Type 15: Work-Live in Chandigarh

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home where would you be without it?

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TYPE 15 work-live in Chandigarh

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India’s great divide as seen through the author’s lens in her hometown, Chandigarh

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for those who have no roof over their heads, nor a floor under their feet. those who make my land whole; make it complete, but have nowhere to live to eat or to sleep. for those who find themselves displaced at the doorstep of a city large enough to invite them in and ask them to stay. those who instead, are turned away. my sisters and brothers who unlike me, have no say in their livelihoods. for those of my hometown, Chandigarh once a piece of Punjab; still a piece of my heart.

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for Chandigarh. please be kind. please be true to your ancestors and the spirit they left behind.

SAHIBAJOT KAUR Master of Architecture, 2018 The University of Newcastle, Australia

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Le Corbusier’s Open Hand Monument for the spirit of his new masterplanned city

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19 November, 2016

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my heartfelt thanks to Amarjit Singh (Nanu) & Amarjit Kaur (Nani), because of whom I could carry out my

Vimal Sharma & Amarjit Singh, Architect

field-research and meet the architects, engineers and people of the city; without whose blessings, nothing I do would be possible

and Engineer, respectively at the U.T. Housing Board, who very generously lent me much of their time, answered my incessant questions and provided me with several resources

Chris Tucker, my first tutor for the year and one

Kapil Setia, Chief Architect of Chandigarh, who

Michael Chapman, Course Coordinator and

Sudha Ojha, Mayank Ojha & Ashima Vashisht - Architect, Researcher at MIT &

who pushed me in my thinking and gave me great belief in myself

my tutor, who really understood my project and its obligation to respond to Corbusier’s modernist values as well as the density of my chosen context, and constantly challenged me to refine my design

Richard Leplastrier, who has been my guiding light in the field of Architecture and beyond; whose warmth and care give me great encouragement

Peter Stutchbury, who, like Rick, gave me

formidable anecdotal insight into how people live (especially in India) and how the land works, making me continually reconsider how my architecture was a response to the two

Ashwin Mahesh, Bangalorean urbanist (self-

taught), journalist, technologist and scientist with astonishing insight into the ways in which our world works, for sitting and speaking to me at length about India’s housing situation and what I might do about it

Niall McLaughlin, UK-based architect who

I was fortunate enough to meet during my time at the Bangalore Workshop in April, who cracked the code that would ultimately become the critical lens through which my project would operate: where the (seeming) order of the planned city meets the (seeming) disorder of the unplanned

Bijoy Ramachandran, architect, and

coordinator of The Bangalore Workshop, for having me there and allowing me the opportunity to work with great minds

very kindly explained the city’s workings - its history, housing, policies and politics - to me

Interior Designer, respectively, who all very willingly gave me their time and valuable thoughts, as locals and professionals of the city. Mrs. Ojha’s work with The Pink Foundation, and Mayank’s projects also exploring solutions to the slums of Chandigarh, were sources of inspiration

Tanzil Shafique & Ishita Chatterjee,

PhD students and educators working in the area of ‘informal settlements’ at the University of Melbourne, who very kindly met with me and provided me academic insight and new lines of thought for my project

Brenden Meney, who always provided positivity and insightful and practical ideas and solutions to help resolve my design

Jasneet Kaur Jason von Meding Gemma Savio & Anthony Parsons the studio family and SABE community

harvinder, savleen & maninder

mama, papa & kareena

and to my ancestors: 21


who lived on horseback as they were hunted and killed for rebelling against a system that failed to fulfill its duty to its people, sat silenced against their will.

the story of this project has a similar ring. it speaks of the city as a living, breathing thing whose duty it is to protect, and take everyone in; a duty somewhat forgotten, with equality yet to win.

their (hi)stories teach me love, and their valour lives in my veins. it is because they fought for freedom, that I write these words today; that my architecture has something to say.

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Lithograph after an original drawing by Emily Eden, December, 1838 (Stronge, S.,1999).

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n the cusp of Punjab and Haryana, Le Corbusier’s

‘great experiment’, Chandigarh, sits at the foothills of the Himalayas. An archetype of modernist-European and Indian ideals, the city has a lot to offer. Even to those who live in its slums and drive its economy. It just doesn’t realise it. ‘Type 15’ explores this potential, by proposing work-live environments on ‘prime sites’ within the city, which are currently believed to be “too valuable for these people”. It shows how providing centralised spaces for handicrafts to be practised and businesses to be run, can not only alleviate poverty and reduce social exclusion, but also add value and amenity to the city.

This book tells its story of becoming. It has been a real dream to be able to spend a year working on the field, at my desk, and in the workshop, so intensely studying something so close to my heart. 25


fold-out

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‘Type 15’ is a fusion of the shop-house and the traditional Indian courtyard house, and is the next addition to the city’s exiting 14 government-housing types (ordered by income group, with Type 14 having been designed for the lowest income group). Type 15 breathes new cultural life back into the city, deviating from its master-planned homogeneity, proposing a mix of income groups, and an integration of working and living. It also argues that in addition to mixedtenure, mixed-use and democratic environments, rental housing is key to solving problems of housing affordability. As such, it proposes a system of cross-subsidy, whereby the rent of higher-earning residents and businesses earns the government revenue on their ‘prime land’, making it not only socially-apt, but also economically- and politically-feasible. 29


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PROCESS

20122018

ASSESSMENTS

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where it all began

febapr

02

understanding the city

aprmay

03

going back home

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Studio: Site Diagram

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Studio: Concept Design

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Management: Project Initiation mayjun

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putting lines on a page

Studio: Schematic Design

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Studio: NCCA Compliance Management: Project Planning jul

winter break

augsep

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sepnov

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putting texture over the lines

Studio: Developed Design

(and refining the lines)

Practice: Project Implementation

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God is in the brick

Studio: Working Drawings

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Practice: Project Closure nov

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where it all begins

Studio: Final Design

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Deepika Gandhi, then Director of the Le Corbusier Centre, guides me through the building, giving me an architectural introduction to my own hometown. 19 November, 2016 Photo courtesy of Amarjit Singh 32


20122018

01

where it all began

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his project began in 2012, as I , an 18-year-old, sat in Nanu’s car as we sped down the highway on our way from Chandigarh to Amritsar. I still remember the very moment. It was a bright, sunny day, and I was looking out the window, as usual, taking in the richness of the world outside - all the markets carts, cows, dirt, rickshaws and people. So many of them. But there was something I saw, that I remember ‘til this day - something which, at the time of witnessing, I could not comprehend: rows upon rows of tin roofs, just under the level of the road. Slums. I’d heard about them briefly, but I didn’t know much. All I knew, was that no one should have to live in such conditions. And that’s when the gears of my subconscious mind started to turn. A few years later, now having started Architecture School, I felt obliged to educate myself on the modernist architecture of my own hometown, and pay homage to its mastermind, Le Corbusier himself. So I did. It seemed a fairly trivial task at the time, but has proved very helpful throughout the course of this project - a comment on the planning and aspirations of this city. It was without a doubt, that when the time came to decide on my thesis for this project - in many ways, a reflection and culmination of an Architecture student’s greater ambitions - that it would have something to do with the slums of Chandigarh. And so, on my return from a Semester-Exchange in Manchester last year, I stopped over at Nanu and Nani’s place in Mohali (the southern growth of Chandigarh), to begin my investigations. My correspondences and findings are detailed over the next few pages. Today, as an aspiring architect at the end of a long five years of architectural education, I can say that the Universe has wonderful ways of unfolding - in the people we meet, places we go, and where we end up. I’m glad I ended up in Newcastle (my fourth home in life), exploring Chandigarh (my very first one).

Opposite Being a visitor in my hometown, Capitol Complex Visitors’ Centre 19 November, 2016 35


“ It [our designs] is not much of a concept; it is a module repeated again and again.

U.T. Housing Board Architect, Vimal Sharma, on the ‘Small Flats Scheme’ as part of the city’s ‘slum rehabilitation’

Below: the U.T. Housing Board’s, rehabilitation housing as part of the ‘Small Flats Scheme’ at Dhanas - a small settlement on the north-western outskirts of Chandigarh _ 06/03/2018

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30/01/2018

I N T E RV I E W W I T H V I M A L S H A R M A

I visited the U.T. (Union Territory of Chandigarh) Housing Board, in an effort to understand the city’s slum situation, and the governments response to it. I was very kindly met by Architect, Mr. Vimal Sharma, who explained the following to me.

Two departments:1.

Estate Office (of Punjab) decides which slums will be moved, and to where. U.T. Housing Board collects ‘biometry’ of each of the identified areas – list of beneficiaries, etc..

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Process 1.

State Office tells the Housing Board where to go and collect biometrics. Housing Board reports back to the State Office. State Office decides how many new homes to make on the rehabilitation site. Government provides the land for the rehabilitation site. Housing Board plans and designs the housing for the site, according to the need.

2. 3. 4. 5.

“Slum rehabilitation started here in the 1980s.” “Technically, Chandigarh is slum-free.” •

The slums keep ‘mushrooming’ again and again. The city was made slum-free, and then after another ten or so years, the slums “mushroomed” at various locations. This cycle repeated itself, and still does. Now the “mushrooms” are everywhere.

