Ryerson Free Press August 2009

AUG

2009

CITY WORKERS END THEIR STRIKE.

WHAT DOES THIS MEAN FOR TORONTO?

NEWS Toronto Caribbean Flavour

By Jean Hodgkinson

As July gives way to August, the unmistakable rumbling of the city’s annual Caribana season can once again be heard revving itself up. And despite some last minute venue changes, it appears that not even the municipal workers’ strike was going to convince the city it ought to cancel one of its oldest, most diverse and lucrative summer festivals. So the customary ensemble of Caribana-related activities took place right through the first weekend of August in celebration of the diversity and creativity of West Indian culture.

On July 23, the Royal Ontario Museum (ROM) launched its “Beyond the Rhythm: Caribana Art Exhibit.” Now in its second year, this newest addition to “North America’s largest outdoor event celebrating Caribbean and African-Canadian heritage” represents a departure of sorts from traditional Caribana-related events. It is definitely the one for people who don’t like noise.

“The ROM is pleased to provide all Torontonians the opportunity to experience a unique and powerful art exhibition in the context of Caribana,” said William Thorsell, Director and CEO of Canada’s largest museum. He cited “enthusiastic response” to last year’s inaugural exhibition and “the ROM’s Engage the World mandate” as motivating factors for bringing it back in 2009 for a second consecutive year.

The 50 juried canvasses represent 25 African-Canadian artists from the Caribbean and beyond, 11 male, 14 female, spanning the ages of 20 to 60 years. It is a unique opportunity to demonstrate to the uninitiated that the West Indian eye for vibrant colours and artistic expression isn’t relegated to the more familiar costumes that wind their way salaciously down Lakeshore Blvd every year. Produced by the Association of African Canadian Artists, the exhibition is located on the third floor of the ROM and was open to the public

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until Monday August 3.

On this last day of the “Beyond the Rhythm” exhibition, the traditional Caribana Monday picnic, now officially known as “De Scotiabank Caribana Lime,” will also be going ahead more or less as planned.

Normally held on Centre Island, this year’s edition has been moved to Heritage Square in Ontario Place due to the fact that the city’s ferry services have been hoisted into dry dock by the city workers strike.

Along with the new compliment of Tent Villages, entertainment, food and assorted activities began at noon and finished at 9 pm.

Two of Caribana’s staple events returned to their regular stomping grounds at Lamport Stadium, 1151 King Street West, just east of Dufferin. On Thursday July 30 Lamport Stadium hosted the annual King and Queen competition. This is a competition to judge who has the best individual costume. Elaborate constructions, they often need wheels, take months to assemble and typically stand 20 to 40 feet high. The two winners are crowned according to their respective sex.

On Friday July 31, the Ontario Steelpan Association moved into Lamport for the twelfth annual Pan Alive competition. It would be difficult to overestimate the significance of the steelband’s role in this festival. Caribana started as a mid-summer version of the annual Carnival in the Caribbean country of Trinidad & Tobago.

This original version falls on the Monday and Tuesday preceding Ash Wednesday, normally in February, and “pan” was invented there in the 1930s.

Fashioned out of otherwise useless oil barrels which had been discarded, it was the only non-electrical musical instrument invented in the twentieth century. Replacing more rudimentary instruments, it was immediately put to work providing music for the revellers in the streets during the two official days of Carnival celebrations, and

in the weeks leading up to them. A national competition was also instituted and the final round is, almost like its Torontonian progeny, held two days before the annual street portion of the festival.

Of course the main event is Saturday’s parade of the bands.

These masquerading participants chipped down the road and displayed their costumes for a panel of judges and the roughly one million spectators that line the route.

Masqueraders are accompanied on the road by music trucks playing the latest soca music, hip-hop or Jamaican dance hall, sometimes even by a steelband, and these revellers are committed to completing their mission of getting down the Lakeshore, rain or shine.

Saturday will also feature an event which is being introduced this year. The Tent Theatres at Marilyn Bell Park was host to live concerts by some of the soca music stars responsible for the music which will be reverberating all the way up and down the parade route. After Saturday’s parade is finished, and its completion is scheduled for 6 pm, there was the After Parade Fusion, which is an open-air concert for those people who may have missed the Tent Theatres performances and aren’t already drained by the previous couple of days’ activities.

People unfamiliar with Caribbean culture might have found this loose-fitting structure confusing and more than a little overwhelming, but that’s the genius of the West Indian festival, incarnations of which are now being celebrated all over the world— in London, New York, Miami and Jamaica to name but a few. All are welcomed, and all are encouraged to share in this diverse and energetic celebration. To be a spectator or even a masquerader takes no special skill, demanding little more than the desire to participate. And once you’ve had enough you simply wander off, head home and recuperate. It’s that simple.

Not all fun and Games

Vancouver police continue to target poor in lead up to Olympics

By Ariel Sharratt and James Burrows, News Editor In preparation for the 2010 winter Olympics the City of Vancouver is “cleaning up” downtown Vancouver by criminalizing the poor. In July the city of Vancouver passed a by-law package that seeks to limit the rights of Vancouver’s citizens in target areas. Following an outcry over an initial by-law package, the city softened some of the measures but maintains that they are still necessary.

Some provisions allow police to search anyone entering the city’s “Olympic Live Sites,” as well as limits protests to certain areas.

Councillor Suzanne Anton was quoted as concluding that she doesn’t “see any lingering hurdles to freedom of speech and other freedoms that we expect in our society lurking in the background of this bylaw.” Others are not so sure.

Residents and social workers in Vancouver’s poverty stricken Downtown East Side have been complaining that city policies are unfairly targeting their neighbourhood with serious repercussions for the poor and homeless. In response the city has appeared sympathetic but made it clear that this is simply part of doing business.

In the lead up to the Olympics police have been handing out tickets for everything from riding a bike without a helmet to jay-walking. Following a protest during a July council meeting the city promised to reverse the tickets given out to homeless citizens but no meeting is scheduled to do so and city council does not meet again until September.

Olympic host cities have a well-documented history of enforcing minor bylaws in the years before playing host to the Games.

In Sydney, in 2000, this meant anti-graffiti hotlines, expanding police powers to stop and search individuals, refitting all public benches to prevent people from lying down, blue lighting (which makes it impossible to find a vein) in all public toilets, and bright lighting in places used as shelter by the homeless.

University of Toronto sociologist Helen Jefferson Lenskyj has noted that during the Atlanta games in 1996, 9,000 AfricanAmerican homeless men “were kind of carted off and charged with some trumped-up crime like being in a parking lot without a car.”

Last February, Vancouver City

Some provisions allow police to search anyone entering the city’s “Olympic Live Sites,” as well as limits protests to certain areas.

Itzafineday/flickr

re: Six Nations Militia In the July issue the Ryerson Free Press an article was included titled “Militia with KKK sympathies forms to fight Six Nations.” I wrote the headline in order to highlight a connection that I believed the author was attempting to make between the Ku Klux Klan and the Militia. I believed that the author was attempting to say that the militia believed they are being treated by the police here in the same way that

the KKK were being treated in the American south and therefore are ideologically aligned. In actual fact the author was reporting that the militia believes that members of Six Nations First Nation are “Native supremacists” and that the police, by not arresting them for trespassing on the land they are occupying, are somehow guilty of the same inaction that the police in the American south are guilty of by not arresting white supremacist KKK members there. This was an honest mistake and I apologize for my mistake. I

Police revealed that 2008 had seen 439 bylaw infractions in the downtown, a huge jump from the 247 tickets issued in 2007. The jump was attributed to the lasting effects of “Project Civil City,” a municipal project introduced by former mayor Sam Sullivan in 2006 to prepare the city for the Olympics.

With stated goals of decreasing “aggressive panhandling,” the open drug trade and homelessness by 50 percent by the time of the Vancouver-Whistler Olympics, Project Civil City has been accused by many of criminalizing the poor in a misguided and unethical attempt to further “beautify” the city before the predicted influx of tourists for the 2010 Olympics.

Although a senior official with City Police stated that police “don’t care if tickets are ever paid,” and that “the purpose is to change behaviour - to get people to stop doing certain things,” anti-poverty groups in Vancouver stated earlier this year that they have encountered several individuals who have been jailed for not paying fines for minor infractions.

Current mayor of Vancouver, Gregor Robertson, has stated that he does not support the project’s goals, many of which were to be met through increased policing, and the project has not been renewed. But Robertson has not made any moves since his election to alleviate the special attention that anti-olympic activists and Vancouver’s poor and homeless have been receiving.

Members of the Anti-Poverty Committee (APC) have also noted that enforcement of bylaws for minor infractions, such as jaywalking, has been more predominant in the Downtown East Side than in richer neighbourhoods throughout the city.

The municipal Project Civil City is not the only policy which demands small acts, mostly associated with extreme poverty, be criminalized. In 2004 the provincial government passed the Safe Streets Act (SSA) which criminalized “aggressive pan-handling,” including squeegeeing, and was widely supported by the Vancouver Downtown Business Improvement Association.

Vancouver also began flying back prisoners to stand trial for minor offenses in other provinces.

In Canada, lesser offenses are usually not considered worth returning someone if they are stopped

out of province. The Vancouver Board of Trade made a public appeal in 2008 for people to donate their Air Miles to fly people to provinces where they may have an outstanding warrant for a minor offense.

The enforcement of minor regulations has also resulted in staggering evictions as hotels in the Downtown East Side have been closed, rather than fined, for not adhering to hygiene and safety standards. This has resulted, according to the Pivot Legal Society, which lobbies on behalf of residents, in the closure of 1,314 rooms that used to house lowincome tenants since the Games were announced in 2003.

Vancouver Police Superintendent Warren Lemke has been on record praising the “Broken Window Theory,” which is based on the book Fixing Broken Windows: Restoring Order and Reducing Crime in Our Communities by conservative sociologists George L. Kelling and Catherine Coles. It is based on the following example: “Consider a building with a few broken windows. If the windows are not repaired, the tendency is for vandals to break a few more windows. Eventually, they may even break into the building, and if it’s unoccupied, perhaps become squatters or light fires inside.”

The Broken Window Theory was infamously used in New York, under the direction of then-mayor Rudi Giuliani. Suddenly, the City was washing away graffiti overnight, arresting subway fare-jumpers and those caught urinating in public. The theory argues that by arresting people for begging, urinating, jaywalking, vending without a license, public drinking and any other action which might be, in the terms of Vancouver policy, “uncivil,” actual criminal offenses will be minimized. This type of policing results in minor infractions being turned into actual crimes especially when they are made by poor people in public spaces, as is most often the case. Sleeping on a park bench ceases to be a problem situated in a social context - in this case one where there is little to no affordable housing or social services - and becomes one that is punishable by imprisonment and bears a criminal record.

The process of “cleaning up” downtown Vancouver by criminalizing the poor is clearly well underway, with little change in sight.

hold myself to a much higher standard of reporting, as both an editor and a writer, than this. I do however, also feel that I cannot leave this matter with a simple apology.

I have reported on the Six Nations community and have interviewed many of those who are currently engaged in the reclamation efforts of the land near Caledonia. They are not Native supremacists. They are simply people attempting to right an historic wrong. They deserved to be congratulated for their courage and their refusal to allow corporate

and colonial interests to drive them away. The formation of this militia and its attempt to demonise the Indigineous population is offensive.

Six Nations activists are simply fighting for remuneration for lands that were expropriated and stolen from them without any compensation.

For a proper history of the Six Nations occupation please visit www. sixnations.ca/LandsResources.

Ryerson Free Press The monthly newspaper for continuing education, distance education and part-time students at Ryerson Address Suite SCC-301 Ryerson Student Centre 55 Gould Street Toronto, ON CANADA M5B 1E9

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Editor-In-Chief Nora Loreto

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Features and Opinions Editor James Clark

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Culture Editor amanda connon-unda

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Contributors inderjit bansal alexandra bosanac James Burrows stephen carlick chris chang jessica finch matthew flisfeder kaitlin fowlie dylan franks ronak ghorbani joseph ho jean hodgkinson mariana ionova salmaan abdul hamid khan kate macneill kate mills arti patel amanda perri jenny peto michael raab angela regnier Michelle RObidoux adriana rolston john rose vanessa santilli sachin seth ariel sharratt jesse ship james smith david thurton angela walcot kim wilson carmelle wolfson

Cover Photo DAN RIOS Publisher CESAR The opinions expressed in the Ryerson Free Press are not necessarily those of the editors or publisher.

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Ryerson Free Press august 2009 3

Dead Sea Scrolls protesters say Scrolls are ‘looted artifacts’

By Joseph Ho

Words that changed the world

By Angela Walcott Groups of people huddle around glass cases in a dimly lit room eager to catch a glimpse. Dozens more wait patiently off to the side for their opportunity. Small pieces of yellowed paper have stood the test of time—Biblical times, that is. These tiny fragments are what remain of the Dead Sea Scrolls, the oldest known manuscripts of any books of the Bible, currently on display at the Royal Ontario Museum (ROM).

The Scrolls were originally discovered

by Bedouin goat-herders tucked away in 11 caves off the shores of the Dead Sea near Khirbet Qumran in Palestine between 1947 and 1956.

Some are written in Greek, Aramaic and Hebrew.

The exhibit runs from June 27, to January 3, and will be displayed in two installments. From June until October, the exhibit will include the Book of War, the Book of Psalms and the Book of Daniel. The Book of War, which dates back to the 1st century (20 to 50 CE), was discovered in cave 11 in 1956.

It is said to include a ceremonial blessing to be recited over the surviving community of Israel after the final battle at the end of time.

From November to January 2010, the items featured in the exhibit will include a new scroll from Deuteronomy, the Book of Isaiah and a War Scroll. All are on loan from the Israel Antiquities Authority.

At the end of the exhibit, an interesting audio-visual segment reveals how some scholars’ handling of the Scrolls contributed to their decay. When the Scrolls were first discovered, scholars examined them in rooms with large windows, exposing the artifacts to lots of natural light. In addition, the scholars smoked, ate and drank while handling the papers. They used tape to hold the sheets of papyrus and parchment in place. The fragments were placed between

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glass plates under extreme pressure.

The Scrolls were written on papyrus and parchment, which are both organic materials. Over time, they disintegrated because of their heightened sensitivity to light and temperature. Despite their mishandling at the time of their discovery, the scrolls have survived.

Today the preservation process is more vigilant. This includes sewing the papers in place onto special paper before transport and, most importantly, housing the papers in a climate-controlled atmosphere. Every effort has been made to preserve the documents and reduce further deterioration.

Temperature and humidity are monitored

by Bestobell AquaTronix & SenSource. Sensors can detect fluctuations in temperature, and send an electronic message or text that alerts ROM staff if there is a problem. This is just one example of how modern-day technology is used to prevent permanent damage to the documents.

Apart from the actual Scrolls, the exhibit includes artifacts from the period such as jewelry, vases, lamps, ossuaries, amphorae, jugs, stone tableware, coins and architectural fragments from the Second Temple.

The Scrolls have been the object of great scholarly and public interest because they shed light on Judaism, Christianity and Islam. But they have also sparked a heated debate over their ownership. Palestinian officials have appealed to the Canadian government, arguing that the exhibit should be cancelled because the Scrolls were illegally seized from the Palestinians during the Six Day War in 1967. After the war, they fell into the hands of the Rockefeller Museum in Israel. Protesters have organized weekly pickets of the ROM on Friday afternoons to draw attention to the Scrolls’ dubious ownership.

The Royal Ontario Museum (ROM) calls it a “once in a lifetime opportunity to see one of the greatest archaeological finds of the 20th century.” But not everybody is flocking to downtown Toronto to see the world-famous Dead Sea Scrolls. A number of pro-Palestinian groups have criticized the museum for displaying “looted artifacts”— and have held weekly pickets outside the exhibit throughout July.

One of the groups, the Coalition Against Israeli Apartheid (CAIA), is demanding that the ROM dissociate itself from the Israel Antiquities Authority, with which the ROM has partnered to display the scrolls. The coalition also wants the ROM to recognize that the scrolls are looted Palestinian artifacts.

“We’re asking people not to go to the ROM and not to see the show because it’s being used to justify what Israel’s doing in Palestine,” said Sue Goldstein, a member of the International Jewish Anti-Zionist Network, and Women in Solidarity with Palestine. “These artifacts were taken from Palestine and they rightfully belong in Palestine—they’re not Israeli property.”

Protesters are trying to inform the public about the controversy around the scrolls, especially those attending the exhibit.

“We want to be out on the streets every Friday during the run of the exhibition to let people know that the Canadian public should be questioning our cultural institutions’ relationships with institutions like the Israel Antiquities Authority,” said Emma Goldman, a member of CAIA and Women in Solidarity with Palestine.

The Israel Antiquities Authority is responsible for the excavation, preservation and study of the country’s artifacts, but CAIA says that the acquisition of the scrolls was illegal under international law, which forbids the exportation of cultural property from an occupied territory during an armed conflict.

According to CAIA, the Dead Sea Scrolls, which were discovered between 1947 and 1956, were illegally seized by Israel during the Six Day War in 1967. Despite unanswered questions about the legality of the exhibit, the ROM has refused to address the protesters’ concerns.

“We actually did request the ROM to explain why they would be willing to work with the Israel Antiquities Authority in violation of United Nations conventions and they refused to answer us,” said Goldman.

A statement from Palestine House suggests that the ROM and the Israel Antiquities Authority both have a mutual interest in mounting the exhibit, even if it’s illegal.

It argues that the ROM will profit from the attendance, revenue and profile that the exhibit generates. Likewise, Israel will be able to improve its image, even after violat-

ing UN conventions and international law.

According to Palestine House, the Dead Sea Scrolls exhibit is part of Israel’s attempt to “rebrand” itself, as part of an ongoing publicity campaign to promote Israel abroad.

“Israel’s public relations project is made possible with the ROM’s complicity and collaboration,” the statement says.

Israel’s campaign doesn’t resonate with protesters.

“It’s like saying, ‘Israel is full of culture.

Israel is a great place to be,’” said Goldstein.

“The New York Times magazine has run ads for the last few years showing people at the beach in Tel Aviv when you know just kilometres away there are checkpoints and Palestinians trapped in their villages who are being fenced off and locked in by the wall.”

The controversy surrounding the Dead Sea Scrolls exhibit has drawn attention to an issue that continues to tarnish Israel’s image: its treatment of the Palestinian people and its seizure of Palestinian land.

“The Israel Antiquities Authority is politicizing the Dead Sea Scrolls. They were found in the West Bank on Palestinian land by a Bedouin man, a Palestinian. But they’re being used, I feel, to justify what Israel’s doing in the West Bank, Gaza and within the confines of Israel where Palestinians are second- and third- and fourth-class citizens who have no rights,” Goldstein says.

She continues: “In fact, there is now a plan afoot in Israel to change place names like Jaffa into Yafo, which is its Hebraicized name. Jaffa is a city just north of Tel Aviv.

Instead of using its Arabic name, Israel is going to use a Hebrew version instead.

They’re taking the Arabic names of Palestinian villages and towns and they’re Hebraicizing them. Why are they doing that? They want to erase any connections Palestinians have to the land.”

The coalition argues that actions like these prove that Israel is an apartheid state.

“There is a lot of debate around the term ‘apartheid’ and why we use it as a coalition,” added Goldman. “According to the UN definition, a state is considered an apartheid state if it exhibits just one of nine characteristics of apartheid. Israel exhibits eight of those nine characteristics. That’s why there’s so much debate in the international media.

[Former US president] Jimmy Carter has called Israel an apartheid state. [Archbishop] Desmond Tutu has called Israel an apartheid state.

“What we’re trying to do is bring attention to this as a political issue. It’s about resisting colonization and ongoing violations of human rights...”

For more information about Israeli apartheid, please visit http://www.caiaweb.org/

tHe FirSt NatioNS laWYerS BoYCott leGal aiD SNoWBoarD teaM aND tHe olYMPiCS

By Inderjit Bansal

ontArio lAwyers from Toronto, guelph, Kingston, Thunder Bay, Sudbury, Barrie, Hamilton and surrounding regions have gathered together to boycott the under-funded legal aid system. It began on June 1, when many of Ontario’s lawyers decided it was time to remedy the legal aid issue themselves and chose to resist taking on serious legal cases funded by legal aid. Since then, there has been growing support for this boycott from lawyers, law professors, and numerous Ontario citizens. This underfunding is a cause for concern to many legal professionals as they claim it leads to an inefficient and unfair criminal justice system.

Here’s how the legal aid certificate works. Working class citizens who are otherwise financially unable to get the help that they seek, fill out an application for the certificate. Those who qualify receive the certificate and present it to a lawyer.

This certificate states the maximum number of hours that the lawyer can bill the client. The maximum number of hours allowed is 15, which usually proves to be considerably low for the amount of work that needs to be done. Legal Aid Ontario (LAO) authorize the billing hours and pay the lawyer to support the services rendered.

