The Runner Volume 9, Issue 15

Volume 09 // Issue 15

May 02 2017

Feature Why B.C. is the Wild West of Canadian Politics

R

Profile

Comment

Get to Know the Candidates in Your Riding

The Complications of an Election on Unceded Territory

THE RUNNER

THE B.C. STAND-OFF

Who will form the next provincial government? find us online / runnermag.ca / @runnermag / facebook.com/runnerMAG / INSTAGRAM.com/RUNNERMAG

02 Table of contents

04

staff

Features|An Introduction to B.C. Politics

Like the federal government, the provincial one has responsibilities, although they are responsibilities that our constitution suggests are best handled locally, such as the environment, education, health, welfare, property and civil rights, and justice.

Coordinating Editor

Tristan Johnston editor@runnermag.ca

05

Managing Editor

Connor Doyle managing@runnermag.ca

Features|Your Guide to the Major Parties

Each of the three parties has definite strengths and weaknesses. The leaders representing them are strong and experienced, but fallible. Come May 9, here’s what you’ll need to know about them.

Production Manager

Danielle George production@runnermag.ca

Art Director

08 12

Scott McLelland art@runnermag.ca

Photo Editor

Profiles | Get to Know the Candidates

Tommy Nguyen photos@runnermag.ca

We spoke to Liberal, NDP, and Green MLA candidates in eight ridings around the lower mainland. Get to know who’s seeking your vote before going to the polls on May 9.

Associate Editor

Alyssa Laube staff@runnermag.ca

Web Editor

Joseph Keller web@runnermag.ca

Comment|An Election on Unceded Territory

Encouraging Indigenous people to vote seems like an obvious suggestion to make in advance of the upcoming election, but such participation can actually be silencing rather than empowering.

Operations Manager Scott Boux office@runnermag.ca 778.565.3801

#FeatureTweets

#BestPhoto

Chad Skelton @chadskelton After covering ears while adults on screen yell at each other, our kids have decided who they’re voting for: Jennifer Burke #bcdebate2017 Charmaine de Silva @char_des On 1st debate, @jjhorgan says got positive response from regular folks who r madder than hell; sometimes standards double, triple #bcelxn17 Samantha Thompson @sampthompson #BCdebate2017 =

KPU Alumni @kpualumni Congrats to @zerlindasaurus who is the recipient of KPU alumni association’s inaugural Future Alumni Award!

Summer Semester 2017 Student Publication Fee Opt-Outs available in person May 8 - June 5.

Student ID & Proof of registration and payment required.

PIPS Office: Arbutus 3710, Surrey Campus.

Hours: 10 - 5 Monday to Friday.

Phone: 778-565-3801 Email: office@runnermag.ca

Arbutus 3710/3720 12666 72 Ave. Surrey, B.C, V3W 2M8 778.565.3801 www.runnermag.ca Vol. 09, Issue no. 15 May 02 2017 ISSN# 1916 8241

The Polytechnic Ink Publishing Society’s Board of General Purposes is now open for nominations. The nomination package can be obtained from the PIPS Office in room A3720, on Surrey Campus, between 10:00 AM and 5:00 PM, Library hours permitting. The deadline is May 11, 2017, at Noon.

Contributors Justin Bige Braden Klassen Nat Mussell Nicole Kwit Mel Pomerleau

Cover Scott McLelland will be retiring as Art Director. Will he shuffle back to retail? Or will he finally start drawing his webcomic this summer?

Find out next time on… DRAGON BALL Z!

The Runner is student-owned and operated by Kwantlen Polytechnic University students, published under the Polytechnic Ink Publishing Society. The Runner recognises that our work, both in and out of the office, takes place on unceded Coast and Strait Salish territories, specifically the shared traditional territories of the Kwantlen, Katzie, Semiahmoo, Sto:lo and Tsawwassen First Nations. Our name is inspired by the hun’qumi’num meaning of Kwantlen, which is tireless hunters or tireless runners. Just as Kwantlen is adaptable and changing so is The Runner.

Editorial 03

From the Editors Let’s raise the youth vote

Tristan Johnston |Coordinating Editor Even if you can’t make your mind up on who to vote for this year, go to the voting booth and do something, even if that means drawing a smiley face on your ballot. Make sure the government knows that you’re paying attention, and that you give a damn.

If we’ve done our jobs well, there should be more than enough information in this issue to help you make an informed decision on which box to tick. But maybe you’ll put this paper down thinking, “The B.C. Liberals are awful, the NDP are disorganized, and Green is a wasted vote. What a terrible election.” If you do, just go in and draw a middle finger or vote for South Park, but allow yourself to be counted among the statistics of people who care about their government.

The 2015 federal election saw an increase in voter turnout amongst 18 to 24 year olds, with 18.3 per cent more of them voting compared to 2011. It’s no surprise that every politician I spoke to leading up to the provincial election had an answer ready when asked about student issues.

In the federal election, 57 to 58 per cent of eligible voters between the ages of 18 and 34 went out to the polls. Politicians don’t ignore numbers like this, but they certainly were more likely to when those numbers were closer to 40 and 45 per cent.

Does this mean that young people are likely to vote again? Eric Grenier, a polling analyst at CBC, said last year that if you voted in 2015 you’re

(Scott McLelland) likely to vote again, especially in an election as tense as the one we’re experiencing in B.C. right now. All of the major parties are expecting young British Columbians to stay involved.

Housing has been one of the top three issues of this election, and as someone trying to find a rental in Vancouver myself, the market is a total pain in the ass. Every MLA

They also know that new graduates only have part-time and contractual jobs to look forward to, and have pitched various methods of establishing more reliable employment.

For others, the environment is a huge priority. Site C dam, LNG, and pipelines have been highly controversial to those living in the Lower Mainland, but not so much to interior and Northern communities that rely on such projects for employment. As of the writing of this editorial, the B.C. Green party is projected to win more than the one seat it currently holds in the upcoming election, potentially because it has addressed these concerns.

All three parties have been targeting young people in a way that hasn’t been seen in past elections because they know that when young people vote as much as they did in 2015, it’s often enough to tip the scales. It was enough to give the Liberal Party of Canada a majority in federal parliament.

When May 9 comes around, no matter who you vote for, if you don’t like any of your options, or if you like your options but first-past-the-post has you hooped, go into the booth and do something. Spoil your vote if you feel the need. Keep the youth interest statistics high so that politicians make it a priority to make us happy.

I’ve spoken to has gone into detail explaining what their party would do about it, whether it be the construction of more housing or financial instruments.

ABCS Hope to See Results in Next Provincial Government Student housing is one of the most important election issue amongst student voters Joseph Keller | Web Editor One issue that’s on many students’ minds this election is the issue of student housing in B.C..

The Kwantlen Student Association, as part of the Alliance of B.C. Students (ABCS), has been active for the past several months lobbying the provincial government to remove the red tape preventing institutions from building on-campus housing for their students. Now, as election day draws near, the major parties have made their promises in their platforms for how they will respond to this student pressure.

The Lower Mainland rental market is not friendly to post secondary students. KSA VP Student Affairs Caitlin McCutchen says that the vacancy rate should be at about two to three per cent, but is currently sitting at less than one per cent. Some major post-secondary institutions in the province, such as KPU, currently offer no student housing. This drives up rent prices and often forces students to live in less-than-ideal circumstanc-

es far away from campus.

McCutchen says that new student housing for universities in the Lower Mainland is needed to get students out of the mercy of the rental market.

“I think we can all agree that there is a housing shortage in the Lower Mainland,” says McCutchen. “People are living farther and farther away from campus, so you’re adding commute time, you’re living in situations that aren’t stable or efficient. Such as illegal basement suites, or having five or six people in a tiny apartment. And this isn’t good for students. It’s not healthy mentally.”

Over the past 10 years no new student housing has been built in the Lower Mainland by any institution other than UBC. This is because, under the current rules, provincial post-secondary institutions are unable to take on debt to build the facilities, as doing so might negatively impact the province’s credit rating.

The ABCS argues that any debt run up from the building of the facilities would be mitigated over a matter of years by residence fees generated by the facilities.

The ABCS campaign calls for

20,000 student housing units for institutions across the province, which would include housing for KPU students. Also, through their “Where’s the Housing” campaign the group was able to get signatures in support from 1000 students.

In October last year, representatives of the ABCS, including some from the KSA, traveled to Victoria for a demonstration outside of the B.C. Legislature. At the demonstration, officials from the B.C. Green Party and B.C. NDP came out to voice their support for the initiative. No representatives from the B.C. Liberals came out, but ABCS representatives were granted a meeting with Liberal Minister of Advanced Education Andrew Wilkinson.

