urge her return. She desires her kind compliments to you and Mrs Weaden and all others of her acquaintance please to add mine also.” Intersecting folds, a few light stains, and minor paper loss along the hinge, otherwise fine condition. Weedon had commanded a brigade in Nathanael Greene’s division at Valley Forge. At Yorktown, Weedon’s brigade repelled the infamous Banastre Tarleton, closing the means of British escape at Gloucester Point. At the end of the war, the Rhode Island-born Greene settled in Georgia after that state, together with North and South Carolina awarded him large tracts of land as a reward for his services against the British. A fine example of Greene’s hand, accomplished in the closing days of the Revolutionary War. Estimate $3,000 - 5,000

Key Figures of the American Revolution

Major Lincoln heads back to Boston after accepting the pinnacle surrender at Yorktown 1031. Benjamin Lincoln. Major general in the Continental Army (1733–1810) during the American Revolutionary War, known for being the officer who formally accepted the British surrender at Yorktown. ALS signed “B. Lincoln,” one page both sides, 7.75 x 12.5, November 24, 1784. Lincoln writes from Boston to Virginia lawyer, William Lyles, in part: “I have not a doubt but the expence attending the warehouse rent was indisputably necessary or otherwise it would never have taken place. For the same reason I acquiesce in all the charges of disbursement you have made. I expect Captain Clark will sail again for Alexandria about the middle for December, perhaps before I have it in contemplation to fill his hold with white pine board. If this should not take place, he shall sail by the 10th of next month.” Address panel on reverse of second integral page penned in

Lincoln’s hand. In very good condition, with light intersecting folds, lightly affecting the first letter of the signature, uniform toning, some light scattered soiling, show-through from the writing on reverse, a few small areas of restored paper along the left edge, two small separations at the right edge, a few strips of reparative tape along the folds on the second integral page, and two shadowed areas from a wax seal. Just one month prior, Lincoln was denied the honor of surrendering to British troops in South Carolina, legislature opting to negotiate with the enemy to allow them passage through the state. He then rejoined Washington’s army, leading the men to Virginia where he would become an integral figure in the surrender at Yorktown. Estimate $1,000 - 2,000

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1032. Friedrich von Steuben.

Prussian officer who in 1777, volunteered his services to the Continental Army (1730–1794). Appointed as Inspector General, he was responsible for transforming Washington’s army into a professional force capable of meeting the British in open battle. Fine content ALS, signed “Steuben,” one page, both sides, 7 x 8.75, June 1, 1784, New York, addressed in his hand on the integral transmittal leaf to “Major General Laughlin [sic] McIntosh in Georgia. “Von Steuben introduces Baron Johann Carl Philip von Krafft (1752–1804) a German soldier who had fought with the British as a mercenary during the Revolutionary War after failing to obtain a commission from George Washington in 1778. Von Steuben writes, in full, “This will be delivered you by Mr de Kraft [J. C. von Krafft] a Gentleman of an exceeding good family in Saxony who came over to this Country in the Services of the Prince of Hesse—but marrying in this place a Girl of no fortune and being on that account deserted by his Parents he has returned to this Country with the View if possible to establish himself[.] Mr de Kraft has had a good education, is well acquainted with the Military Mathematics and is an excellent Draughtsman he has some knowledge also of Civil Architectures—If in the business of Surveying land—as an engineer—or as any other line he can find employ for his talents I have no doubt he will render himself both useful and agreeable—Permit me my dear Sir to solicit your protection for him in Georgia, he wishes to establish himself in that state and if you can in any matter second his Views or afford him any assistance, I shall be such obliged to you.” Intersecting folds (vertical fold passing through the signature), repairable clean split along the central horizontal fold, light soiling, and writing showing through from opposing sides, otherwise fine condition. Johann Karl Philip von Krafft (1752–1804) was born in Dres110