However, after factoring in rent for the office space, wages for the people who work for the lawyers, expenses for and other expenses, the hourly wages drop significantly to around $19 an hour from the initial $77 - $97 an hour provided by the program. Those not working through Legal Aid make about

four times more per hour than lawyers taking on Legal Aid cases. This compensation has also been frozen for the past twenty years, so the rise in the cost of living has not been taken into consideration. underfunding legal aid also affects any client who wishes to receive a lawyer’s services. Senior lawyers - or the more experienced lawyers - cannot afford to take on cases from Legal Aid, as they require the money for retirement. Therefore, the client is forced to take on a less-experienced lawyer. Since the client is financially unable to get professional lawyer services, they are often left with little or no choice of who is able to represent them.

Recently, a group of law professors from various Ontario universities have signed an open letter regarding the compensation for the defense council. Some of these universities include university of Toronto, York university’s Osgoode Hall Law School, university of Western Ontario, and university of Ottawa. Also, three reports have been given to the provincial government this past year, which recommends boosting the funding for legal aid. This boycott may grow geographically if the changes are not made soon.

The timing of this boycott could not have come at a worse time. Ontario’s provincial government is currently running a deficit. Despite this issues, the lawyers are still pursuing this boycott since they believe that the government has yet to show signs of increasing compensation for the legal aid.

PoGeY aND PartiSaN PolitiCS Liberal/Conservative panel on Employment Insurance reform getting nowhere

By James Smith mAde up of Liberals and Conservatives the panel on Employment Insurance (EI) Reform, which was part of a deal to avoid an election that was being threatened by Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff, is accomplishing nothing quickly.

Charged with examining how the two parties could come together on reforming the Federal Employment Insurance Program, the panel is now split over the issue of how much time a person should be required to work, before being laid off, in order be eligible to collect EI. The Liberals want to remove the current framework of varying eligibilities ranging from 420 to 700 hours dependent upon region, and replace them with a temporary national standard of 360 hours.

The Conservatives believe that this is far too short a time. Human Resources Minister Diane Finley stated, “Working nine weeks and collecting EI for the rest of the year is something straight out of academic fantasy land,” a statement that could be read as a crack about Ignatieff ’s time at Harvard. The Bloc and NDP have long supported such reform but have no representation on the panel.

The Liberals have stressed that their standard would last only until economic indicators improved and that the benefit period would be much less than a year. Ignatieff recently warned against inaction, noting, “150,000 Canadians right now cannot get any access to EI because of how it is administered and unemployment will surge through the rest of this year.”

The distributed through EI has been gradually dwindling since the mid ‘70s when 96 per cent of the labour force were eligible for benefits and only eight weeks of work in a year were needed to make a claim.

Earlier this year the Liberal party under Ignatieff hopped aboard the bandwagon of EI Reform, attempting to paint the Harper Conservatives as blind to the plight of the recently unemployed. The Liberals had hoped that this would stand in contrast to Harper’s inaction in the fall budget and his comment that a recession might provide good investment opportunities.

When the opposition parties failed to make any gains on their own because of certain parliamentary procedures and the Conservative refused to make any real changes to EI citing the deficit, it came time for the Liberals to act. Many hoped Ignatieff would force an election but instead he met with Harper several times, an election was avoided and the result was that an EI Reform Panel was created to look into

the possibility of a compromise between the two sides. After being announced in mid-June, the Panel waited more than a month before its first completely unproductive meeting. This has proved to many that Ignatieff was never serious about EI reform and was more interested in scoring political points at the expense of the unemployed.

Since the Chrétien-era the Liberals have been far more concerned with fiscal conservatism than poverty reduction.

In the early ‘90s then Prime Minister Jean Chrétien and his Finance Minister Paul Martin changed unemployment Insurance(uI) into Employment Insurance. The governing Liberals took what was left of a Keynesian economic stimulus insurance program and turned it into a neoliberal, market friendly, payroll tax. Benefits for EI were then slashed and the government began turning a profit on the whole scheme.

From 1994 to 2008 the surpluses of the EI program, monies that were left over after the benefits went out, became new revenue for the government of Canada. From that time span over $54 Billion (about the size of this year’s deficit) from EI surpluses went to government programs, tax cuts, or paying down the debt rather than to reduce the EI premiums, extend benefits or saved for when EI would go through hairier times.

The Toronto Star recently reported that, if the Liberals hadn’t gutted the old uI program, unemployed Ontarians alone would have received $3.2 Billion more than under the current program. Altogether Canadians are receiving $8.9 Billion less under EI today than they would have under uI in 1990.

Jim Struthers a Canadian Studies professor at Trent university highlighted the decreasing number of people who are eligible for the insurance despite paying into it.

“Compared with 83 per cent of the jobless who qualified for unemployment insurance in 1989,” said Struthers, “today less than 44 per cent of Canada’s unemployed are eligible for EI. In Ontario or Alberta, the percentage is about one-third.

More workers are now paying into a fund from which they can’t collect.”

Struthers agreed: “unemployment insurance has drifted away from its original mandate...Over the past two decades, the system has tilted dramatically toward reinforcing work incentives rather than insuring incomes against job loss.

In the process, it has undermined its ability to stabilize the economy against depression or to protect the dignity of the unemployed who need help in hard times.

By Jessica Finch with the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter games approaching, the city of Vancouver and its athletes prepare.

Construction on the Athletes village, sporting complexes and public transit extensions transform the landscape, while coaches and trainers push future Olympians toward the podium. For the First Nations Snowboard Team (FNST), the drive for athletic excellence is only part of the goal.

FNST is Canada’s sole First Nations snowboard team.

The team strives to empower Native youth through sport, and as FNST founder Aaron Marchant states, “[the team] has given something positive to the athletes.” The team comprises three levels of training, High Performance (HPT), Jr. Elite, and Recreational (Rec). These levels all feed into one another, with exceptional athletes graduating from Rec to Jr. Elite, and Olympic hopefuls participating in HPT. Athletes at the High Performance level practice with renowned coaches and train both in and out of season. During winter, FNST provides athletes with season’s passes to their local mountain as well as access to equipment, and in the off season HPT boarders can stay fit at YWCA dry land camps.

Through training, HPT athletes gain the strength and experience to pursue competition goals. The FNST is still growing, but Marchant hopes that, “[one day] the program will expand to have an athlete on the podium.” Although not trained with FNST, World Cup silver medalist Caroline Calvé is still a member and role model for the Team. She will be heading to the 2010 Olympics as one of eight athletes on the Canadian Snowboard squad. Calvé is of Algonquin heritage and her achievements are an inspiration to FNST athletes looking to ultimately compete at the international level. Currently HPT has three members that also belong to the BC Provincial Team, and they, along with other FNST boarders, have competed in local and provincial tournaments.

To maintain their place on the Team, all serious FNST athletes must sign an agreement that they will adhere to specific regulations. Athletes must abstain from alcohol and drug use, maintain a C+ average in school, and participate in 90 per cent of all training. The rigorous training can initially seem daunting but Marchant says, “[that] once they become entrenched in the program they strive for excellence.” Youth from Squamish, West Bank, Lil’wat Nation, Tulalip Tribes and many more Nations across BC and into Washington State participate in FNST. By joining the team, these youth learn to better themselves and their communities through positive activity.

The Team’s journey began in 2002, when snowboarder Marchant witnessed a few talented native boarders while at a mountain resort. He was then inspired to promote Native boarders toward higher athletic ambition. In 2004, Marchant’s ‘FNST’ was born with the signing of the ‘Shared Legacies Agreement from the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter games’, which led to the creation and funding of the Aboriginal Youth Sport Legacy Fund (AYSLF). This Fund remains the FNST’s primary source of support as members and athletes are exempt from fees. Since its inception, FNST has grown significantly. And today, Native youth of all ages have the opportunity to train and enjoy the sport of snowboarding at mountains throughout the province.

The 2010 games will leave a lasting legacy in Vancouver and on all the athletes and spectators who attend. For the FNST, all eyes will be on Calvé as she and her snowboard team strive for gold. In the next few years, FNST will continue to flourish and provide positive influence for aboriginal youth both on and off the slopes.

For additional information on FNST visit www.fnriders. com, and the Vancouver 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games: www.vancouver2010.com

ryerson free press

august 2009

5

Unemployment hits students hard

By John Rose

The rise of unemployment is the talk of the town these days. Howver what’s not covered quite as much is how this economic crisis has been affecting students.

Jack Rawlings, a recent Trent University MA graduate who has been working a part-time job for the last four months, said that he is “a sinking ship at this point. It’s food banks and thrifty spending that keeps me afloat.” Rawlings has even resorted to brewing his own booze and baking his own bread just to cut costs.

This is a common story for students and recent graduates. With few jobs in the market altogether, let alone those that relate to a student’s preferred field, it is usually part-time work or no work at all that rules the day.

According to Statistics Canada, the unemployment rate for students aged 20 to 24 is very high at 14 per cent, the highest June rate for students of this age since 1997. Students aged 17 to 19 have an unemployment rate even higher at 18 per cent, the highest since June 1998. Employment and government employment resources centres in Ontario are seeing more youths and university and college students coming in for help.

So, why are these rates so much higher than the Ontario unemployment rate of 9.6 per cent?

This has everything to do with the particular vulnerable economic conditions of students.

With the financial burden of student loans, tuition payments, and less time to work, they are some of the most downtrodden of the working population.

Many universities even have regulations against students working a certain number of hours in order to keep focused on their studies. The problem is that, especially in tough economic times, students need more time to work in order to pay bills and tuition.

Lynnette Schick, a 26 year old Humanities MA student at Trent University is frustrated with these regulations.

“I think it’s fucked that we aren’t allowed to work. We have to pay tuition, and the university doesn’t guarantee us income.” Although the summer months allow for more time to work, during the school year there are no guarantees.

Unemployment also adversely affects international students who pay much higher tuition, have higher health coverage rates, and have to endure complicated and drawn out VISA requirements before they can even apply for a job.

Many students would like to turn to Employment Insurance to help offset the cost of living but In order to access it, a worker needs to rack up between 420 and 700 hours depending on the unemployment rate in their region. Windsor, for instance, has the highest unemployment rate in the country at 14.5 per cent, so a worker needs 420 hours of labour to qualify for EI. In Toronto the unemployment rate is 9.6 per cent, so a worker needs 560 hours to qualify. This qualification system especially hurts students who are largely part-time workers, and do not have the time to accumulate hours because of time spent with their studies.

Federal Liberal opposition leader Michael Ignatieff has proposed adopting a national standard of 360 hours to qualify for EI, thereby circumventing the graduated qualification system already in place. This may sound great a first glance, but many argue that this does nothing for job creation, noting that the government ought to be playing a more active role in the economy through job creation initiatives in a time of economic downturn. Also, the chronic under funding of post-secondary education must be dealt with to alleviate the burden on students. At this point, government EI and economic policy and university policies across the province, appear to be actually harming workers that are already vulnerable to the economic downturn.

Paul Holten, an undergraduate student living in Toronto had to take a leave of absence to work. After an arduous search, he finally found a job working for a telemarketing company. He said he had to jump through hoops to get leave from his studies. “The university gives you the third degree if you want to take a leave of absence, and I’m just trying to live.” Now, he doesn’t know when he will finish his studies. In some cases students are perpetually on leaves of absence to pay their bills, which leads to them not finishing their studies altogether and obviously takes new skills out of the economy. The process becomes a vicious cycle.

As for Rawlings, he is moving to Toronto in the fall. The weak job market in Peterborough has him looking for more opportunities in the larger metropolitan areas. As hopeful as Jack might be, the rate of unemployment is not much better in Toronto than most other cities, or in the country as a whole which has an unemployment rate of 8.6 per cent for June. He is hoping he will find a “diamond in the rough” in the job market. He is more likely to find a rough ride, and bransorem/flickr he knows it.

Conservatives to Mexicans and Roma: Stay out of Canada

By Kate MacNeill

In a move that many in the Roma community are outraged by, the Canadian government is making it harder for asylum seekers from Mexico and the Czech Republic to reach Canada. As of July 15, travelers from the Czech Republic and Mexico must obtain visas to enter Canada.

Citizenship and Immigration Minister Jason Kenney cites an upsurge in refugee claims from visiting foreign nationals as the motive for the new visa requirements, and justifies the measure with the claim that as western democracies, Mexico and the Czech Republic are not “legitimate source countries” for asylum seekers.

According to the Conservative government, refugee claims from Mexico and the Czech Republic have risen dramatically, making them the top two source countries for asylum seekers in Canada. Minister Kenney blamed the increases for a “backlog” in the Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB), and stated that he believes the claims are “undermining our ability to help people fleeing real persecution.” Kenney said the new visa process “will allow us to assess who is coming to Canada as a legitimate visitor and who might be trying to use the refugee system to jump the immigration queue.”

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The majority of refugee claims from the Czech Republic come from its Roma minority, who are fleeing persecution. Systemic persecution including segregated schooling for Roma children, involuntary sterilization of Roma women, and exclusionary housing and employment policies, both past and present, has contributed to the socially excluded and impoverished conditions in which many asylum-seeking Roma live in Europe, including the Czech Republic.

Roma also face discrimination from extremists who cling to racist stereotypes that cast the Roma as “gypsies” to promote a nationalist far-right ideology. Roma advocates relate the jump in asylum seekers to Canada over the past decade to the increase in extremist groups, the greater degree of violence, and fewer follow-ups by the police in cases of racially motivated crime against Roma.

International human rights organizations such as Amnesty International state that European Roma face “massive discrimination” and are “often victims of forced evictions, racist attacks and police ill-treatment.”

Bill Bila of the Roma Community Centre in Toronto refutes Kenney’s argument that many Roma claims are illegitimate and that

they prevent “real” refugees from coming to Canada. Rather than being turned away on fraudulent claims, 85 per cent of Czech Roma applications for asylum to Canada were successful in 2008-2009, said Bila.

A two-part report released in June and July by the Immigration and Refugee Board points to systemic discrimination within the Czech Republic against the Roma minority.

While the report highlights the programs implemented by the Czech government to improve government and police relations with the Roma, it also cites public opinion surveys which found that “between 60 and 95 per cent of Czech citizens held negative attitudes toward Roma,” the use of racist anti-Roma slogans to gain votes in election campaigns, and the extremely high population of Roma living in “socially excluded localities” where housing, employment opportunities, commercial and government services are neglected or non-existent.

Kenney reads the report as containing no evidence of “state-sponsored persecution.” Refugee advocates, however, argue that combined with numerous accounts of violent anti-Roma protest and brutality on the part of far-right extremists, the systemic discrimination, found within IRB reports,

does constitute persecution under the UN Refugee Convention.

Speaking with CBC’s The Current, Audrey Macklin of the University of Toronto’s Faculty of Law noted that it is not only state-sponsored persecution that can meet the definition, but also persecution by others who are not hired by the state, such as “private actors who engage in severe acts of violence or discrimination or violation of fundamental human rights, where the state is unable or unwilling to protect the victim.”

Macklin interpreted the report as “ambiguous” about whether the Czech government is actually doing enough to protect the Roma from persecution by others.

Macklin believes there is an irony in Canada’s policy on refugees. “Like virtually all Western countries that have voluntarily signed onto the UN Refugee Convention, Canada has agreed that people who reach its borders, who have a well founded fear of persecution, cannot be sent back to the country where they may face persecution.

Canada does everything it can to prevent those people from ever reaching Canada’s borders and claiming the rights that Canada has undertaken. Visa requirements are simply one of those techniques.”

Another day sleeping under the sky The situation in Sheikh Jarrah and the uncertain destiny of the Gawi and Hannoun families

By Michael Raab and Carmelle Wolfson The neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah, housing about 500 Palestinians in East Jerusalem is under siege. Armed forces have been stationed here since early Sunday morning on August 2, when the Hannoun and Gawi families were forcibly evicted from their homes by as many as 500 police officers. Now it’s a waiting game. The families are sleeping on the sidewalk in front of their homes until they’re taken away by force. This isn’t the first time they’ve been made to leave their homes. They are Haifa refugees from the 1948 Nakba, what Israel calls the War of Independence. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency made an agreement with the Jordanian government (who controlled East Jerusalem at the time) to provide them with houses in the neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah in 1956, where the families have been living ever since.

According to Hatem Abo Ahmad, the lawyer representing the Hannoun and Gawi families, when the Jordanian government built the houses for Palestinian refugees in Sheikh Jarrah the administration was supposed to transfer the property rights to the families within three years.

This never happened. Instead, the Oriental Jews Association and the Knesseth Yisrael Association used Ottoman period documents to claim ownership of the land in Sheikh Jarrah in 1982.

Ahmad says he holds a letter from the Turkish government proving that there was no original document to the one presented by the settler organizations, which supposedly dates back to sometime around 1870. This evidence was presented to the court in March of this year, about a month after the court ordered the Hannoun and Gawi families must leave their houses

by March 15, or they would be evicted. The court ruled the documents presented had come two years too late. The appeal had to be made within 25 years of the original claim to land put forward by the settlers. The Hannouns and Gawis were again served papers on July 30 saying they had 10 days to voluntarily leave their homes or they would be taken out by force. They had been living there since 1956.

Since the two evictions on Sunday, 23 people have been arrested, including members of the Gawi family. Two children from the Hannoun family were walking around with their arms in slings from being roughed up by the cops when they were dragged out of their homes. About 250 supporters, including members of Rabbis for Human Rights, the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, Hadash, Anarchists Against the Wall, and the International Solidarity Movement demonstrated outside the Hannoun family home on Sunday evening before more than 20 police officers violently arrested 13 protesters, most locals (both Israelis and Palestinians). All were released within 24 hours on condition they do not return to Sheikh Jarrah, for at least three weeks, including those who live there.

Excessive use of force

their homes in this manner without ever receiving eviction orders in their names. The court judge ordered Saleem to bring his bills to another hearing on Wednesday. However, settlers are already inside his home. All his belongings have been thrown out of the house. Earlier Monday morning Saleem was sifting through a dumpster for his shoes. He says the police dragged him straight from his bed without allowing him time to put on shoes.

“The Israeli government doesn’t think about us, all they think about are the settlers!” a member of the Coalition for Jerusalem claims. She mentions further that immediately after the evictions, settlers moved into the houses. The Gawi family watched as a female settler went back and fourth from their house to the Hannoun house for one hour, trying to decide which she wanted.

Incident with settlers Around 9 pm on Monday, orthodox settlers attacked a handful of Palestinians sitting on the street. They threw stones and spat at them. About 100 settlers were shouting and swearing at the emerging crowd of local Arabs. One of the aggressors spat into the face of a boy who was no older than five years of age. Police arrived quickly and silenced the situation peacefully.

Although the orthodox had started the quarrel, only two police officers confronted them. The other 25 armed security forces and several cars separated the upset Palestinian community.

Jerusalem, the Island The recent evictions are part of a plan to surround the Arab neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah with Jewish settlements, in order to separate the approximately 500 Arabs from the rest of the city and take control of the major roads in the area, says Nashashibi. This is an act of “separation, holding the land for false reasons.” In the end, there will be a long settlement straight through Jerusalem from road No.1 to Ma‘ale Adummim, the biggest settlement in the West Bank. This will separate Jerusalem from the West Bank. He believes they’re creating another island. “Hebron is an island, Nablus is an island, Gaza is an island, they are all surrounded from settlements.”

A young man, not older than 20 suffered a leg injury during the eviction on Sunday. According International response to locals, he was imprisoned for six hours before he was allowed to seek medical treatment. The Although the United Nations special coordinator for Mideast combination of tear gas and the pain from his peace, Richard Serry visited Sheikh Jarrah on Monday afternoon, injured leg has weakened him so much, that he Jerusalemites are still frustrated with the international community. was not even able to talk to us.

They aren’t doing anything against the ongoing crimes against Charihen, 20, from the Hannoun family international law Israel is committing. So says a member of the Cowas hit by police with a rifle, leaving her arm in a alition in referring to the Geneva Conventions related to occupied sling. She is studying Psychology at Abu Dis Uniterritory. versity. On the day of the eviction, she was sup“They should put political pressure on Israel about exactly posed to write an exam, which she missed. The these two cases!” and further “The international community must only thing she was able to take with her when she start seeing Israel as a state over law! Because what they are doing was forced out was a textbook she needs to study here is against international law, and they are breaking all the for her summer course. international conventions.”

Charihen says she yelled at the armed forces, In an official statement, Serry says, “I deplore today’s totally asking why the Israeli settlers are allowed to live unacceptable actions by Israel” and further “These actions heightin their house. A policeman replied, “They are en tensions and undermine international efforts to create condiJews, you are Arabs… So they can stay!” tions for fruitful negotiations to achieve peace,” calling on Israel to Her mother wasn’t even allowed to put on adhere to international law and its Road Map obligations. Finally decent clothes and was thrown out on the street Israel must “cease and reverse such provocative and unacceptable in her pyjamas.

Israeli border police guarding Hannoun family home in Sheikh actions in East Jerusalem.”