“Essentially we have been asking for [the provincial government] to remove the red tape so that we can build the housing without a cost to them,” says McCutchen.

In response to the ABCS push, all of the major parties have promised to add student housing to their platforms. However, the current version of the Green Party platform makes no mention of student housing. The

NDP has pledged in their platform to remove barriers to building student housing, and the Liberals have made similar promises while remaining firm on the stipulation that the project may not affect the provincial credit rating.

“All of the parties are addressing it. As far as how students want to vote, they need to make their own informed decision,” says McCutchen.

“My advice would be to read the platforms and keep this in mind.”

04 Features

How the B.C. Government Works What you need to know about your provincial legislature

Tristan Johnston |Coordinating Editor If you’re like a lot of people, you probably don’t pay much attention to provincial politics until it comes time to vote. And if you’re like the 45 per cent of people in my riding, then you don’t even vote.

Like the federal government, the provincial one has responsibilities, although they are responsibilities that our constitution suggests are best handled locally. The provincial government has a greater say over natural resources, the environment, education, health, welfare, property and civil rights, and justice. The federal government is involved in defense, international relations, and criminal law, amongst other things.

Provincial and federal governments work together on many things, such as discussions over how much money and help provinces should receive. For instance, the federal government might approve a pipeline as an international relations or trade issue, and the provinces will get involved through their roles on the environment and natural resources.

Let’s use health care as an example. The 1984 Canadian Health Act aimed to solve the problem of different provinces having different qualities of care. While health care has always been in the realm of the provinces, the Canadian Health Act addresses the financial aspect, and does not dictate how health care should work. The federal government provides a big bag of cash, and the province decides how to spread it.

Sometimes provinces and the federal government fight over who gets to do what, or even threaten to separate, but that’s why we have a Supreme Court.

So how does the provincial government work?

When you go to vote, you’ll notice that the party leaders aren’t actually on the ballot. You only get to vote for Christy Clark if you live in Kelowna, and even if she loses, she will still be the party leader. Just like in our federal elections, voters don’t get to choose who their premier is.

The party does that instead. If citizens want to take part in choosing a leader, they would need to join that party (usually for a fee) and vote for the leader of their choice.

After you vote for your MLA on May 9, presuming your candidate wins, they’ll go to the legislature on your behalf. Once in the legislature, the passing of laws works very similarly to the way it does in the federal government, with exception that B.C. has no senate. While many provinces used to have upper chambers, all of them have since been abolished.

In the event that no party holds more than half of the seats in parliament after an election, the party with the most seats forms a minority government. Minority governments generally require more cooperation amongst political parties to complete legislative business, as no party can pass bills alone.

After a bill becomes a law in the legislature, the bill goes to the lieutenant governor, who acts on behalf of the Queen of England, Elizabeth II. Yes, we still technically need to have permission from the Queen of a foreign country who doesn’t even live here in order to conduct our domestic political affairs. Granted, it’s ceremonial and you can regard it as a rubber stamp.

Lieutenant governors are appointed by the Governor General of

Canada on the advice of the Prime Minister of Canada. In turn, the lieutenant governor is the one who formally appoints MLA’s to the provincial cabinet once they’ve been voted in. Other duties include rubber stamping any dissolutions or summoning of legislature, reading throne speeches, and showing up to remembrance day parades.

Technically, lieutenant governors wield tremendous power, and legally have the ability to stop parliament, veto bills, and even appoint the leader of an opposition party to be the premier. Of course, such events are extremely rare.

There are still ways for the governmental train to derail without the involvement of the lieutenant governor or the premier. If more than half of the MLA’s in legislature have had it with the government, they can call

The B.C. Legislature (Web).

B.C. Legislative Assembly

Speaker of the Legislative Assembly

a vote of non-confidence, and if that vote succeeds a provincial election would be triggered. Elections can also be triggered by the ruling party if they see fit, but given the expense of elections to taxpayers, such events are almost entirely unheard of. Otherwise, our legislature has a four-year shelf life before requiring a replacement.

When that time is up, it’s time for another election, which is where you come in. Perhaps our system of government in B.C. is less complicated than an American state, where you choose multiple people directly on your ballot. Regardless, May 9 will be your time to help shape what the next legislature will look like.

The Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia, Judith Guichon (Web).

Features 05

A Guide to the Major Parties and Their Leaders Alyssa Laube | Associate Editor The Liberal Party, New Democratic Party, and Green Party are going head-to-head in this year’s provincial election, and they’re readily armed with criticisms of their competition and promises to make voters.

Contentious issues such as climate action, school funding, health care, and transit are all taking the spotlight in 2017, with the Liberals generally pulling more to the right than the flip-flopping New Democratic Party and environmentalist Green Party. Because of their extensive history in the province, both the NDP and Liberals have been thoroughly critiqued thus far. Comparatively, the Greens won their first and only seat in 2013, and have never won an election in the past.

Each of the three parties has definite strengths and weaknesses. The leaders representing them are strong and experienced, but fallible. Come May 9, here’s what you’ll need to know about them.

The Liberal Party: Christy Clark This year, the Liberals are focusing on tax cuts and housing for the middle class, balancing provincial budgets, investing in health care and infrastructure, technology, and tourism, and resource-based industries like natural gas, mining, and forestry.

Keeping jobs and money flowing in the provincial economy is their utmost priority and, to an extent, they have achieved that goal. However, they arguably did so at the cost of shouldering off health and child care, environmentalism, and transparency in the provincial majority government.

Now, part of their 2017 platform touches on improving education and health care as well as creating safer communities across the province.

Marijuana is seen largely as a health risk by the Liberals, and they have suggested that, as long as children are not legally able to use the substance, money gathered from a marijuana tax should go into health care.

Liberal Leader Christy Clark is currently the Premier of B.C.. She has become known for her efforts towards facilitating economic growth and job creation—two typically Conservative endeavours that have come to fit into the British Columbian Liberal portfolio.

Since being elected, Clark has shown her skills at balancing budgets and creating jobs for Canadians working in the energy and technology sectors. She was partially responsible for reforming B.C.’s liquor act, which helped craft beer culture boom, and for creating the foreign buyer’s tax, which has helped stabilize the housing market.

Clark, however, has been highly criticized for approving environmentally damaging projects such as the

wolf cull and the Site C Dam—a hydroelectric dam being built by B.C. Hydro which has been challenged by First Nations communities, citizens, and over 200 scientists—and for organizing and benefiting from private fundraising events. She has also been accused of falling behind on the management and funding of schools and health care in the province, amongst other contentious issues that the Liberal government is responsible for.

The New Democratic Party: John Horgan The NDP are making three key promises in 2017: improved services, more money, and sustainable jobs for the middle class. If elected, they plan to follow through on that oath by getting rid of Medical Services Plan fees, building 114,000 co-op homes,

investing in $10 a day childcare, eliminating bridge tolls and student loan interest, giving completion grants to students, and improving rates for B.C. Hydro, ICBC, and ferries.

Like the Liberals, the NDP are concerned with marijuana legalisation leading to substance abuse by children, and feel that strict regulations must be put in place regarding cannabis use. Pharmacies and liquor stores would be good places to sell marijuana, according to the NDP. John Horgan, MLA for Juan de Fuca and leader of the NDP, has historically fought for lower B.C. Hydro rates while continuing to make a case for moving away from the fossil fuel industry. He is also dedicated to making living costs, housing, schooling, and health care more affordable and

accessible.

Unlike the Liberals, Horgan has shown commitment to keeping private donations out of politics. In fact, so far in the campaigning process he has given Clark and the B.C. Liberals no mercy, taking every opportunity to criticize them and their failures despite sharing some viewpoints and aspirations with the party.

In the B.C. Election Debate, Horgan and Clark openly bickered over their differences on climate action, prioritization of the lower and middle class, and economic strategies.

Horgan says he would rather see money allocated to the LNG going towards technology, culture, transit, and schooling. He has also given no sign of securing a balanced budget for British Columbia.

The Green Party: Andrew Weaver As always, the Greens are pushing for environmental policies more than any other party in the electoral race. Protecting natural resources and ensuring effective consultation between government and First Nations groups is crucial to their platform, as is putting a stop to environmentally damaging projects like Site C Dam. Creating a sustainable economy while keeping the essential issues of affordable housing, education, and health care in mind is big part of their strategy, but they are also hoping to introduce some major reforms to British Columbia. If elected, they have vowed to introduce a basic income pilot project, recommend a new minimum wage, get rid of MSP pre-

miums, and boost income and other assistance for persons with disabilities and youth transitioning out of foster care.