Reflection: the government should not let the slums form in the first place; they should provide workers’ cottages if the city requires outside labour. That would mean truly making the city ‘slum-free’. If people choose to stay in a slum even after they have been made the ‘beneficiary’ of a flat in a rehabilitation site, then they are deemed to be staying there illegally, and can be forced to leave at any time. •

A beneficiary’s rights can’t be transferred to another.

A beneficiary is given only tenancy rights; they do not own the home they are given to occupy. They pay Rs.800/month.

The Phenomenon of the Slum Reflection: basically informal urbanization, due to lack of funds – poverty – of the residents. •

The slum-dwellers are immigrants; they come from places like Bihar, where there is poverty, to work and earn money in the city. In order to save money, they cannot afford to pay rent – and so, they build their own housing on vacant land or on private agricultural land belonging to farmers. They are ‘squatters’.

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Reflection: there is poverty and not enough work in the villages and cities these workers come from; work must be provided there too.

Once their numbers grow, the government doesn’t want to leave them with nothing and nowhere to go, so they give them houses in return. However, it is necessary to shift them to another location, as their living conditions are unhygienic, and they are living on expensive land that is important to the development of the city.

When asked why the government can’t build the new houses in the same location, so that people don’t have to move from where they are comfortable, Mr. Sharma replied that the “government doesn’t want to reward them with expensive land and a good house, because at the end of the day, they are squatters – illegal owners. In fact, this has

become a business – they will live in a slum, establish their house, sell it and then return to the village. Or maybe they will in another slum and make their son eligible for a house.” •

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When asked whether the people who are moved are happy with the situation, Mr. Sharma replied that they are, especially as they have been labeled a beneficiary, but that it is human nature to always want more.

Reflection: I found this all to be quite confronting and confusing, at first. However, I eventually came back to my belief that fundamentals values of equality and dignity should not continue be compromised, and that there must be a way in which better architecture can help.


02/02/2018

I N T E RV I E W W I T H V I M A L S H A R M A

I revisited Mr. Vimal Sharma, to gain a better understanding of the design processes and objectives of the ‘Small Flats Scheme’. Mr. Sharma shared the below information, as well as some plans and photographs of past designs.

‘Rehabilitation sites’ Minimum flat area is set/suggested(?) by the NBC (National Building Code). No one fixes the area; the architects just submit the plans. Anything approved by the Department of Urban Planning and fits the costing parameters. They have various meetings at the “highest levels” and areas are negotiable. It is also checked by the Governor – the administrator of Chandigarh. Budget – money is paid by General Government. Architect doesn’t really know costs/budget – chief engineer may have a slight idea. Architects got guidelines: had to be 4-storey structure. They were informal – at meetings; not in writing. Polsara rehabilitation colony (and other older ones) were 1 story with provision for adding another floor. “What they want cannot be given. There is this idea that when you are designing, you talk to the people. I don’t talk to the people. Because I know what they want, and I can’t give them that. See, everyone wants a very big house with a front garden. Only thing is, that cannot be given. They are encroachers; we don’t want to allow this encroachment, but we cannot allow them to live in unhygienic conditions; no ambulance can go through, there is no electricity, water supply or sewage connections to the house. This cannot be allowed; these conditions are pathetic.”

“They want two rooms; in the shack, you had a 10x10 space for six people; why do you want 2 rooms?” Electricity, water supply, sewage provided to each house. “Good light and ventilation.” “Schemes like Aravena’s Half a House in Chile only work when land is cheap. Land in Chandigarh is very expensive. Even in Dhanas. So I need to exploit it to the hilt. Construction cost doesn’t pinch us. It is the cost of the land, which pinches us.” We use concrete because it allows 4 stories at a low cost.

Used-to give them ‘site and services’ – give them land and water + sewage connections. Built only WC and bath. Dwellers built everything else themselves. “No design happened at the conceptual level. That happens at colleges; not here. This is an office; nobody wants to listen to the concept. They want the delivery. As an architect, I do want that to change; I want architectural appreciation. But I don’t call the shots here.” If you go there now, you won’t recognize it. They have made many alterations and additions in violation of the building laws. 39


Example of site-and-services: Daddu Majra and Ram Darbaar. The living here are the owners of their land and houses. In the newer schemes, however, they are just tenants. Tenancy can be passed on. Dwellers maintain their houses themselves. Common areas are maintained by the CHB (Chandigarh Housing Board). There is an ‘enforcement’ section of the CHB(?) – they make sure people are not making unauthorised changes to their houses or changing the façade, colour it, etc.. “They can’t have big-ticket renovations. But, yes, they can finish the toilets, finish the kitchen, etc., with their own money, if they want to.” Subdivision is not allowed; only with a lowheight partition. Layout: as they have to get the masterplan approved, and the density is fixed, they have to abide by town-planning guidelines, and this is why they have included schools, green space, religious places, shopping provisions, etc., in their schemes. So the UT Housing Board Architects just earmark spaces for these things, and the town-planners design and build them, themselves. Landscaped/’green’ space: “all that will be maintained by the MC (Municipal Cooperation) in good time – when asked why there is no grass or greenery there at the moment.

Slums Water supply: water post every 30-40 houses; no direct connection to every unit. No sewage. Temporary toilet blocks. Politicians just want votes, so they let the slums develop and them use them to their advantage, saying that they’ll improve the slumdwellers’ living conditions.

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Reflection: it was becoming apparent that my project could take two very different paths: to challenge the government’s small-flat designs with something more community-centric and inspiring, or to design interventions that would make the slums more livable.


02/02/2018

SITE VISIT

One of several blocks at slum, ‘Colony No. 4’, on the eastern outskirt of the city, adjacent to the city’s ‘industrial sector’.

Nanu and I parked the car on the shop-lined road and ventured past them, into the alleyways, where even a bicycle was not maneuverable. It was my first time inside a slum, and I was saddened at the living conditions I saw. We ran into a lovely gentleman, Rinku, who showed us around and told us that he had grown up in the 40-odd-year-old settlement. He recounted that several politicians had told them, over the years, that they would be ‘rehabilitated’ into new flats. They were still waiting. 41


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Site sketch, Colony No. 4

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My mapping in an effort to find patterns and discover potential sites in the city. 2 April, 2018 44


febapr

02

understanding the city

Studio: Site Diagram

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layers of the city // layers of thinking In addition to rediscovering my ancestry, I was beginning to realise and confront the colonial history of my land, and included this is the story of Chandigarh. It was responsible for the land of what is now Chandigarh, being taken out of what was once a large Punjab with formidable, fair rule. It was annexed ruthlessly.

The following pages present my Site Diagram submission as it took me in the trajectory of intervening in the slums themselves, rather than proposing a new development.

Sepoy Mutiny, 1857. Source unknown.

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possible project // fixing the slums

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I will never forget this scene. When we asked Rinku (the gentleman who showed us around the slum) what this elderly man was doing, he told us that he was trying to make something to stop the water coming into his house in the rains. I was shaken at the thought of how much I take for granted every day, and also deeply saddened.

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So I began thinking of possible solutions. But detailing things like this for the expanse of the whole slum (incredibly vast, inaccessible and complex) seemed a task impossible.

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Satellite map of Colony No. 4, with an initial analysis overlaid.

Thinking I had already completed all my fieldwork for the year (even though it seemed somewhat inadequate, given that I still felt like it would take a lifetime to truly understand the workings of a slum), Richard Leplastrier advised that I go back.

“Spend some time in the city, observe its culture, its people and its water systems,� he said. So I did. And I’m glad I did. 65


A fruit-vendor sets up in the ample space on the side of the boulevard. 16 April, 2018 66


aprmay

03

going back home

Studio: Concept Design

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A note made as I waited for the ‘plane to take off

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01-08/04/2018

T H E BA N G A LO R E WO R K S H O P

Thanks to Peter Stutchbury and Bijoy Ramachandran, Director of Hundred Hands, I had the incredible opportunity to attend the Bangalore Workshop - a masterclass by Pete and Rick. There was so much delight, and a sort of comfort, in seeing the two cultures of my identity, converge. In seeing my two mentors and inspiration engaging in my culture and heritage, and knowledge being imparted both ways. This, in many ways, provided me critical connections, information and lines of thought. These were provided through: •

B.V. Doshi’s IIMB campus, where we lived and worked over the week

a talk by V. Ravichandar on Bangalore’s urban planning issues and his role in founding the Jewaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission, and hearing Ashwin Mahesh’s views on this

meeting with U.K. architect, Niall McLaughlin

connecting with other attendees (brilliant architects, students and educators from all over the country) - with many of whom, I am still in touch

many more things I may not even realise!

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Clockwise: the group at te team, one of the countless b learning from the temple’s e beams and paves with stone influenced Type 15, althoug

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emple in Nandi, on our last day, my beautiful breathtaking colonnades at IIMB, our project, extraordinary construction, the concrete terraces, walls at IIMB (which, in hindsight, have greatly gh subconsciously.)

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“The problem in India, is that we’ve never had a focus on rental housing – almost all housing approval is for owned housing – people build and buy their own houses/flats.”

