WINDS OF CHANGE: Essays on Philippine Politics and Culture

WINDS OF CHANGE Essays on Philippine Politics and Culture

Ruel F. Pepa, Ph.D.

Published by Zetetics Research Center for Asia

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PREFACE WINDS OF CHANGE is an anthology of short essays on Philippine local politics and culture. It gives us a fresh update on certain significant notions and events that have occurred in the Philippine social landscape in the last couple of years which in one way or another have affected our attitudes toward current issues of national and international importance. In this connection, it is the basic intent of these essays to pose some concrete challenges to the readers who in the process are likewise expected to form their own sensible theories in an effort to enhance more exciting discussions of related issues now and in the near future as well.

RFP

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TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE

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POLITICS THE TRUE STATE OF THE NATION "Powerless" Authorities in a Crime-Laden Society: A Critique of the Philippine Crime Situation 15 GOVERNANCE AND GOVERNMENT

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THE U.S. HEGEMONIC EMPIRE AS HIGH TERRORISM IN GLOBAL MAGNITUDE 25 THE BASIC CONCEPT OF POLITICAL DECENTRALIZATION

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REMEMBERING THE MAGUINDANAO MASSACRE: WARLORDISM AT ITS WORST 31 ON JUSTICE AND OTHER RELATED MATTERS (A Discussion between Ruel Pepa and Marc Lim) 33 SOME DISTURBING THOUGHTS ON THE PROTRACTED IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF FORMER CHIEF JUSTICE RENATO C. CORONA 39 CUBA: MODELO NG PAMBANSANG KAUNLARAN PARA SA MGA BANSANG MAHIHIRAP

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PACIFISM AS THE NEW “OPIUM OF THE PEOPLE” . . . with apologies to Karl Marx 43

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CULTURE PHOTOGRAPHS AND FILMIC IMAGES AS TOOLS OF CONSCIENTIZATION

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BRANDING . . .

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SOME FUNNY TRIVIALITIES I DISCOVERED IN SPAIN

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TOO MANY Ed.D.s FLAUNTING THEIR “SUBSTANCE-LESS” DEGREES AMIDST THE PATHETIC STATE OF BASIC EDUCATION 55 ON “FILIPINO” AS THE OFFICIAL NATIONAL LANGUAGE OF THE PHILIPPINES AND HENCE THE PRESCRIBED MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION IN PHILIPPINE SCHOOLS 57 ABOUT THE AUTHOR

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DEDICATED TO THE

FILIPINO THINKER

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POLITICS

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THE TRUE STATE OF THE NATION "Powerless" Authorities in a Crime-Laden Society: A Critique of the Philippine Crime Situation

INTRODUCTION The Philippine government has long been so ineffective to solve crimes many of which are even categorized as heinous. Rampant crimes in practically all levels of Philippine society have plagued the nation and their occurrences have largely been attributed to the weak and inutile system that characterizes government, especially those machineries within it that are supposed to directly address the crime problems.

The crime problems have taken their toll in the life-blood of the nation's socioeconomic situation. Crimes have tremendously affected the economic growth of the country. A large segment of our people has already lost confidence in the lawenforcing agencies of government. So many have already experienced fear and apprehension because of a possible tragedy that might suddenly strike them even in broad daylight. Reading the newspapers alone (particularly the tabloids) would send some tingle in the spine. One thing is certain: the Philippine society is crimeladen and government is helpless to effectively check and contain the very serious and getting-to-be-more serious crime problems in the country.

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COMMON CAUSES OF CRIMINALITY The common causes of criminality can be traced through sociological and behavioral studies of the human condition. It is a fact of life that crimes occur only in the human sphere and social relations are therefore a major aspect in approaching the issue of criminality. With this point of departure, we can objectively mention some factors that have been identified by professional practitioners engaged in the study of criminality, among whom are psychologists, sociologists, criminologists and others.

1. Poverty In a society like the Philippines where poverty is a given, no second thought is needed to ascertain that in one way or another, poverty causes criminality. Crimes had been committed in areas where the urban poor live and their occurrence is quite regular. Poverty may not be strictly identified as a direct cause of crimes but certain circumstances brought forth by and within a situation of poverty cause them.

However, elsewhere in the book, The Causes and Cures of Criminality by Eysenckand Gudjonsson (http://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/causes-and-cures-ofcriminality-hans-j-eysenck/1101004914), we find the following: "Many--if not most--sociological theories boil down to what might be called economic theories, i.e., crimes as a result of poverty, whether relative or absolute, deprivation, and similar economic causes. Although such theories have always had appeal, they do not accord with the facts."

This claim, backed up by figures based on thorough research studies, attempts to rebut the "theory" that poverty is a major cause of criminality. But the research studies were done in the context of an industrialized society where poverty is not prevalent. The fact is, in a society which is not generally poor, poverty cannot be really be a major cause of criminality. Hence, the findings stressed by Eysenck and Gudjonsson cannot have a general application across the board in practically all 16

societies. What we only have to accept is the fact that poverty in the context of poor countries like the Philippines is a major cause of criminality. However, it is illogical to conjecture that poverty is the only cause, considering the fact that other major causes are identifiable, many of which are bred in an environment that has been characteristically defined by the sharp features of poverty.

2. Abuse of Power Another very serious cause of crimes which has been so prominent in the context of Philippine society is somehow related also to our economic condition. It is not the type of crimes perpetrated by people in a situation of poverty. Nevertheless, such crimes in some serious ways have terribly affected them. This particular cause has taken advantage of the poor's economic weakness and none but the poor are the unfortunate victims of its ravaging onslaught. This cause of crimes is known as ABUSE OF POWER. Abuse of power has been perpetrated by powerful government officials and the law enforcers themselves mandated to defend the people's rights and protect the people from harm. Abuse of power is terribly serious in the Philippines and in the majority of events, such crimes related thereto have not been treated as crimes by means of the sheer method of circumventing the laws.