In regards to democratic reform, the Greens want to have a proportional voting system in place by 2021, hire a Provincial Budget Officer, ban partisan fundraising for members of Cabinet, and prohibit lobbying for Senior Public Office Holders. On marijuana distribution and legalisation, they are encouraging a distribution model like the one used for craft breweries in B.C. Before he was a politician, Green Leader Andrew Weaver was a scientist and professor. As a scientist, he worked on scientific assessments by the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. He still works in science, particularly as a faculty member at the University of Victoria.

Now, he’s the MLA for Oak Bay-Gordon Head, winning the Greens’ first seat in the B.C. Legislature.

Weaver is a strong advocate for investment in clean energy and technology, and has contested LNG’s and Site C consistently throughout the year. He has been involved in the community by proposing bills, taking part in public discussions, and raising his voice, particularly regarding global warming and the measures that must be put in place to counteract it.

In a broader political sense, Weaver often sings the praises of honesty in politics, and vocalizes displeasure with governments breaking promises to their people.

06 Features

For a Few Dollars More

Why B.C. has long been considered the wild west of political donations Braden Klassen| Contributor When it comes to regulating the nature of political donations, B.C. has been referred to as the “wild west” by publications such as The Globe and Mail and The New York Times.

There are a number of reasons why the provincial government has earned this label for the province.

According to Elections B.C., the Liberal government has received $70.2 million from various corporations since 2005—a sum that greatly overshadows the amount of money corporations have donated to the other provincial parties.

Every province sets its own laws when it comes to who can donate to political parties and how much they can give. Many provinces have enacted legislation that restricts certain individuals and organizations from donating and limits the amount that people, unions, or companies are allowed to give.

For example, the NDP government in Alberta lowered the political donation cap in 2015, meaning that individuals were limited to donating $4000 dollars per year to parties and/ or candidates. The principle behind limiting donations is to “get big money out of politics” so that the parties in power can act fairly on behalf of the province without being obliged to protect the interests of their most prolific donors.

However, B.C.’s laws do not restrict political donations made by individuals and corporations, which means that the provincial government is able to accept substantial amounts of financial support from anybody or any company that has a vested interest in their party’s success. Many believe that this increases the chances that the government will decide to prioritize the benefits of their wealthy donors over the needs of others—what critics call “pay-to-play politics”—and constitutes a clear breach of ethics, undermining democracy and the government’s mandate to fairly serve the people of British Columbia.

In response to this, the NDP and Green Party of B.C. have both pledged to institute regulations that would cap the amount that people are allowed to donate.

Premier Christy Clark has been criticized for appearing at a number of large party fundraisers, where attendees had to pay thousands of dollars for entry. Clark reportedly receives a

(Scott McLelland) $50,000 yearly stipend from the party’s coffers, on top of her $195,000 taxpayer-footed government salary.

In 2016, a B.C. political watchdog organization called Democracy Watch lodged a formal complaint against the Liberals, claiming that there was a conflict of interest present in the fact that Clark was making herself personally available to talk with wealthy fundraising event-goers while also claiming her lucrative stipend.

The Conflict of Interest Commissioner in B.C. is Paul D. K. Fraser, and he was appointed under Gor-

don Campbell’s Liberal government on the first day of 2008. Fraser was tasked with verifying whether or not the party had contravened the Conflict of Interest Act by having the premiere herself attend party fundraisers, while also receiving hefty annual compensation from the party.

Fraser ultimately ruled that the party had not done anything in violation of the act, even though Clark did end up deciding not to continue with accepting the stipend.

After the ruling was announced, Democracy Watch recommended that Fraser recuse himself from the role

after the organization had learned that his son, John Paul Fraser, was serving as a member of the Liberal Party in the role of Deputy Minister of Government Communications & Public Engagement, and was a longtime personal friend of Clark’s. The watchdog contended that Paul Fraser was himself caught in a conflict of interest because he had a family member with such close ties to the party that his ruling would affect.

They also discovered that Fraser Milner Casgrain, the law firm that Paul Fraser had worked at years before his appointment, had donated over

Write for the runner!

$25,000 to the Liberal Party in the mid 2000s—though in a letter to NDP MLA David Eby, Fraser claimed that he “had no knowledge that this contribution had been made.”

B.C. is not the only province without a cap on political donations.

The laws in the Yukon, Saskatchewan, Newfoundland and Labrador, and PEI all permit people to donate however much money they want. But other provinces like Ontario, Manitoba, and Quebec all impose limitations on donations in order to minimize party bias towards wealthy donors.

This is not to say, however, that there is a total absence of rules when it comes to donating in B.C.. According to Elections B.C.’s website, “The Election Act prohibits unregistered political parties and constituency associations, charities, and political parties registered under the Canada Elections Act from making political contributions.”

Notably, this list of restrictions does not include corporations or people in other countries, who, like resident British Columbians, are also free to donate as much money to parties as they wish.

The policy of allowing international interests to donate to political parties is not unique to B.C., but it is banned in other places in Canada.

There have been a number of questions raised as to why interested parties from outside the country are able to contribute money to the B.C. political pantheon, even though they cannot vote or participate in political campaigns through any other means.

In April, the Liberals returned $174,000 dollars in donations after it came to light that the donations had been made under illegal pretenses.

Evidently, people who had been donating smaller amounts to the party were being reimbursed by employers and corporations in what critics have called an attempt to obscure the source of the donations, which violates one of the few laws that B.C. has in place to regulate political donations.

The Liberals have proposed to institute an independent panel that would be charged with reviewing the legitimacy of the donations received by the provincial government, but the party says that the establishment of that panel is going to have to wait until after the election.

Contact: Editor@Runnermag.ca

EAGLE LEN S

FESTIVITY: An R.C.M.P. officer interacts with a young boy during the Vaisakhi Festival. This festival marks the Hindu Solar New Year.

(Tristan Johnson)

PRIMSOSE: An intricate dress from Jenny Choi’s

BRAWL: A painting from 4th year Fine Arts student

PLEIN-DESPRIT: A colourful and playful piece from

JOINTS: A wood and plaster piece from Angelle Wu’s

collection. It’s a blend of contemporary and traditional design. (Tristan Johnson)

Roxanne Lee’s collection. (Tristan Johnson)

Alan Canning. (Mel Pomerleau)

The Emotional Side of Endometriosis Pain.

(Mel Pomerleau)

DESIGN: Tommy Nguyen

08 Ridings

GET TO KNOW THE CANDIDATES IN YOUR RIDING Tristan Johnston Coordinating Editor

Alyssa Laube Associate Editor

Teresa Wat Teresa Wat has been a Richmond MLA since 2013, and was the Minister responsible for Pacific Trade and Multiculturalism. She has also been involved in Chinese-language broadcast radio and television. Wat immigrated to Canada from Hong Kong in 1989, and has worked in media and broadcasting since.

The B.C. Liberal website states that Wat will ensure the finalization of a new care tower at Richmond Hospital, the investment of $16 million for subsidization of housing in Richmond, as well as $16 million towards protection of Richmond from rising sea levels.

Wat was not able to schedule an interview with The Runner by press time.

Lyren Chiu With a long medical service resume, Dr. Lyren Chiu, a current nursing professor at Langara who holds a PhD from Harvard, believes that the Richmond Hospital is a major concern in her riding.

Coming to Canada from Taiwan 1999, Chiu is a proponent of diversity and multiculturalism.

She started a Mandarin-speaking cancer support group and a Chinese community advisory group at the B.C. Cancer Agency. She also notes that the NDP wants to eliminate MSP, and mentions the NDP proposals for $10 a day childcare and higher taxes on wealthy British Columbians.

“According to party platform, we don’t charge interest on student loans,” says Chiu. “The Liberals have neglected the education system for a long time, so we need to fix it one-by-one.”

Chiu is also an advocate of adult advanced education and bolstering ESL programs to make education more accessible, and says she will do what she can “to influence the party to reduce tuition fees.”

JOSEPH KELLER WEB EDITOR

Braden Klassen Contributor

RICHMOND-NORTH CENTRE

Based on 2013 Election Results in Richmond Center.

49.91%

23.3%

8.85% 17.94%

Ryan Marciniw Living in Richmond since 2010, Marciniw has organized casino workers unions, and has been a strike picket captain for a year, and had volunteered with the B.C. Green party since 2014.

“The acute tower needs to be built, it needs to be fast-tracked,” Marciniw says regarding the Richmond Hospital. “I know that the Liberals have started the business plan for that, but you know, the simple fact of the matter that they’ve had 16 years to refurbish that hospital […] Is a bit disconcerting and a little bit cynical as well. Right before an election.”