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11/04/2018

I N T E RV I E W W I T H A S H W I N M A H E S H

At the Bangalore Workshop, I was extremely fortunate to be introduced to Mr. Ashwin Mahesh, astonishing urbanist, journalist, technologist and scientist - all in one! His depth of knowledge, ways of thinking and sharpness left me bewildered (and perhaps with more questions than what I had come with!) Our conversation was greatly enjoyable, and I still ponder over it today. He had a lot to share: The state can do a lot for people to enable their livelihood, but it really can’t do much to enable their housing:•

housing costs a lot of money, and there is a limit to the number of houses any state can give away for free. ‘Giving’ people houses is not scalable. For example, UT might have a total annual budget of $15,000 crores. Chances are, in any large metropolitan area in India, there are over 1,000,000 people living in slum-like, inhumane, inadequate housing. Even if you were to give them each rs.1000 worth of assets each year, you would make a dent in the state budget. So all the state budget can do, is allow them to move into some kind of subsidized but rental housing. The minute you start to say you’re going to give the house away for free, the cost of building it – even the smallest-possible house on governmentowned land – it will not cost anything less than rs.2-3 lakhs, for construction alone. With all other costs (admin., etc.,), you’re looking at rs.5 lakhs. If you did this for everyone who needed it, you’re using 8-10% of the annual budget. in Bangalore, I’d imagine that 1.5-2 million people need housing support. To give them each a house, would be a phenomenal amount of money. Where are you going to find that money and

land? We need to make a distinction between a ‘house’ and ‘housing’. I don’t think it’s necessary to give everybody a house, but I think everyone should have housing. I’m sure you have council housing in Sydney, where people can rent a house. •

the problem in India, is that we’ve never had a focus on rental housing – almost all housing approval is for owned housing – people build and buy their own houses/ flats. However, if you go to other places in the world – e.g. Sydney, there are entire communities that are rental. There is no such things in India, which means that if you can’t own something, it’s much harder for you to access it. Secondly, the politicians undersupply (rehabilitation/ private/whatever – all very ad hoc, anyway) housing (giving only permits for half of the number of houses required, for example). They do this to feed their corruption (insane!). So people are made to build illegally. Shortages are an important part of corruption in India. It’s also very difficult for the public to spot undersupply. For example, when you build an extension to your house without permission, it’s visible. But when the government gives out 60,000 permits instead of 80,000 permits, it’s not visible.

the problem in India, is that the rental

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contracts/laws are quite weak – people are scared that if you rent your property to somebody, they won’t pay the rent, and you can’t evict them. There are about 200,000 units in Bangalore just locked up, for this reason. •

the places provided by the government for rehabilitation are not places people want to live in. The basic problem in the city, is the problem of adjacency. You want to live next door to people you feel comfortable around. So where should those who make others feel uncomfortable – the poor – live? But why is this the case? Different habits? Uncleanliness? Tendency to crime? Status-consciousness? Where should the poor live if no one wants to live next to them? This has never properly been answered. Not an Indian problem, but a global problem.

Mrudula (a fellow Architecture student and participant of the workshop): the cultural differences.

Ashwin: also a question of equity. This (IIMB) is a 100-acre campus that serves 600 students – all the slums in the city could be accommodated here! You could build 50 towers with 100 families each, without too much difficulty. But if you propose that, the entire community here would be up in arms. This community wants 400 acres allotted to it, just down the street. We don’t know how to deal with the equity question at all, because it is not represented well in the planning process. The zoning is too macro to be useful – people getting planning permits to build houses, but there is nothing to check who these people are, and whether there is space for all types of people. There is no density or detailed land-use prescribed, beyond, for example, ‘residential’. On my level in my

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apartment block, only 2 out of 4 units are occupied. •

housing cost: land is a high portion of it (30-60% of total cost; 70-80% in the city). Some countries have tried to tackle this – in Japan, you can’t buy the land; you can only lease it. You can do things like that, but fundamentally, there is only one thing that will work in the long-run, and the answer is not in Chandigarh itself; the answer is around Chandigarh – if you make the housing in Panchkula, and other places surrounding Chandigarh livable, the cost of housing in Chandigarh will drop. This makes me question the whole notion of having a ‘right to the city’. Why is it that only the city can give people what they need? Of course this is going to put too much pressure on the city, making it unmanageable! But there are also problems of inequity that come with having satellite cities surrounding a main city, as illustrated by Brasilia and its satellite cities – that there is still a social divide that takes place.

Bangalore’s urban boundaries are very sharp – if you go even 10km out of the boundaries, it’s a whole different universe – it’s something else. The cosmopolitanism, institution, structure, infrastructure, commerce, social life, gender relations, etc., are totally different. The question is – how do you make another town – 20km away from Bangalore – attractive for people like us? As long as people like us don’t feel it is attractive to be living outside the city, there is a problem. For example, Whitefield used-to be outside of the city. Bangalore is now ten times


bigger than what it was when I was a kid. it continues to be one of the fastest-growing cities in the world. Every day, 850 people move into the city. Mrudula: what do you do when the city becomes too big? The population of Bangalore grows by the totally population of Sydney, every 20 years. Can’t really compare it to any other city in the world. •

SK: but isn’t sprawl bad?

AM: the people who live in the ‘sprawl’ of the city used-to live in villages – compared to those villages, where they now live is quite dense. It’s only when we compare this to the inner-city, that it doesn’t seem dense enough. It’s like having the entire population of NSW move to Sydney – you can’t call that ‘sprawl’ – it’s actually densification. It may be the sprawl of Sydney, but it’s the densification of NSW. But if the people who lived in the inner-city moved to its outskirts and occupied more space, I’d call that sprawl. But this is not the case – it is new people who live in this ‘sprawl’, and relative to how scattered they were previously, their move to Bangalore/Sydney is actually densification. The livability of the non-city is important. If you can’t solve the livability of the noncity, you can’t solve the livability of the city. The city become unlivable because the pressure to live ONLY in the city is very high. Livability is the first problem. The second problem is jobs. Historically, cities were centres for manufacture. Today, we like to think of cities gentrified white-collar environments. No city in the world has ever become significant without first being a centre

of mass-employment. It may have been the spinning mills, car factories, etc.. Something has to provide employment for 100-200,000 people. In Bangalore, it is IT. Cities need to provide mass-employment – this is always how cities have grown – they provided mass-employment for the working poor. Today, the only massemployment available in the city is for the middle-class. And that’s because we’ve banished manufacturing – that’s the only place the working-poor can find sustenance. Historically, all the working-poor lived in the cities. Now Ochla(?) wants to move all its industrial units out of the city, but the reason the city grew in the first place, is because of those units. The idea that ‘manufacturing’ and the ‘city’ don’t go together has be rethought. Industrial manufacturing may no-longer be possible in the city, but can we have other kinds of massemployment in the city – for example, pre-fabrication, reassembly, recycling, - all around ‘remaking’ rather than ‘making’ (forward-thinking!!). Right now, work is scattered – domestic work – unusual mass-employment situation. Domestic work is a kind of mass-employment – every flat in my community has a domestic worker/ driver/cook. The most common job in every community now, are cook/ maid/driver. In the city, I’m sure there are 1 million people who work as these things as their primary job. But the city has not built itself in a way to be supportive of these people. There’s no learning program, no organized maid-servants industry. Read Anirudh Krishna’s ‘Broken Ladder’. He says that in India, the same administrative missionary that’s

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trying to get India on the moon, is the same missionary that’s trying to solve sanitation and footpath issues in small communities – these are not problems that countries historically solved simultaneously. They solved their basic problems first, and them moved on to more sophisticated ones. We’re struggling because we’re dealing with them simultaneously. The conclusion: increase the number of problem-solving people – there’s a big different between solving problems and increasing the number of problem-solving people. The reason our [his team’s] approaches work, is because we’re getting more people to solve problems within their own neighborhoods. Me: self-help? Ashwin: I wouldn’t call it self-‘help’; I’m saying that if you’re going to be a citizen, be a citizen. If you’re going to be a beneficiary, shut the hell up – you can’t have it both ways. You can’t expect the guy you voted-in, to solve all your problems – he’s working on so many other problems at the same time. He cannot do the job you’re asking him to do – his manpower and the training in that manpower is limited. The attractiveness of those jobs is limited. None of us are willing to go and work in government. We’ve got a situation where people want to be consumers of good governments, but they don’t want to be involved in producing them •

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representative democracy creates too much of a distance between the citizen and the decision. Participatory democracy would be more responsive to what people actually want. Me: how would participatory democracy work? Ashwin: it’s about budgets. Everyone pays taxes. So you ask

people how much of their taxes their want to go to local, state and central government. I guarantee you that people will say that at least 1/3 of their taxes should go to local government – not just in Bangalore, but even in Sydney. Yet, what percentage of your taxes actually go to local government? 1%? 2%? 3% at the most? Almost all your taxes to go Canberra or your state council, but not to your local council. This is quite bizarre. We have democratically arrived at a situation that is the exact opposite of what people want. We believe that once something has been decided, we don’t need to revisit it – why do you pay so much tax to Canberra? ‘Because we did in 1945’. •

SK: how do you get people involved in solving their own problems? Most say they don’t have enough time.

AM: of course people are going to say this, but they have to understand that if they don’t do anything about it, people solving their problems in other parts of the world will get ahead. Back to the thing about adjacency: people want to live next to successful people. More people will want to live in a successful/prosperous area where positive change is being made by proactive people, making for better facilities and community

SK: What I should do for my project?

AM: 1.

Peruvian economist low-income housing (Hernando de Soto) – his ideas about land title, and how having access to land-title for the working-poor, enables them to use their houses as assets. What is your strength and my strength?


Our houses are tradable, bankable, loanable assets. The poor don’t have access to this asset. Title as a way of creating assets. Mostcommonly tried in Lima and other parts of Peru. 2.

