Pink Shirts and Pugin
Timothy Brittain‐Catlin My sister tells me that one of my young nieces dislikes ‘princess‐pink’ outfits and accessories and immediately discards presents if that is their colour. On the other hand, I read somewhere recently that men who wear pink shirts to work – smartly ironed ones, with sober but contrasting ties – are considered better looking, more professional and more successful, and consequently are paid more. They look, apparently, more masculine: not because of some complicated and emotional Ruskinian reason about the contrast between strength and delicacy, but simply because the colour pink operates simply as an associational flag, in the way that the Union Jack or the Tricolour does. The same thing could no doubt be said about the colour gold. Yet all colours are in truth neutral phenomena with no fixed significance one way or the other. Attempts to classify them with anthropomorphic qualities are irrational and inconsistent, not just between cultures but between individuals as well. But that doesn’t stop people from deploying them as weapons. And here they stack up quite a record. This piece looks at the use of colour as a symbol of defiance. There are big‐picture things one can say about the use of colour, and likewise there are small vignettes. The big‐picture things are to do with joining a revolt against a puritanical culture, and the vignettes are to do with personal statements. Either way, the use of colour can be a tool. An engaging illustration of this came in the form of the recent disclosure from the singers of the Swedish pop group Abba that they had devised outrageous costumes for their performances so that their national tax authorities could not under any circumstances claim that these had been acquired for everyday, rather than professional, use. People in Sweden could not go about their everyday business, whether traffic police, teachers or bank clerks, dressed in skin‐tight fluorescent silver or lilac outfits, or for that matter even in simple but bold red‐and‐white or blue‐and‐white stripes. Outfits like these were, it emerges, being deployed as tools to achieve a series of aims, which as it turns out were as much fiscal as much as they were proclamatory: they were worn to signal probity to tax inspectors as much as they were waved as pennants, as red rags, as signals that their wearers were looking for an audience amidst the tinsel and perfunctory gaudy tat of the theatre. It’s a successful alliance, don’t you think? The idea that the passions of young camp or gay men for the Eurovision Song Contest, and for musicals, might have been be ignited as a result of decisions that owe their origins to sober and legitimate tax avoidance strategies is an agreeable one. It is an example of what you might call The Producers syndrome, after the Mel Brooks musical, where one set of circumstances for one set of people leads to another and apparently unrelated set altogether for others, with different values and different contexts, some real and lasting but some entirely transient, and furthermore does it all simultaneously, and for a long time to come. 1