Man/Environment Interrelations: Socio-Cultural Aspects: A Dimension in Design - By Dina Shehayeb

To cite this thesis, please use the following (APA style): Shehayeb, D. (1989). Man/Environment Interrelations: Socio-Cultural Aspects: A Dimension in Design. (Unpublished master’s thesis). Cairo University, Cairo, Egypt.

Cairo University Faculty of Engineering Department of Architecture

MAN/ENVIRONMENT INTERRELATIONS SOCIO-CULTURAL ASPECTS: A DIMENSION IN DESIGN

Thesis submitted for the partial fulfilment of a Master Degree in Architecture

by DINA K. SHEHAYEB

Supervisors:

Prof. Dr. Zakia 5, Shafie Dr. Hammam E. Serageldin 1

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Acknowledgment The author wishes to express her deepest gratitude to Prof.Dr. Zakia Shafie, professor at the Dept. of Architecture, Cairo University and Dr. Hammam Serageldin, associate professor at the Dept. of Architecture, Cairo University for their interest and their indispensable effort in directing this work. The auther also wishes to express her appreciation to Prof. Dr. Alv Raafat, Prof. Dr. Abdel Mohsen Barrada, and Ass Prof. Dr. Abdel Halim Ibrahim from Cairo Universirty and Prof. Dr. Ahmed Kamal Abdel Fattah from Ein Shams University for their valuable comments on the research work.

The author also feels greatly indebted to Prof. Dr. Hamed Fahmy, Dr. Laila Moharram for their cordial encouragement and to all her colleagues at the General Organization for Housing, Building and Planning Research who contributed in the preparation of this thesis. Special thanks are due to Arch. A. Abdel Rahman, Arch. H. Aref and Arch. K.Sharkawi for their help in the applied case study in this work.

The author gratefully acknowledges the generous cooperation of Prof. C. Cockburn at the University of York, the CARDO members at the University of New Castle, the DPU at London and the British Council at Cairo, Prof. Dr. A. Abdel Hadi at the University of Helwan and all the individuals who so freely gave the information which served as basis for this research work.

Last, but not least, I dedicate the merits of this work to those who encouraged, helped, tolerated and enabled me to accomplish it, to my parents and my husband Mahmoud.

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Synopsis Policies and methods used in the design of the built environment should always aim at 'human welfare' as an ultimate goal. However, little attention is paid to the interpretation of the term. The design approach to man-made environment, consequently, embodies human decisions and choices, hoping to resolve the many conflicts implicit in decision making. The dilemma of the designer becomes how and why choices are made, and what are the criteria upon which they are based.

The objective of Part One in this study is to point out the negative aspects in the contemporary designed residential environment. It involves the appraisal of policies and design methods applied, and the ideologies behind them in both international and Egyptian contexts.

Chapter One starts by a quick review of housing policies in Egypt. Centralization was found to be the main theme within which policies were developed. The most common constituents of centralized housing policies, as applied in many developing countries are then discussed, both as intent and as implementation. This often revealed contradiction between the theoretical objectives and their interpretations into design criteria.

The consequences of applying such misinterpretations are briefly pointed out in the existing Egyptian context. Yet there have been certain new attempts initiated by Egyptian professionals which promise more 'realistic' implementation of housing policies. These attempts were recently applied and therefore their impact cannot be fully assessed.

Chapter Two discusses the synoptic method of design as the most commonly applied methodology in the creation of the built environment (whether in planning or design) over the last five decades. Each step is explained along with the constraints upon its implementation.

Formulation of goals and objectives as well as evaluative criteria are the two processes involving decision-making, and therefore the most effective factors upon the outcome. Two contemporary ideologies were found to guide these two processes; the concept of 'development' as basis for goal formulation, and the concept of 'efficiency' as the principal measure for evaluation. The interpretations of these concepts as well as

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the steps of the synoptic method are both found to rely upon questionable objective measures of what is best for man. The introduction of the subjective school of thought as a complementary approach to designing for man concludes this critical analysis of the existing situation.