Marciniw also supports other Greens in the creation of a “Minister of Mental Health and Addiction” cabinet portfolio, and believes that “band-aid” solutions aren’t sufficient to solve the overdose crisis.

On student issues, Marciniw supports the construction of student housing for KPU, and says that Vancouver should be the “San Francisco of the north” in regards to tech startups, and that the brain drain to higher paying American companies should be stopped.

Linda Reid Linda Reid is one of the longest serving and highest ranking members in the current B.C. Liberal Party, holding the post of house speaker. Prior to becoming a politician, she was a teacher.

“We’re an island. We gotta build up,” says Reid, on housing in Richmond. She suggests solving the problem by adding supply to decrease demand, and likes the European “shops on the sidewalk, apartments above” building style.

When it comes to the Richmond Hospital, Reid notes that her government has added an emergency room, a mental health wing, and maternity health wing to the facility, and considers the hospital “next in line” for more upgrades.

Reid also calls the racist flyers found in Richmond last year “horrible,” and says that “there was no place for [them.] We have pushed back, hugely, and we haven’t seen anything like that since, which warms my heart.”

Chak Au Chak Au was a school board trustee for 12 years, and is a two-term city councilor. He received the second-highest amount of votes as a councillor in 2014.

Au says that he has a “long track record” of promoting diversity and intercultural harmony. On the subject of the Richmond Chinese-language signage debates, he noted that “the language issue is at the provincial level. It’s the jurisdiction of the province [and that] we can address some of the issues that are affecting our community.”

Being aware of the difficulty of winning an NDP seat in Richmond, Au believes there’s an appetite for change. Au also takes issue with the corporate donations received by the BC Liberals.

“Christy Clark has really taken Richmond voters for granted. That’s why we have problems with Richmond Hospital. It’s too small and needs seismic upgrades,” he says. “We’ve been short-changed. That’s why I’m running this election, and why I’m focusing on local issues.”

RICHMOND-SOUTH CENTRE

Based on 2013 Election Results in Richmond Center.

49.91%

23.3%

8.85% 17.94%

Greg Powell For several years Powell has worked at the Pembina Institute, which advocates for clean and renewable energy. He also has a background in engineering from the University of Waterloo, and has worked for environmental nonprofits.

“The Green Party of B.C. prioritizes education in a big way. That’s demonstrated by the fact that one in five of us are educators in some capacity, or have been,” he says.

Powell believes in a needs-based grant system incorporating debt forgiveness to help with education-related debts, saying, “I think it would be a laudable goal to have free tuition, but a progressive system might be even more appropriate.”

On the Richmond Hospital, Powell says that he would ensure that the upgrades get carried through, and, through the Green Party, that mental health and addiction is addressed at the cabinet level.

Gurminder Singh Parihar Gurminder Parihar is an accountant, business owner, and volunteer in the riding, and is an expert on areas such as tax planning, public engagement, business consultation, and general accounting.

“I care deeply about this community and I am determined to represent the hopes, dreams, and priorities of Surrey-Newton residents in Victoria. As one of B.C.’s fastest-growing communities, we need a strong and effective MLA who can ensure we see job creation, new opportunities, and continued investments in health care, schools, and housing affordability,” writes Parihar, on his B.C. Liberals web page.

If elected, he would be the first turbaned Sikh to be elected to the B.C. Legislature. Premier Christy Clark has endorsed the election of Parihar, and Parihar has thanked her for her “confidence in [him],” as written in a CBC article published on April 23.

Parihar could not be reached for an interview before the publication of this article.

Harry Bains Harry Bains’s priority is stopping government subsidies and favouritism of the elite 2 per cent.

“When I noticed that those working for their living have to pay more so that the government can subsidize the people at the top and their donors, I knew that it was wrong and that we had to get in there” he says.

Bains is determined to change the state of student debt, crime, health care, education, and transit in Surrey-Newton. Repairing the operations of Surrey Memorial Hospital, getting students out of portables at school and into real classrooms, and increasing the per capita rate of post-secondary students is crucial to the area’s success, according to Bains.

“I think [Surrey-Newton’s next MLA] has to be a person who actually cares about those issues—who is an activist, not just a politician, and I’ve been an activist all my life to protect worker’s rights, protect human rights, promote human rights,” he says.”

SURREY-NEWTON

38.07%

56.42%

Ridings 09

5.52%

Richard Krieger Richard Krieger writes on his B.C. Greens web page that he is running because he believes “Surrey-Newton needs a fresh perspective to deal with their unique problems.”

“As a person who has achieved much with hard work and creative insights, I feel I can work well with the diverse groups that make up this unique riding. I am pleased and honoured to be the candidate for the B.C. Green Party in the riding of Surrey-Newton, and look forward to serving its citizens as their next MLA,” Krieger could not be reached for an interview before the publication of this article.

Balpreet Bal Balpreet Bal, an independent MLA candidate, wants to “bring the community’s voice to the assembly instead of just pushing a party’s objective.”

“Here in Newton, we’ve been at a standstill for a long time,” he says. “Especially now that our generation is getting more involved in the political side, we are realizing that all these issues exist, so the need for change for having a safe future here is more than it ever was.”

Bal and his team are Surrey locals that have been going to school and working in the city for their entire lives. Kal has been in construction since he was 12 years old, starting his first business at 17 and joining the real estate market at 19.

“We have a small business here, so we see a lot of these things first hand,” he says. “I think that knowledge gives us a bit of an edge on proposing things we can facilitate like, say, rec. centres or public infrastructure.”

Scott Hamilton Scott Hamilton has been the Liberal MLA for North Delta since 2013. He is also a member of the Select Standing Committees on Finance, the Cabinet Committee on Strong Economy, and the Select Standing Committees on Aboriginal Affairs and Legislative Initiatives. Before getting involved in politics, he was on the Delta City Council for over a decade, working on issues such as agricultural and recreational development and guide and service dog legislation. Hamilton also had a lasting career in information technology, has spent over 30 years in the riding he represents, and is father to two daughters. Now, he’s running for re-election.

Hamilton could not be reached for an interview in time for the publication of this article.

DElTA-NORTH

Ravi Kahlon As a father and ex-field hockey and soccer coach, Ravi Kahlon places importance on the quality of education in the North Delta area. For that reason, his campaign team is largely made up of young people, concerned about issues like the environment and student debt.

“I think about what the future is going to be for my child,” he says. “[My goal is to] ensure that other young people that come through get the same opportunities, if not better opportunities, than [he] did.”

Besides education, Kahlon says that “the number one issue on the doorstep is affordability.”

“I’m hoping that, if we form government, we address the ICBC question, which we’ve already put on our platform … [and] freeze hydro rates,” says Kahlon. “We already announced a $1000 credit for students at university and [plan to] eliminate interest on student loans.”

Jacquie Miller Jacquie Miller is an environmentalist with a degree in political science. She identifies with the party because she didn’t relate to the goals of the Liberals or NDP, and feels that “now is a really exciting and important time to take a stand.”

44.53% 43.59% 6.08% 4.82% “People may not have taken the Greens seriously before … but Andrew [Weaver] is so serious, and there’s nothing that he doesn’t think through,” she says.

Miller wants to represent her riding because the community in North Delta helped her get back on her feet when she was struggling.

“I really want to be able to reinvest that care I received back into the community. I want to be able to help shape provincial policy for those growing up in North Delta today so that they can achieve successful futures in a province that’s on the right track, so that they can have jobs that are meaningful to them,” she says. “I want to fight for what I see as the true public interest, and I don’t think that Site C should be built. I don’t feel that the Kinder Morgan Expansion Project should be built, and big money shouldn’t be determining these things.”

Results from the 2013 Elections, taken from Elections BC.

10 Ridings Puneet Sandhar Puneet Sandhar is a Surrey-based lawyer and first time candidate. She says that, through her outreach to voters, she has found that the most important issue to Panorama is job growth and stability, and she credits the B.C. Liberal government’s tax cuts with creating the growth that her potential constituents are looking for.

“Under the NDP … B.C. was the lowest in job growth Canada-wide. Right now, B.C. is the highest in job growth,” says Sandhar. “Under their rule, B.C. had the highest unemployment.

Now B.C. has the lowest unemployment.”

According to Sandhar, the Liberals will also ensure that there are jobs for students coming out of post-secondary school.

“We want schools and universities to have that investment so that kids who want to pursue a career in a certain field have that opportunity, but then, at the same time, once you complete your education you’re able to have a job to start your career.”