Newspapers banner daily news items reporting crimes committed by policemen and military personnel--hold-ups, kidnaps-for-ransom, murders, bank robberies, carjacking, etc. Crimes committed by these people are even more heinous than the ones committed by some poor, unknown and desperate criminals. And since the justice system in the country is so discouragingly defective, most of the time, "powerful" criminals are exonerated of their crimes, even if those crimes are undoubtedly categorized as heinous. While the unknown, powerless poor suspects in lesser crimes are not given fair trials and afterwards thrown immediately in jail.

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EFFECTS OF CRIMINALITY ON THE ECONOMY 1. Widening Gap Between the Poor and the Rich In view of the powerful people's oppressive and exploitative attitude towards the poor and the marginalized sectors of the Philippine society, crimes brought about by the abuse of power have tremendously affected the country's economic situation. Oppression and exploitation themselves are basically crimes that further express themselves manifestly in the form of obvious criminal acts like murder and property-grabbing (which is actually robbery), as well as property-destruction.

"This country is not only notoriously known for its systemic culture of corruption, but the Aquino administration is also being associated with the pervasive climate of violence.

"Notwithstanding press releases of the Philippine Nationa Police (PNP) citing steady decline in the crime index, the Aquino administration will go down in history as the most crime-ridden government since the declaration of military rule in 1972." (http://mb.com.ph/node/354426/a-) These crimes perpetrated by the powers that be are purposely designed to perpetuate their status of power and to grab more opportunities for ascendancy and more wealth at the expense of the hapless poor.

These crimes have continually concentrated the wealth of the nation more in the hands of the small percentage of the Philippine society's wealthy sector, while the big chunk of the people are wallowing in poverty. The poor are exploited and oppressed more and more and the gap between the poor and the rich has gradually widened.

2. Inability to Nationally Industrialize A desperate act of the powers that be in their desire to concentrate more wealth and opportunities in their hands is the utilization of huge capitalization from the interest of big foreign investors in the country. By pushing the poor against the wall of further poverty, the powers that be have gained access to the manipulation 18

of our country's economic resources for the benefit of foreign investors who in turn have given the local capitalists the upper hand to engineer a devastating blow to national industrialization.

For the interest of foreign business investments, crimes have to be committed to convert and transform farmlands into industrial estates. "Legal" robbery which is actually land-grabbing has to be effected and stubborn farmers who defy the will of government officials (who act as brokers for foreign capitalists) are summarily executed, i.e., "salvaged" in the local slang.

Industrialization is basically good but it has to be initiated and implemented for the national interest. Failure to do so by accommodating the exploitative scheming of foreign interest is a crime worse than treason.

REASONS WHY LAW ENFORCEMENT INSTITUTIONS ARE INEFFECTIVE TO SOLVE CRIMES AND CONTROL THE RISING TIDE OF CRIMINALITY The number of government law enforcement agencies and institutions is simply awesome. Theoretically, crimes could have long been controlled and solved with the presence of the Philippine National Police (PNP) and its elite Criminal Investigation and Detection Group (CIDG); the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI); the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency (PDEA); the intelligence arms of the major commands of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).

Yet, it is also disgusting to know that what has been going on is the opposite.

Myriads of crimes have long been unsolved and the crime situation has never been truly contained. This is basically due to several factors.

1. Corrupt and Incompetent Law Enforcers Many law enforcers are not qualified due to their corrupt character. These law enforcers are part and parcel of the corrupt government system. Since they are serving the interest of their corrupt patrons, they have acquired from the latter the 19

same character of corruption. At worst, they themselves are the very criminals in the performance of their duties as protectors of their evil patrons. This is the very reason why the people have already lost their confidence and trust in the law enforcers, particularly the police.

2. Lack of Cooperation Between the Public and the Law Enforcers Such situation has spawned the people's lack of cooperation with the law enforcers.

The government's Department of Justice has kept on calling the people to cooperate with the law enforcement agencies with the promise and assurance of protection. But the people don't just bite the idea because they have long lost their confidence and trust in the law enforcers.

3. Confused Roles of Various Law Enforcement Agencies Granting it the benefit of the doubt, even if law enforcement agencies are morally upright, there is still a very serious problem that hinders the speedy solution of crimes. During the time when there was yet no PNP, the NBI was traditionally tasked to deal with criminal cases that cut across provincial borders. With the establishment of the PNP, jurisdiction to handle criminal cases exactly the same as that of the NBI has likewise been given to the police. This whole condition has created a very confusing situation which in so many instances has put NBI agents and PNP officers in conflicting authority line.

4. Government's Lack of Interest to Solve Crimes Because of government's main focus on power-base expansion and politicking, it has placed its concern on the national crime situation at a low-priority level and this is a very pathetic scenario. It is a solid proof that government is really insincere to serve and help the people especially the poor.

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CONCLUSION This is the true state of the Philippines as a nation. We are governed by corrupt leaders whose major agenda are their own personal vested interests. We have law enforcement agencies and institutions whose major task is to protect and defend the corrupt leaders of the country and in the process perpetuate the system of corruption. Because of this condition, criminality has proliferated and will continue to proliferate in the next generations. The whole situation has made the common Filipinos economically disadvantaged and poverty will be here to stay "'til kingdom come."

Hopeless? Who holds the key to the most sensible answer? Š Ruel F. Pepa 24 July 2012

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GOVERNANCE AND GOVERNMENT It is not the World Bank or the IMF or the US imperialists who should define "good governance" for us. Neither should it be the imperialist-sponsored Philippine government since time immemorial. Its proper understanding is not in the rhetoric issued out by the powers that be. Good governance is well understood and deeply felt by the people as they democratically live their daily lives and as their states of affairs are well addressed by way of services that they are supposed to be facilitated with as productive citizens in their pursuit of a better life.

But this has not yet been the case for generations. What we and our ancestors have gotten is just a series of governments manned by incompetent leaders who have never known the core of good governance which is service to the people. The term "public servant" is as meaningless as it has always been because not a single national leader has yet captured its truest essence. In a democratically elected leadership, these "public servants" are supposed to be representatives of the people.