Chapter Three is dedicated to the appraisal of fundamental principles and criteria applied to the implementation of the contemporary design method. The root of the problem starts at the city level. The residential environment is divided, at the neighbourhood level into its main components: its size and services, density, open spaces, street patterns and housing types. Each component is then analyzed separately, focusing upon the preconceptions that govern its design and how they affect the users. The outcome of this analysis points out the great difference between how people conceive their environment and how professionals think they would. This difference in values is reflected in the performance of people in designed environments, whether it is in the form of misuse, modification of the physical form or plain resentment.

From the previous review a major conclusion is drawn concerning the nature of the interrelation between man and his environment, that there are actually two levels of function to be recognized in the built form; one is the (objective) use level and the other is the (subjective or human) value level. The persistent neglect of the latter is responsible for the prevailing gap between what professionals believe is best, and what actually corresponds to people's needs and lifestyles. Consequently, many negative aspects in the designed environment are attributes of the same fact.

Part Two paves the way for more positive solutions for the design of the built environment through the study of man/environment interrelations.

This is approached through a sequential investigation of the social and cultural dimensions of the built environment.

In Chapter Four, an introduction of the psychology of social interaction helps identify the social aspects that should be considered when designing the built form. People's need achieve privacy, territoriality, control over choice, and socialization are briefly illustrated. Effects of external factors such as crowding, social mix and physical proximity are also explained pointing out their negative and positive dimensions which relate to people's habitual norms and levels of adaptability.

Chapter Five follows by a critique of the well own urban social theories testing their validity. The functional approach, the ecological approach and the systems theory are the ones that were found to be physically reflected in the built environment. Based upon these theories,

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professionals, whose aims were to promote the society, developed design and planning concepts that ^were internationally adopted for years.

The neighbourhood concept is one of these developments. The relation between urban sociology and the design of the built environment was strongly emphasized, regardless of the suitability of these theories and concepts. Lessons could be learnt from the misfits of past experiences so that the same mistakes are not repeated again.

Chapter Six is concerned with illustrating the different domains in which social research has served in the design of the built environment.

Assessing user's needs is a major domain, where tools were developed to identify more clearly the nature of the housing demand. Translating these needs into design criteria is mediated by the development of non-measurable criteria which help evaluate the qualitative aspects of the built environment. The integration of three attempts yielded a set of indices which represent the human dimension of the built environment.

Social research helped change the conception of housing from a product to a process. It also helped develop various techniques of users' participation in the design and implementation of their environment.

Incorporating the social dimension in design is a step towards improvement, however, it only partially reveals the human dimension of the built environment; for while the constituents of the social dimension are universal, the patterns of their implementation depends on the cultural characteristics of the people involved.

Chapter Seven studies the relation between culture, value and behaviour. Behaviour always occurs in a setting; a physical environment, which effects and is affected by this behaviour. There are certain processes which govern this two way effect between human behaviour and the physical environment, such as environmental perception, cognition and evaluation. These processes were also found to be highly dependent upon culture. The influence of culture upon different mental processes and human action in relation to the built environment is established, the importance of understanding the impact of cultural variability on the physical environment.

In Chapter Eight design approaches that are based on cultural studies are examined. Incorporating the human dimension in design was found to be the primary goal of three approaches; the cognitive approach, the pluralistic approach and the open-ended design methods. These

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approaches present different solutions to the problem of designing for a hybrid urban population, which is often the case in major cities. Based upon these approaches, several design methods were developed. The two methods that relate most to culture; the man-environment relation method (MER) and the environmental meaning method are studied in depth.

Chapter Nine investigates environmental meaning; the role of environmental meaning in man/environment interrelationship is analysed.

Environmental meaning is shown to relate to choices and decisions taken by people regarding behaviour and social communication in a physical setting. Meaning is encoded in certain physical features, which act as cues that elicit messages to people who can decode the inherent meaning.

The process of encoding and decoding meaning depends on the culture shared by the people who use the physical environment. The importance of environmental meaning is that it strongly influences the behaviour of people. This should not be judged as deterministic because it varies among people according to their culture and their willingness to obey the communicated meaning. Inversely, this approach can help understand the cultural values of a particular group of people through the study of their physical environment. Dividing the environment into fixed, semifixed and non-fixed elements makes it easier to detect where and how "cultural specifity" is most influential.