SURREY-PANORAMA

Jinny Sims “[Residents of Panorama] feel like they’re working harder and longer hours for less,” says Jinny Sims, formerly an MP for Newton-North Delta. “Many of them will tell you, ‘We feel all we do is work, and we don’t mind working hard, but it’s a struggle.’”

Sims says that she benefited from free post-secondary education in England. Graduating without student debt allowed her to buy a house within a year of leaving school. This experience convinced her of the value of removing financial barriers to education.

As MLA for Panorama, Sims would focus on addressing the ongoing opioid crisis, and is 54.29% 35.74% proud of the NDP’s platform for public health.

“Mental health issues are huge, huge, huge,” she says. “I’m hearing from teachers that early as grade two and three they’re beginning to see the signs of depression, and so when mental health issues are not addressed early on, they multiply.”

11.54%

4.29%

Veronica Greer If elected, Green Party nominee Veronica Greer could become B.C.’s first transgendered MLA. Scottish-born Greer is a human rights and environmental activist. Unfortunately, Greer did not respond to The Runner’s request to be interviewed for this profile.

Sargy Chima Sargy Chima, a long-time B.C. public servant, says that the biggest issue in the Whalley riding is keeping the streets safe.

“We need to work together with the city, with other stakeholders, nonprofit organisations, the community as a whole to ensure that we can help [addicts] through the system, and that may include shelters and rehab. We need to get these people back so that they can build up their self esteem, their confidence level, and empower them to be able to do things,” says Chima.

Chima says that strengthening of border services is key to keeping fentanyl out of the province.

Also important to Chima is education affordability, and she attributes the Liberal government with the the fact that tuition in B.C. is the fourth lowest in the country.

Bruce Ralston As a long-time representative for Surrey-Whalley, Bruce Ralston emphasizes the NDP’s plan to create 110,000 new housing units in the province over the next several years.

Improvements for access to health care in Whalley will also be a major priority for Ralston, who criticizes the Liberal government’s response to the opioid crisis. He says that the NDP will provide better support for mental health by creating a separate ministry for mental health and addiction.

Ralston says that Surrey is currently underserved for transit and takes pride in the NDP’s plan to match federal transit funding, as well as their intention to make all current and future student loans interest-free.

“Our leader, John Horgan, through his own personal experience, understands the power and the liberating effect of education, and he’s a real strong advocate for education. It’s made a huge difference in his own life,” says Ralston.

SURREY-Whalley

29.54%

61.43%

9.03%

Rita Fromholt Rita Fromholt believes that transit is the biggest issue for voters in her riding, and that moving away from dependence on cars is imperative for the long-term environmental and economic health of Surrey. She says that the city’s transportation infrastructure has not kept up with the city’s growth.

Where the Greens’ transit plans differs from that of the NDP and the Liberals is in the support for continued bridge tolls on the Lower Mainland, which the other parties have both promised to faze out. Fromholt backs the tolls, arguing that the revenue they bring in is needed for investments in public transits infrastructure. Fromholt supports the Surrey municipal government’s plan for light rail as well as other transit upgrades.

“Surrey has the potential to be a very livable and walkable community for young families and students and seniors, people looking to get away from the really really high housing prices in Vancouver,” she says.

Ridings 11 Marvin Hunt Marvin Hunt has been the MLA for Surrey-Panorama since 2013, and has served as a Surrey City Councillor for a total of 23 years.

“I’m running because I am a free-enterpriser. I believe in a small government [and] low taxes, so that the individuals can fulfill their dreams and vision, and prosper and build the community,” he says. “We want to be able to have the resources available in our post-secondary education system so individuals can develop their full potential.”

Hunt feels that Surrey has been “underserved in post-secondary education,” and that it shows in the municipality’s low participation rates in local post-secondary institutions. However, he also believes that the arrival of SFU’s campus here and the growth of KPU is “something we continue to work on.”

Rebecca Smith Rebecca Smith is the Executive Director of the Surrey Hospice Society and the B.C. Psychological Association, and has been a small business owner and operator of her own consulting firm.

“Every day, I hear from families who are struggling to make ends meet. Families can’t find affordable child care. They worry about their rising debt-levels and spend far too much time stuck in traffic,” wrote Smith, in the media release published following her nomination. “$10 a day childcare will not only help families, but also help grow the economy. The B.C. NDP will work with municipalities to get needed transportation infrastructure built.”

Smith stands with the NDP’s platform promise of raising the minimum wage to $15, wants to focus on improving the province’s health care system, and and would like to see greater investment in clean energy and technologies.

SURREY-CLOVERDALE

59.46%

28.99%

11.54%

Aleksandra Muniak The issues Aleksandra Muniak is focusing on are “housing affordability, education, reform within the MCFD and homelessness,” as well as mental health and addiction.

“The B.C. Greens align with my values on so many of the issues I find particularly important, including the need for increased standard of living, quality education for all income groups, and strong healthcare that includes care for those with addictions, seniors and those requiring mental health services,” wrote Muniak, following her nomination.

When asked why the people of her district should vote for her in the Elections B.C. candidate survey, Muniak responded, “I consider myself the best candidate to represent Surrey-Cloverdale because I am in touch and understand the struggles of many families.

Mary Polak Mary Polak has been the incumbent Liberal MLA for Langley since 2005, winning three consecutive terms. Most recently, she has served on the Executive Council of B.C. as the Minister of the Environment, but she has also been the Minister of Transportation and Infrastructure, Minister of Aboriginal Relations and Reconciliation, Minister of Children and Family Development, Minister Responsible for Child Care, and Minister of Healthy Living and Sport.

Polak is a member of the Cabinet Working Group on Liquefied Natural Gas and the Priorities and Planning Committee. She also vice-chairs the Environment and Land Use Committee.

Before her involvement in B.C. politics, she was the chair and a trustee on the Surrey School Board.

LANGLEY

Gail Chaddok-Costello In a town hall meeting on April 25, Gail Chaddock-Costello said that the provincial government needs to “improve health care, and so the NDP plan is to look at centring acute care centres across B.C.. They’ll be in remote areas in the Lower Mainland, and will be available 24 hours a day to address the acute needs of individuals with mental health needs, as well as [other] care issues.”

“My reputation in Langley is one of commitment to the people I serve, a drive to accomplish goals, and an ability to keep the lines of communication open to ensure the work continues to represent the needs of the community,” she wrote in her candidate statement. “As a parent and community member I understand the unique challenges of Langley and am eager to work with the community to use my experience and skills to get the job done.”

Elizabeth Walker “I’m not a politician,” said Elizabeth Walker, in her media release. “I’m a responsive and 51.44% 27.13% 9.56% 11.88% compassionate small business owner motivated to work each day to ensure the needs of our community are understood and are accommodated fairly and effectively. My key passions include education, clean energy, the environment, and building strong communities.”

“People often want to peg the B.C. Greens as left wing or right wing—those are really outdated terms,” said Walker, at an April 25 town hall meeting. “We are about good policy and evidence-based decision making, which is not fixated on either side of the spectrum.”

“I think we can do better in government,” she said. “I hope to be one part of that agent of change along with my B.C. Green colleagues that are running in the election, because we are concerned about the future of our province and where we’re headed.”

Results from the 2013 Elections, taken from Elections BC.

12 Comments

A Provincial Election on Unceded Territory The complications of voting if you’re an Indigenous Canadian Justin Bige | Contributor Encouraging Indigenous people to vote seems like an obvious suggestion to make in advance of the upcoming election, but such participation can actually be silencing rather than empowering.

In a representative government like British Columbia’s, to have a choice in who leads means to cast a ballot, but for many in B.C. this choice is still quite new. Unlike most Canadian provinces, B.C. has not had treaty negotiations with a majority of the original inhabitants of its land.

Would participation in an election held by such a government—which, for all intents and purposes, is squatting on First Nations land—not give consent to said government to ignore Indigenous rights and title across the province? And if there are rights under Indian Act status, would voting threaten that? The province continues to issue permits to corporations extracting resources, despite different Indigenous communities saying no.

They often manufacture consent out of the participation of voting by different Indigenous communities.

When push comes to shove, and the existence of Indigenous communities is at stake, participation may also be integral as a tool of survival. Swing ridings in many interior provinces can be determined by the votes Indigenous people, particularly Indigenous youth. Still, the result was a federal Liberal government which failed to keep many positive promises for the prosperity of Indigenous communities.

Should the First Nations in British Columbia have confidence that the provincial government will change its behaviour? Are promises by the NDP or Green Party just lip service, or is removing Christy Clark’s Liberal government worth engaging the Indigenous vote?

Personally, I lean towards the latter. But I can’t forget to acknowledge the lack of trust that other Indigenous people like me have for the government.