But are they really? It is never the interest of the people they are supposed to represent that becomes the centerpiece of their leadership but that of the very patrons who pushed and supported their candidacy more in terms of the financial.

This is where we distinguish governance from government.

A government that is looking out toward the condition of the nation that has put it in office consciously considers its governance responsibilities. But a government that only looks inward for the maintenance of its very own systemic configuration to protect the interest of the people within as well as the business capitalists outside, but in a conspiratorial engagement with them, fails the basic standards of genuine governance for it lacks the mechanism to judge whether government as governance is good or bad. We have been in a dilemma where the walls that surround us are closing in and about to crush us and we have not even tried to put up an effort to push back these walls.

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It is still a long way to get to the ideals we've been pursuing because national consciousness which is the most basic component to get there is yet a blurred image before us. Š Ruel F. Pepa, 31 August 2012

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THE U.S. HEGEMONIC EMPIRE AS HIGH TERRORISM IN GLOBAL MAGNITUDE

The grand design of US global hegemonic empire is founded on the ideological platform of white supremacist domination. ―Hegemony‖—both in the common understanding and in the specialized Gramscian utilization—is semantically as broad and all-encompassing as ―globality‖ the fact that ―hegemony‖ could likewise be appropriated and assigned with the same limitations and specificity. US global hegemony is operationalized through the institutionalization of state violence. It brings us to a stark realization of how blatant brutality and ferocious violence still continually dominate a carceral system in the 21st century putting to shame the progressivist fantasy of a humanizing modernization and strengthening the claim of Bruno Latour that in reality, ―we‘ve never been modern‖ at all as the shadows of the past continue to haunt us in the concrete embodiment of cultural forms.

Human aggression displayed in violent attacks toward the hated and the dominated releases the repressed libido of desire with Freudian persistence and the accuracy of Nietzschean eternal recurrence. It is the undying demon of ―man‘s inhumanity to man‖ whose echo from the movie of the 70s, Papillon, still reverberates and is minted anew in the hegemonic platform of contemporary US prison regime. It is the gates of hell thrown wide open to give way to a tsunami of vicious onslaught against the sacredness of human life in the frenzied orgy that desecrates the body and violates sanity. In ―Illegalities and Delinquency‖ which is a chapter in Foucault‘s Discipline and Punish, it is said that the prison hasn‘t really failed. ― . . . prison has succeeded extremely well in producing delinquency, a specific type, a politically or economically less dangerous—and, on occasion, usable—form of illegality; in producing delinquents, in an apparently marginal, but in fact centrally supervised, milieu; in producing the delinquent as a pathologized subject. The success of the prison, in the struggles around the law and illegalities, has been to 25

specify a ‗delinquency.‘ . . . So successful has the prison been that, after a century and a half of ‗failures,‘ the prison still exists, producing the same results, and there is the greatest reluctance to dispense with it. . . .‖ (Rabinow, 1984, pp. 231-232) A more focused discussion of American globality creates the poignant impact of contrapuntal narratives that explicitate the systematic demolition of the deepest agony of humanity. In other words, we are, in the process, exposed to the massivity of programmed suffering actually experienced by human bodies in the carceral.

What is therefore most audibly perceived is not the biological and the corresponding politicization of the biological but the telescoping of the political which abstracts the biological and renders the entirety of an otherwise passionchallenging moments of relived tragedies theoretical. This path of exploratory intent and discovery doesn‘t necessarily/automatically lead to concrete action to complete a praxis but most probably to a further theorizing which if pursued on a non-dialectical materialist platform could be ad infinitum or at worst ad nauseam.

This totalizing program of global domination is more widely and more deeply elaborated in Thomas P. M. Barnett‘s The Pentagon‘s New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-First Century (2004) which talks of global connectivity that will ―trump all, erasing the business cycle, erasing national borders, erasing the very utility of the state in managing a global security order that [seems] more virtual than real.‖ American globality via the US prison regime, in this connection, is simply a setting of new rules—of massive and deeply penetrating proportion—to manage war and peace in the post-9/11 era ―not just from America‘s perspective but from that of the entire world . . . because America is the biggest rule maker in the business of global security affairs.‖ (Barnett, p. 10). Barnett further contends: ―Whether we realize it or not, we are all—right now—standing present at the creation of a new international security order. . . . The global conflict between the forces of connectedness [American globality in the paper] and disconnectedness [the adversaries of American globality] is here and it is not going away anytime soon. Either America steps up to the challenge of defining this new global security rule set or we will see those rules established by people who dream of a very different tomorrow.‖ (Barnett, pp.45-46)

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In grave consideration of everything said about American globality, it is of extreme importance to bear in mind at this point the terroristic design of the American imperial hegemony as its white supremacist ideology ―inspires‖ all ―scorchedearth‖ punitive operations where it is necessarily called for extra-domestically. It therefore establishes the uncontested place of the US as the biggest peddler of global terrorism on the specific basis of an understanding of ―terrorism‖ as ―the contemporary name given to and the modern permutation of warfare deliberately waged against civilians with the purpose of destroying their will to support either leaders or policies that the agents of such violence find objectionable.‖(Carr, p.6)

Bibliography: Barnett, Thomas P.M. The Pentagon’s New Map: War and Peace in the TwentyFirst Century. New York: Berkley Books, 2004.

Carr, Caleb. The Lessons of Terror. New York: Random House, 2002.

Rabinow, Paul, ed. The Foucault Reader. New York: Pantheon Books. 1984.

© Ruel F. Pepa 9 March 2012

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THE BASIC CONCEPT OF POLITICAL DECENTRALIZATION

The General Concept of Decentralization Decentralization, in general, is a shift of leadership concentration from a central authority to erstwhile subordinate or quasi-independent units or sectors. Such a shift occurs in an organizational context where centralization or a centralized state of affairs no longer responds to the general needs, expectations, objectives and aspirations of the majority of stakeholders therein.