The importance of rental housing in holding down the price of land, and making properties more accessible. Percentages of building-plan approvals to match the housing needed (EWS, LIG, MIG, HIG). Go to the slums, take the average building height of the surrounding area, and show the government that if the slum was built to this height/density, these people could live here. There is a lack of trust in governments and what they will provide – slumdwellers currently have physical control over their own homes and spaces; they’re afraid that when the government builds them something new, they won’t have any say of how much space they get, and they will end up with even less than what they have now, and not have any control over the space and how it sits in relation to others’ homes.

3.

Give builders/developers an incentive to work with poor people – tell them that 50% of their building permits will be for the EWS. Get them to sort it out. Right now, developers don’t have an incentive to do that.

Reflection: big issues and big ideas. My project takes on those within its scope.

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“The city plan was based on the consumption patterns and lifestyle of the industrialized West’s middle classes. The physical aspects of the city reflect this: the large sectors, the wise, multilane streets for rapid, high-volume traffic, which are now being used to capacity; single-family homes with gardens (whereas South Asians prefer to like with multi-generation family units, with courtyards rather than gardens, which also use too much water); large, paved open spaces (which in this part of India are usually hot and unpleasant).� Khan et. al., 2010

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11/04/2018

TO CHANDIGARH

Between juggling two big assessments, visiting various sites, speaking to various people, spending time in libraries digging up literature on the topic, and managing the heat (and it was hot!), this trip was unforgettable. It allowed for two major developments in my project: •

the realisation that Colony No. 4 was being demolished next month, and if I were to make my project responsive to this change, I must change my project direction

the consequent ‘eureka’ moment when I realised that it was a mixed-use courtyard-cum-shop-house typology that I wanted to pursue (which occurred as I stared at all the vacant land around the city, out of the car window).

One of the many vacant roadside plots in the city.

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11-28/04/2018

SITE VISITS

The Slums

In-between courtyard-like spaces, where people gather. Colony No. 4

Most people I visited, had small T.V. sets. Colony No. 4

A lack of safety standards. Concrete and brick as the only two materials used. Brick jaalis (top left of photo) therefore become an important technique for the movement of air and light. Colony No. 4

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No infrastructure for the treatment of garbage. Colony No. 4

Improper sanitation, spreading disease and illness. Colony No. 4

Self-built mud and brick houses with roof spaces used as storage. Sector 25 Slum

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So dark inside, that it is hard to see - even in the middle of the day in summer. Sector 25 Slum

Previously-built government-housing for the EWS (economically-weaker section), across the road. Sector 25 Slum

A typical kitchen. Sector 25 Slum

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Shops lining the outsides of the houses. Sector 25 Slum

Bricks not very well-made or -laid. Colony No. 4

Previously-built government-housing for the EWS (economically-weaker section), across the road. Sector 25 Slum

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The temple for the residents of the slum, about 200m away from its edge. Sector 25 Slum

Shops lining the outsides of the houses. Colony No. 4

Shops within the slum. Colony No. 4

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Government-provided slum toiletblock. Colony No. 4

A beautifully-decorated entrance to a house in the slum. Colony No. 4

Haphazard construction with a lack of planning and infrastructure. Colony No. 4

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A typical alleyway between houses Colony No. 4

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Government Rehabilitation Sites

People spending time in the open spaces designated to parking, rather than in inside, or in the outdoor corridors directly outside their houses. A lack of landscaping. Dhanas

A toilet in one of the apartments, accessed via the balcony. Dhanas

A kitchen. Dhanas

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A self-partitioned unit. Dhanas

Voids and lightwells - a nice feature. Dhanas

A lady making handicrafts to decorate her home. Dhanas

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Government Rehabilitation Sites

A good use of voids for visibility and ventilation. Maloya

A lack of connection to the ground floor. Malyoa

Too large a scale. Maloya

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Straw and clay storage units spotted nearby, on the drive home. Maloya

Straw and clay storage units spotted nearby, on the drive home. Maloya

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Beautiful, positive, gentle people Dhanas

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L.I.G. (Low Income Group) Government Housing

Government housing constructed about 20 years ago, and sold to the public by inviting applications and taking out lots. Approximate cost at that time was around 3 lakhs per unit. Present market value is around 30 lakhs per unit. Each unit comprises of 2 small rooms, 1 toilet and a kitchen. Sector 52

Urban Villages

Shops places of workshop and housing, not subject to the rest of the city’s regulations. An original village allowed to grow at its own accord. Burail, Sector 45

Burail, Sector 45

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An informal market space spotted on the way home. It was this scene that sparked the idea for market/ shop/office spaces/ colonnades on the ground floor of Type 15, where a range of activities could take place.

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Around the City

Regular fruit markets Near Sector 43

Chandigarh’s water supply comes is pumped to it from neighbouring dams, but small streams and canals also exist in the city. Attawa Choa (Canal)

‘Mini Markets’ are ‘rehrri markets’ (informal markets set up by the people) that have been formalise by the government. This shows a need for those of lower-income groups to have places from which to run their businesses.

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I drove past many nurseries, brickworks, barbers’ shops and crafts shops on the sides of the roads. Type 15 aims to formalise this activity by giving it a centralised space.

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“In 2003/4, we had the aim of making Chandigarh a slumfree city. We still haven’t been able to achieve it.” 104


18/04/2018

I N T E RV I E W W I T H K A P I L S E T I A

I am grateful to have had the chance to meet with Chandigarh’s Chief Architect, Mr. Kapil Setia, who gave me a wonderful overview of the city, its slums, and everything in between. It was at this meeting that I discovered, as a shock, that the slum I had visited only a month earlier, would be demolished in May, with is residents rehabilitated in Maloya - a settlement on the opposite side of the city. Especially as I was considering basing my project on this very site, proposing interventions that would improve its living conditions, I was taken aback and thought it was funny that a slum that had existed for 40 odd years was being demolished at the very time that I had discovered it. Mr. Setia also provided insight into much more: •

Anticipation of population of the city wasn’t correct. •

1.3 million population includes slums, etc. – everything inside city boundary

Was designed to be only 70km2, but when it grew, Mohali came, and then Panchkula. This was against the basic premise of the original plan, which restricted any development within a 16km radius of the city. Happened because of the geopolitical situation of 1966 – division of Punjab into Punjab + Haryana.

3 governments in Chandigarh – UT, Punjab and Haryana – makes it a little difficult…

Sudden increase of population only after 1966 – late 60s, 70, 80s – that’s when the city emerged.

We are receding in population growth now – 17% at the moment (2001-2011); was 40%

in 1991-2001. Anticipated 2.5 lakh population growth per decade, in next two decades, so by 2031, we’ll have population of 1.6 million. •

It’s a free country, so anyone can live anywhere. But development is a state subject. So you must know the context you’re working in, and then try to find a solution.

Fortunately, Chandigarh’s plan was very, very good – it was a very sustainable plan. That’s why it’s still sustaining with 2.5 times the population than what was planned.

And of course, this problem of the slums is political and economical. Exploitation by the few in power – resettling, etc., and taking away the few 105


subsidies that are there. Not a very clean chapter – very murky. It’s not that we can’t provide public housing; it’s that we don’t want to. So you have to handle this problem through policy. Development plans. Policies to reference: National Housing Policy, Low-Cost Housing Policy. •

Talk to: Head of Dept/Housing at CCA [Deepika Gandhi] – has done her research on Chandigarh, Patiala and one town in Harayana, to understand why a typically-organic town and why a typically-planned town behave differently.

In 2003/4, we had the aim of making Chandigarh a slum-free city. We still haven’t been able to achieve it. 25,000 people/families [unclear] were identified – their biometric data collected – much before ‘Adhaar’ was even conceived. Then houses were planned for them. The Housing Board has been rehabilitating people

Government. Some funding provided by Ministry of Housing – delayed, projects not very well-conceived, well-implemented, etc.. Processes not honest. Takes about a decade to do things. We’ve just finished 15,000 units out of the planning 25,000. The only slum left to be rehabilitated, is Colony No. 4. The rest are illegal, and they’ll be removed. Our plan is to remove all these people, but increase our capacity of affordable housing. So, in the meantime, the new government has come and given us this opportunity. ‘Housing for all’ is the mandate of the new government. Read about it on the Ministry of Urban Development Site. PMAY. For that, the local government has also formulated their own policy, which is available on the Chandigarh Housing Board site. You have to re-jig these policies at a housingpolicy level and then work on the urban development plans. Or it won’t work. •

The other issue is that we are in a land-locked situation now. We don’t get any facilities, but we still have to sustain the 3 governments here. We are land-locked by the surrounding states. We had a 16(?)km periphery. Punjab and Harayana don’t let us use any of their facilities, but they need this as their capital. It is our mandate to maintain their capital, but we don’t have their land. [They’re coming to some sort of agreement to share the land? But that will take its own sweet time…] Most of the elections are funded through land mafia.

High land costs – big contributing factor is that a lot of Chandigarh homes are owned by NRIs. Another factor – we have a very small network of people managing property sales, so

for the last 13-14 years.