This July, Canada may have its anniversary of confederation for 150 years of a supposedly representative democracy, but until 1960, First Nations, Inuit, and Metis people were unable to even vote in Canadian elections. For B.C. that right came in 1949. Before these dates, First Nations had to give up their status as Indigenous peoples to vote, just as they did to join the military, go to post-secondary school, and do many other things that others take for granted.

In 1871 James Douglas claimed that the province of B.C. had joined confederation with the consent of First Nations. In reality, at the Fort Langley parliament building where the documents were signed, even Kwantlen First Nation was barred

from witnessing the event. It was a fraudulent claim that backed the Confederation of Canada, and ultimately led to the creation of the Indian Act of 1876 and the Indian Residential Schools.

In terms of governance for First Nations in B.C., confederation led a push in policy to erode structures that have been practiced in different Indigenous communities for thousands of years. This was the Indian Act “Band Chief-and-Council” format that the government of Canada pushed upon different reserves through the newly created Department of Indian Affairs.

First it was a voluntary format, the selling point of which was the inclusion of Indigenous voices through representative governance.

This was done through their elected Band Chief-and-Council. In reality the result was the silencing of Indigenous voices in parliament. When few bands desired this model, the Department of Indian Affairs made it mandatory, withholding treaty obligations unless they complied. There was still resistance, thus the implementation of Indian Agents who were given authority to remove traditional and hereditary leaders of First Nations.

They could even ban them from running in elections. It was these policies that led to the present-day governance practices that are often abused.

Some First Nations in B.C. have returned to their traditional governance structures. Kwantlen First Nation is one such band. Brandon Gabriel, nephew of Hereditary Chief Marilyn Gabriel, has spoken about provincial elections and the historical context of the Indian act. He has said that KFN operated under the Indian Act from 1876 to 1993. When Brandon’s grandfather, Chief Joe Gabriel, passed away, Marilyn Gabriel directed the KFN towards old ways.

The first change towards traditional modes of governance was changing their name. Before 1993,

Kwantlen First Nation was known as the Fort Langley Indian Band. Names can have a profound effect on identity for a First Nation, and Brandon mentions, “I didn’t know what Nation I was from before that.”

Gabriel explains that his Nation no longer abides by Indian Act rules to elect “managers and administra-

tors,” since asserting autonomy on Unceded Coast Salish Territories can be done from a grassroots level, and allows operation from a strategic fiscal and social perspective.

In regards to the election at hand, Brandon said that voting didn’t feel very meaningful to him in terms of “influence or bargaining” government on any provincial legislative

level. That isn’t to say that KFN isn’t active on a political front, even with 2017’s election. Gabriel did a Territorial welcoming for the all-candidates debate in Langley, Abbotsford, and Aldergrove. though there were no B.C. Liberal Party candidates or current MLAs present. What they received looked more like an unwelcoming.

“Not just an unwelcoming, but … a proclamation that [the provincial] government has no credibility in the eyes of the Kwantlen people. We will not honour them with our ancient protocols by welcoming them into our territory because of their stance and support of resource exploitative industries, and that their practices go against our Unceded sovereignty and rights as Kwantlen people,” he says.

One cannot vote without also consenting to the government’s existence to begin with. But no vote does not mean no say, and in some cases, it means an even greater impact. For Kwantlen First Nation and Brandon Gabriel, the choice is clear.

“We’re going to engage in the way that we find suitable to holding this government accountable,” says Gabriel. “This doesn’t always look like voting. Voting is not the only way to uphold a democracy.”

Brandon Gabriel, nephew of Kwantlen Hereditary Chief Marilyn Gabriel, says that voting is only one way for First Nations to influence provincial legsiltaure. (Submitted)

Provincial Parties Lack Solid Proposal for Regulating Legal Cannabis

Local dispensaries unsure of how their business will change next year Braden Klassen| Contributor The federal government revealed their plans to legalise the possession of cannabis for recreational purposes on April 13. In the weeks leading up to the provincial election, the major parties have all tossed out suggestions as to how they might regulate the sale of cannabis following the legalisation, but none of them have tabled a formal proposal or framework.

“My number one concern is making sure we keep marijuana out of the hands of kids and its distribution isn’t in neighbourhoods that don’t want it and isn’t near schools,” said Premier Christy Clark in a report published by The Vancouver Sun. The same report stated that John Horgan of the NDP and Andrew Weaver of the Green Party would advocate for public liquor stores and pharmacies to dispense cannabis.

It is uncertain how these models might affect existing cannabis dispensaries in B.C..

“In my opinion, I don’t think it would be a concern for our business,” says Julie Nguyen, the general manager at Aura Health Studio & Dispensary in Burnaby. “But I also don’t think that that would be the right

(Nat Mussell) model. If anyone really knows, usually drugs and alcohol don’t mix very well, particularly alcohol and cannabis together. It doesn’t always create a positive experience.”

The parties also have not stated if cannabis would be taxed in the same way as alcohol or cigarettes in B.C..

“We know that they’re going to have to set something up where it can be taxed,” says Nguyen. “But there are arguments for and against, and I really can’t comment on how that’s going to affect us because we have no idea where it’s going to go.”

She continues, “We’re already working with a regulatory group called CAMCD, the Canadian Association of Medical Cannabis Dispensaries, and we are establishing guidelines on how products should be tested and what kind of testing needs to be done and what are the thresholds before we deem a product to be safe for the market. So most definitely, we’ll adapt to any new regulations that do come out, because we want to make sure that we are keeping patient safety first.”

CAMCD has a list of criteria

called Required Organizational Practices that dispensaries need to adhere to if they wish to become members of the association. The list includes points like assurance of product quality control and verifying that the patients have reached the age of majority and have “documentation demonstrating a diagnosis and related symptoms for which cannabis has well-documented potential medical applications.”

The federal government has set the minimum age limit for purchasing cannabis for medical or recreational use at 18 years old, but will leave it up to the provinces to decide whether or not to raise that limit.

Nguyen’s dispensary has a business license and has met the city’s guidelines, but many others that are not in compliance with the city’s demands will likely be affected by government regulations over the next year.

“We’ve yet to see any action be taken for those dispensaries to be removed,” says Liberal MLA Mary Polak. “We are going to have to make sure as a province that we give enough authority to local governments so that we support them in whatever bylaw making they need to do.”

B.C. Greens Want to Experiment with Basic Guaranteed Income It isn’t as crazy as it seems Joseph Keller | Web Editor Perhaps the most striking aspect of the B.C. Green Party’s platform is the idea of a guaranteed income as a safety net for British Columbians who find themselves unable to bring in a living wage.

It’s an idea that has been toyed with in Canada by various groups for some time, but in recent years has gained a political foothold in mainstream Canadian politics. Still, the idea simply does not make sense to many Canadians, and there is strong ideological opposition to the thought of tax dollars supporting people who can’t, or won’t, support themselves.

The Greens’ plan for basic income is a way of introducing British Columbia to what is a new and strange concept for many. While it’s not likely to be implemented any time soon, we should come to an understanding about the concept, because it will likely only become more prevalent in Canadian politics as time goes on.

The B.C. Green Party has a fiveyear experiment planned to test the waters for a basic income in B.C. A small B.C. community would be se-

lected to be the guinea pig, and for those five years residents making less than a living wage would have their income supplemented by the provincial government.

Basic income shouldn’t be seen as a way for people to live off of a welfare state while doing no work.

It should be looked at as a safety net that allows low income Canadians to take the steps to pull themselves out of poverty without being forced to live paycheque to paycheque. A single parent with a basic income would have the opportunity to focus on putting themselves through post-secondary education, whereas without it, they might be forced to dedicate that time to a minimum wage job to support their children.

A guaranteed income could also benefit business by making the minimum wage obsolete. If the basic needs of employees are already being met, employers have no obligation to pay what is now considered a living wage. Businesses would be able to pay what the work is worth and what the market demands.

As it is now, the idea of a basic income still seems like a utopian fantasy, but the reality is that we may be reaching a point where it becomes a

necessity. As automation takes over all aspects of industry demand for human labor decreases, which means that there will be fewer and fewer jobs to go around in the decades to come. The 2016 election in the United States was decided in part because of falling manual labor employment and a mistaken belief that jobs could be brought back to the U.S. from wherever they had gone. The truth is that, in many cases, those jobs weren’t lost to foreigners, but to machines. This new fact of life will not change, but grow. The earlier we start thinking about how to support the people that

are left behind the better.

