Education, Inequality, Perpetuity

Education, Inequality, Perpetuity

Education, Inequality, Perpetuity Salma El Rouby

1.1 Introduction In societies where high levels of inequality seem to persist, there has always been attempts to shift any redistribution efforts to their original state, Equilibria; “opposing forces or influences are balanced” (Korzeniewicz & Moran, 2009: 6). De Ferranti, David and Ebrary argue that in Latin America, high levels of inequality have persisted due to a number of factors; the most important of which is the limited access of the majority to public education (2004). In addition to all the known effects of high levels of literacy such as growth, labor productivity, technological change and political participation, “Education influences the distribution of the benefits of growth” (De Ferranti et al: 2004, 116). This is highly relative to Egypt’s situation, where during the past ten years, astounding & sustained levels of growth, almost 4% GDP, haven’t reduced the nation’s poverty, but in fact data show that the situation has aggravated. While Bush report-

ed rising levels of poverty in Egypt in the past five years since the revolution, Forbes has reported Egypt’s billionaires’ eighty percentile increase in wealth in the same period (2012; Bower, 2015). This has raised the question of “Who is benefiting from the economic and political strategy” (Bush, 2012: 63). Moreover, it is not sufficient to say that the poor in Egypt suffer more than the rich; do the rural poor people suffer equally as the urban inhabitants, do the rural uneducated poor suffer as much as the rural educated poor? Distinguished sociologist Patricia Collins described this intersectionality within what she termed the “Matrix of Domination” which tries to understand the “crisscrossing of the systems of oppression” (7). This paper would be inspecting the forms of inequality created by the intersection of social class and education among the urban and rural dwellers of the Egyptian society.

1.2 Social Class First, when we think about social class, we

often think about the socioeconomic status; how

of poverty and income inequality, the situation in

much a family makes or owns determines where it

Egypt has been getting worse for those below the

stands within society. For Marx, social class was

poverty line; the ones comprising more than half

somehow related to that; it related to class conflict

of the population (Bush, 2012; Ghanem, 2014).

over the surplus value (Ritzer, 62). On the other

1.3 Inspecting Social Class in Egypt through Housing

hand, Weber believed stratification is not limited to economics, but was accompanied by status and power (Ritzer, 127). Today, in Egypt the situation is more lenient towards a Weberian approach; economics, status and power intersect to determine one’s class. However, one can argue that status and power lead to a higher economic status somehow. In a way that would allow military and high government officials legitimate access to tax payers’ money. Furthermore, regardless of how class has been defined, it results in stratification. This stratification’s most basic building blocks are what’s mentioned above, but as we zoom out we see how they have been layered with other demographics such as gender, religion, race, sexuality and ethnicity. Each of which motivates a response and “each individual stands at a unique matrix of cross-cutting interests” (Collins, 4).

Furthermore into inspecting the socioeconomic condition of Egypt. Egypt is probably one of the worst places one can live in, according to the World Competitiveness Report, where Egypt scored the 116th place among 140 participants (Schwab). Although the 2015 report indicated the first progress since the Arab spring, it should be noted that the report’s focus is on general economic and market growth. With sky rocketing levels

Moreover, looking at social class within Egypt, I have decided to present the argument using a simple and apparent resultant of stratification; housing. While most of the routes I take with my car have a view of million pounds mansions in gated communities, I don’t fail to notice that certain areas have been concealed. In fact one of the city’s most notable routes; the sixth of October bridge have areas that have been fenced well and high. In addition to the city’s arterial road, the Ring Road, which has recently witnessed a shameful uplift; using superficial painting to only one elevation, the ones facing the road.

All this in order to shield the higher classes from getting their eyes polluted by the sights of slums. Urban development, or in particular the housing development can be used as an inspection means onto the social class situation.