A case study follows in Part Three, demonstrating how socio-cultural characteristics of a certain group of people could be assessed through the qualitative analysis of their human and physical environment. The nonverbal communication approach is applied, and inferences are made regarding the values held by the users. These inferences are grouped in a table according to which social need they indicate. Privacy, territoriality, control over choice, identity, status and social communication were chosen to represent the social dimension of the built environment. Simple observation and behavioural annotation, complemented by informal interviews with the people, were the tools used to assess the required information.

The case study aims at introducing a methodology that serves as an example of qualitative environmental analysis. It serves to prove that sociocultural variables are reflected in the built environment and therefore they form an important aspect which ought to be considered in the design process. Furthermore, it encourages professionals to develop, through further research, other methods for assessing non-measurable qualities in

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the socio-physical environment. With the ultimate goal- of developing supplementary socio-cultural criteria for the design of the residential built environment, the conclusion of the thesis is concerned with pointing out the importance of incorporating socio-cultural criteria in the design process and recognizing the socio-cultural attributes in the Egyptian context as basis for their future development into design guidelines.

Man/environment interrelations is a field which still has a lot of valuable information to offer to the professional. This would aid him to design a more humanized built environment which would support human performance rather than hinder it.

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Contents Introduction

1

2.1.3 Formulation of Goals and Objectives

30

2.1.4 Generation of Alternative Concepts

31

2.1.5 Evaluation of Alternative Solutions

31

2.1.6 Translation of Alternative Solutions into Policies/ Plans/ Guidelines/ and Programs

PART ONE: Negative Aspects of the Contemporary Designed Residential

2.2 Decision-making Processes in Design

Environment

34 34

2.2.1 Urban Development as Basis for Goal Chapter 0ne: Housing Policies and Design Methodologies in Egypt

Formulation

5

2.2.2 Efficiency as the Primary Evaluation

35 36

1.1 Egypt's Housing Policies

5

1.2 Appraising the National Housing Policy Objectives

8

2.3 Objective vs. Subjective Evaluation

38

8

Notes and References

42

1.2.1 Housing Provision for Low-income Groups 1.2.2 Subsidies in Housing

10

1.2.3 Reduction of Construction Costs

10

Chapter Three: The Application of the Conventional Design Method 3.1 Fundamental Design Principles at the City Level

1.2.4 Discouraging squatting and Informal Housing 13

43 43

15

3.1.1 Accessibility

43

15

3.1.2 Effects of Topography

45

1.3.1 Population Stratification Methods

16

3.1.3 Separation of Incompatible Uses

45

1.3.2 Affordability and Priorities

18

3.1.4 Allocation of Space to Urban Uses

47

1.3.3 Codes and Standards

20

3.1.5 Economical Development

47

1.2.5 Industrialization 1.3 New Attempts for Assessing Housing Demand

1.4 Missing the Point

24

Notes and References

27

3.2 Fundamental Design Principles at the Neighbourhood Level

47

3.2.1 Neighbourhood Size and Provision of Services 50 29

3.2.2 Density

52

29

3.2.3 Open Spaces

57

2.1.1 Data Collection

30

3.2.4 Street Patterns

65

2.1.2 Data Analysis

30

Chapter Two: Contemporary Design Concepts and Methods 2.1 The Contemporary Design Process: Synoptic Method

9

3.2.5 Housing Type

68

3.3 The Value of the Built Environment

79

Notes and References

83

PART TWO: Man/Environment Interrelations: An Approach to More Positive Solutions Chapter Four: Social Aspects Related to the Built Environment