Canada’s flirtation with guaranteed minimum income is only beginning. While it’s not likely that the Greens will gain enough influence to put their proposed experiment into practice as a result of this year’s provincial election, there are concrete plans for a similar pilot in Ontario soon to be put into action by the Ontario Liberals, and the idea has already gained support in theory from the federal Liberal Party. The concept that has been introduced here in B.C. by the Greens is one we will certainly hear more about in the future.

(Nat Mussell)

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Which Parties Will Protect Whistleblowers?

Joseph Keller | Web Editor Issues like housing affordability and environmental protection have rightfully come to the forefront of this provincial election, but how has each party committed to protecting those who watch for and expose the government’s ethical shortcomings?

It’s troubling that, even in a country like Canada, whistleblowers often pay a price for speaking out when they catch their employers breaking the law. Canada’s whistleblower laws have been criticized for failing to offer real protection, with many people losing their jobs and facing legal consequences for speaking out.

Most of the major parties have now made some kind of commitment to protecting whistleblowers, including the Green Party. Last year, the Greens proposed a new set of rules for industry to protect the environment featuring provisions to strengthen protections for those speaking out against corruption.

The B.C. NDP has also made promises in their platform for democratic reforms that would include whistleblower protections, and has recently backed up these promises with the introduction of the Whistleblower Protection Act. The stated purpose of the legislation is “to facilitate the disclosure and investigation of significant and serious matters in or relating to the public service, that are potentially unlawful, dangerous to the public or injurious to the public and to protect persons who make those disclosures.”

The act lays out procedures for whistleblowing and states that, as long as the procedures have been followed, no person can attempt reprisal against the whistleblower.

There is no mention of whistleblower protections in the 2017 B.C. Liberal Party platform. This is a concerning aspect of the platform from a party that has been bogged down by several scandals brought to light by whistleblowers.

The fact that the other major parties in this election have made a point to strengthen protection for whistleblowers while the incumbent party has chosen to do nothing and remain silent on the issue is something that should register with voters as they head to the polls.

14 Comments

Clean Growth and the 2017 B.C. Election Webinar B.C. Mary Polak, George Heyman, and Andrew Weaver talk about climate action on April 20 Liberals Have Failed on Climate Action Alyssa Laube | Associate Editor

Justin Bige | Contributor This election, the continued exploitation of B.C. land is at stake.

From the constant issuing of permits for projects like the Mount Polley mine, Trans Mountain’s pipeline expansion, and the Site C Dam, to the subsequent lack of consultation with First Nations, this election will determine who makes important decisions regarding the environment.

Mount Polley has achieved notoriety as the worst mining disaster in Canada’s many years of colonial occupation. A few years ago it flooded millions of tonnes of tailings into the nearby Quesnel Lake. Just recently, Imperial Metals, which operates the mine in Mount Polley, has been granted permits by the province to continue its work and eject any waste it wishes into the Quesnel Lake.

This corporation has been permitted, without any preventative or restorative obligation, to continue its operation and cause an even larger disaster. The NDP has always been critical of the conduct around Mount Polley, and the Green Party has pledged in its platform to not allow this illicit and irresponsible behaviour to continue by re-establishing environmental assessment.

On Nov. 26 of last year, Justin Trudeau and Christy Clark announced the federal approval of the Trans Mountain/Kinder Morgan pipeline. This happened through the federally mandated and provincially supported National Energy Board, which barred First Nations from its consultation process, under a Liberal government.

Time and time again, the Site C Dam has proved to be a wildly expensive project that First Nations oppose and, due to Treaty 8, should have final say on. If it were to stop now, at least $2 billion could be saved. The energy need projections for Site C that B.C. Hydro has released have proven to be incorrect, and energy needs are lowering at a staggering rate. The taxpayer also loses, as the project will not only drain public dollars but increase hydro bills across the board.

The Liberal Party has made it clear that it cares more about making money than finding alternatives to supporting dying industries. When you go to the polling stations this election, ask yourself which party has the best interest of British Columbians in mind, and be prepared to hold that party accountable for its actions.

Climate change is influencing politics more than ever before, particularly in British Columbia. Our province’s resources are an enormous contributor to our collective identity, economy, and culture, and as the globe continues to warm, the resources that make the world go ‘round will become more important and less bountiful.

That’s an issue for everyone to hold in high regard, including members of government.

With the cold, hard facts about climate change in mind—especially those that threaten human safety and well-being—politicians are starting to weave climate action plans into their campaigns. This has been a noticeable change so far in the 2017 B.C. election. The Liberals, Greens, and NDP have all proposed plans for environmental action, and are making investment in fields like green energy key parts of their platforms.

The Liberal Party’s Mary Polak, NDP’s George Heyman, and Greens’ Andrew Weaver, who is also the party’s leader, convened online for a webinar on “clean growth” on April 20.

For one hour they answered questions asked by Judith Sayers of the University of Victoria, Sybil Seitzinger of the Pacific Institute for Climate Solutions, Tony Gioventu of the Condominium Home Owners’ Association of B.C., and Bryan MacLeod of Clean Energy B.C. The director of the Pembina Institute, Josha MacNab, moderated the

Andrew Weaver (top right), Mary Polak (bottom left), and George Heyman (bottom right) discuss their respective parties’ views on the environment on April 20. (Alyssa Laube)

discussion.

“There’s no question that the single biggest issue facing mankind is the issue of climate change, and for public policymakers the challenge that presents is how we move forward in trying to tackle that challenge and, at the same time, making sure that we’re keeping people full in terms of their livelihoods,” Polak said in her opening statement.

Heyman opened with a jab at Liberal Premier Christy Clark for not lowering emissions to satisfactory levels, and stated that the B.C. NDP will adopt changes to the energy sector, set and meet targets, and keep the lower-middle class in mind while doing so.

Weaver reminded his audience that he got into politics because he got “sick and tired of politicians saying one thing and doing the other in the

area of climate leadership.”

“The B.C. Liberals have no plan.

The B.C. NDP claim they have a plan but the single most important and underpinning aspect of the plan is missing, and that is carbon pricing,” he says. “We have a plan that would increase the carbon price by ten dollars per year to seventy dollars a tonne, which will be twenty dollars over the amount that Trudeau has mandated anyway.”

Questions asked by panelists focused on how parties will help citizens adapt to climate change, deal with Site C and First Nations relations, and create environmentally friendly infrastructure and buildings, among related topics.

Only Polak defended the merits of Site C, saying that although the Liberals “want to encourage renewable and clean energy projects, especially with

First Nations,” preventing ratepayers from paying higher electricity bills is the party’s current priority.

Weaver feels that “bringing Site C on has essentially killed the green sustainability sector in B.C.,” and that it “is being constructed to provide energy for an industry that doesn’t exist, which is the LNG industry.”

Heyman agrees that renewable energy is where the government should be funneling its money and energy, particularly “with a focus on the tremendous opportunities for the First Nations for wind, solar, and when it’s managed for environmental impact, hydro,” all of which he says can create jobs.

Weaver also emphasized the importance of small changes to building construction such as putting in charging stations for electric vehicles.

Polak talked about “moving towards net zero buildings” while providing incentives for large buildings transitioning to using “more efficient technology,” and Heyman echoed the significance of weaving sustainability into the construction of homes and home appliances.

The general consensus was that environmentalism is important, but, perhaps for the Liberals, not important enough to sacrifice immediate economic gains. Weaver was the most enthusiastic about reform that would push B.C. towards a greener future, whereas, characteristically for the NDP, Heyman stood on relatively middle-left ground.

John Horgan and the Leap Manifesto

Horgan lashed by competition for failing to take a stance on the document

Alyssa Laube | Associate Editor The Leap Manifesto has been rustling Canadian feathers ever since it was made public in 2015.

The document calls for an intense—some say impossible—plan for halting global warming and reverting to community-based economies, eliminating free trade, the fossil fuel industry, and the pollution that they create. If executed properly, meeting the demands of the Manifesto would surely put us on the right track in terms of environmentalism, saving our tails as well as those of creatures all around the world.

Whether or not the Manifesto ever could be properly executed has been hotly debated by some of the most intelligent folks around the country, and now, John Horgan is being forced to give his two cents.

“It’s a document that I don’t embrace personally. There are elements in the document that make sense and there are elements that make no sense for British Columbia. So we won’t proceed under any kind of manifes-

to in the next 12 months under my leadership,” he said to reporters at the Legislature in April.

By saying so, Horgan infuriated environmentalists. By giving the document any positive recognition at all, he infuriates economists and invites his competition to slander him. The federal NDP’s support of the Leap Manifesto has been used as ammunition, particularly by the Liberals.

Unsurprisingly, they have veiled the document as a threat to job creation and economic prosperity. Meanwhile the federal NDP has officially endorsed the Manifesto, although not without a fair amount of bickering.