Monday morning, August 3, residents woke Jarrah on Sunday, August 2. A solidarity rally was organized Similar statements came from the European Union. “”The up to tear gas outside their windows. The police in the evening after the Hannouns were forcibly evicted from Presidency of the European Union reiterates its serious concern blocked the entrance to the dead end street their house in the early morning while they were still in bed. about the continued and unacceptable evictions in East Jerusalem, where the Gawis’ old home remains. Locals notably the evictions by Israeli authorities of two families from couldn’t leave for work or school for at least two their homes in the Sheikh Jarrah neighbourhood,” in addition, the Presidency “recalls that hours Monday morning. When some people tried to protest against the road closure, the police house demolitions, evictions and settlement activities in East Jerusalem are illegal under interresponded with tear gas and arrested three Palestinians from Sheikh Jarrah. At least one was badly injured. Some more locals went to the hospital from the affects of the chemicals in the air, national law.” The statement also noted that they “contravene repeated calls by the international community, including the Quartet, to refrain from any provocative actions in East Jerusalem.” including six women. Hasib Nashashibi, a member of the Coalition for Jerusalem, mentioned After 24 hours of silence about the recent incidents, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton that “red gas” had been used, which is, according to him, known to be especially aggressive.

After asking another member of the Coalition for Jerusalem how they could use tear gas against declared: “I have said before that the eviction of families and demolition of homes in East Jerusalem is not in keeping with Israeli obligations, and I urge the Government of Israel and municcivilians, she countered: “We are not civilians, we are Palestinians… They think of us as terroripal officials to refrain from such provocative actions.” Adding, “Both sides have responsibilities ists… Therefore the way they threaten us is barbarian!” to refrain from provocative actions that can block the path toward a comprehensive peace agreement. Unilateral actions taken by either party cannot be used to prejudge the outcome of Court hearings after eviction negotiations, and they will not be recognized as changing the status quo,” Passing by the entrance on Tuesday at 8 PM the road to the Gawi’s home was again Saleem Hannoun left the makeshift camp outside his former house on Monday to attend a blocked by police. We were stopped from going through, although a man with long payis, court hearing. The eviction order was addressed to his brother Maher Hannoun. He never wearing a long black robe and a black top hat was allowed through at the same time. got an eviction order, nor did his second brother whose home is on the other side of Maher’s.

Wednesday the road remained closed and Al-Jazeera were told they cannot enter without Yet the police broke the windows and dragged out the members of all three households on permit.

Sunday. Nine families in total between the Hannouns and Gawis were forcibly removed from

Ryerson Free Press august 2009 7

OPINION Al-Jazeera: Coming soon to a TV screen near you?

By Sachin Seth

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Amber.

Burman’s advocacy and the support he has garnered from initial naysayers have all but secured Al-Jazeera English’s place in Canada. It’s perfect timing, too. The need for a station so global has never been greater in the Great White North.

After September 11, 2001, our news landscape became much less local, and with the beginning of the Iraq War, the world became much more interested in Middle Eastern issues. It stands to reason that a real knowledge of Middle Eastern issues can only be gained by relying on an organization that has a real connection to the region.

Al-Jazeera’s main headquarters in Doha, Qatar, is east of Saudi Arabia, on the Gulf of Aden. It also has broadcast stations in Kuala Lumpur, London and Washington, DC, which successfully cater to the Asian, European and North American news markets, respectively.

Al-Jazeera’s 69 global bureaus (70 if approved in Canada) educate viewers about issues that affect areas that North American news stations largely neglect on a daily basis. Even when reporting on international affairs, stations like CNN often cannot delve deep enough into the problem, largely because they do not have the appropriate international resources.

Case in point— during the Gaza crisis earlier this year, Al-Jazeera English was the only English language station on the ground in Gaza.

Both Palestinian and Israeli journalists praised their reporting. I repeat: Jewish journalists praised a group owned by an Arab government while Israel was at war with Hamas.

That proves objectivity.

Al-Jazeera English will satisfy Canadians’ craving for international knowledge. But the station doesn’t only report on international issues purposefully and objectively, it also employs people from all over the world. Working in Al-Jazeera’s 69 global bureaus is 1,200 staff of more than 45 ethnicities.

These statistics make the organization the most diverse news network in the world. If you watch the channel, you’ll know their anchors, reporters and weatherpersons come in all colours. As an aspiring journalist of colour, I think this is a good thing to see from a major news network—finally!

The inclusion of Al-Jazeera English in Canada’s media landscape would prove Canada is a land of a free press. We, as Canadians, should rally behind new sources of information. After all, we are the ones who constantly whine and complain about the content of our current ones. Al-Jazeera coming to Canada will revolutionize the way we consume daily news, for the better. laika slips the lead/flickr

Al-Jazeera English: a station known across the Middle-East, Africa, Asia and Latin America as one that objectively and honestly reports issues neglected by the West. It has been praised by journalists from the New York Times, Time, USA Today, the Jerusalem Post, the CBC and others.

The list goes on and on.

But oddly enough, it’s also a station whose credentials have been widely disputed by some organizations in North America. The reason? Its sister station, Al-Jazeera Arabic. Some critics claim that Al-Jazeera Arabic has broadcasted call-in shows that pander to and promote anti-Semitism and anti-Americanism.

In its bid for a Canadian broadcasting license Al-Jazeera English has taken a lot of heat, having to stand idly by as these groups began whispering, questioning Al-Jazeera’s integrity and purpose. The main concern was whether the station’s leaders could, one day, be manipulated to air controversial programming similar to its Arabic sibling, a highly unlikely scenario since the English language network’s managing director is Tony Burman, former CBC News chief.

Accusations of anti-Semitism have been the chief obstacle that Al-Jazeera has had to overcome in Canada, even though the channel replaced the BBC in Israel in 2007 as the international news network of choice. Regardless, organizations like the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC) have campaigned against its broadcast in Canada, and have committed to keeping a close eye on the station if it gets picked up.

CJC CEO Bernie Farber has expressed his reservations regarding the station’s ethics. However, after meeting with Burman and having his “concerns” addressed directly, Farber now claims he’s now more open to the station being broadcast in Canada.

“We look forward to working with Tony Burman and Al-Jazeera,” he said, comfortably.

Burman reportedly made it clear to Farber that Al-Jazeera English and Arabic cater to polar opposite audiences, and both, though they share resources, have separate editorial boards that determine their content.

Many groups have offered their full support to Burman and Al-Jazeera.

Canadian Journalists for Free Expression (CJFE) was one of the first to back the bid, not surprisingly since its president, Arnold Amber, is a former colleague of Burman’s.

Amber, a three-time Gemini Award-winning journalist, praised the station’s objectivity and urged the Canadian Radio-television Communications Commission (CRTC), the body in charge of regulating Canadian programming, not to stifle another news source.

“We’re a country that believes in free speech and mass media so we can’t afford to choke off and cut off another source of information,” said

For more information about Al-Jazeera English in Canada, please visit http://www.canadiansforAl-Jazeera.ca/

stephen harper, yoUr host

By Jean Hodgkinson

After former governor general Roméo LeBlanc’s funeral in early July, a video of the service was posted on YouTube and sparked a minor controversy. In the video Prime Minister Stephen Harper is shown taking a communion wafer and it was initially asserted he had put the wafer in his pocket, but Speaker of the Senate Noël Kinsella assured the press that the PM did in fact consume it.

LeBlanc was Catholic. The PM is an evangelical Protestant. Theologically speaking, the communion wafer (also called the “Eucharist” or “host”) means something entirely different in their respective religions.

Although it doesn’t seem like much of a political hot potato, two things must be remembered. The first: Stephen Harper calls himself a religious man, yet it appears only the rites and rituals of his own particular version of Christianity are of interest to him. (In this respect, it must be admitted, he is hardly alone.) The second: religion is a notoriously explosive issue and over millennia it has inspired much vigorous disagreement, right up to and including war. Fortunately this communion controversy is nothing as serious as the religious wars of medieval Europe, but there is precedent nevertheless.

In 2005 former Prime Minister Paul Martin called himself “a very strong Roman Catholic” in response to criticism

by Church officials of his government’s failure to support the Vatican’s uncompromising position on issues like abortion and same-sex marriage. Perhaps remarkably, Martin’s parish priest John Walsh categorically refused to follow an official directive to deny him the sacrament of communion. green Party leader Elizabeth May, an Anglican and graduate of a Eucharist course, recently blogged that she “thought the furor was based on the simple reality that a non-Roman Catholic may not (no, never) receive communion in a Roman Catholic Mass.” She also wondered why after the media got hold of the story the PM said he “never refused” communion.

“According to Catholic law Harper shouldn’t have accepted it at all,” Msgr. André Richard told the CBC on July 8.

“To Roman Catholics it could have been offensive,” May concluded, “but it is for them to complain.”

That a significant percentage of them did not is fortunate, at least from the viewpoint of Stephen Harper’s political machine. In the last census to break down religious demographics (2001), Catholics numbered 12.7 million or 43 per cent of the population. In second place was “No religion” at a mere 4.7 million people (16 per cent), and the next five largest groups—the united Church (2.8 million), Anglicans (2 million), other Christians (780,000), Baptists (729,000) and Lutherans (606,000)—came to a combined grand total of only 6.9 million, or 23 per cent of all Canadians. So the prime minister could have paid a steep political price indeed for his failure to observe Catholic doctrine and protocols.

“Most people will know that the wafer (or bread) symbolizes the body of Christ,” May wrote. “For the Roman Catholic Church it is more literally the body through transubstantiation.” Luckily for the PM most Catholics don’t know their catechism as well as Elizabeth May does. Nor do they seem very curious about the history of the rules specifying who can and can’t receive communion.

After a theological debate of 300 years, the Fourth Council of the Lateran declared transubstantiation the Church’s official doctrine in the twelfth century. But the argument was far from over, and for centuries it remained one point of contention among many between European Protestants and Catholics.

Reacting to the Reformation initiated by Martin Luther early in the sixteenth century, the Council of Trent re-affirmed the doctrine of transubstantiation in October of 1551 and it has remained orthodox Catholic dogma ever since.

Section 1413 of the official Catholic catechism states that in

the “consecrated species of bread and wine” which is the Eucharist, “Christ himself, living and glorious, is present in a true, real, and substantial manner: his Body and his Blood, with his soul and his divinity.”

Luther himself had argued against the doctrine and his defiance encouraged other people to begin voicing challenges similar to his own. Many began to argue in favour of consubstantiation, whereby Christ’s “body exists together with the substance of bread.” Some Protestants regarded the host as plain old bread, and therefore purely symbolic. Others still simply discarded the ritual of communion altogether. As the most sacred element of the Catholic faith, the only time of the year communion is unavailable is good Friday, the day which marks the crucifixion.

For a man who uses the phrase “god bless Canada” as liberally as the prime minister, Harper’s ignorance of Catholic protocol was an astonishing oversight.

On the other hand it’s completely in character, for this is a man who once said “As a religion, bilingualism is the god that failed.”

SUBJECT: coments [sic] on your dreadful “news” paper: Hello: I am a part time instructor at Ryerson and I just picked up your “newspaper.” I think it is extremely sad that student fees go to essentially a leftist propaganda rag. There is no attempt at even handedness, you are just a group of sophomoric writers so blinded by rage and arrogance that you simply will not entertain any contrary opinions. You write that organic farming is the key to the future. If we went to organic farming across the earth the productivity of land would plummet and estimates have 2 billion people dying of starvation. Oops, not really a champion of the masses are you there?

You simply give a platform for CuPE and offer no alternative views. My children are missing swimming lessons so these whining brats can fight for benefits that virtually nobody else could even hope for. You make the absurd comparison to “golden parachutes.” Well two wrongs don’t make a right and do you see garbage men and city works and private sector executives doing the same role?

You have no cares for the single mothers who are losing jobs because they have no day care, you have no concern for inner city youth who have no pools to go to. You make no attempt to compare the benefits they ask for to other workers, you claim to be a champion of the masses and yet you advocate for one segment of society with little education and few skills to get benefits that must be support by taxpayers who get none of them. And of course there is the standard mindless extolling of the gM bailout. Again, my children will be paying higher taxes so one industry that has been grossly mismanaged can stay afloat. We will end up an [sic] oversupply of vehicles and editor’s note: We encourage feedback from students who like or do not like what they read in our newspaper. Letters are especially encouraged from people with constructive ideas on how to improve coverage and provide more insightful reporting.

We have decided to run Mr. Paul Finlayson’s letter unedited so his arguments can stand as he made them. We have also decided to not address the issues he raised. The Ryerson Free Press is an unapologetically progressive newspaper and we’re upfront about our politics. We provide an alternative venue for students to write about issues that do not normally receive coverage elsewhere. We also pay contributors for every article published and written in our newspaper. We encourage all students to pitch stories to the editorial team or attend a writer’s meeting to become more involved with our newspaper.

A long history of media concentration in Canada has resulted in very few, mostly privileged, voices dominating the political discourse. The Ryerson Free Press attempts to challenge and re-shape this discourse by creating a space where students can contribute to and engage with news, features, opinions and culture reporting that cannot be found in the mainstream press, either on campus or off.

We are a newspaper that advocates for human rights, social justice,

gM and their ilk will be heading for the public trough every few years. I won’t even comment on your typically one sided rants against our one real Middle Eastern democracy. I see no negative comments about Darfur, nothing about the human rights violations in Egypt, Turkey, Jordan, etc, you have no sympathy for people who have been tossed into jail (for nothing more than contrary political views) in the police state that is Cuba. It is easy for you to spend other people’s money (no one would ever pay for this rag) -- it is a nothing [sic] more than political masturbation, you are pleasuring yourself, it is absolutely self indulgent writing. There are two sides to stories, you might want to identify a few and stop merely acting as a soapbox for whatever leftest with the shrillest agenda (you can fill in the blank with anti Israel, pro union, pro Islamist, aboriginal victimization (I’m getting bored), anti American etc.), how wonderful it is in the utopian Cuba etc. And as you sit in Canada with your Starbucks coffee and write paeans to every leftist flag waver out there you might consider that there are other opinions and they are not unreasonable. The unreasonable person is the propagandist that refuses to listen to contrary opinions, the unreasonable person is the one so blinded by their own self-righteousness that they end up walking around, seeing nothing while claiming to see all.

Paul Finlayson

Indigeninous liberation, and the recognition of marginalized voices and issues. We believe that students are open and interested in progressive ideas; the breadth and depth of the stories pitched and written by our writers reflects this. In our twentieth year of publishing, we promise to continue reporting on issues that are underreported in the mainstream media, and to give voice to alternative perspectives that deserve a much wider hearing. We do this to highlight the need and potential for meaningful social change, and to support progressive struggles. Not everyone will appreciate this perspective. Some, like Mr. Finlayson, will denounce it. That’s fine, but we make no apologies.

To Mr. Finlayson, we say this: if our coverage makes you so upset, we suggest that you stick with the National Post. We hear they could use a few more readers these days. Sorry, Mr. Finlayson.

S r e t t le ryerson free press

august 2009

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Solidarity is not a criminal offence!

Angela Regnier was arrested during the Tamil solidarity protest on the Gardiner Expressway on May 10, and later charged with “mischief.” Now that the charge against her has been dropped, Angela recounts the timeline of her arrest and her experience in the court system.

Sunday, May 10 was Mother’s Day. That morning, I updated my facebook status to read: “Happy Mother’s Day everyone! Work for peace today in honour of mothers everywhere.” My original intention was to finish a government submission I was working on. But after I had called my mother to wish her Happy Mother’s Day love, news reports and text messages conveyed to me that there was something more pressing.

I began to receive calls for support for a growing Tamil-led demonstration blockading the Gardiner Expressway, which was effectively shut down at 6pm. Protesters were asking the government to respond to the massacre once and for all.

I arrived with friends at the Expressway at approximately 10:30 pm, after participating in the vigil at Queen’s Park—where my whiteness was so notable that many photos were taken of me as I stood there with a candle. Hours later, I went to the Gardiner to join thousands of demonstrators sitting or standing on the pavement. The highway was being blocked by what seemed like hundreds of police and dozens of emergency vehicles. Women decided to line up, linking arms in front of riot police—who were decked out in helmets, batons and shields.

I joined the women in the human chain. We stood peacefully while the crowd chanted. The police began to push on our backs with their shields in an effort to agitate the crowd. The women next to me asked the police to stop pushing, but they didn’t. Many demonstrators close to the human chain sat down as a sign of the crowd’s intent for peacefulness.

Moments later, riot police started pushing the line again. Some struck protesters on their heads with batons.

I then saw two riot police grab a demonstrator near me by the neck of his clothes. Before I knew it, police had grabbed me too, and knocked me to the ground. My face landed on the pavement and my glasses were crushed onto my face.

The police dragged me for a while as they yelled at me to get up—a difficult task since they were dragging me.

With three of us handcuffed (a Tamil woman had been arrested as well), a group of police huddled nearby.

I overheard them say: “What are we arresting them for?

Mischief? Yeah, okay. Let’s say mischief.”

Then one cop came up to me and asked me if I was aware that I was being arrested for mischief. I think I said: “apparently.”

An officer asked me for my name, birthdate and address, all of which I gave to them. I was then placed in a police van where I was held for about two hours.

I was later frisked a second time, and again asked for my name, birthdate and address. They asked me if I had any injuries. I said yes, that my face had been banged up.

They asked me what happened to my face and I said the cops had dragged me on the highway. A cop was instructed to begin an injury report.

They then asked me a series of questions; including if I had been read my rights. I had not, so I shook my head. A cop answered for me that I had been read my rights, which was a lie—I had not. So I continued to shake my head. I was then asked if I knew I had the right to legal counsel. I said yes, and that I would like to call legal counsel.

I was then moved to a meeting room where I had presumed I would get my phone call. I waited for about 40 minutes.

Instead of receiving my phone call, two detectives

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came in. They said they wanted information about what had happened. I said that I wanted to talk to my legal counsel. He said that he just needed to get some information from me and asked if I understood that. I said that I did understand, but that I also understood that I was entitled to contact legal counsel. He told me that I was being uncooperative, and so he had to charge me with mischief.

He then told me that I would be strip-searched. They escorted me to the front desk area. The officer at the front desk asked if I was aware that I was going to be detained and charged. I said I understood that, but that I still wanted to phone legal counsel. He sounded surprised: “She still hasn’t received her call?” He then told the officers to take me back to have my phone call. It was now 2:30 am and thus becoming more unlikely I would reach anyone.

I called a friend whose number I remembered. I was told to leave a message, including the division’s phone number, presumably so he or a lawyer could call me back.

I was instructed to leave a message with the details of my bail hearing. When my friend attempted to phone me back, the detectives refused to allow him to talk to me. He left a message for me with a phone number for a lawyer. I then left a voicemail for the lawyer.

I was then taken to be strip searched. Afterwards, I had to remove my jewelry. I explained that I had received two new cartilage piercings that day and that it could be harmful to remove them so soon afterwards. They said I had to remove them anyway, which was very painful and caused my ears to bleed. I asked if I would be able to get the jewelry back—they said they would put it with my other stuff. I requested that they put the jewelry in a plastic bag with my other belongings, but they refused. I have yet to have my jewelry returned from the police.

I was then returned to the meeting room. The two detectives came back into the room with another round of questions. One asked me if I was employed. I said that I did not want to answer any questions until I spoke to a lawyer.

He threatened that I may not have a lawyer at the bail hearing (which is a lie: if you do not have your own lawyer, duty counsel is assigned to you). He said the courts would want to know if I was employed and what my connections were to society. He said it would be easier for me to get bail if I was employed. He said that if I didn’t answer the question that he would write “unemployed.”

That seemed ridiculous, but I didn’t answer. He asked me who my employer was. I then told him that I was the executive director of a non-profit organization. His attitude towards me changed once I mentioned my job title. He stopped questioning me and left the room. Seconds later, he came back in and said: “Did you know that there are a bunch of people outside asking for you?”

Of course, I didn’t know, and I said no. They then asked me if I wanted to speak to them. Of course, I did.

I spoke to a friend who put me on speaker phone so I could hear greetings from the others waiting outside the police station for me. It was really uplifting hearing from them, although it reminded me of how arbitrary all of this was. They assured me that they would get a lawyer to my bail hearing, to the hearings of any others still detained.

When the detectives returned to the room, they again threatened that a lawyer may not show up to the bail hearing. I wasn’t sure why they kept threatening this except simply as an intimidation tactic.

I was then transferred to a single cell. It was so cold in

there—as if the air conditioning had been maximized.

In the morning, three cops came to escort me to the police wagon. One cop jeered me the whole way. He said: “Here’s the shit-disturber. She just goes to rallies to cause shit. Really cool to be such a shit disturber…” This perturbed me to no end, but I kept my mouth shut. Thousands of people had just been killed in Sri Lanka, I was thinking. Were we so unenlightened in Canada that we could so cavalierly dismiss a nation’s pleas to end a worsening humanitarian crisis?

I arrived at the bail court at 7 am and was placed in a holding cell.

As promised by my supporters, a lawyer met with me that morning. She had negotiated bail conditions with the Crown Attorney, which I agreed to accept. But then at the bail hearing, the Crown Attorney was quite obnoxious. She claimed that I had pushed people into police and had been uncooperative by withholding my name and address. This was maddening and a plain lie, but I was in no position to object.

Then the Crown Attorney read bail conditions which were different than the ones already negotiated with my lawyer. She asked if I would agree to refrain from unlawfully demonstrating between Yonge, Bloor, Spadina and Queen’s Quay. This was a surprise, as the Crown and my lawyer had previously agreed that I would refrain from frequenting the Spadina ramp to the Gardiner Expressway.