They’ve created planned ghettos all around the city. I call them ghettos, because they’re not really worth living in. In a way, we’ve organized their slums with the minimal money we’re getting from Central 106


all the demand and supply is in their hands – leads to dishonesty. This is all politics. Our administration is very bureaucratic. They’ll come here for three years and then leave and not be answerable to anyone, because there’s no political head above them, due to Chandigarh being a UT. They just report to a governor who is hardly there. •

of Chandigarh’s housing stock [?]. These houses are only for the HIG – ministers. •

EWS (economically-weaker system) = people in the slums. When people are classified into groups, their source of income is taken into account, too. That’s why even with EWS housing, the owner is required to give some amount of money. This is why land is not given as freehold – if the amount of people [?] grows, we will be able to use our lease terms and handle that.

SK: was there any provision for the living of working-class people in the original masterplan of Chandigarh? As I understand it, most of these people come from surrounding villages and work in the city, and a lot of them would have also been involved in the construction of the city.

KS:

PMAY has facilitated in 4 ways: •

it has bridged the gap between sale and purchase by giving subsidized loans – lots of availability of stock. So everyone living in Chandigarh need not buy a house here – the policy cross-subsidises loans, dependent on the size of the plot. If it is less then 30m2, the subsidy is higher. If it is less than 60m2, the subsidy is a little less. – Basically a mortgage. The original plan had a lot of rental housing, but these have been mismanaged and sold. This happened when Punjab when through its ‘bad phase’ – we had a lot of terrorism, so lost this opportunity.

SK: I think I’d like to propose interventions to improve quality of life in the slums, for my project.

KS: that’s not our mandate. We don’t want to lose that land – no site-and-services schemes have been proposed in the masterplan. We are rehabilitating those who have been identified – all will be housed by 2022. We have more than 13,800 government-houses in the city – that’s rental. All three administrations share these houses. This makes for 25%

these people are transitory – there are different trades they handle. There was housing for them when the construction started.

Even near the Capitol, there was a housing cluster made. That was part of the contract. Wherever there is a construction project, they are given temporary accommodation by the contractor. When the project finishes, the workers move to a new project. So they can’t be made to sit permanently in the city. •

SK: so what about the people who have other occupations?

KS: either they go to the slums being organized by the politicians [?] or they go to the villages. There are many villages which have now been 107


integrated into a grid. They have only been regulated for the last two years. Most of these people are single – they’re laborer and most don’t come with their families. They just send money home until they establish themselves a little (become a subcontractors, etc.) before they bring their families over to educate them. •

SK: what’s the difference between an ‘urban village’ and an ‘unauthorised colony’?

KS: in the first phase of the city, all the villages that existed there were erased. This was not acceptable to most people. So in the second phase, some villages were retained. But they were meant to be residential, which is not the case now – they have primarily become commercial and service centres. The original inhabitants sold off, went elsewhere, but the mandate was that the original village – which had been settled over centuries/decades, should be retained in its original character. The villages are the new organised way of having low-cost housing. Manimajra – has already about 1 lakh people. The masterplan allows for 3 lakhs. That’s the largest residential component left in the city [?]. Out of the 4 lakhs, we are going to add 52,031 in Manimajra. There are 11 pockets we identified. They were pocket-developments; we’re trying to switch to group housing – slight medium-density, medium-heights type of development, rather than the lowdensity type. Me: what’s group-housing?

KS: group-housing is a cluster a people staying together in flats. The

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land is shared – either the society takes the land on lease/auction, or the CHB does that (in govt. projects). It then allots the plots through auction etc.. People buy the apartments. •

Colony No. 4 is about to go to Maloya. We’ve already got 15,000 units already built there, and another 8,500 we’re just about to finish – will give them the keys in May. And Colony No. 4 will be vacated. And whoever were the legal beneficiaries in 2006, will be given a house. There’s a committee that manages it. We think that out of the 15,000 flats, many will remain vacant, because many people who identified as beneficiaries would have moved back; some have died. But there are also new beneficiaries which have not been identified. But that’s a problem. Because if we don’t draw a line, it is endless. After PMAY, many states have started drawing a line.

The CHB has built only the 15,000 units at Maloya in the last 12-13 years, except for some 500 units for all other income groups. That’s why there’s a shortage of supply, and huge demand. That’s inflating the price.

SK: what will happen to those who have not identified as beneficiaries?

KS: they can go through the four modes of PMAY – either take out a loan, …

• Primarily, our land is expensive. The cost of housing is great because the land is expensive. 60-70% of the cost is the price of the land. 3040% is the construction cost. If the periphery of the city is


cheaper, let them buy there. •

has hospitals, schools, crèches, sports facilities. But what quality these are, I can’t control. I can only control the quantum. That is dependent on the community around – how much they can demand from the departments.

KS on the rehabilitation housing:

my personal opinion is that they have not been sensitively designed. Maloya is almost a replica of Dhanas.

SK: when we spoke to the people in Dhanas, they didn’t seem very happy.

KS: oh, they won’t be, because they’ve been rehabilitated from Colony No. 5, which is on the periphery. Work centres [?] and our transport system is not very good in the interregional framework. Most of these people don’t have an industry – it’s all unorganized labour. They either work in construction industry, or in service sector, or the industry. And we don’t have any industry – industry is either in Bandi[?] or Mohali or some parts of Panchkula, Derabasi, Kharar. If someone works close to a certain rehabilitation site, they can move there. But the government’s policy doesn’t allow for this – the market has to decide. They’re not a very honest people – they’ll lie to say that they’re working near the more-expensive rehabilitation site, so be able to live there [?]. Until we reach basics levels of education, this problem will remain. The government is deprived – it doesn’t take care of most of the population – it can’t afford it.

SK: what’s your role as the chief architect?

KS: my role is mainly seeing how the city is regulated and planned. I mainly plan the city, and the engineers execute. I also design public projects. I regulate all the private projects.

Now we’re talking to MIT. MIT was keen on giving their design ideas to us, but when we started talking, they thought that India has only site-andservices schemes, so I don’t know whether they’re coming forward or not. The CHB was the other agency that signed the agreement. The city is 80% housing. The CHB has done just 60,000 units out of the 2 lakhs in the last 40-50 years. We have about 60,000 flats in the city, mostly done by the CHB and a few societies – we have about 50 private societies – selfhelp groups with chosen presidents, etc.. •

SK: when people are rehabilitated, are things like their jobs taken into consideration?

KS: that’s up to the individual – the government can’t decide their lives – it’s a democracy. We can’t live them where to live and where to work.

Me: but Colony No. 4 and Maloya are on opposite ends of the city.

KS: as

architects and planners, we become a little too idealistic in these matters. What we can do, is provide them with housing. It’s not that healthcare, education, etc. is not available. Eg., Dhanas

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Me: who makes the masterplan of the city (the 2031 one, for eg)?

KS: a separate masterplan committee made of town planners, professionals from the Ministry of Housing, geographers, prominent architects of the city, retired chief engineers. They worked for about 3.5 years to make the masterplan. Then it was put onto a public forum, and there was a board of inquiry into it – it was independent and people gave their recommendations. Total 6-7 process. 16km periphery of the city was meant to be green, but this was being encroached, so masterplan decided to build low-density things here.

We’re trying to say that in the future, 15% of all housing developments have to be for the EWS (in masterplan and future zoning policies already). So if a developer buys a chunk of land, it will be mandated into the zoning, the EWS will automatically get integrated into the other category – servant quarters already sort-of do this. The first 10-12 sectors of the city have more housing for servants than others. There are 4 servantquarters per house, in all houses north of Madhya Marg, according to the survey. It’s mostly older people living there now, whose kids have moved out – more pets and servants than residents in the house. It is an aging population in Phase 1, but not in Phase 2 and Phase 3. Our land rates are comparable to Paris and London.

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“I have three daughters, and I just got the last one married. Now I drive the kids who live here to and from school every day. It’s seva (selfless service), and I enjoy doing it. Thank you for coming here.” This gentleman came and had a conversation with me on my second visit to Colony No. 4. 22 April, 2018

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“Didi (big sister)! Please take a photo of us!” They didn’t even ask to look at the photo, afterwards! 22 April, 2018

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19/04/2018

I N T E RV I E W W I T H S U D H A O J H A

It was a pleasure to meet with architect and friend of Nanu’s - Mrs. Sudha Ojha, Director of AV Consultants - in her office at Sector 37, along with interior designer, Ms. Ashima Vashisht. The two shared with me, their thoughts on my project ambitions (about which, I was only just starting to see clarity, in regard to it being a mixed-use courtyard typology of sorts). It was heartening to hear them tell me about their work with the Pink Foundation - an NGO supporting the women of the slums all over the country. Their thoughts were intriguing: •

The ‘culture’ of Sector 17’s plaza has been ruined by the vendors that now crowd it – you can no-longer have a roam or leisurely stroll there. There’s also litter all around. These vendors have government licenses to be there. Many of these people live in the slums. Reflection: I can understand this. I guess the city needs a balance of both things, as the vendors, too, to need somewhere to make their living. This urges me to think about my own potential public plaza, how it will operate, and its levels of ‘publicness’.

The government has built cheap houses, but right next to affluent areas (like in Sectors 37 and 38), and there are many thefts that occur there. Reflection: I can understand this sentiment, too. However, isolation of ‘cheap housing’ on the outskirts of the city is not a solution. Perhaps mixed-used spaces are the solution, as they provide the lower income-groups with a dignified means of earning their living (through ownership of their own workspaces).

On the cheap houses that were part of the city’s masterplan that were made to be rental properties but are now owned by residents: people have converted front bedrooms into shops, and opened little shops onto the roads, causing crowding. These shops have now been authorized. Reflection: this illustrates the need for mixed-use spaces to be provided!