85

5.1.1 The Functional Theory

104

5.1.2 The Human Ecological Approach

106

5.1.3 The Systems Theory

106

4.1 Social Interaction

85

5.2 Comparison between the Social Urban Theories

4.2 Group Formation Criteria

86

5.3 Other Social Ideologies Affecting the Design of the

108

4.2.1 Ethnic Origin

87

Residential Environment

109

4.2.2 Aspiration and Personality

87

5.3.1 Functionalism

109

4.2.3 Occupation/Income/Education

89

5.3.2 Social Segregation and Integration

110

4.3 Control over Choice

90

5.4 Satisfaction vs. Optimization

114

4.4. Privacy

90

Notes and References

115

4.5 Territoriality

93

4.6 Factors Affecting Aspects of Social Interaction

95

Chapter Six: Social-Based Design Criteria 6.1 Users Needs

118

4.6.1 Crowding

95

4.6.2 Adaptability

96

6.1.1 Users Needs Assessment Methods

120

4.6.3 Social Mix

98

6.1.2 Post—occupancy Evaluation

122

4.7 The Importance of Social Aspects

102

6.2 Non-measurable Criteria

Notes and References

103

6.3 Comparative Analysis of Non-measurable Criteria Analysis

Chapter Five: The Influence of Social Research on the Design of the Built Environment

104

5.1 Social Urban Theories and their Environmental Representation

104

11

118

124

127

6.4 The User's Involvement in Housing

129

6.4.1 Housing as a Process

130

6.4.2 User Participation Approach

133

6.5 The Role of Culture

136

9.4.2 Seuifixed-feature Elements

Notes and References

137

9.4.3 Nonfixed-feature Elements

175

9.5 Environmental Cues and Culture

176

139

9.6 Applying the N.V.C.A. to the Built Environment

179

7.1 Culture and Values

140

9.7 An Aid to the Designer

183

7.2 Objectivity and Value Judgment

140

Notes and References

184

7.3 Culture and Behaviour

142

PART THREE: CASE STUDY

7.4 Environmental Perception and Culture

142

Introduction

185

7.5 Environmental Cognition and Culture

143

Area One: "El Shambaky"

187

7.6 The Correlation between Culture and Meaning

146

Space One & Two: ‘Darb El Assal'

191

7.7 Culture and Meaning in the Built Environment

148

Space Three: 'Geninet Hoftah'

198

Notes and References

151

Area Two: "Ezbet Abu 'Arn"

204

Space One: The 'Hanafeya' Space

209

Chapter Seven: Culture and its Relation to the Built Environment

174

Chapter Nine: Environmental Meaning

164

Space Two: Abu Naser's space

215

9.1 Environment, Meaning and Social Communication

165

Recommendations: "E1 shambaky"

221

9.2 Determining the Constituents of

167

Recommendations: "Ezbet Abu 'Arn"