My lawyer expressed frustration that the Crown Attorney changed the bail conditions on the fly. She came to consult with me and I asked for clarification. I asked for clarification on unlawful demonstrating. I mentioned to my lawyer that there were sometimes responsibilities associated with work for me to attend marches and parades. I asked if I could go to permitted events such as the Pride Parade. The lawyer asked the Crown Attorney. She responded very sarcastically. “Yes. Gay pride is not a political demonstration.” I disagreed with her analysis of Pride, but nevertheless agreed to the bail conditions.

The cop who escorted me back from my bail hearing was indignant to learn about my participation in the blockade. She asked me: “How could you do this? How could you inconvenience people on the highway? They probably had to pee.” I said that it was an even worse inconvenience that thousands of people had been killed in Sri Lanka that day.

She then asked me “Are you even Canadian?”

I was offended by this question. I said: “Yes. Born and raised.” I said that I felt strongly that the Harper government should take action. She told me that if I cared so much that I should just “go there.” I asked if she meant I should go to Sri Lanka. I explained I did not want to go into a war zone and that external aid and media were not even allowed in. She repeated that I should just “go there” if I cared so much. She chastised me until I was back in the holding cell.

After close to a full day of being detained, I finally left the court. Daylight felt so remarkable! Since the court was very close to Queen’s Park where a hunger strike was still underway, I hopped into a cab so I didn’t immediately break bail.

I then had three court appearances where the Crown was supposed to disclose evidence against me. The police did not produce any evidence, not even from the arresting officer, which is why at the third court appearance the charge was dropped.

FEATURES After the Tamil protests; Do we really care about human rights?

By Angela Regnier

A few months after being yanked out of a peaceful human chain by riot police, face-planted into the highway, arrested and charged with mischief for participating in the Gardiner Expressway protest, I have had the charge against me finally withdrawn. Not even the arresting officer could produce for the courts a reason for my arrest.

While I’m happy the charge has been dropped, I’m still uneasy about the whole situation. Here in Toronto—the most diverse city in the world, and in Canada, a supposed leader in human rights—we are still plagued by xenophobic attitudes and a laissez-faire approach to human rights and international solidarity.

The conflict in Sri Lanka is no doubt complicated. It is rooted in decades of segregation and discrimination against Sri Lankan Tamils who seek an independent nation, an armed rebellious uprising and ongoing civilian casualties.

It is estimated that between 20,000 and 30,000 Tamil civilians were slaughtered in fighting in Sri Lanka since January 2009. Diasporic Tamils all over the world appealed to their nations’ governments to support a ceasefire and a peaceful resolution to the conflict. In Toronto, weeks of letter-writing, information picketing, lobbying political officials, petitioning and permitted demonstrations generating crowds of over 10,000 people—all these garnered no response from the Canadian government, which stood on the sidelines as violence escalated in Sri Lanka.

The weekend of May 9 and 10, the war in Sri Lanka reached its peak. On Saturday, May 9, I attended a march that brought out thousands of Torontonians calling for a permanent ceasefire in Sri Lanka. Still, the Canadian government did not respond to calls for help. On Sunday, May 10—which was Mother’s Day in Canada—approximately 3,000 Tamils were killed in a single day of fighting in Sri Lanka.

In response, members and supporters of the Tamil community in Toronto took their protests to a new level. Thousands of people who had been demonstrating at Queen’s Park began marching through the streets of downtown Toronto, stopping at intersections for impromptu sit-ins. At one point, the march reached the base of Spadina, just south of Front Street. It was here that protesters began streaming onto the Gardiner Expressway, after climbing the west-bound on-ramp.

The occupation of the Gardiner made history.

News outlets all over Canada—and around the world—picked it up. Suddenly, everybody was talking about the Tamils, and their decades-long struggle for justice in Sri Lanka. After weeks and weeks of being ignored by government leaders, the Tamil community had finally caught their attention. The community also forced a debate in the broader public about what role Canadians should be playing in opposing war and injustice abroad, and how we stop a genocide from happening.

Not all responses were positive. Some motorists on the Gardiner expressed only frustration about being delayed, completely ignoring the issue at hand. Some reporters in the mainstream media focused almost exclusively on reactions like these, helping to cultivate a backlash against the protests in particular and against the Tamil community in general.

Sadly, many of these reports were characterized by their xenophobic and racist overtones. The Globe and Mail’s Christie Blatchford lamented whether Tamil Canadians should be allowed to

participate in civil protests in Canada.

She wrote: “Many Torontonians have long been puzzled by how without any public discussion they remember, let alone any consensus, their city has become home to so many folks from around the world who periodically hold the rest of the place hostage while they make their voices heard….”

Over and over again the humanitarian crisis was obfuscated by discussions on whether the Tamil Tigers have “reaped what they have sown” (Jonathan Kay of the National Post) or whether it was acceptable to “inconvenience” people by blocking roads. Some bloggers and campus newspapers mused whether it was appropriate for students’ unions, the labour movement, other non-profit organizations and individuals to extend solidarity to the demonstration or to those targeted by the police. I was personally attacked as a “mouthpiece for terrorism” while my supporters in the student movement were criticized for addressing a “nonstudent” or “pan-national” issue.

The GTA is home to the highest number of diasporic Tamils in the world: estimates are between 100,000 and 200,000 people. Universities in the GTA are likely to have the largest proportion of Tamil students in Canada. Isn’t it reasonable then to assume that, when their loved ones are faced with violence and strife, Tamil students experience duress as members of our campus communities? At the University of Toronto, this has been the case. We know this because Tamil students called out to their students’ unions for support.

The suggestion by a University of Toronto spokesperson—that students’ unions should limit their mandates exclusively to “student” issues only, or to lobbying administration—is problematic.

And it’s annoying for students who have recently had their voices muzzled, following the administration’s undemocratic implementation of a flat fee tuition fee structure for Arts and Science students.

In fact, students at the University of Toronto, who attempted to voice their concerns about flat fees to the Governing Council, were met by police officers who prevented their access to the public meeting.

University legislation clearly outlines the right of students to attend.

Our public universities and colleges are part of civil society. Every civic, provincial or federal election that passes, we lament low voter turnout among youth. And yet when students take a stand on matters of political importance—such as human rights and international relations—many rush to silence them. If students cannot engage in such critical debate on their campuses, then when and where else should they do it?

I feel strongly about exercising my right and responsibility to civic engagement. I write letters to government officials. I have written submissions and given testimony to governments on legislation.

I sign petitions, go to rallies and volunteer in my community.

In the face of the Tamil struggle, I had been to other demonstrations and events and felt ashamed that there were not more non-Tamils showing support in response to our own neighbours’ cries for help. The two of us arrested and charged that night were non-Tamil Canadians, who were then prevented from going to demonstrations as part of our bail conditions. It seems that this was a direct message to non-Tamils to keep away from this struggle. With this, and the sheer repugnance

displayed by so many against the blockade, it’s no wonder that some people seem so turned of by civil disobedience and international solidarity.

Just because our government categorizes the Tamil Tigers as a “terrorist” group, does that excuse us from defending and supporting the Tamil community, or from speaking out against the deaths of tens of thousands of Tamil civilians?

Gandhi is known as the founder of civil disobedience—non-violent actions that challenge the law—when he was protesting colonialism in India. Nelson Mandela exercised civil disobedience in his anti-apartheid efforts—actions that we honour. But a six-hour blockade of the Gardiner, mainly by people of colour, is offensive and “barbaric” to some Canadians. Accusations flew that Tamils were using women as shields, making it seem as though women were being placed in front of speeding vehicles or that they were incapable to protest for themselves.

Women have historically been at the forefront of peace movements. With no exception, Tamil women have been active in seeking a peaceful resolution in Sri Lanka. On the Gardiner, women willfully decided to create a human chain with backs to the riot police as a sign that we, Tamils and non-Tamils alike, would peacefully wait for a government response to the catastrophe in Sri Lanka.

Today, even though the Sri Lankan president declared victory against the Tamil Tigers and assured equality for all, almost 300,000 Tamil civilians now live in deplorable conditions in concentration camps, with an estimated 1,400 Tamil refugees dying every week. Human rights groups have decried the gross human rights violations that continue to be committed by the Sri Lankan government.

Despite that, the Sri Lankan government plans to increase its military spending next year to $1.6 billion, prompting international human rights groups and a growing list of national governments to question a recent $2.5 billion loan to Sri Lanka approved by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The loan is ostensibly for reconstruction, but not a single human rights condition is attached. I am still waiting for our own government to step up to the plate on a global scale, and oppose human rights violations—not only in Sri Lanka, but also in Honduras, Iran and in our own backyard.

In the meantime, we must not forget what’s happening in Sri Lanka, now that the war has been declared “over” and the issue no longer makes front-page news. The Canadian government will only respond to pressure when it comes to opposing human rights violations. And so the links that were made and the relationships that were forged during the Tamil protests in Toronto must become the foundation upon which to build a more integrated and accessible solidarity movement.

The potential for such a movement is greater in the wake of the Tamil protests, thanks to the success of the Tamil community in winning new allies and in raising the public consciousness about the history of Tamil oppression in Sri Lanka. The Tamil struggle for liberation, both in Sri Lanka and in Canada, is entering a new stage.

Non-Tamils now have an even greater opportunity and responsibility to be part of that struggle, and to show the kind of solidarity that can make a real difference in achieving peace and justice for Tamils.

Ryerson Free Press august 2009 11

Political instability plays havoc with Honduras

By Kate Mills

W

ith the war in Afghanistan, the protests in Iran, the riots in China, and the ousting of Honduran President Manuel Zelaya, there has been no shortage of international news lately. On June 28, Zelaya was taken away at gunpoint in his pajamas in the middle of the night and exiled off to Costa Rica. Zelaya was removed by force from his position as President of Honduras.

In the wake of his removal, the Honduran Congress appointed Roberto Micheletti as the interim President of Honduras, who insists that Zelaya was ousted legally.

When Zelaya tried to return on July 5, he was blocked by the military on the runway at the Tegucigalpa airport. During this time, at least one protester was killed in clashes with the army.

Despite this, Zelaya has been recognized as the legitimate president by the United Nations (UN), the Organization of American States (OAS), and the Obama Administration.

Eric LeCompte, national organizer for School of Americas Watch, thinks the Zelaya ousting sets a bad precedent for the rest of Latin America.

“The reality is that, if the coup isn’t reversed, we could face several military coups in Latin America, because of the message it sends, that the Obama Administration says it’s ok,” LeCompte said.

With a definite impasse between Micheletti and Zelaya, the US backed a plan to have Costa Rican President Oscar Arias act as the chief mediator between the two sides. Arias received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987 for his efforts to end civil wars then plaguing several Central American countries. Unfortunately, the Honduran talks dissolved without a resolution on July 22.

Arias’s plan would have had Zelaya reinstated, but it would also have limited his powers and focused much of the country’s energy on a month-early election in late October. Micheletti had said he would consider stepping down or calling early elections, but on the condition that Zelaya not be reinstated.

On July 24, Zelaya briefly entered Honduras a few metres in from the border for a few minutes, and then went back to Nicaragua, a neighbouring country. US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called the move “reckless” and “not conducive to the broader effort to restore constitutional order.” The interim government who threatened to arrest Zelaya if he tried

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to enter Honduras dismissed the event as a publicity stunt and called it “ill-conceived and silly.” Interim Deputy Security Minister Mario Perdomo said authorities did not bother to arrest Zelaya because he barely entered Honduras.

But July 24 proved to be just the beginning of Zelaya’s flirting not only with the border between Nicaragua and Honduras, but also with peace and violence. On July 25, the body a 23-year-old Zelaya supporter was found dead, stabbed and beaten. Zelaya supporters accuse Honduran police of murdering the man.

By July 26, Zelaya and his supporters were camping out on the Nicaraguan side of the border in what Zelaya said was an effort to increase pressure on the interim government, and a call to Washington to enforce tougher sanctions on the coup government.

Prior to the ousting, tensions had been stirring in Honduras after Zelaya planned to hold a non-binding public consultation on whether there was public support in changing the constitution. This could have led to a lifting of a ban on presidents from seeking a second term. Venezuela’s leftist president, Hugo Chavez, an ally of Zelaya’s, held a referendum on February 15, 2009 to address the same question. The referendum was successful, and now Chavez can run for office an unlimited number of times.

Critics say that Zelaya’s referendum would have been in defiance of the courts and the country’s National Congress.

Opponents feared Zelaya would use the referendum to remain in power after his term ends on January 27, 2010. The current Honduran constitution limits presidents to a single four-year term. When General Romeo Vasquez, Honduras’ top military chief was fired by Zelaya for refusing to go ahead with the referendum, he then proceeded to lead the ousting of Zelaya.

Zelaya came to power as a centre-right leader in 2006, but halfway through his term became a supporter of Chavez

by joining his leftist alliance, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA). The alliance is a pact between a handful of Latin American and Caribbean countries, as an alternative to the US-sponsored Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). The alliance seeks to bring about social welfare rather than trade liberalization as with the FTAA. Chavez entices its members, such as he did with Zelaya, by providing their countries with subsidized oil from Venezuela.

And while the interim government refuses to reinstate Zelaya as the democratically-elected leader, the international community is showing flagging support for Honduras, one of the poorest countries in Latin America. The US has cut more than $18 million in military and development assistance, and the European Union has frozen $92 million in development aid.

As well, the World Bank has suspended financial aid until “there is greater clarity on the legal status of the government.”

Lecompte says sanctions like these are the only action that will force the de facto regime to hand power back over to Zelaya.

“The end will be if other countries continue to level sanctions,” LeCompte said.

In the end, no matter what Arias’ proposals, Micheletti has said it is up to the Honduran Congress, courts and the national prosecutor investigating charges against the deposed president to follow suit. And since Congress is the body that decided to oust Zelaya in the first place, it will take a change of heart on its part to see the situation reversed.

The Honduran Defense Ministry at least appears to have a change in tone. It posted a statement on the armed forces’ website saying that it supports “a solution to the problems our country is experiencing, through a process of negotiation within the framework of the San Jose accord,” referring to a proposal made by Costa Rican President Arias.

One US official has said that Zelaya intends to come to Washington “for further discussions.”

When Zelaya tried to return on July 5, he was blocked by the military on the runway at the Tegucigalpa airport.

During this time, at least one protester was killed in clashes with the army.

Photos by yamilgonzalez/flickr

Ryerson Free Press august 2009 13

men and The CampaiGn To sTop violenCe aGainsT women

By Adriana Rolston

when Jeff pererA noticed that he was one of three men attending a Ryerson panel discussion on violence against women last year, he knew something was wrong.

He asked panel member Todd Minerson, the executive director of Toronto’s White Ribbon Campaign (WRC), how he could get more men who need to hear these stories involved. It was then that the social work student decided to bring the work of the WRC to Ryerson as part of his third-year social work placement.

The WRC is a worldwide movement of men seeking to end violence against women by urging men to speak out against violence and by educating men and boys. When men choose to wear a white ribbon, they are also choosing to take a pledge “to never commit, condone or remain silent about violence against women and girls.”

“The vision is fairly straightforward: it’s just to create a safe, inclusive space for women on campus, to end the violence and to get men to be involved and engaged. I think whatever we do is toward that focus and toward that end goal,” Perera said.

Perera sought out Ryerson Students’ union (RSu) president Jermaine Bagnall to co-chair this initiative. Sitting in Bagnall’s RSu office with a lengthy “to do” list scrawled on a large whiteboard, the leaders of this initiative met to discuss their future plans.

The pair is now in the planning stages of creating a student awareness campaign for September, seeking out funding and brainstorming a theme and upcoming events with the Ryerson community.

The WRC was launched by a group of men in Canada in 1991, two years after the

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Montreal Massacre at École Polytechnique, when 14 woman students were killed.

Armed with a rifle and a hunting knife, the killer entered a classroom on December 6, 1989, separated the female and the male engineering students, and claimed to be fighting feminism before shooting all nine and killing six. He continued to target women as he made his way through the university killing eight more woman before shooting himself.

Perera is a member of Ryerson’s December 6 Memorial Committee, which will be holding a series of events this year entitled, “Looking Forward with 20/20 Vision: A Future with No Violence Against Women.” The committee will organize 20 events leading up to the 20th anniversary of the December 6 massacre.

Ryerson’s White Ribbon Campaign (RWRC) will partner with and support the development of these events. The first of which will be a screening on campus of the recent film adaptation Polytechnique. Later the committee will host “Walk a Mile in Her Shoes,” a fundraising event on October 1 in Nathan Phillips Square.

According to Perera, men often feel defensive or uncomfortable having these discussions because they feel that they are being labelled as oppressors.

“What we want is a very uplifting and forward-thinking message. We want to get men to recognize the realities for women and recognize how their internal behaviours and attitudes contribute to that, and how they’re part of a patriarchal society. Male privilege is everywhere and not to say that you’re part of the problem, it’s that you can become part of

the solution,” said Perera.

An example of “masculinity” that Perera witnessed as a child was his father’s abuse toward his mother.

“When I was about four, I remember seeing my mother covered in bruises… So growing up, I was very disconnected from men. I had a hard time having relationships with men while at the same time, as a heterosexual male, having relationships with women. So it reached a point where I had to redefine for myself what it was to be a man.”

Bagnall feels that today the definition of being a man is in flux, because you’re either hyper- masculine or hyper-feminine.

“Everyone is trying to distinguish what brand of man I am,” said Bagnall.

Perera recognizes that, although there is a lot of pressure on men to be tough and emotionless, except when expressing anger, manhood can be a beautiful thing when you define it on your own terms.

He hopes that the RWRC will create safe spaces for men to have these conversations on campus, in the same way that the Women’s Centre provides that environment for women at Ryerson, and that it will empower women instead of placing them in the role of victim.

During an open RWRC meeting on July 19 in Oakham House, Virginia Tran, co-director of V-Day, suggested that the campaign should include herstory information to educate students about women’s cultural roots.

She also suggested involving stories and images of different forms of violence against women for students to witness.

“When you see it in front of you, it makes it that much more real and touching,”

said Tran.

Seated in a circle of chairs in Thomas Lounge, almost half of those in attendance at the early afternoon meeting were men, as an informal discussion bred ideas for events and visual elements of the campaign.

Other participants raised the issue of the intersectionality of violence and how it affects women from all different life experiences. Because violence is so layered, Bagnall wants to work with community groups in September to address issues of racism, abelism, poverty, faith and homophobia.

Jai Morgan, Vice-President of Events and Outreach for the united Black Students at Ryerson, stated that WRC should provide men with the tools and resources to support women who are experiencing violence.

Bagnall is excited to include more male role models in the discussion, like members of Ryerson’s athletics community, who can inspire others to get involved at sports events.

“That way the athletics community is taking it on and it can also tie in with the other faculties to have challenges between RTA and journalism or engineering and commerce to see who can bring out the highest number of students,” said Bagnall.

Perera’s personal goal is for women on campus to be able to recognize 10 male allies around the issue of violence against women by the end of next year. He is convinced it will become everyone’s work to create a safe space on campus.

RWRC is looking for a few good men and women! For more information about getting involved, please e-mail whiteribbon@ ryerson.ca

distilling the strike

Ryerson Free Press august 2009 15

Tale oF Two CiTies’ Trash

Windsor and Toronto continue to threaten workers

By Kim Wilson As the city strikes in both Windsor and Toronto came to a close at the end of July, clean-up issues and back to work plans were still being used by the two cities to threaten workers. Toronto Mayor David Miller commented that if the jobs were unable to be completed properly by the evening of August 2, the City would hire private contractors to remove the garbage from Toronto’s streets and parks.

Similarly in Windsor, one councilor put forth to council the possibility of outsourcing garbage collection immediately in order to avoid overtime hours and remove the garbage as soon as possible. Prior to the strike, council voted down a motion that would allow for the City to outsource garbage collection in the event of a strike. union President of Local 82 in Windsor said that the councilor suggesting outsourcing at this point was “trying to keep the fight going” and noted that Maclean’s magazine rated Windsor second best city out of 31 cities in Canada for garbage collection, while it came

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26 overall on how well the city operated.

In Toronto, 57 city-run daycares lost operation during the strike. Daycares and students out of summer jobs often became the highlight of Miller’s public declarations in what many saw as a means of diverting attention away from the failed negotiations at the bargaining table. However the stench of garbage and lack of space for the refuse remained a constant reminder that what affects public service workers affects the entire cityscape.

The overflowing garbage bins and city parks, the most visible signs of the failures between municipal workers and their city employers to negotiate a collective agreement in both Toronto and Windsor, are however, being cleaned up. Media images of overflowing garbage and recycling in public trashcans and city parks have now been replaced by city workers beginning the unpleasant task of cleaning 39 days of waste in Toronto and a 101 days of waste in Windsor.

On June 22, 30,000 workers, minus

6,000 considered essential, began to strike in Toronto that led to garbage collection, city-run daycares, swimming pools, summer day camps and ferry services come to a halt that is just now beginning to get back on track. Public parks that were turned into mountainous temporary trash sites and overflowing illegal dumping on commercial streets became symbols of both the negotiation failures and the necessary work of city employees.