The ‘spick and span’ culture of Chandigarh is diminishing. Reflection: perhaps this is because we don’t know how to cater to all our residents with equity, which leads to the formation of slums.

Yes, they [the slum-dwellers] are human beings, but there should be some sort of separation – like having a separate township or something. • • •

There’s so much snatching that happens – also drug-addicts. Our city is no longer ‘clean’. There’s no control on how many people our city can accommodate.

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Anyone who comes here, demands a house. For example, in Himachal, you have to be from there to get land there. Reflection: I believe that everyone should have a right to the city. Especially seeing as the people in question here, are the ones whom without, the city’s economy would fail. We need them, so why can’t they have dignity? For example, there aren’t even basic things like vocation training or support for the work that they do (domestic service, cleaning, etc.). The reason the divide and prejudice exists at the moment, I believe, is because we have failed to see these people as our own, and with current efforts, we are only making this divide bigger. •

‘Vote bank’ – it’s all political. You can’t say anything to anyone…

The architect can’t do anything – the development of the slums is in the control of the Estate Office. But everyone has pressure on them from more senior levels… Reflection: it seems the agency of the architect is quite limited when it comes to social change. But by building the right relationships and showing - like through this project - how things can be done differently, I believe that change can be made. This is how the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission was founded - by a common man who, with a group of people, pitched his ideas to government.

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These days, it’s hard to trust anyone. Even begging is a mafia - people are paid to do it.


observing and recording

S K E TC H B O O K E N T R I E S

I began thoroughly researching the city, its housing, its planning and its policies, through library books and just asking people questions. All this learning was crucial, and allowed me to feel well-informed enough to progress my project in a meaningful way.

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Poverty is not the absence of wealth; it is the absence of dignity.

Ian Rosenberger - founder, Team Tassy & Thread

The Slums

All cities develop slums; They are the ‘cancer’. They grow uncontrolled. The relief is sought in moving The slum dwellers to the outskirts To rehabilitate them in fresh air And to create some Open spaces within the city. The intention is good, But what does it do To the process of growth of the city And the lives of people?!

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The Slum Dwellers

The slum dwellers moved To the outskirts of a city Have to come to the city - nevertheless; For work, for recreation, For education. Why not take these activities to them?! Indeed, why not?! And so you do. But that which you take to them Is what you think they deserve Or can afford. Not, what they need to desire. The tension remains, because The supply and demand do not follow The path of nature, or evolution. At any rate, the ‘work’ content Of the activity Is not an isolated package Which can be handed out For so many people.


architecture in response

CONCEPT DESIGN

It was now time for me to architecturally respond to all my research (the trickiest, scariest, but also most-exciting part)!

no dignity in work and vocation for the economically-weak

speculated potential: a city that welcomes and encourages

from Aditya Prakash, Reflections on Chandigarh

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vacant verges in the city

vacant verges in the city

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1951-66 _ 800 units 1951-66 _ 800 units

1956 _ 175 units 1956 _ 175 units

the city’s response to the housing shortage for the economically-disadvantaged the city’s response to the housing shortage for the economically-disadvantaged

+

+

new shop-cum-flat typology proposed for the city proper

the integration of shop/workshop space into housing, and its placement in the c economically-weak to the city, and for them to bring their services and skills to th the need for shop/workshop space within housing is evident through the large n converted into shops, leaving little room for pedestrian movement and traffic on

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new shop-cum-flat typology proposed for the city prope

the integration of shop/workshop space into housing, and its p economically-weak to the city, and for them to bring their servi


1980s - present _ 12,736 units 1980s - present _ 12,736 units

= W.

=

W.

2020 onward _ 1,000+ units

W.

W.

2020 onward _ 1,000+ units

centre of the city’s fabric, allow for the dignified migration of the he existing residents of the city. the situation is mutually-beneficial. number of initial ‘cheap houses’ in the city, whose ground floors have been n the street.

er

placement in the centre of the city’s fabric, allow for the dignified migration of the ices and skills to the existing residents of the city. the situation is mutually-beneficial.

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new shop-cum-flat typology proposed for the city proper

in keeping with Chandigarh’s architectural language, the city’s ‘culture’ of sprawling plazas an will also be kept. in giving space to the economically-weak to practise and sell their crafts, as economy, and its locals receive the benefits of greater services and products to purchase, wh

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floor-plan: diversity different-sized units for different income-groups. The tenancy of larger units can subsidize the cost of smaller ones.

homes with rooftop terraces and internal courtyard shops and workshop spaces currently: slum-dwellers sell their goods on roadside

nd grid-bound ‘shopping streets’ (as expressed by locals) s well as be trained in new fields, the city invests in its own hile those providing the services can earn a living.

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vacant verges in the city

commercial buildings on the periphery of Sector 17,

the architecture of Chandigarh

public colonnades, concrete and simple grid structu Maxwell Fry and Jane Drew

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, the ‘heart of the city’

Maxwell Fry’s shop-cum flats in Sector 22, the city’s oldest sector

ures are characteristic of Chandigarh’s architecture as designed by Le Corbusier, Pierre Jeanneret,

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in addition to the proposed new typology of housing, possible uses of vacant space opposite Sector 25 slum settlement

existing settle

existing flats behind the slum settlement

Sector 25 slums

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foot typology 3-sto behin


g slum ement

tprint of proposed new in place of the existing orey ‘rehabilitation’ flats nd the slum settlement

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locals hand-crafting decoration pieces at Dhanas Rehabilitation site

locals hand-crafting decoration pieces at Dhanas Rehabilitation site whenasked asked whether sell creations, they creations, they “no; replied, “no;them we make for our This ownbrings homes.” forth a few when whether theythey sell they they replied, we make for our them own homes.” forth aThis few brings things: the willingne labeledasas ‘lazy’ ‘theives’, to busy; keepthe busy; the integrity they run theirand households, the potential forskill-dev their v labeled ‘lazy’ andand ‘theives’, to keep integrity with whichwith they which run their households, the potentialand for their vocation and thepoverty poverty they face. the provision of space/architecture within which to carry out these activities and networks, develop in support ne the they face. the provision of space/architecture within which to carry out these activities and develop support the centre

proposed intervention for one tap at Sector 2 because of the unplanned, free-form nature of the

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w the willingness essthings: of these people, often of these people, often vocation and as a counterpoint to velopment as a skill-development counterpoint to inwill thebecentre eetworks, of the city, pivotal.of the city, will be pivotal.

25 slum

slum as a typology, a case-by-case approach is required. above is one such case.

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Seema, resident of the slum for 15 years, and her niece, Pooja, tell of their unaffordable electricity bill (they have a cooler, a fridge and a small television in the house). The cooler is necessary in the heat, due to the lack of natural crossventilation.

Seema stands in the doorway of t from found materials, hand-made

trying to understand the Sector 25 slum every house is different

improvised spaces

trying to understand the Sector 25 slum every house is different

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the house she and her husband built themselves, e bricks and cow-dung.

the kitchen at Pooja’s house

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found building materials

the interface of the slum and the

found building materials

the interface of the slum and the

trying to understand the Sector 25 slum every house is different

trying to understand the Sector 25 slum every house is different

a good number of toilets for residents

no

a good number of toilets for residents

no

recently-built government toilets for Sector 25 slum settlement

although these toilets are free for residents to use, kept clean by the r facilities recently-built government toilets for Sector 25 slum settlement

although these toilets are free for residents to use, kept clean by the r facilities

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‘rehabilitation’ flats behind it

‘rehabilitation’ flats behind it

o ventilation or lighting within units

unfinished drainage details

o ventilation or lighting within units

unfinished drainage details

t

residents themselves, for which they are paid, and in close proximity to the slum, they lack lighting and hand-washing

t

residents themselves, for which they are paid, and in close proximity to the slum, they lack lighting and hand-washing

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Photos courtesy of Jazmin Gavin

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29/04/2018

TO K AT H M A N D U

After submitting a mammoth of an assignment (Part A of the Project Design Report for Architectural Management), we drove through the night, to Delhi airport. I was exhausted, to say the least. But I was Kathmandu-bound! In this whirlwind of a trip, I was also fortunate enough to attend a HealthHabitat Sanitation Studio in the villages of Nepal. It taught me about cheap construction, south-Asian vernacular, earthquakeresistant architecture, climate, and much more. It made me realise how difficult pursuing my first trajectory of restoring/repairing the existing slums, would really have been, since sanitation (and other things) have to be done on such a case-to-case basis. It also taught me to check my water before I drink it (yes, I was ill for a couple of days, and it wasn’t all that fun, but the trip was worth it!). What an experience. Many thanks to David Donald, Bishnu Shrestha, Owen Kelly, Sandra Meihubers and the rest of the lovely souls I traveled with.

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The toilet-block we designed for the school. Sketches: Sahibajot Kaur

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Out long-lost companion, Doggo

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The immensely-steep, terraced terrain that we worked with

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My first drawing of ‘Type 15’ (before it even had its name). 148


mayjune

04

putting lines on a page

Studio: Schematic Design

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HIG: 10% MIG: 20% LIG: 30% EWS: 40%

Diagramming program, circulation and social realtions

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concept to architecture I was now back in the country, and it was time to take the project from a mere concept to an architecture. My concept was well-received by all, and so, I decided to march on forward, developing, detailing and diagramming the design - its spatial programme, circulation construction and materiality (even though these would be further developed in later stages, it was important to be thinking about them at this one).