Types of Decentralization Distinguishing decentralization as political, administrative, fiscal, or market is useful to focus on the multifaceted dimensions that lead to its successful operationalization and inter-sectoral coordination among them. There is, however, an obvious overlap in defining any of these terms and the accuracy of definite descriptions are not so significant if viewed against the more important need for a comprehensive approach. Political, administrative, fiscal and market decentralization may also be relative to different forms and combinations across nations. Within national territories and even within sectors. For the present purpose, the focus is on political decentralization.

Political Decentralization Political decentralization aims to empower citizens or their elected representatives in public decision-making. It is generally geared to promote pluralistic politics and 29

representative government. More than that, it likewise strengthens democratic processes by giving citizens, or their representatives, more influence in the efficient and effective formulation and implementation of policies, programs and plans. Political decentralization advocates believe that decisions made with greater participation are more substantial and essential in content as well as more relevant to varied concerns and interests in society than those made only by national political authorities. The concept of political decentralization entails the notion that the choice of representatives from local jurisdictions gives citizens the opportunity to know better their political representatives. It also allows elected officials to have a better understanding of the needs and desires fo their constituents.

Political decentralization basically requires a radical statutory shift, the active development and encouragement of pluralism in terms of organizational or party participation in the body politic, the robust strengthening of legislative capabilities, the brisk organizing of local political units, and the enthusiastic encouragement of effective public interest formation. Š Ruel F. Pepa 29 September 2011

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REMEMBERING THE MAGUINDANAO MASSACRE: WARLORDISM AT ITS WORST

The Maguindanao Massacre is unanimously viewed as the most tragic event in the Philippines that capped 2009. Fifty-seven helpless civilians including women and media people were cold-bloodedly slaughtered by policemen, military men, civilian-militia personnel and private-army members—all being fearfully and blindly subservient to the ―omnipotent‖ Ampatuan warlord family of Maguindanao represented by the ―trinity‖ of Andal Ampatuan, Sr., the erstwhile governor of Maguindanao; Zaldy Ampatuan, the erstwhile governor of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM); and Andal Ampatuan, Jr., the erstwhile mayor of the municipality of Datu Unsay, Maguindanao. The criminal minds of these ―trinity‖ of ruthless murderers are typical of warlords as found anywhere in the Philippines and in other less-civilized societies of the world. In other words, it is inherent among warlords to be cold-blood murderers contemptuous of the legal and the moral.

Politicians of the same warlord streak whether they are in Luzon, the Visayas or Mindanao are generally perceived and expected to act like the Ampatuans when their political domination and monopolization are gravely challenged by emerging ―New Turks‖. In fact, by a mere exercise of one‘s sociological imagination, it could be said that since time immemorial, warlords anywhere in the Philippines ―naturally‖ eliminate by ―liquidation‖ anyone who‘d cross their paths, i.e., challenge their seemingly perpetual dominion and permanent supremacy. In the history of the Philippines, many have opined that the most vicious warlord with the ruthlessness of a cold-blooded murderer was Ferdinand Marcos who ordered the summary executions and forced disappearances of hundreds of his adversaries specifically in the ranks of peasant, labor and student activists within a period of more or less 20 years, i.e., prior to the declaration of and during the Martial Law 31

era. But I beg to disagree, because what Marcos did within 20 years has been surpassed by Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in less than 10 years. In other words, Arroyo is miles and miles worse than Marcos.

The Maguindanao Massacre appears to be so heinous and hence exceedingly controversial to grab the front pages of both Philippine and world dailies for days and weeks because in just one sweep of bullet hails from high-powered automatic weapons 57 defenseless and innocent civilians lost their precious lives. The masterminds and lead perpetrators of course were the Ampatuan ―trinity‖. But the issue is from what ―supreme power‖ did the Ampatuans draw their satanic will?

One very glaring reality is the fact that the Ampatuans are leading minions of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. They had the guts to commit a brutal crime because they knew that Gloria Arroyo would provide them with all the unassailable protections available within the clout of her power. Why did they have that notion?

It is because they knew from the innermost sanctum of their zealously guarded chamber of secrets that Gloria could never—even in her dream—simply ignore them and drop them like hot potatoes because they and Gloria and their other blind followers knew that Gloria overwhelmingly won in Maguindanao and the rest of the ARMM during the last presidential elections courtesy of the iron hands of the Ampatuan warlords. This is basically the reason why right after the massacre became known in Malacanang, Gloria did not order an immediate arrest of the Ampatuans. Other steps were rather done to shield the Ampatuans. But because of popular local and international pressures, Gloria was forced—against her will—to arrest and incarcerate the Ampatuans. In retrospect, we could almost accurately say that the power of the Ampatuans exercised to the point of committing a terrible heinous crime was actually directly drawn from the more ―omnipotence‖ of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. © Ruel F. Pepa 20 November 2011

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ON JUSTICE AND OTHER RELATED MATTERS (A Discussion between Ruel Pepa and Marc Lim) Ruel Pepa (RP): What and where is justice if the ones who are supposed to uphold, administer and render justice where justice is due have miserably bungled and made a mockery of justice itself? Who are now the credible and respectable dispensers of justice when the government's stronghold of justice itself has collapsed and disintegrated into smithereens? What if the "authorized" definers of justice have made the very concept--and hence, the spirit--of justice equivocal?

What if the best and most genuine definition of justice is better understood in rational terms and held morally sacred by the people themselves? Are we not confident that the critical mass of a nation's populace is more intelligent, rational, creative, moral and decisive than the mesmerizing bunch of so-called "legal luminaries" that have made the trek towards justice a herculean struggle? Do we underestimate the organic intellectuals (cf. Antonio Gramsci) among the people?

Marc Lim (MC): The Filipino people lack 2 fundamental things - Discipline and Justice. Discipline to create and adhere to strong principles, and Justice to make sure principles apply to everybody.