On August 1, Toronto City Council voted 21-17 in favor of an agreement previously ratified by civic workers’ CuPE Locals 416 and 79. The main sticking point in negotiations was banked sick time but a compromise was reached that meant that current employees would be eligible to receive pay for that time at the point of retirement, whereas new employees would not be able to carry over their banked sick time, in essence phasing out the condition that allowed employees to carry over their banked sick time from year to year. The increase in

wages workers are to receive is about 5.6 per cent over the three-year contract term.

On July 27, 1,800 city workers were back on the job in Windsor after a final 48 hours of negotiations. The four-year contract included a 6.3 per cent wage increase over that time period. The highly disputed issue of new employees receiving postretirement benefits was given up by CuPE in the end. They will be given the option to participate in a self-funded benefits program. After 15 weeks of picket lines outside City Hall, members of CuPE Locals 543 and 82 voted overwhelmingly to accept the agreement. garbage collection began in the parks over the August long weekend to attempt to remove the accumulated trash, while regular residential services began August 4. It’s been noted that while the removal of the heaps are immediately manageable, it will take more time and energy than a weekend to clean-up the parks in order to return them to their original states before the strike.

Cupe viCTory shows solidariTy Can win!

By Michelle Robidoux the cupe city workers strike has been an inspiration to workers across the province.

Throughout a grueling 39 day strike—the longest municipal strike in Toronto’s history—CuPE Locals 416 and 79 drew a line in the sand on concessions. Despite relentless anti-union hype in the media, CuPE members stayed strong and built solidarity throughout the strike.

In particular, both locals went out together, stood together and went back together. It’s easy to talk about solidarity, but the experience of building it and maintaining it under tremendous pressure—as Toronto city workers did—is filled with lessons for the labour movement, especially in these hard times.

The artful way in which that unity was played out between Locals 416 and 79 in the last days of the strike deserves study. When Local 416 president Mark Ferguson announced that a framework agreement had been worked out for outside workers, he said clearly that the next step for city negotiators was to hammer out a fair deal for Local 79. When that was done and Local 79 had ratified its agreement, Local 79 leaders made it clear they would not return to work without 416 getting a back-to-work protocol.

At both these moments, if one union didn’t stand up and hold out for the other, neither would have won the victories they did. Solidarity made all the difference.

This was a defensive battle against an attempt by Mayor David Miller and the City of Toronto to take away hard-won gains from city workers. The contracts that were negotiated unfortunately represent a step back on wage settlements compared to other public sector workers in Ontario. This was, after all, the aim of Miller in these negotiations.

But he did not succeed in taking away the sick leave

bank, which is in reality deferred wages. This is an important victory for CuPE and the entire the labour movement.

MESSAgE IN A BATTLE But along with the important lessons of solidarity, there are big questions raised by the strike that the labour movement must address if CuPE’s victory is not to have set the stage for setbacks down the road.

1. Miller’s attacks on city workers throughout the strike (blaming CuPE members for the hardship faced by welfare recipients, kids in daycare, summer camp participants, as well as the potential spread of swine flu, rats, etc.) showed that even a mayor who came to office because of labour’s support succumbed to the same neoliberal arguments as his predecessor Mel Lastman.

2. While it was disgraceful to listen to Miller attack city workers day after day, more alarming was the fact that labour-endorsed city councillors did not say a word in support or in defence of either CuPE local through the duration of the strike. So we have the irony of striking workers having less support from city politicians than they did under Mel Lastman’s regime! union members worked hard to put these councillors in office. Labour has to look hard at what it means when we support and endorse candidates, and what we expect when they win. When Miller said “This is a strike against the children of Toronto” he sent a signal to every employer that it is open season on workers.

To have deafening silence from city councillors day after day, as the media and the right-wing whipped up hatred

against strikers, is disgusting. A shiver would have been hard pressed to find a spine to run up among these ‘left’ city councillors.

Some people are now very worried that Miller is finished, and that a right-wing regime with a contracting out agenda will come to power in the next election. We need to say that this is Miller’s doing. When you demonize city workers day after day, then put your bargaining position on a website to try to cow workers back to work, don’t be surprised when the right wing takes that as a stick to beat you over the head with.

That is what happened to Miller.

The answer is not to say “We shouldn’t criticize Miller because it will fuel the right.” The answer is to call the “left” politicians to account while building on this victory.

Other strikes are already underway, and more can be expected in the weeks and months ahead. Employers everywhere continue to exploit the global economic crisis to roll back wages and benefits, force concessions, and weaken the labour movement. Labour must find a way to build on the momentum of the city workers’ victory, and learn and generalize the lessons.

CuPE’s victory shows that solidarity works, and can win big battles for workers. If workers can replicate these tactics elsewhere, we can ensure that the CuPE victory is not the exception, but rather the rule, when it comes to defending jobs, pensions, wages and benefits.

This op-ed is based on an article that originally appeared as a Special Supplement to Socialist Worker on August 5, 2009.

To read the original article, please visit www.socialist.ca/En/index.html

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The ToronTo GarbaGe sTrike and The CriTiQue oF ideoloGy

By Matthew Flisfeder in AstrA tAylor’s documentary, Examined Life, the Slovenian philosopher and psychoanalyst Slavoj Žižek talks about what he considers one of the most basic meanings of the term ‘ideology’— or, the way to understand ‘ideology.’ The entire scene is shot at a trash site. In the midst of all this garbage, Žižek argues that the basic form of ideology consists in getting rid of our garbage. That is, ideology has to do with making our excrement invisible.

In his 1997 book, The Plague of Fantasies, Žižek also refers to the differences between german, French and Anglo-Saxon toilets to make a point about how the form of ideology has to do with the different ways in which we dispose of shit. This triad— French, german, Anglo-Saxon—Žižek tells us, was first interpreted by the german philosopher, g.W.F. Hegel as the triad of german ‘reflective thoroughness’ (philosophy/metaphysics), French ‘revolutionary hastiness’ (revolutionary politics) and English moderate utilitarian pragmatism (liberal economics).

For Žižek, each of these elements of german, French and English culture can be interpreted into the different styles of toilets in each country: german—shit falls on a flat surface at the back and is flushed through a hole at the front—represents ambiguous contemplative fascination: one

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can look at, and reflect upon, his own shit; French—the hole is bigger and at the back so shit can fall directly into the hole and disappear immediately—reveals a hasty attempt to get rid of the unpleasant excess as fast as possible: revolutionary radicalism; North American—taking elements from both, the shit remains but floats in water—is the pragmatic approach to treat the excess as an ordinary object to be disposed of in an appropriate way.

This, I think, is the best way to understand the current ‘garbage strike’ in Toronto—what is really a strike by outside city workers, members of the Canadian union of Public Employees (CuPE) Local 416, and inside city workers, members of CuPE Local 79. What the garbage strike confronts us with is our own excrement, with our own shit. Here we have a perfect example of the invisible suddenly becoming visible. We are being forced to confront the invisible labour involved in getting rid of our trash, which is to say that, under ‘normal’ circumstances, no one bothers to question how our trash is disposed of; no one wonders how our junk magically gets taken away and disappears from our lives. Where does it go? But more importantly, how does it get there and who takes it there? No one really cares to think about this under regular circumstances. Things just

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seem to happen.

Of course, we all know that there are ‘garbage men’. We know that there are dump sites. We know that we have a hefty ecological crisis on our hands. However, at the same time, we choose to ignore these things because it is more convenient to do so. In other words, it is convenient for us to avoid thinking too much about where our junk ends up, who gets rid of it for us, etc. It’s convenient because it helps us to get on with our everyday lives; it is what allows us to function. If we were constantly worried about these intricate details of a society, we would probably lose our ability to function properly.

I’m reminded, also, of Fritz Lang’s classic film, Metropolis, which depicts a future dystopian society, where all the labour of the city, the labour that works the gears and greases the axles, exists below the city. The labour that makes the city work, in other words, is kept hidden. The privileged and luxurious lives of those who live in the city above are maintained by the hidden, invisible labour of the workers below the city. In order for the city above to function, in order those above to have their lives of luxury, and remain content, the labour that makes the city work must remain unseen.

The reason why the garbage strike is so traumatic, the reason

why it causes such anxiety is twofold: on the one hand, it forces us, literally, to confront our shit; we are faced with the excrement of our own existence. On the other hand, this strike, like any strike, creates a rupture in the proper functioning of society. As well, it highlights antagonisms that are already present in our society and that we’d rather ignore, because they too get in the way of the ‘proper’ everyday functioning of our society (such as the antagonism between workers and employers).

But what is most significant about the rupture caused by the garbage strike is that it forces us think about the way in which our trash is disposed of. It forces us, in other words, to confront the hidden workers below our metropolis.

Like in Žižek’s toilet example, the way in which we organize the disposal of our shit says quite a bit about the ideology organizing our own culture and society.

A few voices have been heard suggesting that, in the midst of an economic crisis, people should have the decency not to strike.

After all, we all have to take cuts; we all have to suffer a little. Yet, this attitude is, more than anything, based upon the neoliberal, ‘trickle down’ ideology: in times of economic prosperity, wealth

trickles down to the lower classes from the wealthy; and, likewise, during a recession, the debt of the wealthy ‘trickles down’ to the lower classes—those who didn’t take the economic risk in the first place. So, yes, we are in the midst of an economic ‘crisis’. Yes, there is a recession; but in relative terms, those who suffer for the debt of the wealthy pay a lot more than those who own (or, usurp) the wealth.

Relatively speaking, the wealthy can still enjoy a life of luxury, while those who produce the wealth are left in want.

Rather than chastise city workers for walking off the job during an economic downfall, we should ask: why isn’t everyone following suit? The question shouldn’t be, ‘why are they doing this?’—‘why are they striking?’— ‘why are they causing such a disruption?’ It should be, ‘why aren’t we all?’ Aren’t bad times the most important times to demand that our own labour goes towards benefiting our own lives!

Regardless of the outcome, a strike like this tells us that without the labour of those who dispose of our trash, we’ll all end up in kneedeep or higher in our own shit.

This is an edited version of an article which appeared in the Bullet on July 27. The original version can be read at www.socilistproject. ca/bullet/241.php

The Iranian revolution will not be televised Iranian students at Ryerson give their take on the protest movement sweeping Iran

By David Thurton The revolution will not be televised. Instead it will be uploaded, tweeted, blogged and emailed to Flickr, YouTube and your facebook’s newsfeed—as Iranians proved in the wake of their disputed June presidential elections.

On June 12, Iranians witnessed an 85 per cent turnout in the four-way contested presidential election. Afterwards, the world witnessed a wave of humanity as Iranians hit the streets and demanded “where is our vote?” in an election that many believe fraudulently re-elected presidential candidate and incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. As blood ran in the streets of Tehran, and as amateur footage immortalized young Neda Agha-Soltan’s shooting death, the Iranian community here in Canada watched even closer.

To understand daily life in Iran, and to get a snapshot of some of the opinions held by Iranians in Toronto on the situation back home, the Ryerson Free Press sat down with three Iranian students for a roundtable discussion. Because Iranians who criticize the government often face repression upon returning to Iran, each has a pseudonym.

July marks one year since Parasto Hashemi and her family left Iran to come to Canada. Hashemi is a second-year sociology student here at Ryerson. She remembers the double life she lived in Iran. She lived a public life where she obeyed laws that forbid women from being seen without their hijab, alcohol consumption, dating, public displays of affection and sexual relations outside marriage. “I was wearing a scarf. But I was stopped in the streets for not wearing my scarf properly,” the 23-year old said.

But hidden from the watchful eyes of the morality police, Hashemi lived a different life. “I had a boyfriend,” she quickly said. “We have underground music in Iran.

We have underground literature in Iran. I guess we have underground everything in Iran.”

Ali Haghigat is a 22-year old student in his third year of mechanical engineering at Ryerson. He came to Canada from the Iranian city of Ahwaz.

“Life is very different compared to the capital Tehran,” he said. It had a small town friendliness and closeness. “I was not involved in the underground culture in Iran,” Haghigat said. But Hashemi interrupted Haghigat, and said that every school had an underground culture. “Underground culture in schools is the same thing you had between your classmates, but not between your classmates and teacher. And that’s something, I think, that everyone experiences in Iran.

“I mean. You have talks with your classmates that you will never tell your teacher.

And your teacher is not supposed to know.

Even if he recognizes it, he has to ignore it.

That’s underground,” she said. But Haghigat said his school was unlike other high schools in Iran and his one year of high school in Canada. “Our school is different.

Teachers are not allowed to say anything against the government and students cannot say anything which is not in the books,” he laughed and then paused.

Morteza Rahnama, 27, a graduate student in mechanical engineering, sat

between his two colleagues at a table in the centre of the Hub on campus. Bright gym lights illuminated the cafeteria. Rahnama wore a pea green polo t-shirt and matching green wristband in support of presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi who has led the movement protesting the outcome of the June 12 vote.

He was listening and scribbling notes on a white piece of paper as his friends spoke. His turn to speak, Rahnama said that Iranian culture is very diverse and influenced by many traditions and ethnicities.

And so any understanding of Iran cannot be generalized as simply a fundamentalist or radical Islamic country that clamps down on the personal freedom of its citizens.

“Although the title of the government is the Islamic Republic of Iran, it doesn’t mean that women are forbidden from everything, or that they cannot participate in anything.

That’s not true,” he said.

“Actually, fundamentalism is not that powerful in Iran within broader society. In other Arab countries, I can say that fundamentalism is a part of society and is strong in the society.”

Haghigat agrees, and said that fundamentalist beliefs among citizens are declining.

Clarifying, Rahnama said that most Iranians didn’t see an Islamic or religious government as the best way to govern Iran.

But, the public’s shift away from fundamentalist interpretations hasn’t fully changed the Iranian regime’s current oppressive political agenda, especially for women like Hashemi. Talking about Iran’s June 12 presidential election, each student said the election was rigged. “I definitely think the election was rigged. There’s no doubt it was rigged. If it wasn’t rigged, why did they disconnect the cell phones? Why didn’t they give a legal permit for people to demonstrate? Why did they shoot people? These are all questions,” Hashemi said. A shortage of ballots and the closing down of Mousavi’s campaign headquarters are also indicators the election was rigged, the students said.

According to one analysis of the election, BBC News reports that the results left

many questions unanswered, including how Ahmadinejad’s share of the vote increased from 17 million in 2005 to 24 million in 2009.

The study, conducted by the United Kingdom-based Institute of Iranian Studies at the University of St. Andrews and the London think-tank Chatham House, said that a record voter turnout of 85 per cent could explain that. However, province by province, the districts with the greatest turnout of voters for Ahmadinejad weren’t the provinces that had the greatest increase in voter turnout. This creates what the study calls “problematic election figures.” Nearly 10,000 miles away from their homeland, these three Iranian students will continue to watch as the Iranian people challenge their government. They watch with hope that some day democracy, open discussion, freedom of choice and economic equality will come about in Iran.

“In 20 years, I want to see a free Iran, but I want its culture, language and history to stay. I don’t want it following any other country. I want its identity to stay with it,” Hashemi said.

Young Girls working more as recession hits international business

By Salmaan Abdul Hamid Khan

There are over 100 million girls involved in child labour worldwide, and the numbers are on the rise.

Child labour poses a serious problem for many of the world’s developing countries. Despite efforts by the International Labour Organization (ILO) and numerous non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the number of children engaged in child labour continues to increase. A major factor contributing to this trend is the current global economic crisis.

Apart from increasing the cost of my cup of coffee, the worldwide recession has significantly reduced foreign direct investment, tourism-related spending, export revenue—all key sources of growth and stability for fragile economies in the developing world. According to the World Bank, developing nations will face a 2.1 per cent fall in economic growth this year, if not more.

What does this mean? A continual decrease in economic growth will have a large impact on human livelihood. Poverty reduction gains will drastically decrease. An estimated 90 million more people around the world will be pushed into extreme poverty—living on less than US$1.25 a day. In addition, governments are now forced to decrease spending in order to iran protest Photos by .faramarz/flickr

cope, and one of the areas facing deep cuts is education.

Cuts in national education budgets, coupled with a decrease in family income, can only spell disaster for many youth. According to the ILO, education plays an essential role in combating child labour across the globe: more children going to school equals fewer kids pushed into child labour.

Unfortunately, the decrease in government support for education and the drop in labour wages have forced many families to choose: which children will stay in school (if at all), while others go to work to earn money?

Guy Thijs is a deputy regional director for the ILO: “When families have to choose between educating a boy or a girl, the girl often loses out. Many (girls) are expected to give priority to household chores or economic activities as opposed to education.”

Many girls—some as young as eight years old—are now forced into the labour market. Traditionally, duties and positions set aside for girls included domestic work in households.

However, new ILO studies indicate that more young girls are now forced to work in industries such as mining, and are taking on jobs that were usually carried out by boys. These young

girls, now exposed to a new life of hard labour, are more likely to encounter further hardships. Many of them working in mines or as domestic servants are usually exposed to physical and sexual abuse.

How can this problem be resolved? This argues for solutions proposed by the ILO: “Investing in girls’ education is particularly important.

Putting girls into schools is one of the best investments any country can make.”

However, the ILO’s proposal doesn’t make concrete suggestions to combat child labour in a period of economic recession. Another proposal comes from India, where an estimated 12 million children are engaged in child labour. Rama Shankar Chaurasia is a representative from the Save the Childhood Movement: “The government is interested in the availability of cheap labour and therefore the labour laws in India are not going to be enforced properly.”

Child advocates like Chaurasia argue that pressure must be applied to all governments to enforce anti-child labour laws and to see the long-term economic benefits of investing in children’s education.

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Green infrastructure could reduce carbon footprint

By Kaitlin Fowlie

In his goal to reduce green house gas emissions by 30 per cent by 2020, Mayor David Miller introduced the specific aim to double the tree canopy over the city. His goals are “aggressive, but workable”—according to Councillor Paula Fletcher, chair of the Parks and Environment Committee. At present, Toronto’s canopy covers 17 per cent of the city. This might seem a trifling percentage in comparison to Washington, which has 40-per cent canopy coverage and Ottawa with 27 per cent.

Miller’s plan may require some painstaking effort to succeed, but could have enormous benefit if it does. Incorporating trees into the urban environment would serve to reduce the amount of fossil fuel we burn and ease the damage of deforestation—the two main roots of climate change. Right now, homes and other buildings account for 30 per cent of the greenhouse gas emissions in the country. Design and sustainability, both significant objectives in Toronto, can’t be sacrificed for one another. They must work together.

The city doesn’t “breathe” as well as a forest, contributing large quantities of carbon to the atmosphere with few sources of absorption. The earth, in order to give warmth to support life, needs a reasonable amount of greenhouse gases. Carbon dioxide appears naturally in the atmosphere, exhaled by humans and involved in the photosynthesis of plants. Carbon is kept in check by a natural carbon cycle, a system which creates a balance between the carbon emitters (humans), and the carbon absorbers (plants).

Oceans, land and air are all involved in the process.

After the industrial revolution, when human activity more significantly began to alter carbon levels in the atmosphere, the earth began to experience increasing quantities of carbon in the system. And it’s been rising steadily since, resulting in a 1.4-degree increase in global average temperature. This might not seem like a lot, but consider the fact that the global average temperature during the last ice age was only 4 to 7 degrees cooler than it is today, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The increase refers to the average temperature, not explicitly presenting the extremes on either side.

The city has taken a lot less time to grow than the forests, and we can’t undo what has been built. But by adding trees into the urban landscape, we can contribute to the solution of the unbalanced carbon cycle. Placed around a house or on a rooftop, trees can cool a building by 40 per cent. Cutting back on air conditioner reliance means a decrease in the human-made greenhouse gas hydrofluorocarbons. An appropriate mix of trees can filter 88 per

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cent of air pollution in a park, or 70 per cent in a street setting.

The benefit isn’t just limited to homes and buildings. On the streets, trees slow rain fall and absorb water, reducing rain flow into our sewers. More trees on the streets mean less overflow from sewers into the lake.

More trees would attract wildlife, make the city more aesthetically pleasing, and create more jobs. The benefits are numerous. Trees and urban design are a winning team, combining to reconcile urban culture and nature, a gap that must be bridged in order to achieve a truly sustainable city. Restoring an ecosystem is slow and demanding process. And unlike simply building a condo, it is unpredictable. But adding these lasting structures to the city’s infrastructure would have a greatly advantageous impact on our environment, our resources, and our economy.

The potential difficulties of Miller’s plan lie in the nature of plant life. Will the slow growth of trees be frustrating enough for us to scrap the plan and come up with yet another quick and easy solution? Most of the trees that make up the canopy in Toronto were planted over a century ago, meaning that the skinny ones planted in addition will take equally as long to reach full growth.

Cultivation in the urban environment won’t be easy, either. City trees die quickly in the drought of the hot summer months, as they bake against the concrete buildings and roads. If trees are to survive in the city, they would need to be planted in large groups and carefully tended.

Cities are built primarily with humans needs in mind. They create the illusion of a world solely for us. The goals of Mayor Miller provide promising step to a sustainable Toronto. So far, we have eight LEED certified buildings in the city. The green building rating system commends the utilization of conditions like natural light, plants, local building materials, bike storage etc. It is a country-wide initiative, taking into account the Canadian climate, construction regulations and practices. Ryerson’s 105 Bond Street was recently certified Gold by LEED, making it the first university building certified in Ontario. The building has a negative ecological footprint, diverting most waste materials from the landfill.