222

9.2.1 The semiotic Approach

167

9.2.2 The Symbolic Approach

168

PART FOUR: CONCLUSION Conclusion

224

9.2.3 The Nonverbal Communication Approach

168

9.3 Environmental Cues

169

Appendix

229

9.4 Classifying Environmental Cues

171

9.4.1 Fixed-feature Elements

171

Bibliography

11

List of figure

Attaining Equal Densities through Different‘ Housing Types and Layout

58

The Rational Hierarchy of Spaces

60

The Government's Effort to answer the Housing Demand

7

Defining Spaces According to Control Levels

60

Number of Dwelling Units Constructed by the Public Sector

9

Socially Compatible Physical Space

61

Distribution of level of Authority and Control

9

Categories of Space Use

63

Contemporary Trends to House Low4income Groups

9

Comparing Different Designs of Open Spaces

64

Hierarchy of Road Networks at the City and the Neighbourhood Level

66

Streets and Pavements Used for Social Activities

67

A Comparison between Facades in Designed

12

and Traditional Environments The Advantages of Informal Housing

14

Designing Streets for People

69

Social Classification in Egypt

17

Contemporary Design: Streets for Vehicles

70

Attempts to develop Social Stratification Criteria

17

Applying the Concept of Ideal House x 10,000 = Ideal Community

72

Government Support and Public Sector Investment in Housing

19

The Effect of the Number of Dwellings Sharing one Entrance

The New Approach to Housing Demand as applied in New Damietta

21

The Stereotype Public Housing Design and Modifications

23

on Aspects of Social Ill

done by the Users Estimating Housing Needs According to Number of

25

Persons/Family and Affordability

74

Open Spaces in Culturally Homogeneous Societies

74

The Effect of the Number of Dwellings in a Block on Aspects of Social Ill

74

When Variation was Introduced to Mass-housing Facades

75

Sites and Services: A Freedom to Build

77

Similarity between The Proposed Alternatives

32

Hopeful Steps Towards Creating a More Human Environment

78

The Evaluation of Alternative Solutions

33

Streets at the ‘Value’ Level

80

Subjective Evaluation as the Basis for Human Decision

40

How Man Evaluates the Environment Around Him

81

Promoting Accessibility: when viewed narrowly

44

Groups Formation According to Ethnic Origin

88

Separation of Uses

46

The Effect of Control Over the Immediate Environment

91

The Criteria for the Allocation of Services

48

Privacy as a Human Need that Promotes Human

92

Comparison between the Neighbourhood Concept in

Practicing Territoriality

94

51

Crowding is more than just the Number of People in a Place

97

Commercial Services seen as People in Space vs Buildings in Space

53

Cases where Crowding ids Favourable

97

The Relation between Density and the Type of Housing

55

Human Adaptation and Environmental Flexibility

99

Infrastructure Costs as Basis for Neighbourhood Design

56

Designed and Existing Environments

12

The Adaptation Level (AL)