RP: Dealing with matters as complicated as this requires a more sober-minded focus on the "hard question" that doesn't simply center on the Filipino per se. There are certain socio-political forces that operate in the whole gamut of the Philippine condition and these forces through time have been internalized in the Filipino cultural apparatus. Basic to all these is the long-running economic disempowerment that the common Filipino has been subjected to for generations.

In this consideration, we should also look at how systemic violence has plagued the Filipino and without getting to the nitty-gritty of this matter, there is a very real possibility that any superficial look into the Philippine situation would lead us to inaccurate conclusions.

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In this connection, it is more balanced if we don't just focus our attention on the Filipino as such. I'd like to think that it would be more accurate to analyze and evaluate the Filipino's attitude towards discipline and justice in the light of a more general consideration of her/his personhood and her/his concrete socio-cultural location as well. In this sense, I am being fair with the Filipino's human dignity. In simple terms, I'm suggesting that we cannot deal with the matter by abstracting the person from the location. As a case in point, the Filipino who operates in a more highly evolved socio-cultural milieu is responsible, disciplined and has a more defined sense of justice.This reality has been proven time and again when s/he finds employment and a place of residence in another society that has been culturally far advanced in its social evolution. In such a situation and condition, the Filipino is responsible, disciplined and just.

Now, let's get back to the Philippine situation with the challenge posed by the "hard question" and examine closely the "evil" forces that have pulled the Filipino to such a life where discipline and justice are wanting and non-operational.

Significant in this way of looking at things is the fact that liberation is not only personal but also systemic.

MC: In the Philippine setting, the "critical mass", in my opinion, does not possess (or to a minimal extent) the intelligence to lead or instill justice among themselves.

Filipino people have more important concerns such as getting a meal for the next day, and some petty concerns such as wowowee. But the mentality of the masses doesn't only apply to the Philippines. I believe the late Romans were a good example as well.

If a nation is to be able to survive, it must have leadership. Ideally, a leadership that embodies the general will of the people (ideal model of democracy), but in reality only a small fraction of the people are fit to rule not necessarily because of divine right, but because their character allows them to be so. The problem is that the will of the ruling class (the elite) is usually the only will imposed while the masses suffer.

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It is too bad that this may be the current setting of governance and justice. But until the masses gain the "intelligence" to dispense justice and rule themselves, I wouldn't recommend their form of leadership as it would result to anarchy.

"It is too difficult to think nobly when one thinks only of earning a living. . . . It is unnatural for a majority to rule, for a majority can seldom be organized and united for specific action, and a minority can." --Jean Jacques Rousseau RP: " If a nation is to be able to survive, it must have leadership. Ideally, a leadership that embodies the general will of the people (ideal model of democracy), but in reality only a small fraction of the people are fit to rule . . ." So, that leadership cannot possibly come from the masses? I think it can. Unless you believe that the ideal is not achievable within the ranks of the masses . Now if you think that that kind of leadership cannot emanate from the masses, I beg to disagree.

MC: Hmmmm... please enlighten me on your thoughts sir. I have not encountered an event where revolution from the masses did not result in the birth of another elite class ruling over them.

RP: I just picked it up from what you said.. . . a simple rejoinder. My basic belief and premise is leadership can emanate from the masses and history proves that even without going far from the Philippine situation. I think Bonifacio as a leader came from the masses. Now, going a little farther, I believe even Mao Zedong of China and Ho Chi-Minh of Vietnam both came from the masses. However, your point now is not the issue of where the leadership came but on where leadership once taken up leads to. And as I take your point, you mean in every revolution, the leadership seems to always end up to the birth of the elite class. (Correct me if I am wrong.) I'd like to agree with you but it all depends on what you mean by "elite". I think we need to clarify the connotation of "elite" here. Leadership has in its very concept the "self-contained" element of elitism, the fact that leadership in an organization is an outstanding role taken up by individuals. However, if elitism has the connotation of endowing certain "super-human" qualities to a person, giving that person the pre-eminence to exploit and manipulate situations, events and people like a dominant taskmaster, that's another thing. In the former sense, I think 35

it is possible to develop "elite" leaders who are not exploitative and manipulative of the people . . . true pro-people leaders who are fellow carriers of the people's interests and aspirations. Someone who--whether we call him elite or whatever-has made clear that he truly identifies himself with the people. In this case, the issue is more on identification. With whom does the leader identify himself?

MC: Well, I was referring to elite as the ruling class, and I believe we are on the same note there sir. I seem to have misunderstood your statement as a people ruling themselves (a no leader kind of scenario). I would assert that a ruling class is required (benevolent, though in most cases not) to keep order.

But on your point that good leaders embody the interests and aspirations of the people, at some point, a leader's decision will have to be between the good of the whole (country/state) and the good of the people. The people make up only a part of the state. Many times good leaders have received much criticism and distaste from the masses because their actions were undertaken for the good of the state.

For instance, president Obama planned to pass a bill (not sure if it was already passed) that would make tax cuts for big corporations. He receives criticism from the masses because of actions like this, but tax cuts from larger corporations means more employment funds, if people were to work more, it would help the economy get back on track.

Forgive me if I might seem discriminative, butt some point, I believe the masses only think about themselves and not the welfare of the whole.

RP: Ok. no problem. Beliefs are beliefs and each is entitled to her/his own. They may start arguments and even controversies but beliefs are worth examining, analyzing and evaluating. Discussions could go on and on but intelligent discussants don't just stop at a certain point and get dogmatic with their respective views of the moment. Openness is always appreciated and I am open to be open . . .

MC: Definitely sir :D Have you by any chance read the book "Animal Farm" by George Orwell?? I had read it during high school but only understood it's true meaning during college.

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RP: Oh yes, a classic.

MC: Although it is seen through the eyes of a realist's point of view, I think the book is one good insight to the status message.

RP: I think we have had a meaningful and intelligent discussion here. It's a rarity to find someone with the caliber of a Marc Lim (a former student now based in the US) to get into a deep and seriously probing discussion like what we have had on this thread. Regards, Marc.