According to Sims, almost 69% of Cairo is informal (2014). So statistically speaking when we should talk about Cairo, Egypt’s capital and home of almost twenty percent of its population, i.e. twenty million inhabitants, one should be talking about the informal

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settlements (CAPMAS, 2015). However, the

commodating quarter of the population, with

government continues to shift their focus

lower poverty rates (2014). Furthermore, on

away from those areas and spend millions on

examining the government’s safe safety net

the so called “satellite cities”, while ignoring

system, we would find that though it amounts

the millions actually living in desperate con-

for a great percentage of the national GDP,

ditions (“Egypt’s New Cities”). Those satellite

it doesn’t alleviate poverty (Ghanem, 2014).

cities that have been repeatedly labeled as

For example, almost seven percent of the

ghost cities due to their limited inhabitants and

GDP goes to fuel subsidies which benefits

their empty million dollar mansions and gated

the rich. This if anything, only again portrays

communities. As well as failing to meet their

the focused attention given to the cities and

decadal goals pertaining to the number of in-

its inhabitants; the ones further from poverty

habitants (Tadamun). The described situation

lines. On the other hand it should be fair to

illustrates the perfect analogy for the situation

say that in the 1970’s, President Sadat tried

in the metropolitan Egypt, and somehow the

to eliminate some subsidies which resulted in

rest of the country. A very limited population

major riot across the country (Ghanem, 2014).

is in control of most resources, while the rest

Ghanem proposed a solution by shifting so-

suffers quietly. The states turns a blind eye on

cial protection to targeted masses; a process

those in need of affordable housing, and in-

that would require national dialogue and con-

stead of stretching an arm of services or aid

sensus between the people and their govern-

in development, new cities get erected from

ment (2014). A dialogue that would require the

scratch within the desert to house bricks that

masses to have open minds to change and to

would accumulate dust as well as wealth for

work for equality that benefits all. This brings

the wealthy (MacDiarmid).

us to importance of education, what Collins

On the other hand, the situation in the

prescribed under the hegemonic domain;

other cities isn’t any better. According to Gha-

which “legitimizes oppression. It relates to the

nem, it is four times more likely to be poor

beliefs and ideologies that perpetuate through

in Upper Egypt than in Metropolitan Egypt,

language, images, values and ideas.

though it holds almost fifty percent of the pop-

1.4 Education in Egypt

ulation (2014). Ghanem further points out the difference in the state’s expenditure between the city and rural areas. The metropolitan areas get almost 34% of the GDP, though ac-

Secondly, on inspecting education in Egypt, one can’t really rap his mind around whether education is a byproduct of socioeconomic class or is it the other way around.

It seems like they have developed a vicious

2011). However, looking at the efficiency of

circle that works on perpetuating this stratifi-

resources allocation, only 22% go to “capi-

cation; on limiting social mobility and increas-

tal expenditures such as purchasing assets,

ing the levels of brain drain.

maintaining and updating infrastructure,” with

Moreover, the world competitiveness

the other 78% going to wages, salaries, etc.

report rates Egypt as second to last country

(Fahim & Sami, 2011. 50). On dividing the

in the quality of primary education (Schwab,

annual population growth by the seconds in

2015). To begin with, let’s consider the educa-

a given year, I found that Egypt would have

tional system in Egypt. There are four stages

to add a school seat almost every twenty-

of education; the basic education stage includ-

four seconds, which is three times as much

ing the primary and preparatory stages; these

as many developed countries, France, UK &

are composed of six years and three years

USA, are supporting. However, the teaching

respectively (Hartmann, 2008). Then there is

staff aren’t the ones getting the fare wages,

the secondary education stage which is com-

according to Fahim and Sami, educational fa-

prised of three years of university preparatory

cilities are crammed up by administrative staff

education or vocational, in commerce, indus-

who are draining the resources (2011). There-

try or agricultural (Hartmann, 2008). UNICEF

fore, there might be a somewhat acceptable

argues that Egypt has made “significant pro-

amount of resources, however, bad allocation

gress in achieving the Millennia Development

is what’s messing up the system.

Goals” regarding primary education, through

Moreover, low salaries for the academic

narrowing the gap between boys and girls

staff is the driving force behind the phenome-

enrolment and increasing access to primary

na of private tutoring. Bray goes all the way to

education (“Egypt Program Profile: Educa-

describe private tutoring as “the marketization

tion”, 2013). However, the quality of this edu-

of education” (1999, 10). Hartmann describes

cation was missing in this profile. This raises

it in Egypt as “the informal market of educa-

a question, as to whether the developmental

tion, where students act as the consumers

programs working along the government are

and teachers as suppliers” (2008, 29). Teach-

really helping to solve the problem.