Toronto can and should set an example for other Canadian cities. Doubling the tree canopy is within our reach, and the cultivation of these entities will force us to recognize the true value of trees. The greater the esteem we assign them, the greater the benefit they will provide. Urban design and sustainability can no longer afford to clash. A green infrastructure starts with a return to the architecture of the natural world.

Photo by stage88/flickr

In defence of the boycott

By Jenny Peto

The international movement of Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) against Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians is gaining momentum, and sparking new debates in the broader public. The Ryerson Free Press reprints below a response by BDS campaigner Jenny Peto to Globe and Mail columnist Rick Salutin who raises questions about the effectiveness of a boycott strategy. Jenny’s response originally appeared on rabble.ca on August 5, 2009: http://www.rabble. ca/news/2009/08/defence-boycott-response-rick-salutin Rick Salutin has an impressive record of defending Palestine solidarity activism. He is usually one of the few voices of reason that one would be thankful to hear. Take for example his defence of Israeli Apartheid Week at a time when the government, the opposition and the pro-Israel lobby groups were raising hell against what is merely a series of lectures.

From reading Salutin’s recent article, one gets the impression that his criticism of the Boycotts, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, and the recent cancelation of Leonard Cohen’s show in Ramallah, do not come from a pro-Israel position, but rather comes from a genuine desire to move the struggle for Palestinian rights forward. He approaches the matter from a critical point of view, and raises some questions about BDS. The BDS movement, which is a global movement that has been in existence for about four years now, can provide answers to all of the questions and concerns raised. I see this as an opportunity to engage with Salutin and challenge some of his claims about the campaign in hope of winning his and his readers’ support for this important movement.

Salutin begins with expressing antipathy towards boycotts. I concur. Boycotts are, to put it simply, “not nice.” They are a pressure tactic. They are not meant to be gestures of politeness. “Not nice” as they may be, the question that should be asked here is to what ends are boycotts used? Are they used as ends in and of themselves or as means? Are they part of a coordinated and planned movement or just the passing wishes of a few?

What is the BDS movement?

Answers to these questions can be found in the foundational document, the 2005 call for boycott signed by over 170 civil society organizations representing all sectors of Palestinian society—those living within Israel, the West Bank and Gaza as well as Palestinians throughout the Diaspora, most of whom are refugees. You can read the document here: http:// www.bdsmovement.net/?q=node/52. The call explicitly shows that boycotts are not an end, and are only meant to be used until Israel complies with international law. The call states three demands: That Israel dismantle the Apartheid Wall and return occupied Arab lands, grant full equality for all its citizens regardless of religion and ethnicity and that Palestin-

Photo by nora loreto

ian refugees be allowed to exercise their right to return. It is modeled on the BDS campaign that was instrumental in overthrowing the Apartheid regime in South Africa.

In the past four years, the BDS movement has gained strength and momentum around the world including here in Canada and Quebec, where several trade unions including CUPE Ontario, CUPW and CSN have adopted BDS resolutions. Recently, Independent Jewish Voices in Canada became the first national Jewish organization in the world to endorse the BDS call. There is also now a growing movement inside Israel calling for ‘a boycott from within.’

BDS: An effective strategy that has gained popular support Salutin argues that boycotts are largely ineffective. Talking specifically about the Palestinian campaign, he writes that BDS may be counterproductive in mobilizing support for the Palestinian cause because it can result in raising “fears about renewed anti-Semitism.” The argument that BDS raises fears of anti-Semitism ignores the well-documented fact that any and all discussions of Palestinian human rights—including, but definitely not limited to BDS—provoke spurious accusations of anti-Semitism from Israel’s supporters who hope to suppress all criticism of Israel by labeling it anti-Semitic.

The BDS call invokes fear among Israel supporters not because it is anti-Semitic or will lead to anti-Semitism, but for quite the opposite reason. They are afraid because they have seen that BDS is an effective strategy that has gained popular support precisely because it is rooted in the principles of social justice, international law and human rights and can therefore not so easily be falsely dismissed as anti-Semitic.

Salutin goes on to argue that BDS is ineffective because it can lead to “counter-mobilizations, such as supporters of Israel buying up all the tickets to a boycotted exhibit of the Dead Sea scrolls in Toronto.” Focusing on this particular campaign, Salutin does not mention the many victories of the BDS campaign, including the recent decision by Veolia to pull out of the Jerusalem Light Rail transit project because of intense, worldwide pressure on the company, the refusal of the South African dock workers to offload a ship carrying Israeli goods and reports indicating that Israeli exports to Europe are declining due to boycott campaigns.

The characterization of the Dead Sea Scrolls campaign as a failure also ignores the major strength of the BDS movement—its power to raise awareness about the Palestinian struggle. Yes, the campaign against the Dead Sea Scrolls exhibit did result in Israel supporters buying up tickets to the event—which likely would have happened regardless of the campaign—but more importantly, it created public awareness that the Scrolls are looted Palestinian artifacts, stolen when Israel occupied the West Bank in 1967.

The ultimate goal of the BDS campaign is to put econom-

ic and political pressure on Israel, but a key step in achieving this goal is education and raising the profile of Palestinian issues. In this sense, the Dead Sea Scrolls campaign can actually be seen as a success.

Salutin’s final argument is a condemnation of what he calls “the self-righteous language on each side.” While he rightly criticize Israel’s recent decision to ban the term “Nakba” (Arabic for catastrophe, used to describe the ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1948) from textbooks, he compares that to descriptions of Israel as a colonial, apartheid by those within the BDS movement.

Calling Israel a colonial apartheid regime is not a hyperbolic, moralistic overstatement, but rather an accurate portrayal of Israel and a characterization that was recently supported by a comprehensive, 300-page report by the Human Sciences Research Council of South Africa. This report, written by a number of respected researchers under the supervision of Professor John Dugard, who is a leading authority on international law, systematically explains and analyzes Israeli policies and shows how they fit the definition of colonialism and apartheid.

Salutin’s invocation of Edward Said is a bit out of place.

Said died in 2003, two years before the beginning of the BDS campaign. But since Said was very supportive of the boycotts campaign against apartheid South Africa, one would expect that he would be supportive of the Palestinians’ BDS campaign which is putting forward demands that he spent many years calling for.

It is healthy to debate tactics and strategy, not just with our opponents, but also with allies. Engaging in such discussions further increases the profile of the BDS campaign and also provides an opportunity to educate people who support the Palestinian cause, but may still have reservations about joining in this campaign.

That’s why I want to encourage Salutin to reconsider his dismissal of BDS—a tactic chosen and supported by the large majority of Palestinians and their allies worldwide. Statements of support are important, but the best way to support an oppressed group of people in their struggle is to take your cues from them. They know better.

The Palestinians have spoken, and have done so almost unanimously and unequivocally. They have indicated to us that BDS is the best way to help them. We can choose to follow it, or ignore it and continue with ineffective support that will never effect any change.

Jenny Peto is active with the Toronto-based Coalition Against Israeli Apartheid (CAIA).

Rick Salutin’s original piece, “Mr. Cohen doesn’t do Ramallah,” originally appeared in the Globe and Mail on July 24, 2009.

You can read it in full here: http://www.theglobeandmail.com/ news/opinions/mr-cohen-doesnt-do-ramallah/article1229138/

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Three lonG years in soliTary ConFinemenT

By Mariana Ionova

to be in solitary confinement at Toronto’s infamous Don Jail is to be restricted to a sixfoot by seven-foot cell that constitutes one’s whole world for 23 and-a-half hours everyday.

It is a life where 30 minutes in the yard and a 20-minute phone call are all the human contact one gets. It is endless days spent in mind-numbing isolation and desolate silence.

And, for Fahim Ahmad, it is what life had been like for nearly three long years.

Ahmad is one of the 18 Muslim men and boys who were arrested in the summer of 2006 in Canada’s largest anti-terror bust. The men were accused of belonging to an AlQaeda inspired terror cell, participating in military training and plotting to bomb several high-profile targets in southern Ontario.

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) first began keeping an eye on Ahmad in the fall of 2004, when the agency noticed him and one of his co-accused, zakaria Amara, on a website where some members expressed anti-Western sentiments. But when Ahmad and another co-accused, Jahmaal James, allegedly met with two Atlanta terrorist suspects, authorities became more aggressive in their investigation. Intelligence officers then made a bold move to get information from the inside.

In a bid to infiltrate the group, CSIS and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) hired Mubin Shaikh, a civilian informant who had previously worked on CSIS operations, to befriend the group. Shaikh helped the men set up a winter training camp near Orillia in December 2005, where police watched the accused, dressed in fatigues, as they allegedly performed military exercises for nearly two weeks during their Christmas break.

The RCMP also brought another mole into the game, an unnamed informant who was paid a hefty $4 million to infiltrate with the promise to help them buy bomb-making materials. When he gained their trust, he allegedly set up the purchase of three metric tons of ammonium nitrate, the same explosive fertilizer used in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing.

But, when two of the accused—Saad Khalid and a youth who cannot be named—went to a Newmarket warehouse on June 2 to pick up the fertilizer, the warehouse was swarmed by officers and they were arrested. Police also raided the homes and workplaces of the other suspects, charging them with a host of terror-related crimes, including receiving terrorist training, participating in a terrorist group and intending to cause an explosion.

Lawyers for the defendants have argued that Shaikh and the other informant acted illegally, entrapping their clients—only to receive massive sums of money from the government afterwards.

Following their arrests, the accused men were taken to Maplehurst Correctional Complex where, to fulfill an order requiring no contact between some of the men, they were placed in solitary confinement. But according to Khalid’s lawyer, Ingrid grant, the specifics of the order were ignored and all the men were kept in isolation.

“Correctional [Services] took the position that, because most of the guys who were accused had orders not to communicate with their co-accused, the only way of enforcing that was to keep them all in solitary confinement,” said grant.

The order was finally challenged and lifted in the summer of 2007, after exhaustive efforts on the part of the defence attorneys. But not everyone was lucky enough to leave solitude behind: Ahmad and Amara were merely transferred to the Don Jail, where they continued to live in isolation until just a few weeks ago.

Human rights groups and family members of the accused did not stand by quietly, though. groups like the Presumption Innocence Project, a civil liberties group that was created in direct response to the treatment of the Toronto 18, have repeatedly criticized the use of solitary confinement on individuals who have not been convicted of anything.

The families of the accused—who have shown their support through websites, rallies and petitions—have also become vocal critics of solitary confinement, demanding that the

government cease to treat their loved ones with cruelty and inhumanity.

But according to the Ministry of Community Safety and Correctional Services, there is nothing inhumane about keeping inmates in solitary confinement. The Ministry, although refusing to comment specifically on the case of the Toronto 18, maintained that inmates held in solitary confinement receive humane treatment that reflects the “strict standards [put] in place to ensure the safe care, custody and control of all inmates”.

What is perhaps more disconcerting, however, is that many of the accused—and their attorneys—have only a vague idea what they are up against in this case. Many of the details of the case have been withheld by authorities and, according to Amara’s defence lawyer, David Kolinsky, this stems from the role of CSIS in the investigation.

“I think what we’re seeing generally is just a trend where the line between CSIS, as an intelligence agency, and police is becoming blurred,” said Kolinsky. “It can be a bit uncertain because CSIS tends to operate under a veil of secrecy.”

Kolinsky also adds that disregard for the rights of defendants is more likely when this kind of overstepping occurs.

“The more [CSIS] steps into the arena of law enforcement, as opposed to intelligence gathering, there is a potential for the accused to receive less protection because courts tend to give CSIS a right to secrecy, in terms of protecting the names of employees and protecting their methods and techniques,” said Kolinsky.

But despite the mystery that typically shrouds cases related to national security, as time has passed, the government’s case against the Toronto 18 has visibly lost some of its vigour. At the time of the arrests, CSIS and the RCMP were portrayed heroes: they had seemingly averted the execution of a deadly plot that could have cost thousands their lives.

But now, three years later, the case no longer seem as iron-clad as it did in 2006.

The reliability of the CSIS sources was shaken when Shaikh admitted to having a cocaine problem and the unidentified mole quietly disappeared—with his massive paycheque—into a witness protection program immediately after the bust. The looming

threat of a widespread, home-grown terror cell has also dissipated over time, as seven of the accused have been cleared of all charges and the group has shrunk in size to the Toronto 11.

To an outside observer, these developments may suggest that the case is crumbling.

But grant suggests that this is just a by-product of overzealous officials arresting and charging too many people.

“I guess that a person looking at it from the outside could certainly say that, if the Crown is withdrawing a charge against someone, it probably thought that the case wasn’t very strong,” said grant. “It suggests to me, looking at it from my perspective, that they charged more people than they should have, that they realized that the case against some of them wasn’t as strong as they initially thought.”

In early May, the case took an unexpected turn when Khalid pled guilty to intending to cause an explosion. And while his trial has not yet concluded, the potential penalty Khalid faces is a life behind bars.

“It’s a serious offence,” said grant. “And that’s what it means for the [other] guys charged with it—that they’re dealing with a very serious offence.”

Khalid’s plea does not convict the whole group, according to Kolinsky.

“The other accused are not bound by his admissions,” said Kolinsky, adding that Khalid is not expected to be called as a witness once the trial of his co-accused starts.

The Presumption of Innocence Project has echoed the same sentiment, asserting that each of the cases must be decided on their own merits, and that all of the men remain presumed innocent.

For the 10 men still awaiting trial, it could be years before they begin to get answers and think about the possibility of freedom. But until then, the accused must cope with countless hours in a cell and the possibility of spending a lifetime behind bars.

“Whether the rest of the guys are found guilty remains to be seen,” said grant.

For more information about the Toronto 18, please visit http://www.toronto18.com/

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PHOTO BY DEREK PuRDY/FLICKR

Uyghur protests rock China

By Kate Mills

The Chinese National Day celebrations scheduled for October 2009 will attempt to highlight 60 years of a unified China. But with recent ethnic unrest in China, those celebrations may not unfold as smoothly as officials hope.

Trouble started brewing on June 25 after a disgruntled former worker at a toy factory in Guangdong province falsely accused Uyghur (pronounced WEE-gar) workers of raping Han women. The dispute led to a mass ethnic brawl between Han Chinese and Muslim Uyghurs, in which two Uyghurs were killed. Tensions escalated into the July 5 riot

by Uyghurs in Ürümqi, the capital of Xinjiang in Western China. When police attempted to end the demonstration in Ürümqi’s People’s Square, they clashed with Uyghur demonstrators. Witnesses say hoards of Uyghur young men then rampaged through the city for hours, attacking Han residents, smashing vehicles and torching Han-owned shops. This left 156 dead and more than 1,000 hurt, according to the BBC. There have been sporadic outbreaks of violence in Xinjiang since 1991, but the riot in Ürümqi was the deadliest outbreak of ethnic violence in China in decades. For at least three days after that, Han Chinese sparked more violence, armed with sticks and knives, in retaliation to the riots.

Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada refused a formal interview with the Ryerson Free Press, but provided a statement online issued by Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon: “We urge restraint on all sides and call on the Government of China to respect freedom of speech and information and the right to peaceful protest. Dialogue and goodwill are required to help resolve grievances and prevent further deterioration of the situation.”

At the centre of the conflict are the Han Chinese, who are the ethnic majority in China, and the Uyghurs, a Turkic-speaking race of Sunni Muslims who are a minority population in China. Beijing has been

accused of trying to weaken Uyghur culture by encouraging mass immigration of Han Chinese to Xinjiang. The percentage of Han Chinese in the region has risen dramatically over time. Han currently account for roughly 40 per cent of Xinjiang’s population, while about 45 per cent are Uyghurs. Government policies that support the spread of the Han language, culture and economic power have made it extremely difficult for Uyghurs to find jobs. Many Uyghurs do not speak Mandarin. The linguistic assimilation currently underway means that the Uyghur language, written in Arabic script, has been steadily phased out of higher education. Xinjiang’s Communist leader declared it unsuitable for China’s “scientific development.”

Beijing also imposes strict limits on the Uyghurs’ practice of Islam. For example, children under the age of 18 are not permitted to worship in mosques; Uyghur government employees are forbidden from fasting during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan; the political authorities appoint the imams at every mosque, and often dictate the sermons preached during Friday prayers; madrasahs— Islamic religious school—are also strictly controlled.

Other Islamic institutions that were once an integral part of religious life in Xinjiang have been banned, including many of the Sufi brotherhoods, which are based at the tombs of their founders and once provided many welfare and other services to their members.

All religions in China are subject to control by the State Administration for Religious Affairs, but the restrictions on Islam among the Uyghurs are far harsher than those imposed on other groups, such as the Hui who are also Muslims, but are Chinese speakers.

Intertwined with the state’s oppression of Uyghurs is fear: fear that Uyghurs will attempt to form their own state, as they once did briefly in the 1940s, calling themselves the Republic of East Turkestan. In the eyes of Beijing, a symbol of Uyghur separatism is millionaire businesswoman, Rebiya Kadeer.

Kadeer spent six years in a Chinese prison for “threatening national security” before she was released into exile in the United States in 2005. In 2004, she won the Rafto Prize for human rights.

Chinese officials blame Kadeer for inciting ethnic unrest in Xinjiang. In the US, she organized the World Uyghur Congress (WUC) which represents the Uyghur community in exile. China recently demanded that the documentary about Kadeer, called Ten Conditions of Love, be banned from the Melbourne International Film Festival (July 24 to August 9, 2009).

Beijing claims that Uyghur militants have been organizing a violent campaign for an independent state by plotting bombings, sabotage and civic unrest. Since the September 11 2001, attacks in the US, China has increasingly portrayed its Uyghur separatists as associates of Al-Qaeda. It has accused them of receiving training and indoctrination from Islamist militants in neighbouring Afghanistan, although hardly any evidence has been produced to support these claims.

After September 11, Washington classified the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM) as a terrorist organization. ETIM’s connections to bigger terrorist organizations remain unclear. Around the same time, more than 20 Uyghurs were captured by the US military after its invasion of Afghanistan. Although they were imprisoned at Guantánamo Bay for six years, they were never charged with any offences and many have now settled elsewhere.

Laura Suen, a Chinese-Canadian student at the University of Toronto, sheds some nuance on the subject of Uyghurs and terrorism.

“I definitely don’t see them as terrorists.

I see them as an ethnic group of people who wish to separate and the Chinese government is unwilling to allow their country to fragment. Of course, the Chinese government will paint them as terrorists, just like how the Uyghurs will demonize the government. What bothers me is that people will often believe

one side or another, while the truth is likely somewhere in between,” Suen said.

For its part, Beijing does offer certain incentives for its minorities that it doesn’t offer to the Han. For example, Uyghurs are given additional points in China’s college entrance exam, whereas the Han have to work harder to achieve certain grades to get into university. Also, only ethnic minorities are allowed to have more than one child. Despite these privileges, most Uyghurs are still poorer than the majority Han, and feel excluded from Xingjiang’s vast oil, mineral and agricultural wealth. State oppression against the Uyghurs is systematic and widespread.

Reaction from state media has focused on the injuries suffered by the Han. Keep in mind: the majority Han are most represented in the Communist Party and government positions. Instead of delving deeper into the issues, the Chinese media seems to be engaging in public relations more than anything else.

The Guangzhou Daily recently reported that, following fighting on June 26, much needed repairs to the assembly line, dormitories and canteen at the toy factory in Shaoguan had already been completed. There were also pictures of smiling Uyghur women, back at work at the factory.

There could well be fear among China’s people too. There are many reports that Chinese people are reluctant to discuss ethnic issues, making tensions hard to measure.

Suen hopes the dawn of a new era will see its day in China.

“I’d like to see the Chinese government be more open to the idea of allowing ethnic groups to separate peacefully. I think this will happen in time. It’s not something that the world can force the Chinese government to do, but I think in time things will change.

I’m hopeful. A hundred years ago, I don’t think anyone would have ever guessed that the Chinese government would have allowed American corporations to operate in China, let alone allow a full season of Survivor film there! Things will change in time,” Suen said.

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CULTURE eCo-Fashion Trends bloom in ToronTo Fashion sCene

By Arti Patel

JessicA mArtel’s eyes were caught by a navy blue scarf, scrunched and tied into the shape of a bow. Sitting on clothes hangers among several bow-ties, light and dark in colour, she grabbed it and looked at the tag, it simply read: “organic.”

Martel, 20, a fashion designer hopeful had been shopping at different stores in Toronto, looking for the greener side of fashion.

“I like the fact that my fashion needs are met without destroying the environment, it makes me more of a responsible consumer,” Martel said.

With top retailers like H&M and the Gap jumping on the ecofriendly bandwagon, local Toronto fashion designers and fashion admirers alike feel there is more to eco-chic style than just buying a shirt that’s 100 per cent organic cotton.

“The environment is changing and the younger generation, through fashion can carry on this [eco-fashion] ‘trend,’ ” Martel said.

Environmentally conscious fashion is a process where the materials or fabrics that go into clothing and accessories have been made naturally and do not harm the environment through their production. These fabrics are often organic and do not use any chemicals, dyes and pesticides. There is arguably an increasing trend toward being a greener society.