Working out constructino methods with Rick

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the courtyard, shop spaces, brick jaali facades, private entry and public plaza

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the public colonnade, plaza, educational spaces, circulation and courtyard washing space

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7p/ha

capitol complex

increasing density

city centre: Sector 17

oldest sector: 22

100p/ha

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communicating clearly

S C H E M AT I C D E S I G N

Phase I original plan - larger houses and higherpaid officials

societal divide

Phase II built in 1960s for population boom. Row+cluster homes up to 4 stories

Phase III up to 6 stories

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GSEducationalVersion

Site Plan: Sector 34 Exhibition Ground

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Vocation of slum-dwellers

Type of in prop

24% skilled construction workers

-

23% industrial labourers

factory/work

20% unskilled construction workers

educational

14% vendors

stand/shop

11% rickshaw pullers

stand + stora

8% others (milkmen, potters, government employees) shops + wor

1 worksp

First Floor Plan

Ground Floor Plan

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RENT

15 YEARS

OWNERSHIP

subsidised by govt. micro-laons

affordable once saving grow through sales of products and services

S TAY

Proposed rental scheme

Laborers building the city. Type 15 is also designed to be built by local laborers with local materials. Source: p. 31, K. Joshi, 1999

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SELL BACK TO G O V T.


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Michael Chapman’s feedback

Lachlan Seeger’s feedback

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Reflection: I was overwhelmed at the positive reception of the project, the support my concept received, and ideas given for its further development.

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A cloudy day at the University of Melbourne’s Design School 182


jul

winter break

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“Right now, the consensus between all scholars, is that slums are providing more answers than the problems they’re creating.” Ishita Chatterjee

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16/07/2018

I N T E RV I E W

Over the winter, I was lucky enough to meet two Ph.D. researchers + educators at the University of Melbourne. It was by chance that I got in touch with Tanzil via thisstudioisopen.org earlier in the year, and I am thankful that he started a conversation. Tanzil Shafique, Ishita Chatterjee and I chatted at length about, as they liked to call them, ‘informal settlements’ (while they tried to convince me to pursue a Ph.D. at U.Melb.!). Tanzil Shafique: Nek Chand’s Rock Garden is a great contrast to the planned nature of Chandigarh – they’re both completely different paradigms.

Ishita Chatterjee: Chandigarh is a very interesting case. It has urban villages, as do a lot of other cities. Chandigarh is interesting because it was planned and it was supposed-to be a model-city for India at independence.

are providing more answers than the problems they’re creating. And if it were easy, all the designers would have solved in by now. There are so many designers working on it. So, it is complicated. There are issues – we have all recognized the issues. Don’t try to approach this project as the government would – in a formal way. In a design project, you can’t solve everything. Just pick up 3 main things working in the slums – use these things in your design. Things like building volume, height, street interface and room sizes (that’s where I feel they need a little help – when it comes to room sizes and how they can stack, but apart from that, the envelope, flexibility – they kind of get it).

Go with an open mind. I know you have to design something. Neither of us should be telling you what not to do, because we have very strong opinions about it.

TS: That’s why I think it’s not anymore about design as an answer – it’s more: can

Through our research, we’re trying to tease out what ‘informality’ really is, and how to separate the ‘slum’ from ‘informality’.

Go to these settlements [the slums], and you will see that they really want to make it as dense as possible, and yet they stop at some level. The work-live combination only works if you design is of a certain height. I think it stops at G+1/2. When you go to these settlements, don’t go with the mindset that you want to design something and improve them – go with the intention of learning from them, and then designing something – Type 15. Right now, the consensus between all scholars is that slums

you give them a framework within which they can develop their own thing? And that’s not necessarily in a physical sense, like “I’ll make the floors and they can come in and occupy them”. It’s much more democratic than that.

IC: she [I] won’t be able to answer the question at the scale you’re posing it – it’s a Masters project.

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TS: have you seen Aravena’s work? It’s now becoming cliché.

IC: that’s a problem, because at any point, he didn’t start the urban-design question. Even if you’re doing a Master of Architecture, you have to look at urban design.

TS: that’s a very typical architectural move – that’s what they think – that it’s just their house/plot.

SK they used-to do site and services schemes in Chandigarh, but they stopped because people got too crazy with their designs.

IC: but that’s good when people can change it. But it’s not good for the government.

TS: the mentality of governing is governmentality! Predict and control – that’s the way the state operates. Why does the state want a map and want to know everything? It’s based on the assumption that the more you know, the more control you have.

IC: what do some people not have maps? For example, refugee camps – they don’t have maps, and they don’t allow them to have maps. That’s why, when you look at them on Google Earth, some part of them are greyed-out.

TS: an architect from Bangalore – he looks at using unused wells (used-to pump water from afar). It’s much more ecological to collect rainwater. He was saying that they’re trying to bring the well-culture back. But they don’t 186

have a map of all the wells. Someone said to him that it’d be great for the city to have a map of the wells. He responded, explicitly, that we don’t want a map of it, because if someone has a map, they have total control of it, and it becomes part of the landscape of manipulation – policy, taxes, etc.. He wants to keep it informal and away from mapping. These are intricate questions – the way the Architecture degree is set up, etc.. There should be a way for you to say, “after all the research I have done, there is no need for a design,” given you have enough rigor in our research.

IC: but that’s not actually an answer when it comes to slums. They need design interventions.

TS: what I’m saying, is that the schools are not open enough – you have to design something.

SK: isn’t it elitist to say that only an architect can design spaces? Why can’t people design their own spaces, like they do in the slums?

TS: that’s the whole point – ‘architecture’ is a specialized discipline that came only in the last 400 years.

IC: when it comes to dealing with this, what they need to see is you’ve drawn something. You draw something, and say that this is your intervention – give our options on how things can be done.


TS: your design should play-out different scenarios – iterations.

IC: look at Doshi’s drawings of Aranya – there’s a cow in every image.

TS: it’s just speculation. Not everything will go to the architect’s plan. It’s like a graphic novel – if this happens, then this will be the result. If that happens, then that will be the result. This is what Camilo is all about – he’s doing design iterations.

transcendental idea and bringing it and placing it on the site. So your analysis itself will reveal what the design should be. You’ll see that some things are really wrong, which you can get rid of, and you can start with the right things. You have to build a very strong case based on your analysis – with things like mixes, typologies, uses, etc..

SK: [explained my project typology and chosen site – Sector 34 Exhibition Ground]

TS: but then it’s an urban design question – are you going to lay out the streets? IC: but now we’ve kind-of pushed her into one type of design intervention. One is this – you learn from it, and you start building on a vacant site. The other is you do what Patrick Geddes was doing in India – conservative surgery. I feel like when it gets too complex, people want to abandon the site and start afresh. What he said, was, “let’s get rid of really problematic buildings and create more space.”

TS: it’s like acupuncture.

IC: I don’t think you have to worry about that at a Masters level – this tries to solve the issue of the slum. You don’t have to do that. So the way you frame you question, is different: “what can I learn from the slum?”

TS: the point is, design is he creation of something new. How do you build something new? What IC is saying, is that the ‘new’ thing you’re designing isn’t something totally new – from the outside. You, as an architect, become aware of how the slums are existing, and you use that in your design. Instead of having a

IC: if I were to attack your idea: firstly, the government won’t agree, and secondly, when there is an exhibition, you need to make the same amount of land available. So, you create these frameworks. Your informal city is underneath – they need to be attached on the ground. The exhibition doesn’t need to be. So it can be propped-up on top, and people can still continue living there. So what you’re creating, is a double-ground. That’s how you answer this question architecturally. In a way, you are bypassing a lot of the sociopolitical questions, but I think that’s okay at the Masters level.

TS: that’s why you need to do the PhD!

TS: Dunbar’s number: the human brain can only properly maintain 150 connections. This suggests the size of a good neighbourhood. You’re not going-to have a well-bonded neighbourhood with 10,000 people living on one street. You need to allow for localization. Layers of space – just like cells within a membrane within organs. 187


That’s the problem with modernist design – it doesn’t allow for differentiation. Because you’re designing for human beings, there are ergonomic issues. Create an enclave that’s not closed and not open – like a cell with its permeable membrane. There are social controls within a slum – it’s not all open, but it’s not closed either. People re going to look at you, ask you questions, make you feel uncomfortable. That’s the way they control people getting in – it’s a control mechanism and keeps intruders out.

SK: how were things designed before architects:

TS: read ‘Arabic-Islamic Cities: Building and Planning Principles’ by Besim Hakim. You should do analytic studies – using whatever you have – you can make it up from the information you have (no one cares; you’re just speculating) – of the slums. The Greek Island, Venice, all old historic city cores grew that way, except very few cities like Rome that were fortified and had the grid laid out. The grid connotates power, because as soon as something is linear, it’s predictable. And they were usually laid out by people of power.

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Reflections: this conversation made me realise how much theory and research already exists behind the topic I have chosen to study. It showed me how many different paths I could have chosen to take with my project. It also have me some great ideas for how to further develop my schematic design. I also thoroughly enjoyed discussing the agency of the architect, the need for design - issues that interest me greatly, and ones that I will hopefully be able to further investigate through my own practice as an architect.