MC: Always a pleasure sir but I still have much to learn, after all I'm simply an armchair philosopher. I will look forward to the next time.

RP: The pleasure is mine. We are already two. But I am not quite a philosopher. Š Ruel F. Pepa 7 March 2012

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SOME DISTURBING THOUGHTS ON THE PROTRACTED IMPEACHMENT TRIAL OF FORMER CHIEF JUSTICE RENATO C. CORONA

The Corona Impeachment Trial at the Senate had been tediously prolonged with so much legalese, legal court procedure and legal hermeneutics. In fact, the main failure in this whole event was the utter inability of supposedly thinking people to elevate the issue to the higher level of ethics and morality. In other words, the major concern of the Filipino people here was the magnitudinal issue of PUBLIC TRUST which is a moral issue over and above all the existing laws pertaining and relevant to it. The basic issue that was never touched within the entirety of the matter is on how the legal relates with the moral. In this connection, we should resolve the question: Is morality subservient to legality or is it the other way around?

As a matter of social evolution, morality is more basic than legality. Human society started to make laws to protect human rights within the context of what is moral--the way how society should uphold what is good and what is bad, what is right and what is wrong for the society itself and for the denizens of that society--in the human social community. Ethics as a philosophical discipline aids social and individual morality to utilize human rationality in the analysis and evaluation of what a society has deemed to be moral within the range of its unique experience as a community. In the light of this consideration, legality is a human invention that emanates from the categorical imperative (cf. Kant) of morality as something that is I nherently human. If we take this proposition seriously, therefore, it must be clear to us that it is legality that should be fundamentally subjected under the more eminent dictates of human morality. With this in mind, the issue of public trust is more than a legal issue. It is moral and hence, its betrayal is an immoral act.

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Certain diabolical forces in government may twist the law as it has been done in syndicated efforts. But no sane and rational soul of humanity will ever attempt to twist the morality of his/her fellow human being nor attempt others to twist his own inherent moral sense. Š Ruel F. Pepa

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CUBA: MODELO NG PAMBANSANG KAUNLARAN PARA SA MGA BANSANG MAHIHIRAP

―Aling diktadurya ang hihigit kaya Sa pagsalaula at pambubusabos Gaya ng imperyo ng Estados Unidos Aling diktadurya? Wala na nga wala.‖ (Paumanhin sa dakilang Gat Andres Bonifacio, bayani ng lahi at may-akda ng ―Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa‖) **************** Minsa‘y sinabi ng dakilang Asyano, Mao Zedung, walang estado na walang diktadurya at maging ang pamahalaan sa isang tunay na demokratikong sambayanan na pinangungunahan ng abanteng sektor ng mga manggagawa ay isang diktadurya . . . diktadurya ng mga manggagawa (dictatorship of the proletariat). Isang kalagayang ang nagmamay-ari at namamahala ng mga paraan at kasangkapang pamproduksyong ekonomiko ay mismong ang mga mangagawa.

Sa isang matagumpay na kalagayan, ang ganitong kondisyon ay nagbubunga ng isang malakas na sambayanan sa larangan ng ekonomiya, pulitika, lipunan at kultura. Bunga nito ang isang sambayanang hindi gutom sa pagkain, mga mamamayang may sariling tahanan (at walang ―informal settlers‖), mataas na uri ng edukasyong laan sa lahat at walang bayad sa lahat ng antas, mataas na kalidad ng serbisyong medikal at pangkalusugan na walang bayad sa buong sambayanan.

Gaano man katindi ang demonisasyong isinasampal ng Estados Unidos sa bansang Cuba, ang mga kalagayang nabanggit ay maliwanag na isang realidad hindi sa Estados Unidos, hindi sa Pilipinas, kundi sa mismong bansang Cuba.

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Kung mayroon mang isang matagumpay na bansang tunay na malaya, nagsasarili, demokratiko at may mataas na antas ng soberenya na dapat tingnan nating mga Pilipino, ang Cuba ay natatanging modelo. ―Aling pag-unlad pa ang hihigit kaya Sa pagkakongkreto at pagkadakila Gaya ng pag-unlad sa magiting na Cuba Aling pagunlad pa? Tunay ngang wala na‖ (Paumanhin muli sa dakilang Gat Andres Bonifacio, bayani ng lahi at may-akda ng ―Pag-ibig sa Tinubuang Lupa.‖)

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PACIFISM AS THE NEW “OPIUM OF THE PEOPLE” . . . with apologies to Karl Marx

Pacifism as a mindframe is as outlandish as having a vacation in the remote mountain ranges of Nepal or in an exclusive beach resort in the Philippines or Thailand, away from the hustle and bustle of chaotic city life. But when the holiday is over and it‘s now time to go home, facing reality once again is inevitable.

Global problems are very real. From the isolated viewpoint of one detached from the nitty-gritty of social, political and economic realities, the suffering of the poor and the disadvantaged is a neglegible myth. Violence and violation of human dignity committed by the powerful bullies in impoverished societies are nonsignificant matters to those who enjoy the comfort of bourgeois luxury.

Unless we get to the roots of all these problems, it‘s difficult to get to an allembracing conclusion at this point in time because we are dealing with certain dominant politico-economic forces of global magnitude. On the one hand we have the bullies creating war in various parts of the world because that is the only business they have gotten used to. On the other hand, we have the weaker, poorer and hence, bullied nations. They didn‘t start the large-scale violence; they fight back because their backs are already against the wall and national survival becomes the name of the game Let‘s plant our feet on Earth and get concerned with what‘s going on in real life– social, political, economic, cultural. . . . © Ruel F. Pepa

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CULTURE

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PHOTOGRAPHS AND FILMIC IMAGES AS TOOLS OF CONSCIENTIZATION The field of commercial advertising in capitalist state of affairs is the major user and beneficiary of film and photography. We have witnessed the exploitative and manipulative effects of advertising on people. However, in the case of documentary films produced to expose socio-economic and political conditions, the particular users define and set the limits of what they intend to put up as a way to influence specifically targeted audiences. YouTube is a potent "post-modern" channel to express to targeted audiences contending sides of a controversial issue.