This is evidenced, for example, in the five cent charge on plastic bags in Toronto or in the newer ecofriendly cell phones. Along with these small green changes, having eco-friendly style has also never been so popular.

Melanie Ferrara, owner and fashion designer for Device, a clothing line that uses eco-friendly fabrics including bamboo, wants consumers to understand the importance of eco-fashion.

“The products are really a better alternative and I think it’s great people are thinking about it,” Ferrara said.

Ferrara, started Device in 2005, after graduating from Ryerson’s fashion design program in 2004. After working with all types of fabrics and doing her research, she had even joined Fashion Takes Action, an organization aimed at eco-fashion. What her research showed was how little people were educated about eco-friendly fashion and how inaccessible and difficult they were to find in the city.

“Now that it’s popular, it’s hard to find independent designers. I’ve seen people come and go, and I think the people that are here now are committed and really love it,” Ferrara said.

In Toronto, there are over 25 eco-fashion stores listed by theboywithnoname.com, a blog that includes retailers, local designers and online stores.

Green is Black, a retailer turned online store in Toronto serves its customers by offering a variety of clothing and pieces, all created with organic fabric and eco-fashion principles and techniques.

Kerry MacMullin, founder of Green is Black, wanted to merge her two passions together: fashion and human rights. ”I wanted to give people a (fashion) choice and make it easy for them to do the right thing,” she said.

MacMullin, focused on items she believed are timeless rather than trendy and wanted consumers to keep in mind the advantages of eco-fashion while shopping.

“It’s a health component.

Clothing [that’s] laid in chemicals, pesticides and bleached in colour affect our skin. The wider component is that we are a part of this earth and what we do affects it -

Even shopping,” MacMullin said.

However, keeping one’s fabrics completely environmentally friendly isn’t always easy and it can be difficult for designers when it comes to finding dependable suppliers.

“The cost of organic fabric is double the price and you are often left unsure of the authenticity of the fabric,” Ferrara said, who often has to research both her fabrics and suppliers before any major purchase.

Benita Hsueh, designer for House of Hsueh, had first created mod styled clothing and bird-silhouette earrings for her collection.

She had realized how much waste was created in the fashion industry, through creating and having her own line.

“I wanted to try and reduce my own footprint by trying to be as eco-conscious as I could be, and the first step was to look at the materials I was using and to design things that were meant to be cherished for a long time,” Hsueh said.

Hsueh’s handmade collection included handbags, clothing and customized accessories, all with an eco-friendly approach. As the fabric snippets change against the walls of Hsueh’s studio, trends at the same time also seem to change.

If being green and eco-conscious is just a trend, some wonder if it will die out in the near future.

Ashley Ramnarine, a secondyear fashion management student at george Brown College thinks that even though eco-fashion may have started out as a trend, it does have potential.

“If a company goes green, it automatically gives them a ‘nice guy’ title. I’m sure it [eco-fashion] will not die out. Technology will advance so that green products will become more and more ecofriendly,” Ramnarine said.

lorA vertue

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SECULARIZing THE SPIRITUAL

John Philip’s book Yoga Inc. leads to a reflection of what yoga is today

By Vanessa Santilli Philip writes, “The Hatha yoga of old has little resemblance to today’s sweaty, souped-up workouts.”

Philip also wrote that, “ancient yogis performed intense purification rituals before they would even begin the poses.”

Whereas today, “most present-day yogis spend five minutes doing breathing exercises that they’re happy to have out of the way. The ancient yogis hoped to gain enlightenment by transforming their physical bodies into divine vessels impervious to disease and devoid of any defects. Present-day yogis want to look good naked.”

Hot yoga is unique among the styles of yoga as the room temperature is jacked up to somewhere near 40° C. The heat serves two purposes: to help the muscles stretch and to sweat out toxins in the body.

Marisa Wardinger Khan, director of Moksha Yoga North York, says that yoga has become very mainstream.

“I think this is partly because more and more people are realizing that yoga’s benefits go beyond the physical — that they can be attained in the mental, spiritual and emotional realms as well. Some schools of yoga have adapted to this popularity, making classes that are accessible to more people. In doing so, certain traditions are sometimes diluted or simplified or even omitted completely.”

But, she adds, it’s hard to generalize since there are still many schools of yoga out there that maintain the traditions.

So what is yoga? The word yoga comes from the Sanskrit root yuj, which translates to mean “union.” This is reflected in the dictionary definition of yoga, which defines it as “a group of ancient mental and physical Georgia esporias practices that develop self-awareness in order to create

Aranka Shkolnikova’s hot yoga students are not interested in meditation. They go to his studio for the workout.

“Yoga is like a living language,” Shkolnikova says. “It changes according to its users needs. Most people today need a release valve, not a plug.” This lack of emphasis on the spiritual nature of yoga—and almost complete focus on the physical— marks a growing trend in yoga, as captured in John Philip’s book, Yoga Inc., published last spring. The book explores the idea that yoga has shifted away from its origins, becoming more about the almighty dollar than spiritual enlightenment.

union between mind, body and spirit, leading to liberation.”

But Max Worth doesn’t mind the shift in yoga’s key goals.

Mostly because this York University business administration student, like many others, didn’t know there was a reason to mind.

“At my hot yoga classes, I have never had any form of instruction, counselling, guidance, or explanation on how to achieve any kind of enlightened spiritual experience—or even any acknowledgement that I’m supposed to be working towards one. So for me, yoga hasn’t veered because I have not yet known it in its original form. I go to the classes and focus on what I want to achieve, which is improved strength and endurance as well as a clear mind.”

But for Elena Favaro, the workout is more than just physical, even if it falls short of spiritual. “I have found yoga to be beneficial to me. I’m not sure that I will find or benefit from the spiritual aspect yoga was first practiced to achieve, but I have found my own sense of calm and understanding while practicing. I believe that if you practice for that reason, and you strive to understand yourself while pushing your body to the limit, you’ve benefited from hot yoga.”

To add to the secularization of yoga, there has been a group lobbying the International Olympic Committee to include yoga as an exhibition sport. Bikram Choudhury, who Philips describes as “the Hollywood hot yoga guru whose roster of hotties and power players can overpower his message,” is the driving force behind this.

“Yoga was never meant to be competitive, says yoga director Khan. “So I find it ridiculous that it is being considered for the Olympics. Yoga is about the unity of one’s mind, body and spirit and not about how flexible you are or how long you can hold a headstand.”

Skin Tight Outta Sight at Toronto’s Burlesque Festival

Sexy Mark Brown masters male burlesque

By Adriana Rolston Foxy Finale, the name of the newest addition to the Toronto burlesque troupe called Skin Tight Outta Sight (STOS), drove into the gas station astride a cardboard motorcycle. She pulled the greasy pump attendant behind her onto the seat and rubbed her rear cheeks in his face.

The man that she abducted, fellow troupe member Sexy Mark Brown, tumbled off her ride and stripped away his black jump suit to reveal nothing but a pale, thin frame and turquoise G-string. Meanwhile the song “Gasolina” thumped away in the background. As Foxy removed her red dress to expose nipple pasties and a matching thong, Mark worked a gas hose in his hand and finished by wiping it off with a rag. After tossing a tip in his glittery package Foxy drove off the Gladstone Hotel’s Art Bar stage with the wind blowing in her hair as Mark watched with an exhausted expression and a cigarette dangling from his lip.

Aside from his exposed performance, the lone man of STOS, the troupe that started the Toronto Burlesque Festival last year, also hosted the debut night of the four day festival known as Tassels Without Borders.

Mark emceed the Burlesque Festival’s meet and greet teaser at the Gladstone as his narcissistic character, Whisper, a pretentious rockstar in sunglasses and a picnic blanket patterned shirt. In a voice dipping with disdain he pronounced he was a true artist, whose feelings you couldn’t dare to comprehend even if you tried. La Minouche, from Toronto’s troupe, Les Coquettes, co-hosted as Juniper, the smoky voiced love child in a wide brimmed hat covering a mane of wild curls and a loose orange frock.

The pair led us through a night of true burlesque artistry, from a bra auction featuring neon construction inspired lingerie with proceeds going to the Boobalicious Weekend to End Breast Cancer, to a costume contest that literally bared all. In between titillating numbers performers returned to the stage to strike poses as Dr. Sketchy’s anti-art models while audience members with paper in hand sketched.

True to the festival’s theme, international artists hit the stage, like Boston’s Virginia D’Vine from Starlight Burlesque who gave a naughty mind-bender gender act. While dancing the golden-curled beauty’s right gloved hand appeared to belong to the devil’s head perched atop her shoulder, whose red cloak trailed over her arm. When his hand playfully roamed

over her breasts the twisted grimaces on her heart shaped face almost convinced you the squeezes weren’t her own.

Wrong Note Rusty represented local talent from the all-male troupe, Burlesque TO. He looked adorable in a yellow rain suit clasping a dilapidated umbrella until lightning struck him to the stage. Then the funky beat of ‘Danger!

High Voltage!’ by Electric Six started pulsing and Rusty’s limbs started to jerk as layers of plastic shed, until nothing remained but yellow shorts and jumper cables, which he whipped over his head like cowboy. Jamming one wire down the back of his shorts like a bum-hole outlet, he placed the other in his mouth and reached down into his shorts to produce a glowing blue light bulb.

Our host Whisper immediately suggested that electric cock power could solve the energy crisis and Juniper asked the audience if we could count every fetish in that number.

While talking with Mark before the festival he said that the world of male burlesque generally relies more on humor, in his personal experience.

“When you don’t have boobs it’s not really the same effect. Not to say that there’s no seductive aspect to it at all, but it’s not really what I’m going for,” said the tall, wavy haired performer who joined STOS almost six years ago.

Mark got recruited when original members Tanya Cheex and Sauci Calla Horra saw him perform during an amateur burlesque night at Lee’s Palace. Curious about stripping, Mark knew he wasn’t the typical muscular type you see at Remington’s and that his background was more comedy based. He had also studied musical theatre and has always felt in touch with his sexuality.

“So I just found that burlesque is the perfect combination for basically sex, comedy, music and dancing. It’s sort of all these things that I think are fascinating and I love,” said Mark.

At the beginning of the night drag queen Dr. Lucky, who teaches at the New York School of Burlesque with a “real Ph double D” gave us a power point lesson on the definition of

Dan rios

burlesque. She described that while performers may take off clothing they are actually ‘putting on’ layers of meaning.

The last performance of the night was the rich, syrupy voiced songstress Sonya ‘Jezebel’ Cote, who led a bald, portly man onto the stage and sat him down before slipping a hanky from between her cleavage and rubbing it over his noggin. She looked down at the reflection on his head, coolly applied some red lipstick and stripped down to pasties and panties before finishing her number with a flourish, “Though it leaves a lotta fellas cursing I’m a person that needs dispersing. I’m everybody’s girl.”

I was reminded of Dr. Lucky’s final word on what burlesque is: “Put simply, like pornography, I know it when I see it.”

Ryerson Free Press august 2009 25

Reviews

MUSIC Proof that musical mediocrity can’t be hidden behind featured guests Dangermouse & Sparklehorse – Dark Night of the Soul

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omeone once commented that “a camel is a horse designed by committee.” It means that too many peoples’ opinions and input on a project can dilute the quality thereof. Or in other words, that it takes a singular vision to create a unified masterwork...and Dark Night of the Soul is proof of this saying. This album was supposed to be a thing of beauty.

The Danger Mouse-produced and Sparklehorsewritten album boasted a veritable all-star line-up that consists of the lead singers of bands including the Flaming Lips, the Pixies, the Strokes, the Shins, the Cardigans and the Supper Furry Animals, not to mention icons like Iggy Pop and filmmaker David Lynch. Most of the guests are given co-writing credit for their respective songs, making for an album that sounds like a bunch of unrelated b-sides submitted

Powerfully emotive and compelling music from Wolf Parade’s Spencer Krug Sunset Rubdown – Dragonslayer

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ne of the most exciting independent acts in Canada is Montreal’s Wolf Parade. They are far from perfect, but there is a definite charm in their shambolic approach to beauty and the way they pull meaning and emotion from roaring guitar effects, irregular rhythms and vocal caterwauling.

Though the individual members are staggeringly prolific (there are at least five Wolf Parade-related side-projects), they never seem to run out of ideas and different algorithms for song-writing. Dragonslayer is the latest record from Spencer Krug’s Sunset Rubdown. They’ve created a sprawling, emotive and epic album that saves the best for last. It’s a record of ideas; just when a song begins to feel stale, Krug and co. change tempo, key and/

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or volume to ensure that the album never lulls, even when the song lengths reach six to ten minutes.

These musical ‘movements’ make Dragonslayer powerfully affecting, especially on tracks like “You Go on Ahead (Trumpet Trumpet II)” and “Nightingale/December Song,” the latter of which begins with thumping tribal-esque drums that turn into a coursing piano line that eventually builds into a haunting and climactic final chorus that is overwhelmingly dramatic and melodically dense without being over-wrought. Though Dragonslayer’s musical density and complexity can make it a challenge to access, once you’re in, you’re in, part of a story that is compelling from beginning to end. Rating: A- —SC

Fun for fun’s sake Discovery – LP

usic can be brainless without being horrible, despite what “Boom Boom Pow” might have led you to believe. LP is proof, an album of music made to put on in the background at your pool party, block party, or any other party that calls for a tasteful and inoffensive brand of R&B-infused mid-tempo electronica. Composed by Rostam Batmanglij (Vampire Weekend) and co-written and sung

by Wes Miles (Ra Ra Riot), Discovery’s LP, named LP is a slick and funky piece of musical frivolity. Think Kanye West’s 808 & Heartbreaks crossed with the Postal Service’s Give Up, if either of those albums had the slightest sense of irony or humour. Despite being somewhat of a dance album, LP’s best moments are at middle tempo, such as on “Osaka Loop Line,” “Can You

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by bands who happened to have them lying around. The album not only lacks quality, but the sense of cohesion that makes an album worth listening to in order. Even the sinister and intriguing theme suggested by the album’s title is only half-hearted. It’s disappointing, considering the general quality of both of the album’s masterminds: Dangermouse’s production is generally top quality (see Dangerdoom and Beck’s Modern Guilt for proof ) and Sparklehorse is an indie mainstay. The problem here is that they exercise no control over their own project, seemingly caring more about the guests than about the songs that make up their album. Thus, while Dark Night of the Soul contains a few playlist-worthy tracks, it’s too scattershot and spiritless to be engaging as an album. Rating: C+ —Stephen Carlick

Discover?,” and lead single “So Insane,” when it slows down to deliver a chorus that claims “Ooh baby, you got me goin’ so insane and I just don’t know what’s goin’ down.” The singer sings the words so casually he could be reading from a text message. Oddly, however, it’s a cover of the Jackson 5’s “I Want You Back” that proves to be the most effective here. It’s slow and melancholic, and the steely sound of the percussion makes the desperation of the original lyrics ring perhaps even truer than in the original. LP is no contender for album of the year and there’s nothing that repeated listens could unearth that you didn’t hear the first or second time. It’s just a pleasant listen, one of those rare records that is sure to please everyone. Rating: B —SC

TORONTO FRINGE FESTIVAL Some Kind of Hero Directed by Stan Rogal

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eet Johnny and Maddie: a young couple just a few years into their marriage going through typical marital speed bumps. Reluctant to seek typical marital counseling, Johnny agrees to ‘tell all’ on an internet TV show with his wife, and let their online audience decide what they should do. An interesting concept, but the device does not really save us from the couples’ bickering and airing of their dirty laundry, which is not all that salacious.

The second act takes us 10 years into the future, and it seems like little has been resolved. The problems that we saw developing are now fully bloomed and the couple appears more estranged and at each others throats. Johnny, now a slovenly boor, sits at

the dinner table slugging down shots of Jack Daniels and gnawing at left over dinner bones while Maddie, now a nagging shrew of a wife, drops sly comments.

What he doesn’t know is that these bones are actually those of his dear neglected children, reminding us of one of the original meanings of ‘you got served!’

Does this sound familiar? If you’re an English Lit, or Classics student, then it should. Part two of is a modern re-telling of the final act of the Euripedes tragic play, Medea.

Interactive? Sort of. The theatre audience becomes the internet audience. Spectators are asked for feedback but have little impact on the story. —Jesse Ship

Dracula in a Time of Climate Change Directed by Matt Jones & Scott Kettles

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his is a loosely held together re-telling of the Dracula story that pokes fun at lesbian-friendly, eco-activist, Montreal college students. Lucy (Cassandra Witteman) replaces Jonathan Harker’s character as a lesbian college student who ventures to Transylvania to take soil samples of their terribly polluted eco-scape. Why she happens to stay at Dracula’s (Scott Kettles) castle is a mystery, but, nevertheless, the story must go on. A chance paper cut piques Drac’s appetite and he gets his first taste of fresh, unpolluted, vegan blood.

He must have more! He leaves her immediately for Montreal, in pursuit of her tasty eco-activist posse.

Drac smoothly works his way into their gang, free from being ousted by Lucy (still in Transylvania), and falls in love with bisexual Mina (Sibel A.). Despite Drac’s

conversion to their activist cause (the taking down of E.V.L. Corp, formerly known as N.I.C.E.), she still rejects him. The vamp turns suicidal, moping in his motel/’lair’ in the suburbs of Montreal, watching bad cable TV. The poor tortured, undead soul. Whatever shall he do?

Dracula In a Time of Climate Change is a fun story, with an excellent script, but is really held together by Dracula’s hilarious fish-out-of-water act, stunning one liners and multiple impaling references.

Interactive? Yes. Audience seating is turned in to town hall meeting with members of the cast speaking their voices from the bleachers. Hunchbacked Renfield traipses around the seats a couple times as well. —JS

Fucking Stephen Harper: How I Sexually Assaulted the 22nd Prime Minister of Canada, And Where It Got Me Directed by Rob Salerno

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his is an inspiring story for independent journalists, regardless of their sexual orientation. Rob Salerno, political reporter for Xtra!, is the protagonist in this more-orless autobiographical play. He tells the story of his misadventures on the 2008 campaign trail, navigating through Canada’s Conservative Party as a gay political journalist in hot pursuit of an interview with Stephen Harper.

After being denied interviews with the PM by the Conservative party numerous times, - “Xtra! magazine? You people have your own newspaper? That’s greaaaaaat!”- Rob takes to the streets trying to ambush slippery Stephen, but to no avail.

Finally, at a high school reunion in Etobicoke where the PM is scheduled to make an appearance, Mr. Salerno corners his prey and dives at him in an adrenaline-fueled frenzy. He hurls politically charged questions regarding cuts to funding for AIDS research and other burning

questions. Needless to say, he is intercepted by the RCMP and, rather than pinning Mr. Harper to the ground, he merely grazes his ball sack in a most un-conservative manner. Initially charges were laid, but thanks to Ontario’s “pansified (National Post)” judicial system, Rob is let go, Scott free.

The play is peppered with hilarious anecdotes like a reference to one of Rob’s early articles in the McGill student newspaper which reads: “My Big Cock is A Pain In The Ass.” The show is also a tell-all for everything you ever wanted to know about gay Canadian politicians, especially those of the Conservative party.

Interactive? The entire play is given as a PowerPoint presentation. Minimally photoshopped images and creative charts keep the audience thoroughly entertained at the click of a button. —JS

BOOKS Six Suspects not quite on the money

I

f you haven’t heard of Vikas Swarup, you’ll at least have heard of the film Slumdog Millionaire. Based on his first novel, Q & A, it stormed to huge box office and critical success, winning eight Oscars. The novel itself had fairly mixed reviews, however, with most critics agreeing that it was entertaining but uneven. Swarup’s sophomore effort Six Suspects is much like its predecessor in this regard.

Vivek ‘Vicky’ Rai is an industrialist and playboy, notorious for having run over vagrants while drunk and poaching endangered deer, being acquitted both times due to the influence of his father, the home inister of Uttar Pradesh.

However, when he murders Ruby Gill, a Ghandi scholar and parttime bartender, the uproar is such that, at the party to celebrate his acquittal, he is shot dead.

As the book’s title suggests, there are six suspects found at the party with guns: a retired politician apparently possessed by the ghost of Ghandi, an Andaman tribesman, a slum-dwelling mobile phone thief, Bollywood actress Shabnam Saxena, an American tourist infatuated with her and, finally, Vicky’s own father. Each one has a reason to want Vicky Rai dead, and Swarup examines each one in turn, interweaving their stories to present a picture of inequality and corruption in modern-day India.

The story is well plotted and terrifically engaging, with something happening on every page.

However, the briskness with which events are presented is also one of its biggest shortcomings. For a novel that seeks to present such an important aspect of modern Indian life, only rarely does Swarup succeed in immersing the reader in the moment, forging on relentlessly toward the next plot point.

The tone is also radically uneven, veering from seriousness to farce without drawing pause. It is hard to tell whether it is trying to be a detective thriller or a satire.

Given some of the caricatures presented in place of actual characters – in particular, the American tourist Larry Page - one tends toward the latter.

Six Suspects is perfect if you’re looking for a light, entertaining read for the summer and you want something a little out of the ordinary, but it’s certainly not the next great Indian novel. Its heart is in the right place, but it can’t quite express itself the way that it wants to. Like Q & A, later revised for the screen as Slumdog Millionaire, perhaps what it needs for greatness are the hands of the right director.