den to a career military family and was commissioned an ensign in 1773 in the Prussian army under Frederick the Great. He resigned his commission in 1776 desiring greater adventure in another army. Between 1776 and 1778 he travelled to Russia, Denmark and Quebec unsuccessfully seeking a new officer’s commission with a brief service as an American privateer. Von Krafft attempted to secure a position in the Continental Army at Valley Forge in early 1778, but when he could not, he crossed the lines into British-occupied Philadelphia and joined one of the German regiments fighting for the British and saw action at Monmouth and spent the remainder of the war with Henry Clinton’s army at New York. At the close of the war, he married Miss Cornelia de la Metre, who as Steuben mentions is a “Girl of no fortune” in New York. After returning with the British Army to England in 1783, he returned to America the following year where he supported his family in New York as a teacher. He then obtained a position as a surveyor and draftsman for the Treasury Department, a position he held until his death. Von Krafft’s published journals, covering the years 1776 to 1784, provide a superb alternative primary resource detailing the history of the American Revolution as observed by a European. Lachlan McIntosh (1725–1806) was a Scots-born Georgia military and political leader. He is most famous for his duel with Georgia Signer Button Gwinnett. McIntosh later served as commander of the Western Department based at Fort Pitt and in 1779 he joined Benjamin Lincoln in Georgia in a failed attempt to retake Savannah from the British. He was also present at Charleston in 1780 and was taken prisoner after the city surrendered. Estimate $4,000 - 6,000

Key Figures of the American Revolution

Bob Eaton owner, acquisitions bob.eaton@rrauction.com Carla Eaton NH Auctioneer License #3029 Bill White lead authenticator bill.white@rrauction.com Mandy Eaton-Casey chief financial officer amanda.casey@rrauction.com Elizebeth Otto consignment manager elizebeth.otto@rrauction.com Bobby Livingston vice president, public relations bobby.livingston@rrauction.com Tricia Eaton auction production manager tricia.eaton@rrauction.com Mike Nelson senior catalog writer mike.nelson@rrauction.com Dan McCarthy catalog writer dan.mccarthy@rrauction.com Jessica Hinckley executive bidding assistant jessica.hinckley@rrauction.com Erika Rosenfeld inventory processing, researcher erika.rosenfeld@rrauction.com Bobby Eaton vice president of operations bobby.eaton@rrauction.com Adam Karr shipping supervisor shipping@rrauction.com Stacey Jordan customer service stacey.jordan@rrauction.com Sarina Carlo art director sarina.carlo@rrauction.com Annie Nichols junior art director annie.nichols@rrauction.com Linda Immerman acquisitions assistant linda.immerman@rrauction.com Robert S. Eaton Sr. 1940â&#x20AC;&#x201C;2001

Auction Consultants Peter Klarnet: Peter has worked in the field of historical autographs and manuscripts for nearly twenty years, specializing in early American history, with a concentration on the American Revolution A longtime historical specialist at Alexander Autographs, Peter presently works as a consultant to dealers and auctioneers as well as managing his own concern, Extant Americana.

HANDWRITING EXPERTS Bill White: Lead Authenticator, RR Auction Bob Eaton: Authenticator, RR Auction and PSA/DNA Tricia Eaton: Authenticator, RR Auction John Reznikoff: Authenticator, PSA/DNA

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www.RRAuction.com Mail / Fax absentee bids are due by 5 PM ET Friday, December 14. Please call our office should you wish to arrange a live phone bid the day of the auction. No incoming calls or bids will be taken on the day of the auction. Absentee phone bids can be made by calling our offices at (603) 732–4280 up to 5 PM ET on Friday, December 14.

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It is recommended that you telephone us after mailing or faxing bids for confirmation of receipt. I have read, fully understand

and agree to the Terms and Conditions of Sale set forth in this catalog. Please place the following bids on my behalf in accordance with the Terms and Conditions of Sale.

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make sure your consignment is on board for our next voyage

Once again, RR Auction is seeking rare, Titanic-related artifacts, ephemera, and documents for our Titanic Auction in April 2013. In our previous auction, a single item fetched over $185,000. For a free consignment appraisal, email Bob Eaton at Bob.Eaton@RRAuction.com or call (603) 732-4280.

this is one ship you wonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t want to miss

we occasionally

history selling We recently sold Bonnie and Clyde's pistols for over $500,000. Last year alone we exceeded $13,000,000 in sales. One look at our monthly color catalogue illustrates why we are regarded as one of the most trusted sources of exceptionally rare manuscripts and artifacts in the U.S. â&#x20AC;&#x201D; each authenticated and backed by our 100% guarantee. If youâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;d like to learn more about our 30-year history or, better yet, take part in it, visit www.RRAuction.com.

$30.00

DECEMBER 15 Nashua, NH - 1 PM www.RRAuction.com | (603) 732 - 4280 Licensed auctioneer: Carla Eaton, NH license #3029