In the case, for example, of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, YouTube offers two sides of the coin--both pro and anti--in very convincing ways.

I think the main problem is not in the presentation of photographs and filmic images but in the level of someone's consciousness informed and shaped up by his or her socio-cultural orientation and politico-economic landscape as well. The whole situation still relies on the power of interpretation whose accuracy or correctness depends on the depth of a person's involvement and immersion in the nitty-gritty of his or her national and geographical location.

In the present cyberspace age, no technologically-enhanced person escapes from mass media commodification. I think this is where "post-modern" power resides and anyone who attempts an interpretation--and s/he must be culturally programmed in the bourgeois social apparatus to exude a powerful stance to step forward and advance an interpretation--is spewing out something easily taken in and swallowed hook-line-and-sinker by the majority who always look up to a deified entity as a center of authority. This thing is a reality in the kind of showbiz mentality Filipinos generally have. And showbiz traverses its borders to the point of even blurring the line between it and politics. Š Ruel F. Pepa 2 July 2012 47

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BRANDING . . .

Indiscriminate BRANDING is a nefarious thing specifically when it is done inaccurately or with a negative intent to put in a bad light an entity being branded.

Let‘s take as a case in point the brand ―Christian‖ generally applied to the Philippines as a nation. Very inaccurate, though of course, I know there are genuine individual Christians in the Philippines whom I respect and truly appreciate.Nevertheless, let‘s look at all forms of corruption and exploitation and heinous crimes and disempowerment Filipinos have experienced in their lives in the context of the ―Christian‖ Philippine society.

We witnessed on TV news how the Japanese people acted so humanely toward each other while waiting and accepting relief assistance from humanitarian organizations when their country was tragically hit by a series of devastating calamities recently. Very organized lines of people calmly and patiently waiting.

And when the goods arrived, nothing changed in the calmness and orderliness of the queues. We saw how able-bodied and young guys giving way to older ones especially older women and mothers with their children in tow. Very organized; very disciplined. Not Christian.

But what do we commonly witness in the Philippines when people converge to receive relief assistance from organizations after an equally devastating calamity?

A very chaotic sea of people furiously shoving each other; desperately storming their way toward the front line; hitting even faces of elderly women and pushing aside mothers carrying children. What ensues in a matter of just a few minutes is a riotous scenario of flying fists thrown in all directions featuring able-bodied guys fighting it out to get ahead of everybody. . . . Christian. © Ruel F. Pepa 16 February 2012

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SOME FUNNY TRIVIALITIES I DISCOVERED IN SPAIN 1. If one is a bar flunker, come to Spain coz here male friends are all ―compañeros‖ or simply ―‗pañeros,‖ lawyers or not.

2. If a university teacher can‘t get beyond the instructor rank, come to Spain coz even an elementary or high school teacher here is called ―profesor‖ or ―profesora‖.

3. If you‘re on a taxi here and you tell the driver ―derecha,‖ he will not go straight but will turn right on the next corner. ―Go straight‖ here is ―recto‖ but it could also mean ―rectum‖.

4. Here ―mesonero‖ may sound like ―misyonero‖ in the Philippines. The difference is, you see the former in a Spanish bar or inn while the latter is preaching in a countryside chapel in the Philippines.

5. If one is not sure about something in the Philippines, he says, ―seguro‖. Here don‘t say it if you‘re not sure coz it means ―surely.‖ 6. In the Philippines, if someone has nothing important to do and just passes the time going around places with the barkada, it is said s/he is ―nagla-lamyerda‖.

Don‘t use this term carelessly in Spain coz ―la mierda‖ here means ―the shit‖.

7. In the Philippines, a well-off individual or family is called ―konyo‖ (obviously from the Spanish ―coño‖). This is a cuss-word here meaning the female genitalia.

8. No offense meant to gays and to Filipinas with the nickname ―Maricon‖ but here it means gay or homo.

9. Filipinos only get to ―kolehiyo‖ (from the Spanish ―colegio‖) after high school.

Here those in the elementary and high school are already in colegio.

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10. Here no one goes to a ―libreria‖ just to read books; s/he rather goes to a ―biblioteca‖. ―Libreria‖ here is not library but bookstore where one goes to buy books. Library is ‗biblioteca.‖ 11. If you need to take a taxi here, don‘t think that you‘d get a free ride coz there‘s a ―LIBRE‖ signboard on the windshield. It only means the taxi is vacant/has no passenger.

12. In the Philippines we use ―metro‖ to measure surfaces. Here, you don‘t ask where the ―metro‖ is if you want to measure something coz you‘ll surely be directed to the nearest subway station.

13. ―Parada‖ in the Philippines is parade as during the independence day celebration in Luneta or as in whatever local celebration we have there like in a fiesta. But here ―parada‖ is a jobless person.

14. In the Philippines, ―serbisyo‖ (from the Spanish ―servicio‖) is service rendered by an entity (person, organization, etc.) to someone‘s need. Here, ―servicio‖ is a ―special room‖ one looks for in a public place (like in a restaurant, bar or mall) to pee or to poop.

15. In the Philippines, if your car has some mechanical problem, you go to an auto service shop. Here, an ―autoservicio‖ doesn‘t repair cars but provides your grocery needs.

16. The political leader of a municipal or city government in the Philippines is the mayor. Here, a ―mayor‖ is already tired with the issues of and hence no longer interested in politics being ―an elderly person‖.

17. ―Pandesal‖ (pan de sal: Spanish for ―salted bread‖) which is common on the Filipino breakfast table is supposed to be Spanish but nowhere can you find it here.

18. Filipinos–especially children–like the sweet fillings of ―Spanish bread‖ but if you ask for it in a ―panederia‖ here, the shopkeeper will tell you that ALL sorts of bread in the counters are ―Spanish breads‖.