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A cloudy day at the University of Melbourne’s Design School 190


PROCESS

augsep

05

putting texture over the lines

Studio: Developed Design

(and refining the lines)

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Summarising feedback received throughout the year

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6 weeks of trace Going from a ‘schematic’ to a ‘developed’ design was challenging, as not only had a certain part of the design to be developed, but a lot of it also had to be re-schemed. Things like: •

adding another storey of living

making the units more flexible

making the site plan more fluid, space-efficient and human-scaled

re-working the facade

re-working the structural system

adding living to the ground floor.

Devising the vault system with Rick

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Materiality pallete inspired by local and vernacular architecure. Photos the author’s and from various other sources

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Developing the design with Rick

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Experimentation with a modular system set on the 8x8 grid

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a stage of experimentation // finalisation

DEVELOPED DESIGN

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The types of activity that will take place on the ground floor of Type 15, in a more dignified manner

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Ground floor plan

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First floor plan

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Second floor plan

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Roof plan

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A much more fluid site plan than before, with a hierarchy of

private - semi-private - semi-public - public spaces

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I was very nervous to present this iteration of my design, to say the least.

Photo courtesy of D’Arcy Dupe

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Especially to two tutors who had not yet seen me present (one of whom, had never seen my project before). It it all went overwhelmingly well. The critics pointed out the honesty in my approach, my understanding of context, and that my spaces were well-considered. Phew!


Comments from Anthony Parsons

Comments from Peter Stutchbury

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Working out how to detail the building, with Anthony Parsons 230


sepnov

06

God is in the brick

Studio: Working Drawings

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Working out the structural principles of Type 15, with an engineer from Arup

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detailing // engineering It was now time for me to work out how exactly my architecture would be built. As using local materials and keeping costs to a minimum were priorities, bricks very quickly became the answer.

There were quite a few considerations I had to make, in proceeding with my design: •

a two-directional vault system instead of the previously-proposed barrel vaults, to allow for my two-way cantilevered verandah

the dimensions of the cantilever

ties/frames to support the single-leaf brick jaalis

how the formwork would be made to allow for the brick vaults and arches, and the level of complexity involved in this.

My Working Drawings submission is shown over the next few pages. 233


Working out details with Michael

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Day 2/6 on the CNC router! 240


nov

07

where it all begins

Studio: Final Design!

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Putting finishing touches on the design with Peter Stutchbury

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the end // the beginning They say that a piece of art is never finished; just abandoned. I say piece of architecture is much the same. Although this project may have come to an end for the purposes of university, I hope that this is just the beginning of my pursuit of humanitarian architecture. The beginning of fresh dialogue around housing Chandigarh’s poor, the beginning of new connections and relationships, the beginning of new ways in which I understand Architecture, and the beginning of much more. It is definitely the beginning of my life as an independent architectural practitioner, in the sense that I will no longer have a tutor’s advice to fall back on. However, it is also the beginning, I hope, of lifelong mentorship by the brilliant professors that have guided me through this degree. Even though this book documents the vast range of things I have learnt and created during the course of this tumultuous and incredible journey, I still feel as though I don’t really know much at all. Enough at all. But will we ever... ? There is so much to be seen out there, that as long as I am learning, recording and improving on myself, I think I will be happy. I embarked on this project thinking I could save the world. The process thereon, did well at humbling that ambition, and teaching me that even though I may not be able to save the world, I can surely be relentless in my pursuit of the things contribute to its betterment.

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for those who

those who

have no roof over their heads, nor a floor under their feet.

instead, are turned away. my sisters and brothers who unlike me, have no say in their livelihoods.

for those who make my land whole make it complete, but have nowhere to live to eat or to sleep.

this project is for you

for those who

in the hope that you may live like the others; in equality. because inequality robs you of your quality of life.

find themselves displaced at the doorstep of a city large enough to invite them in and ask them to stay.

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in protest to those who wouldn’t give it a second thought.

in the hope that having somewhere to practise your helps.

in the hope that if you do not yet have a home, you can rest, wash and cook here. that you may also have a street add and one day have a house here.

that in the market square, you can come and offer your produ and in the many courtyards surrou you can do the same so we can see

and the city that now turns its back can finally appreciate you.


r craft,

dress

uce, unding, you.

k,

and that when we gather under these vaults, that our spirits are lifted. and that the trees sway in the breeze sing to us in whispers. because although life is tough, and we have seen hard days, a place to call home can take all that away. with courtyards to share, home above and a shop downstairs, I hope that that buildings can show how much a city cares. that clay pavers and brick can build much more than walls; that within jaalis and bomboo doors, are communities growing tall. that a mixed-use space can be where we start this all.

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Ground

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public plaza

commercial corridor: resident-owned shops, offices, educational spaces, guesthouses, etc. + NGO-run spaces

living quarters for singles + couples (especially those unable to climb stairs)

private courtyards for residents

multipurpose space in between courtyards for unplanned informal activity


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First floor

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open-plan units with a kitchenette, toilet/shower core and movable party-walls to allow for a diversity of residents, and to account for everyone’s spatial needs

communal garden, kitchen and fire-put

voids to courtyards below

varied facade with fully-closeable openings to allow outdoor space to extend the indoor space, or to be opened up and used as a balcony


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Roof

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•

roof terraces for sleeping, gatherings and other activity

•

brick-jaali balustrades


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Stairs to the roof terrace

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Voids and in-between spaces

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Entry corridor to private courtyards

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Communal kitchen and fire-pit on the first floor

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Site plan: Sector 34 Exhibition

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Ground

One of the various treatments of the facade

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About the Author Born in Punjab and raised on unceded Eora Nation (Sydney), Sahibajot Kaur is a writer and aspiring architect captured by ideas of social justice, environment and activism, as illustrated to her by her ancestors. She pens her thoughts in prose and verse, expressing herself through spoken-word poetry, drawing, and also her architecture. An active member of the community, Sahibajot was the 2018 University of Newcastle SONA Representative., President of the Sikh Society, and is involved in several cultural-conservation projects as an educator.

I’m still working out what Architecture means to me, but I’d like to think that it is a pertinent tool for social change, even though the agency of the architect is constantly challenged by politicians and developers. I’m realising with time, the importance of the built environment in shaping society and impacting the condition of ‘being’, of all things that inhabit the earth. “I’m thankful that the Master of Architecture has allowed me to pursue my passions.

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Bibliography All photographs are the author’s, unless stated otherwise.

Assembly, U. G. (1948). Universal declaration of human rights. UN General Assembly. Barrett, P., & Stanley, C. A. (1999). Better construction briefing. John Wiley & Sons. Candiracci, S. & Syrjänen, R. (2007). UN-HABITAT and the Kenya Slum Upgrading Programme. Nairobi: NON/Publishing Services Section. Chandigarh Administration (2016). Chandigarh Master Plan 2031. Retrieved April 24, 2018 from http://chandigarh.gov.in/cmp_2031.htm. Chandigarh Administration (2016). Urban Planning. Retrieved April 24, 2018 from http:// chandigarh.gov.in/dept_urban.htm. Chandigarh Housing Board (2012). Slum Rehabilitation Project: Detailed Project Report. Chandigarh: Chandigarh Housing Board. Chandramouli, C., & General, R. (2011). Census of India 2011. Provisional Population Totals. New Delhi: Government of India. Corbusier, L., & Eardley, A. (1973). The Athens Charter. New York: Grossman Publishers. Correa, C., & Frampton, K. (1996). Charles Correa. Thames and Hudson. Finance Secretary, Chandigarh Administration (n.d.) City Development Plan, Chandigarh. Chandigarh: Government of India. Housing & Development Board (2017). Public Housing - A Singapore Icon. Retrieved 27 April from http://www.hdb.gov.sg/cs/infoweb/about-us/our-role/public-housing--a-singapore-icon. Joshi, K., Jeanneret, P., Fry, E. M., & Drew, J. B. (1999). Documenting Chandigarh: The Indian Architecture of Pierre Jeanneret, Edwin Maxwell Fry, Jane Beverly Drew. Mapin publ.. Kaur, S. (Photographer). (2015). Kalia, R. (1999). Chandigarh: The making of an Indian city. Oxford University Press. Khan, H. U. (Ed.). (2010). Le Corbusier: Chandigarh and the Modern City: Insights Into the 305


Iconic City Sixty Years Later. Mapin Pub.. Krishna, A. (2017). The broken ladder: the paradox and potential of India’s one-billion. Cambridge University Press. Munieshwer, A. S. (2017, November 25). An answer to affordable housing conundrum in Chandigarh. Retrieved April 24, 2018 from https://www.hindustantimes.com/chandigarh/ananswer- to-affordable-housing-conundrum-in-chandigarh/story-b6TToCYETy2bEUKjdr0LhN. html. Sandhu, K. (2013, August 2). 21% of Chandigarh population living below poverty line. Retrieved April 24, 2018 from http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/chandigarh/21-ofchandigarh- population-living-below-poverty-line/. Stronge, S., 1999. The Arts of the Sikh Kingdon. London: V&A Publications. Vinod, K. (2016, April 16). Slum-free city: UT to conduct fresh biometric survey of left-out slum dwellers. Retrieved April 27, 2018 from http://indianexpress.com/article/cities/chandigarh/slumfree-city-ut-to-conduct-fresh-biometric-survey-of-left-out-slum-dwellers-2755826/.

Where all the magic happened (well, most of it, anyway)

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