When it comes down to the facts, Horgan wasn’t involved in the federal decision to back the Manifesto and all that it entails. He has personally acknowledged that he has never tried to introduce the Manifesto into his political platform and, supposedly, never will.

It seems that the fuss made over the provincial NDP’s support or lack of support for the Leap Manifesto is no more than another dirty political

trick. Surely the Manifesto is radical. The entire basis of capitalism in North America would have to crumble to make room for its recommendations, and the Liberal Party is likely right about job losses in some sectors, particularly those pertaining to the fossil fuel industry.

However, the B.C. NDP is fighting back against liquified natural gas projects. They’ve shown relative discontent in response to Site C, and are generally moving more towards a greener political platform.

It shouldn’t be used as an insult that a politician would be willing to encourage the fundamental meaning behind the Leap Manifesto. If you forget about the recoverable loss of jobs and focus on the implications behind its mandate, the document is striving for a healthier and less destructive existence for Canadians.

British Columbians would not be who they are without the lush forests, expansive bodies of water, and beautiful wildlife that fill the province, and neither would their economy. The majority of us are fortunate enough

to have clean water to use and air to breathe, but that may not be the case forever if nothing is done to prevent climate change from worsening. The Leap Manifesto creators know that, and they are calling for action, however extreme.

This election comes at a time when the NDP is in desperate need of a firmer identity. Horgan has swayed a bit further left at times, and right at others, and has been criticized by Clark and Weaver for his apparent inability to pick a side.

They’re not wrong. How can the NDP speak out against the LNG, and then viciously deny any support of the Leap Manifesto? It doesn’t help unify their image, nor does it fortify the already limp reputation the party is struggling to shed.

Horgan and his party need to make a solid decision on where they stand with climate change. If the Manifesto is too radical to even be partially supported by them, we as voters need to consider how seriously they are taking their promises for environmental action.

Comments 15

Runner Run-Down: Public-Private Partnerships

What looks good on paper ends up costing more taxpayer money in the long run Braden Klassen| Contributor A Public-Private Partnership—or “P3”—is a contractual arrangement between a government entity and a private company or companies that allows them to work together to invest in, create, and maintain public services or infrastructure projects like hospitals, roads, schools, and water facilities. This process is different than what is known as “traditional procurement” of public sector infrastructure because the government is able to transfer some of the upfront financial risk of the project to a corporation, which means that the government and taxpayer money is protected if anything goes wrong in the initial phases of development.

Generally, the traditional procurement of something like a bridge follows the process of “design, bid, build,” which involves the government taking responsibility for the design of the project and then hiring a private contractor to build it. Afterwards, the government resumes responsibility for operations and maintenance. This means that if there is some kind of flaw in the design of the project that leads to it costing more, the government is responsible for footing the bill with taxpayer money.

By using a P3 to finance the project, they can distance themselves from fiscal liability and lower the costs upfront, which reflects well in their annual budget. However, as Michael

TReO, the toll collection apparatus for the Port Mann and Golden Ears bridges, was created by Transportation Investment Corporation, the crown corporation responsible for the completion of the Port Mann/Highway 1 Improvement Project through a public-private partnership. (Braden Klassen)

Mills, vice president of Investments at Public-Private Partnerships Canada, said in a 2015 interview for Advantage Magazine: “Just like a traditional model, the public sector owns the asset and will ultimately pay for it.”

Governments can secure large investment loans at a lower premium than private companies and leverage taxes to cover any other costs in order to pay off the debt quicker. Critics argue that even though most infrastructure P3s look good on paper, they end up costing the province much more money in the long run.

The Port Mann and Golden Ears Bridges are often used as examples of this. Both bridges are tens of mil-

lions of dollars behind on their initial revenue projections and will be tolled for decades until the debt is fully paid.

The private partner responsible for making up the lost revenue is a little Crown corporation called Transportation Investment Corporation, or T.I. Corp.—although most people know them by their toll-operating brand name TReO. The operation costs of the system that TReO has implemented has added millions to the price tags of the bridges, and has incurred the hidden costs of the additional burden placed on the Massey Tunnel and Pattullo Bridge as commuters use these routes to circumvent the tolls.

Another P3 venture that has attracted criticism in B.C. is the Abbotsford Regional Hospital and Cancer Centre. In her book Purchase for Profit, Public-Private Partnerships and Canada’s Public Health Care System, Heather Whiteside, an assistant professor at the University of Waterloo, examines the history of the hospital’s construction.

It was originally slated to cost $211 million when the project was announced in 2001, but those costs had risen to $355 million in 2004 when construction began. The increase was due to the addition of some improvements to the hospital’s design, but also because the P3 negotiations de-

layed the project until the construction market had begun to boom, which ran up the partners an extra $63 million in inflation costs.

Partnerships BC is the designated body responsible for organizing and recommending P3 projects in B.C..

However, in 2015 The Tyee published a story referencing a B.C. Finance Ministry report published on the provincial government’s website that criticized the organization. The report has since been removed from the site, but a selection of the recommendations are still available to the public.

One such section states that “Partnerships B.C. should increase transparency by ensuring that project owners fully understand the financial model and its assumptions.” Another one recommends that the government “consider reinforcing the conflict of interest guidelines for board members of Crown corporations and government agencies and ensure that those guidelines are appropriately followed.”

The organization’s impartiality has been reportedly called into question because Partnerships B.C. is as self-sustaining organization. There may be an element of self-interest in the advice they give the government when it comes to recommending the use of P3 methods of infrastructure procurement—despite the fact that it may not be the most cost effective way to proceed.

Are B.C. MLA’s Dominated by Party Whips?

Like other democracies, parties in B.C. should be less disciplined

Tristan Johnston |Coordinating Editor In the United States, it’s not bizarre to see Republicans speaking against their party. John McCain has spoken against the judgement of Trump, Arnold Schwarzenegger has talked about climate change, and Ron Paul voted against the war in Iraq. Very few Republicans voted in favour of Trumpcare, despite it being a key promise made by the president.

It’s not that the United States is unusual in this, but Canada is. Our nation has some of the most disciplined party members of any country in the world, thanks largely to party whips who keep them in check.

Right now in federal parliament, Nathaniel Erskine-Smith has voted against the Liberal party 22 times, but he’s only one MP, and still votes with the party 87 per cent of the time.

Finding members like this is even more difficult in provincial legislature. According to data from imagine-x.ca, only 1.8 per cent of votes by MLA’s in B.C. from 2013-2016 went against party lines.

In theory, our first-past-the-post system is supposed to be good at geo-

graphic representation, and Canada in general is great when it comes to electoral maps drawn by independent commissions. Even if everyone was in the same party, the desires and opinions of people in different geographic ridings would surely be different. Fishing regulations will mean

(Scott McLelland)

something different to someone living on the coast compared to someone living inland. Someone in the city will likely need transit more than someone in a rural area. All voices and constituencies should be heard regardless.

On one hand, party discipline

is beneficial if you like absolutely everything the party is promising.

It isn’t if you want your MLA to be more than a $104,009.66 warm body who stands up when votes are called.

Sure, if your MLA said they were in favour of having an LRT going through your Surrey riding, they better stand up when transit funding is being voted on, but they should also speak up if the party decides to drop the promise.

MLA’s do have an opportunity to go to caucus meetings and talk about whether or not a bill would make them look bad to their constituents, just like in national parliament and in the United States. However, according to the 2013 documentary Whipped: The Secret World of Party Discipline by Sean Holman, some of these meetings might never take place. One MLA reportedly was made aware of a major government decision 45 minutes before it was announced.

In the same documentary, Paul Willcocks, the former publisher of the Times Colonist in Victoria, mentions that sometimes parties don’t want to deal with the overreaction

from journalists when there’s a small disagreement amongst MLA’s. Going against the party is so rare for MLA’s that journalists have a tendency to turn it into a story, regardless of the degree of disagreement.

The fact that parties in B.C. don’t even allow for dissent with permission is painful. While majorities have been narrow in recent legislatures, surely a Liberal MLA from Surrey can’t possibly agree on everything with a Liberal MLA in Nechako Lakes. Even in a theoretical scenario where a few votes won’t prevent a bill from passing, voices still aren’t being heard in the current system.

Consider this: the last time a government bill in B.C. was defeated, it was in 1953 and tabled by the party in power, which was a minority government.

When going to the polls on May 9, ask yourself whether or not your MLA will do what they’re told. Not by the party, but by you, the voter.

Show us your story #runnermag Your picture could be selected as our featured photo!

Sudoku

Horoscopes

SUDOKU No. 173

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