99

Applying the Nonverbal Communication Approach

170

The Effects of Proximity in Different Cultures

101

to Environmental Meaning

The Functional Theory and its Implementation

105

Environmental Cues and Factors Affecting their Performance

172

The Human Ecological Approach and its Implementation

107

Fixed—feature Elements as Environmental Cues

173

Le Corbusier's View of Functional design

111

The Importance of the Semi-fixed and Non-fixed Elements

177

Segregation of Income Groups

113

The Role of Building Heights in Communicating Meaning

178

The Negative Effect of Forced Integration

113

The Relation between Location and Status

180

User/Designer Relationship

119

The Relation between Contrast in Colours and Status

180

User's Needs and their Interrelationship

119

The Importance of Meaning

182

Behavioural Annotation Method

123

Area Map: Shambaki

189

Post-Occupancy Evaluation Method

123

Location of Spaces: Shambaki

190

User's Needs and Priorities

132

Space 1: Entrance of Darb El Assal

193

The Support-Infill Method

134

Space 2: Darb El Assal

194

Value Judgement and Culture

141

Space Furniture: Darb El Assal

195

The Relation between Culture and Behaviour

144

Activities and Space Form: Darb El Assal

196

Perception as a process of Selective Choice

144

Meaning and Physical Properties Darb El

197

The Conceptual Framework of Cognition

147

Space 3: Geninet Moftah

200

Percepto-cognitive Processes

147

Space Furniture: Geninet Moftah

201

Differences in Schemata between Designers and Users

149

Activities and Space Form: Geninet Moftah

202

Associational Meaning as Basis for Evaluation

149

Meaning and Physical Properties: Geninet

203

Lending Meaning to the Image of the City

154

Area Map: Ezbet Abu 'Arn

206

Image Formation and its Relation to Culture

154

The Surroundings of Abu 'Arn

207

The Grid Pattern Accommodating Different Urban Patterns

158

Location of Spaces: Ezbet Abu 'Arn

208

When Form Loses Value

161

Space 1: The "Hanafeya" Space

211

The Man{Environment Relation (MER) Method

161

Space Furniture: The "Hanafeya" Space

212

The Environmental Meaning Method

161

Activities and Space Form: The "Hanafeya" Space

213

How Environmental Cues Affect Social Communication

166

Meaning and Physical Properties: The "Hanafeya" Space

214

13

Space 2: Abu Nasser's Space

216

Space Furniture: Abu Nasser's Space

217

Activities And Space Form: Abu Nasser's Space

218

Meaning and Physical Properties: Abu Nasser's

219

Space- The Cul-de-sac

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Introduction Problem Definition: A place for man to live in is a basic human need that does not mean shelter alone, but also the appropriate environment where man equally fulfil his social, cultural and psychological needs. With the advent of industrialization and rapid urbanization, the responsibility of creating a place for man to live was turned over to the professional and later to the decision-makers well. Theories, methods and criteria were developed to design the built environment which would enhance human welfare and human performance. These design approaches reflected the highlighted ideologies and conceptions of their time. Yet, the prevalence of the functionalistic point of view in the middle of the century was soon interpreted into economic considerations in design, which later became the sole governing factor of the whole design process. These approaches were not only implemented in their home countries, but were also adopted in many other countries that were not privileged to develop their own concepts. This resulted in universal urban forms that are totally inconsiderate to the socio-cultural context of many countries.

In Egypt, it resulted in a monotonous urban environment which proved inappropriate to people's lifestyles. Besides the negative social repercussions of such a situation, the adopted design method proved highly uneconomic. This is because the government and the professionals invest resources and efforts in the production of a physical environment which proves dissatisfactory to the user. The user then duplicates this effort and consumes more resources to modify the environment to his needs. In other cases where the user cannot satisfy his needs himself, this environment is either misused or encourages negative behaviour. Both cases lead to rapid physical deterioration. Consequently, these slums are resented by their inhabitants and would eventually compel partial or total replacement.

The 'malfunction' of the contemporary built environment does not lay in the physical form itself but in its use, i.e. its interrelationship with the people who use it. This mismatch between the physical and the human contexts of the environment is due to the professional's neglect and ignorance of the human dimension of design. Understanding more about man and his environment would help create a physical environment

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compatible to man's priorities and needs, i.e. one that supports rather than hinders human performance. Although some professionals might accuse this approach of being a little romantic, most of them agree that if the human dimension was to be translated into measurable indicators (yardsticks used in design), the professional's guesswork would be more specific, comprehensive and satisfactory to the user.

Scope of Research: The residential environment constitutes more than half the built environment. In Egypt, it is the urban areas that encompass the largest portion of the population. Therefore this thesis is concerned with investigating the relation between the human aspects and the negative consequences of the contemporary design ed environment. The problem of producing built environments that are incompatible to people's lifestyles, needs and priorities does not concern any particular portion of the urban population. Designed environments lack human considerations whether they are intended for the rich or the poor.

The human dimension of design encompasses human aspects that affect, or are affected by the built environment. Therefore it is not only the concern of the architect, but also that of the planner, the social scientist and the decision-maker. All of these should understand the importance of incorporating the human dimension in design and rectify their attitudes towards the whole design process accordingly.

The Size of the Problem: The rapid urbanization process and the deterioration of the existing urban form are both major problems facing Egypt. The housing demand estimates in 1981 for the year 2000 were 4.392 million dwelling units. (Advisory Council, 1983:9-11). At the same time in the new cities, thousands of constructed dwelling units are left unoccupied (1030 unoccupied units in Sadat City - 2249 unoccupied units in Tenth of Ramadan ... etc.) (Mokhtar, 1987:166-169). This paradox proves the shortfall of the presently applied housing policy and design processes. The issue is becoming more critical as the Egyptian government has established a long range plan for the development of ten new settlements (200,000 inhabitants each) around Cairo.

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Designing new residential environments as is practiced in Egypt, has constantly been based on imported end forms rather than contextual analysis. The human dimension is considered only in the form of demographic studies. Because of their statistical nature, these studies hardly prove useful to the designer. Furthermore, the social datum is never tied to its physical location when analysing existing socio-physical environments go on being over-generalized and governed mainly by short term economic considerations. This study therefore questions the relevance of considering the physical and the economic factors as the sole criteria for designing the residential environment.

Objectives: The first objective of this study is to analyze the contemporary design method, its ideological roots and applications. Consequently, housing policies, principles and criteria are appraised in their implemented form ranging from the principles of city planning to those of the design of the housing type. Many of the negative aspects in designed environments was related tothe on-going neglect of the human dimension in design.