—Chris Chang

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Remember their names Ryerson student reminds us of the women who have died in Vancouver as a result of violence, sexism and poverty

By Amanda Perri Heather Gabrielle Chinnock, Tanya Marlo Holyk, Sherry Irving, Sarah deVires.

Recognize the names? If not their names, then perhaps their faces?

Not likely. Undoubtedly, however, if you came face to face with Sarah deVires, for example, you would be taken aback by her beauty. A young, exceptionally beautiful girl with a lot of pain, suffering, and a life lived in vain.

Sarah deVires is only one of the 65 women featured in “Remember Their Names” a multimedia video and art installation showcased at Trinity Square Video. The creator, Janis Cole, an award winning Canadian filmmaker, writer, and artist created the exhibit to tribute the victims of Robert Pickton, the monster behind Canada’s worst serial killing case. Surely you recognize his name.

Vancouver’s Downtown East Side, also referred to as the “Low Track,” is the poorest area in all of Canada. Famous for being frequented by prostitutes and drug addicts, there exists high rates of STDs, kidnappings, rape, and death. According to Sarah deVires herself, once you arrive you only have three options; going to jail, ending up dead, or becoming a lifer.

It is in this area where women as young as eleven years old come to escape, abusive families, drug problems or psychological disorders. A need to escape is what ties the women in Cole’s exhibit together. They all ventured to the Downtown East Side looking for a place to belong and to find some degree of happiness. Unfortunately for the vast majority of these women, it was drugs that they turned to. Isn’t a place to belong and happiness what we are all looking for? Regardless of tormented pasts? That is what Cole and I discussed as I visited her exhibit, which is open from July 4 till August 8 at Trinity Square Video on Richmond St. W. The cases of missing women, which is marked by negligent action from to police, is what inspired Cole to create this exhibit.

“These were women with families, children, and people that loved them. These were also women that made some bad choices and had problems. I have problems too. Just because I have problems doesn’t mean you can kill me. Doesn’t mean that I can go missing and no body care” This is exactly how it seemed when the first woman was reported missing in the mid1980s. Since then, women were reported missing more and more frequently, with numbers rising at unprecedented speeds. However, police were slow to respond to the reports of missing women and pleas from their families. Many of them were dismissed by police as being probably overdose victims, women who escaped to find other places to attract business, women who were hardly important enough to search for with any degree of adequate consideration. The women who went missing, so it seemed, were just a collective body of “drug users and sex-trade workers.” Not people. Not people with families, friends, thoughts, feelings or emotions. These were, seemingly, not people who deserved the help they needed.

These were people who society at large was comfortable restricting to Vancouver’s Downtown East Side and ignored.

Cole noticed this attitude and it was what inspired her to pay tribute to these women.

She ventured to create a space where their faces could be seen, names, and voices heard. Not once in the whole exhibit do you hear the infamous Robert Pickton’s name whose sensational story to this day overshadows the faces of these women. Cole aspired to create a scene where the women would be remembered for what they were: women whose troubled lives went unnoticed or uncared for until the advent of their brutal slaughter.

The scene is dark, and somewhat eerie. You enter through black curtains and you immediately feel like something is not right. Cole, who has more than 30 years of experience as an artist, was able to create a feeling in her exhibit—one that lingers with you well after you have left. There are missing posters in one corner that Cole collected of some of the women,

all of which feature a brief description of their appearance followed by “a known drug-user and sex-trade worker.” Cole suggests that these descriptions were not adequately representing these women as individuals, and aiding in the lack of progress made in their search.

Cole spent years researching the backgrounds of many of the women. She has spoken to and in fact, remained in touch with several of their families and friends, all of whom “loved them and cared for them.” Through her research on the women, Cole strived to bring to light the lives of these women aside from their line of work and habits. Through one of the victims, Sarah deVires, Cole is able to reveal the very humanity of all the women presented.

Sarah deVires went missing from the downtown area when she was 29 years old, but left home when she was only ten. Through Cole’s hard work, she was able to get in contact with one of Sarah’s good friends. He let her use her journals, which she left behind before her disappearance, and he collected for the exhibit. In them, Sarah reveals her “brainstorms,” “thoughts” and “feelings.” I had the privilege of reading them and learning of what a remarkably compassionate, brave, and talented woman she really was behind the labels placed on her. Wonderful qualities that was undoubtedly evident not just in Sarah, not just in the 65 women who went missing, but all the women who frequent the downtown area who need the recognition as people and not, in Sarah’s own words, “expendable Hastings street junkies, and slum.”

Cole’s work emphasizes their humanity and reveals that they were much, much more. If only the police and the society at large realized this at the time they went missing.

Will you remember their names?

For more information on Sarah, the other 64 women and information on the case against Robert Pickton, visit: www.missingpeople.net.

Janis Cole is the winner of several prestigious awards for her work in filmmaking, script writing, and more including Toronto Arts Award for Media, Theatrical Producers Achievement Award, plus several Gemini nominations. She created Remember Their Names as her final project to conclude her Master of Fine Art in Documentary Media at Ryerson. Currently, she writes for several Canadian publications and teaches at Ontario College of Art and Design. Her work is powerful, inspirational, and moving.

Her advice to young, Canadian artists? “Realize that becoming an artist is a process, just like anything else. You won’t become an overnight success, so set marks and plan goals for yourself… set a two year mark and a five year mark. In between those times you need to make work, work with people and work with yourself. When you reach the first mark, ask yourself, did I grow from this, or did I burn out?”

Cindy Beck, from among the missing women, photo by Janis Cole

Go West, Young Gallery

By Dylan Franks

If the only art gallery you’re familiar with on Dundas West is the Art Gallery of Ontario then it’s likely you’re missing out. Travel a few blocks west and you’ll find yourself in the midst of the city’s newest enclave of diverse gallery offerings.

With a distinctly different approach to the curatorial process than many of the city’s more recognized galleries that have grouped themselves together along Queen Street West, the galleries that are popping up along Dundas Street West instead emphasize some of the city’s newer talent.

The Dundas West area is known today as the centre of Toronto’s Portuguese community, a fact that becomes impossible to ignore while walking down the street that lines itself with traditional bakeries, sports bars and churrascarias (a delicious combination of rotisserie and butcher shop). But the Portuguese

community isn’t the only strong presence felt in the area these days.

A growing number of visual artists and their work seem to be migrating one block north from the crowded gallery district of Queen West, which up until now has been the go-to stretch for Toronto’s cutting-edge art scene. And as any city dweller knows all-too-well, every hot spot fizzles eventually and the new brave and bold trend-setters make their mark. It’s only a matter of time before the public notices and follows.

“Choosing this location for the gallery was a no-brainer,” says Josh Glover, founder of Sleeping Giant gallery, located just west of Bathurst on Dundas Street. Glover is the owner of one of the young galleries setting up shop in the Dundas West area. He credits the surrounding residential neighborhoods around Dundas Street West for the migra-

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tion of young talent to the area.

“Kensington, Ossington, Queen and College all harbor a unique breed of talented people who are young, driven and a whole lot of fun to party with.” He explained, “Why wouldn’t you want to be a part of that?”

Located at 789 Dundas Street West, on the south side of the block, the Giant opened shop at the beginning of 2009 and has received a consist amount of press, largely focused on Glover’s fresh edge of fostering new local talent. The gallery’s name itself can’t really be imagined as anything other than a metaphor for the potential of a younger generation of artists that Glover hopes to awaken through the opportunity he provides of showcasing their work.

He explained, “We consider all of the artists we represent to be ‘sleeping giants’ and we really try to use the gallery as a stepping stone for creative

people to get their name out there.”

So far his formula seems to be working. Since the gallery opened in January this year, it has already boosted the profile of many young artists, but more importantly it has contributed to the enhancement of Toronto’s street art scene. “We have an incredible family of over twenty people with backgrounds in art, installation, photography, curating and business (and) that provides (our) artists with the opportunity to really see all sides of the industry,” Glover says of the holistic approach to his work. The concept of street art is a loose one, but it’s one that is far reaching, easily found in most major cities around the world.

Perhaps the most famous figure attached to the contemporary idea of street art is the British artist Banksy who is celebrated for his poignant graffiti-like postings in cities around the globe. Sleeping Giant has been

described as a having this kind of street art aesthetic. Adding to the Giant’s image of being street art savvy is Glover’s ‘street team,’ which he says is a guerrilla marketing group that works with free public art to spread the Giant’s gospel. With the city’s art spotlight turning ever westward, Glover is confident about what the future has in store for the Dundas West area.

“Six months ago the area was a hidden gem. A lot of really cool little shops and galleries have opened up since I’ve been here, but there is still a ton of prime real estate,” he said. As the area continues to develop with new talent around him, so, it seems, does Glover’s gallery. “For Sleeping Giant,” he says, “...the sky’s the limit.”

Checkout Sleeping Giant Gallery at 789 Dundas West (Dundas and Bathurst) or online at www.sleepinggiantgallery.com

Toronto’s top summer spots are full of history Where to spend those last, precious days of summer

By Vanessa Santilli

Toronto Music Garden

Toronto Islands

Brick Street Bakery, Distillery District Toronto’s got a big ego. But it also has the sights and sounds to back it up—especially in the summertime. From the city’s numerous jazz festivals to the plethora of events celebrating cuisines from all over the world, the warmer months provide constant opportunities for residents—and non-residents alike—to truly enjoy Toronto.

Here are five spots to visit—if you haven’t already—that capture the essence of what makes Toronto the Good the distinctive city we have come to know and love.

1

The Toronto Music Garden

Right along the waterfront, the Toronto Music Garden showcases the importance of culture in the city.

But this is not your average garden.

Each of its six sections were inspired not by a love for botany, but by J.S. Bach’s First Suite for Unaccompanied Cello. Each dance movement in the suite—allemande, courante, sarabande, menuett, gigue and one prelude— is represented in one of the six areas.

Famous cellist Yo-Yo Ma and landscape architect Julie Moir Messervy are the masterminds behind this popular attraction.

Summer concerts are Thursday at 7 p.m. and Sundays at 4 p.m. and are about one hour long. Otherwise, you can rent an audio guide with commentary by Ma and Messervy, and snippets from the baroque work that inspired them (audio guides are $5 and are available at 539 Queens Quay West).

High Park

TTC: Subway to Union Station, then LRT to Spadina.

2

The Toronto Islands

Not only are you hit with the city’s natural beauty on a visit to the Toronto Islands, you are also simultaneously exposed to the concrete beauty of the city’s skyline.

Originally a peninsula, the islands were formed when the rushing waters of the Don River separated a spit from the mainland during a ferocious storm in 1858.

After taking the ten-minute ferry ride to the island, you can enjoy the serene atmosphere walking the 2.5 kilometre boardwalk, rent a bike (or tandem or quadracycle) or visit the two sandy beaches at Hanlan’s Point (one of the beaches currently has a clothingoptional status).

History buffs can visit the Gibraltar Point Lighthouse—Toronto’s oldest lighthouse—which is rumoured to be haunted by the ghost of its first keeper, who disappeared without a trace in 1815.

TTC: Ferries leave from docks at the bottom of Bay St.

3

The Distillery Historic District Steeped in history and timeless architecture, the distillery district is one area you don’t want

to miss out on.

Reinvented as a historic district in 2003, this 45-building complex was founded in 1832 as the Gooderham-Worts Distillery, Canada’s largest distilling company in the 19th century.

An outstanding example of Victorian industrial architecture, everywhere you look you’ll see red brick (both in the buildings and cobblestone streets).

Today, the distillery offers plenty to do.

It is home to a jazz festival, a farmers market, cafes, restaurants, galleries, art studios and performance venues.

Interestingly enough, when the Gooderham and Worts Distillery closed in 1990, the site began a new life as the biggest film set outside Hollywood. With hundreds of film shoots here in the past decade (including X-Men), this is Canada’s busiest filming location.

TTC: Subway to King Station; then streetcar east to Parliament Street.

4

Kensington Market

Located just west of Spadina, this neighbourhood is the very heart of multicultural Toronto.

Kensington Market sprang up in the early 1920s, when Russian, Polish and Jewish inhabitants set up stalls in front of their houses. Nowadays, Jewish and Eastern European shops sit side by side with Portuguese, Caribbean and East Indian ones, as well as Vietnamese, Japanese and Chinese

flickr Photo credits (Clockwise from Top Left): mike miley;sebastian bergmann;bensonkua;kim yokota

establishments. No matter what cuisine you’re craving, Kensington is guaranteed to have it.

If thrift shops are your pleasure, Kensington’s collection of vintage-clothing stores are the best in the city.

In the 1970s, the market gained national recognition through the CBC sitcom, The King of Kensington, which starred Canadian Al Waxman.

TTC: Subway to St. Patrick Station, then Dundas St. streetcar west to Kensington.

5

High Park

High Park is a great example of the versatility of Toronto— A park in the middle of the city!

Downtown’s largest park, this 398-acre green space was architect John G. Howard’s gift to the city. He lived with his wife Jemima in Colborne Lodge (built in 1837), which has been fully restored, and can still be found at the south end of the park. Amongst the dog walkers, joggers and cyclists that frequent the park, the grounds are home to a lake (called Grenadier Pond), a zoo (llamas and peacocks included), a swimming pool, tennis courts and sports fields.

But it’s more than just a green space.

Tuesdays through Sundays until September you can watch Shakespeare’s The Tempest, this summer’s play of choice at The Dream in High Park.

Admission is pay what you can. Visit www.canstage.com for more details.

TTC: Subway to High Park Station.

Ryerson Free Press august 2009 29

POLARIS A Glimpe into life in the spotlight with Hey Rosetta!’S Tim Baker

By Ronak Ghorbani

“You guys look good in your summer clothes,” says Tim Baker, front man of Canadian East Coast band Hey Rosetta!

As he looks into a crowd of eager fans, Baker parts his lips and sings “Don’t you sleep like a child?” in a raspy-sweet voice that has become famous across the country.

The crowd cheers and a slow guitar riff starts to pick up, ending with thunderous percussion accompanied by a bellowing cello and violin.

Hey Rosetta’s! performance at Toronto’s Harbour Front Centre on July 24 as part of the Canadian Voices Festival, proves why they deserve all the attention they receive.

The band’s latest album Into Your Lungs is one of the final ten short-listed for the Polaris Music Prize, an annual award with a $20,000 monetary value that goes to the best Canadian full-length album.

Almost every concert review written about Hey Rosetta! focuses on the band’s high-energy performance. “In real life we’re pretty slow-moving and dull,” says Baker.

But when on stage, the six-piece band comes alive. “I guess for me I love [that] you can kind of be the song,” Baker says. “I don’t have to be me for a little bit, I’ll be the words I’m singing; I’ll be the speaker of the song.

I love it; I love dancing around like a fool. I love people having fun… having a smile…it’s contagious.”

And these Newfoundland and Labrador natives have captivated their audiences nonstop since 2008 by sticking to a rigorous tour schedule.

“It’s been pretty nuts,” Baker says. “Pretty much since the record [Into Your Lungs] came out we’ve been on the road seventy percent of the year, for the last two years. It’s been really hard, a huge monumental change in lifestyle.”

However, their strict regimen of long hour car drives and late night performances has paid off. Besides the Polaris nod, Hey Rosetta! has won four MusicNL (Newfoundland and Labrador) Awards and the 2007 CBC Galaxie Rising Star of the Year award.

As to their growing fame, Baker would rather ignore it. “My dad tries to get me to read reviews and I really hate to read reviews. He’s got the Google alerts on any time we’re mentioned and prints it out so I can read it at dinner,” says Baker. “I don’t want to hear it anymore because the more you hear, the more you know people are counting on you…It’s much healthier when it’s just you and you play for the band and they [fans or critics] like it or they don’t.”

Hey Rosetta’s! sound has been compared to the likes of Coldplay and Mute Math but it’s hard to pinpoint where their influences come from because Baker, who arranges all their songs, didn’t listen to a lot of popular music growing up.

When he was a kid, his dad would always play Cat Stevens and Paul Simon and for a better part of his childhood, Baker was in a professional choir that toured Canada and Europe. He also played classical piano until he was 18 years old when he developed tendonitis which now prevents him from playing for more than an hour a day because of the pain.

“I never had any friends that were musicians. I was the only person I knew who really liked music,” he said. “I never traded CDs or anything like that. I would hang out and play sports and drink, then go home and play piano. I never had friends into music until I was in this band. People always refer to bands I’ve never heard of,” says Baker with a laugh.

Maybe this is why their sound is so pure.

With the use of strings, horns and mandolins, seeing Hey Rosetta! is a unique rock and roll experience. But don’t expect to see them play in a town near you any time soon.

The band’s putting a halt on the touring to focus on writing for a new album, which Baker is hoping will be released in summer time, 2010. As for the Polaris Prize, if they win Baker hopes to pay back the band’s many debtors. “We’ve done a fair bit of travelling to The States and Australia – you don’t get paid for that,” he says with a chuckle.

Photos by Dan Rios

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PRIZED

Damian Abraham’s Band Will

Fuck You Up

By Alexandra Bosanac

Dan rios

The Canadian music scene is opening up to the world. The success of acts like the Arcade Fire, Feist and Metric have earned the Canadian music scene a name for itself. Canadian indie music is recognized everywhere for its ingenious and precious - albeit somewhat folky - sound.

In accordance with the stereotype, we Canadians are polite and unfortunately the shortlist for the Polaris Music Prize reveals that so is our music.

However, first-time nominees Fucked Up are breaking the mold, as the first-ever punk act to make the shortlist. And there’s certainly nothing polite about their name.

Lead singer Damian Abraham must relish the fact that his band has achieved critical success and a devoted following without the government grants that many Canadian bands rely on. Their album The Chemistry of Common Life is nominated for this year’s Polaris Music Prize.

Already, only four short years into its life, the Polaris Music Prize has a lot of clout in the music industry.

There are several features of the prize that make it stand out from other award shows. First, there is no submission process or entry fee. The jurors - music journalists, bloggers and broadcasters only - select what they consider to be the best full-length albums of the previous year.

And by only enlisting music writers as panel members, a protective measure is build in, ensuring that only bands worthy of critical praise are given attention by media outlets.

The Polaris Music Prize is modeled after the U.K. Mercury Music Prize. The cultural undertaking of the Mercury Music Prize has also given rise to the Atlantis Music Prize, the equivalent for Newfoundland and Labrador.

And of course, there’s a cash prize of $20,000 for the winning band.

“It’s hard to see past that money,” jokes Abraham.

“I think for us, the big prize will be legitimacy. We are a fairly legitimate band almost everywhere else in the world, but not in Canada. I’m not pooh-poohing what we had happen to us because I’ve really enjoyed it, but we don’t get that grant money. For us, the bigger prize than the $20,000 is recognition. I don’t want to make it seem like we’re totally unappreciated in Canada, we’ve been fortunate to have been included all along, but I still kinda think we’re no Metric,” Abraham reflects.

Some may find this year’s shortlist contentious. Six of the ten finalists were repeat nominees.

K’naan, Malajube and Metric were all finalists in the 2006 shortlist, while Joel Plaskett, Chad VanGaalen and Patrick Watson were all part of the 2007 nominees, which Watson won. It has been the first time in the award’s four-year history that any artist was named to the shortlist for a second time.

The workings of the Canadian music industry are opaque to the average fan, and those unfamiliar with the biz may be left wondering why the same bands keep getting accolades, while other worthwhile ones are ignored.

Abraham said he thinks, “The Canadian music industry is seen as a very self-sustaining business. A lot of Canadian bands that get recognized apply for the right grants, and get recognized for being on the right labels.

We weren’t very recognized until we joined up with Matador and Beggars.

The industry takes care of itself, I think that’s why a lot of times you see certain bands that keep getting nominations - keep getting nods.”

Technically, the Polaris Prize is judged solely on artistic merit, without regard to genre or record sales, but Abraham feels that heavier acts don’t receive the critical attention of the Canadian press. If the award is meant to draw attention to acts that may have been overlooked by mainstream media conglomerates, shouldn’t it cover all genres?

“I think the first year when Owen [Pallett] won for Final Fantasy, I think that was the most perfect record to win. I think that was a record that was legitimately challenging. There are a lot of bands that made more adventurous and exciting records that didn’t make the list this year, so I hope it’s not a sign that the voting is leaning towards a more conventional sounding record,” said Abraham.

“But I think that’s what made the awards so awesome the first year.

A record that has dark undertones, it’s very over the top, getting an award like that. I think that’s the type of record that should win. I think the award should go to something adventurous.”

Abraham said if he had to choose another nominee to win, it would be K’Naan, “hands down.” “[His record] is something against type. I think it’s a symbol,” he said.

“I hope K’Naan wins because that’s something that’s not white bred indie rock, nothing against white bred indie rock…because I happen to be a white bred hardcore kid.”

As for the other nominees? Abraham doesn’t mince words.

“I’m not a fan, I’m not gonna lie. If Metric doesn’t win I’m not gonna be shedding any tears.”

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Ryerson Drop Fees Coalition POVERTY FREE ONTARIO Meeting Wednesday, August 19th - 4:30 PM RSU Lounge 3rd Floor SCC, 55 Gould Street