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19. In the Philippines, it‘s not unusual to call an old millionaire ―Don‖. But here any guy–well-off or not–in formal circumstances is respectably addressed ―Don‖.

20. ―Piso,‖ i.e., one peso (Php 1.00), in Philippine currency is spent to buy or pay for something. Here, one spends to pay for the monthly rent of a ―piso,‖ i.e., a condominium-type apartment.

21. Likewise, ―kuwarta‖ (sounds like the Spanish ―cuarta‖) is not used here to pay for or buy something. We spend ―dinero‖. The Spanish ―cuarta‖ means ―fourth‖ in English.

22. An entire barrio or town‘s celebration of the day of a Roman Catholic patron saint in the Philippines is a big deal ―pista‖ (from the Spanish ―fiesta‖). Here, even a small-time birthday party is called a ―fiesta.‖ 23. There is only one religion called ―iglesia‖ in the Philippines. Here all churches of religions are called ―iglesias‖. © Ruel F. Pepa, 27 December 2012

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TOO MANY Ed.D.s FLAUNTING THEIR “SUBSTANCE-LESS” DEGREES AMIDST THE PATHETIC STATE OF BASIC EDUCATION

I was at the Cavite provincial office of the Department of Education (DepEd) some couple of years ago. While waiting for the person I was supposed to see, a broad organizational chart with the names of specifically designated individuals filling various official positions on display right at the office‘s lobby was quite visible once I entered the premises. As I looked very closely I was sort of amused to find out that most of them–if not all–were holders of the Doctor of Education (Ed.D.) degree.

With all this in mind while leaving the place afterwards, I couldn‘t help but reflect on a very serious matter besetting the quality and standard of education we have in the elementary and secondary levels most basically in the public schools as well as in myriads of substandard private schools being run mainly for business. The whole pathetic situation has been going on despite the fact that we have an ―army‖ of Ed.D. degree holders who are supposed to be experts and specialists in the formulation of more effective and efficient educational and pedagogical theories on the basis of empirical research studies these people are supposed to be doing instead of merely proudly displaying and flaunting their ―bubble‖ degrees devoid of credible substance. © Ruel F. Pepa

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ON “FILIPINO” AS THE OFFICIAL NATIONAL LANGUAGE OF THE PHILIPPINES AND HENCE THE PRESCRIBED MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION IN PHILIPPINE SCHOOLS The Philippines is multi-lingual and having ―Filipino‖ as the ―national language‖ of the Philippines is purely and simply a figment of our imagination. I belong to the Tagalog ethno-linguistic group and that pseudo-language we call ―Filipino‖ is actually Tagalog. If we make Tagalog in the guise of ―Filipino‖ as our national language, we undermine and deride the other equally significant Philippine languages like Ilokano, Cebuano, Ilonggo, Pangasinense, Pampango, Bicolano, and others. In the process we get the wrong notion that Tagalog is a better and greater language than the others I just mentioned. Take note, however, that the Philippine languages mentioned are bona fide languages and NOT dialects. In this light, we are faced with the challenge to enrich all the living Philippine ethnic languages.

I maintain that there is actually NO Filipino language. What we call ―Filipino‖ language is really Tagalog. Now if we use Tagalog as the medium of instruction across the board, that‘s imposing too much of the wrong notion that Tagalog has the preeminence over and above the other Philippine languages (and I am talking of languages, not dialects). Do you think it is fair to impose Tagalog as the medium of instruction in schools in the Ilokano-speaking provinces? in the Bikol region? in Cebuano-speaking provinces? in Ilongo-speaking provinces? I believe that all of these Philippine languages should be developed and high-quality literary outputs should come out in these languages. I am a Tagalog and I am a passionate advocate of strengthening the literary talents of my fellow Tagalog. With the same passion, I likewise want to see the flourishing of the literary talents of other ethno-linguistic groups.

Without sounding offensive, ―Filipino‖ as it is spoken in total disregard of Tagalog syntax is truly bastardized. But if one would dare say that the Tagalog language is 57

not the language of the learned, I will vehemently react to that, being a member of the Tagalog ethno-linguistic group.

This issue is quite complicated and sensitive. There are people called Filipinos and they are citizens of the Philiippines. But the Philippines is a MULTI-LINGUAL country. Tagalog in the guise of ―Filipino‖ has been bastardized by non-Tagalog Filipinos who have been guiled and even forced to speak Tagalog as the ―Filipino‖ language. In the process, these people have developed the tendency to treat their own ethnic languages as second-class and less significant than the so-called ―Filipino‖ language. This tendency is counter-developmental because instead of robustly promoting the development of ethnic languages and ethnic literature using ethnic languages, the promotion of ―Filipino‖ as the national language systematically and gradually annihilates these very valuable ethnic Philippine languages in the ocurse of time. Ilokano, Ilonggo, Cebuano, Bikolano, etc. have their own rich literary heritages and if these ethnic languages along with the others are promoted, their literary traditions could have been very rich by now.

Don‘t get me wrong. In holding this view I don‘t think I become less nationalistic.

Let me cite Cuba as a case in point where the national language–Spanish–is supposed to be a colonial one. But the issue of having Spanish as their national language has never been a nationalism issue. They have mastered Spanish as their common language and they are as united as ever even in fighting the biggest imperialistic power in the world and in having the resolve to survive all the bullying they have been getting from this power for decades. © Ruel F. Pepa

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Ruel F. Pepa, Ph.D. is a retired Filipino academic who now resides with his wife in Madrid, Spain. He is a philosopher and a social and political critic. Prof. Pepa is a lifetime member of the International Society for Philosophers, an associate member of the Center for Advanced Research in Phenomenology, the Four Worlds International Institute and the Philippines-Cuba Friendship Association (AMISTAD).

Prof. Pepa is married to Anne Forst-Pepa, a European of German-Jewish extraction.

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