The second objective is to introduce the man/environment approach as basis for formulating human-oriented design guidelines. The importance of this approach is that it offers explanatory theories and tools which help understand the nature of man's interrelationship with the built environment. This d aid the designer in creating environments that needs. This study also presents how the environmental meaning method can be used to assess the socio-cultural characteristics of an existing community. This could be regarded as an invitation for professionals to develop qualitative methods to incorporate the human dimension in the design process, as a first step towards the evolution of a new design process based on the study of man.

Methodology: There are a number of equally valid ways of approaching the problem of inadequate housing environments. The method selected depends essentially on the goal of the investigation. Proving the significance of culture and social aspects as forces that greatly contribute in the shaping of the built environment is the ultimate goal of this study. Because of the limited Egyptian experience, both in theory and in practice in this field, the following methodology was adopted:

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Appraising the existing situation: through analysing the applied policies and design methods in their implemented form, i.e. existing designed environments in terms of their compatibility with their human context. This establishes the importance of considering the human aspects in a direct and understandable way.

Assessing the theoretical background: This is done through a review of international literature which clarifies the interrelation between human processes and the built environment. Since human physiological, psychological and social phenomenon exist and work in reality in a synthesized way, this study discussed these issues in an integrated way leading to the introduction of an important governing factor: culture. These human aspects are the basis for understanding man/ environment interrelations.

Analysing the application of the human approach: in terms of design methods and criteria previously applied at different scales. In addition to that, this approach was behind the development of certain evaluation techniques and measurement tools which aimed at achieving a more userresponsive built environment. These tools and techniques are reviewed pointing out the advantages and disadvantages of their application in different contexts.

A proposed methodology: to assess the social characteristics and cultural values of different groups of people through the qualitative analysis of their existing residential environment. Besides understanding these people's spatial needs, their housing priorities and their lifestyles, this method also yields some significant guidelines to be applied in future design for the same group of people.

The overall goal of this study is to pave the way for a change in the designer's conceptions and in the design process itself so that the generated built form would embody the values of the people who use it. The result should not be in the form of an objective recipe, but rather a methodology that could be tailored to suit different contexts. The development of this contextual design method should be the aim of future research.

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PART

ONE

NEGATIVE ASPECTS OF THE CONTEMPORARY DESIGNED 19

RESIDENTIAL

ENVIRONMENT

Chapter One Housing Policies and Design Methodologies in Egypt The provision of hones for people and an appropriate physical environment, with minimum expenses, are the typical aims of any new housing enterprise. It is the expression of these aims that differs. The reasons being; professional trends, political drives and other local circumstances which act as external forces. Unfortunately, they are often detrimental to primary human goals, i.e. some of the prevailing features in housing policies adopted during the 1950's and 1960's. The usual form of public housing provided for urban low-income families, whether as minimum space per dwelling or outer semi-public, non used space between blocks, provided a situation where even a rudimentary examination of clients' needs would have completely ruled out this kind of accommodation. The dramatic consequences in housing conditions and the hideous general character of public housing projects which resulted usually in dirty and neglected physical environments accompanied by social resentment and degradation. These conditions necessitate an urgent call for renewal or total substitution of the present adopted system for housing. Centrally administered, standardized housing policies are intrinsically incompetent and not responding to the needs of its inhabitants on the long run [1].

1.1

Egypt’s Housing Policies

Centrally administered housing construction has been an implemented policy since 1955 in Egypt, usually undertaken by the central government or the housing authority in each governorate. By 1970, it was evident that all the formal sector (public, private and housing cooperatives) could not meet the ever-growing needs and the massive backlog. As a result, increased overcrowding occurred in the existing urban areas, and illegal subdivision and building took place on the agricultural periphery of the city. The government's role was seen to include: 1. Subsidize housing for low-income groups.

2. Ensure the continuous availability of building materials.

21

3. Sell urban land at cost price.

4. Encourage individuals to save and invest savings in housing.

Despite these initiatives, conditions hardly changed; for although public housing programs have benefited thousands of families (when viewed in national terms), it had monopolized government housing funds for providing subsidized housing for only a small portion of those in need.