ing was once a reputable profession, but since

Moving on, the World Bank estimated

the rise in the number of public schools, the

the Egypt’s expenditure on Public education

qualifications of the teachers deteriorated and

is around 4% and household expenditure to

so did their status and salaries (Hartmann,

almost 3.6% in 2007 (cited in Fahim & Sami,

2008). This resulted in a poorer quality of 5

education in schools as well as the devel-

a proxy of socioeconomic background,” as

opment of a parallel system that would earn

private and experimental schools charge rela-

teachers more money and supply students

tively higher fees compared to governmental

with better education.

schools (EHDR, 2010: 46). Moreover, it has

Furthermore, another issue is the pri-

been reported that only 4.3% of students at

vate sector and its rise. Although many are fo-

the University level come from the lowest in-

cused on the rise of private and international

come quintile, as compared to 27.1% & 46.5%

schooling, their real size must be put in per-

from the highest fourth and fifth income quin-

spective. For example, in higher education,

tiles respectively (EHDR, 2010).

48 thousand students are registered in private

Therefore we can conclude that though

universities as opposed to 1.8 million in pub-

the government promotes a “free education for

lic ones, that’s less than 5% (Fahim & Sami,

all,” the situation holds more complexities that

2011). With regards to primary schooling, al-

result in unequal opportunities for the various

most 7% were enrolled in private schools in

socioeconomic classes. By adding the geo-

2007 (EHDR 2005). Additionally, Hartmann

graphical dimension to this thesis, we find out

goes on to argue that students with parents of

that class, education and location intersect to

higher social class can not only have acces-

create further injustice. For example, EHDR

sibility to more private tutoring, but are as well

recounted that almost 80% of those who nev-

saved from the overburdened public class-

er enroll in schools are from rural areas, with

rooms (2008).

82% of them girls (EHDR, 2010). From this

Although the quality of private education

we not only realize the magnitude of inequality

remains as questionable within Egypt, her ar-

between the rural and urban residents, but we

gument coincides that of the Egypt Human

deduce an additional dimension, gender, that

Development report for 2010. Where percent-

creates a different social reality. The intersec-

ages of secondary stage completion has been

tionality of gender with the above mentioned

compared among various school types. While

dimensions of class and location has affect-

only 9% of governmental school students

ed education which would later cumulatively

were able to achieve the secondary stage

affect the lived experience. Not only does a

completion exam, 35% of private school stu-

girl born in rural Egypt has an 18% chance

dents and 50% of experimental government

of ever enrolling in a school, but she has only

school children reached same stage (EHDR,

9% chance of graduating high school. Moreo-

2010). It should be noted that “school type is

ver, Hartman points out that rural areas within

Egypt rely on private tutoring by 10% lower

not do on its own. Moreover, this gap in the

than urban areas where almost 64% relies on

quality of education gets even wider when we

private tutoring (2008). It is an evidence to the

start comparing the different geographical lo-

corrupt general system, and the more limited

cation of Egypt. It is safe to remind that the

opportunities the rural societies have.

poor education an individual gets certainly

In addition, at the university level, more

limit his opportunities for further growth, which

than 40% of graduates come from rural com-

“perpetuates the socioeconomic disparities”

munities, while they constitute 80% of the

(Hartmann, 2008. 44). Also, poor education

population (EHDR, 2010). Meaning that al-

limits the benefits of the economic growth; the

most half of the rural community, 80% of

growth that benefits all members of society.

Egyptians, is denied the opportunity to get a

This is simply because education affects how

university degree. To put this in comparison, a

equally this growth is distributed (De Ferranti

quick look at the top ten richest men in Egypt

et al, 2004). It is crucial to understand that in-

shows that 8 out of the top 10 have received

tersectionality is multi-dimensional. Though

their higher education abroad, with 5 having

this paper captures the essence of how class,

completed their masters (Forbes). It should

education and location intersect creating new

also be noted that the other two are reaching

forms of inequality, it has also touched upon

their 7th decade of age, which makes us won-

many others like gender and age. In order to

der about the quality of education provided 50

understand the complexities of oppression,

years ago. Although this comparison is highly

we must understand the complexities of each

specific, it adds on great values to the picture

demographic and the resulting oppression of

we are painting here; one were class, loca-

the intersectionality. Not only because this in-

tion, and education intersect to create new

tersectionality shape our lives, but because

dimensions of oppression and inequality that

we unconsciously shape it.

wouldn’t be found if one dimension was investigated solely.

1.5 Conclusion To sum up, it is apparent that the quality of education in Egypt relies on one’s family’s socioeconomic class, with little regard to the government’s effort for free education for all. Simply because the free education can-

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