Another major drawback was the standard public housing units itself, either a 5-storey walk-ups or gallery type which were inappropriate to most inhabitants and did not comply with their lifestyles [2]. The policy favoured in the late 1970's was the industrialization of the building sector and the use of prefabricated building systems to reduce cost and shorten construction time. It was claimed that this system could meet the enormous demand for new housing especially in newly developed areas (5,928,000 dwelling units by the year 2000) [3]. Several joint Egyptian and foreign enterprises started in 1977. However, their techniques did not prove efficient when implemented in Egypt, in terms of the quality of the final product. These buildings were usually built according to designs and standards developed for other countries, and hardly fit the local climate, lifestyle or construction labour competence. They were also often unaffordable by low-income families because they were often more costly than similar ones built by the traditional methods [4].

The acute housing problem as seen by the government is characterized by two main features: 1. An enormous housing deficit which requires the building of 3.6 million units between 1979 and the year 2000 [5]. This idea was later re-estimated to be a 4.392 million units from 1981 till the year 2000 [6].

2. An affordability crisis because more than 70% of the households cannot afford to rent or buy a legal house unit [7].

The National Housing Plan (1981 - 1985) indicated the approach to be one of: government as producer, and people as receivers in a basically quantitative process [8]. The policies for implementing this plan are too general in nature, i.e. redistribution of the population, standardization of housing units, maintenance and efficient use of housing stock - also the burden on the economy and limited resources is obvious in the reduction of standards for the dwelling area to 45sq.m and 50sq.m per household for low-income groups. These groups form 92% of the

21

urban population [9], and consists of those whose monthly income ranges from L.E.30-150. Despite these efforts by the government, it was found that during the period from 1977- 1982, the private sector provided for 80% of the total housing stock built [10], Fig.(1). It should be noted that a large portion of housing units provided by the government in the New Cities were not yet inhabited. For example, in 1985, Sadat City had 1030 dwelling units that were not yet occupied [11].

A. The policy of building new cities adopted by the Egyptian Government since the 1970s

Fig. (1) The Government’s effort to answer the housing demand

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1.2 Appraising the National Housing Policy Objectives Certain objectives which were believed appropriate for many countries suffering from similar problems as Egypt (such as Peru, India, Equador, Venezuela) were adopted as criteria to solve the housing problem in Egypt, these include: 1.2.1 Housing Provision for Low-income Groups With the assumption that low-income families cannot obtain decent shelter except by public initiative or assistance, the Egyptian government declared itself responsible to provide this income group with housing as a social service, Fig.(2) [12]. In order to carry out this resolution, lowincome housing schemes were centrally administered, heavily subsidized and highly standardized, Fig.(3) [13]. The high variability of housing needs and their priorities were deliberately overlooked by the centrally administered supplier. When variations are introduced by designers, they are extremely superficial such as minimal changes in facades. Designs are based upon what decision-makers and professionals assume people need and could afford rather than what they want and what they are willing to spend on housing, Fig.(4) [14].

There are unexpected differences among low-income families regarding the priorities of expenditure depending on their view of the value of housing. These differences are not taken into consideration either because they are poorly understood or because they are not wholly approved of by professionals. The critical mismatch between housing supply and housing demand, in the case of centrally administered housing provision, can only be overcome in two ways, either by: - The provision of a larger variety of standard products and plans [15] (provided people have the freedom to choose their environment and dwelling), or - Some decisions must be left to local-authorities, which would require additional control and more administrative efforts [16].

23

Fig.(3) Distribution of level of authority and control. A contrast between the central government as a supplier of housing, and as an enabler of it. (Turner, 1976)

Fig.(2) Number of dwelling units constructed by the public sector only (Consensus, 1952-1979)

Fig.(4) Contemporary trends to house low-income groups (MOHR/USAID, 1976) The Government estimates the quantitative need of housing, with no consideration to the people’s priorities and the nature of the housing demand

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Both these suggestions demand extra production time that would also add to cost. This inconsistency compelled the government to seek other ways of supporting the less privileged, either through providing them with land, material and technical assistance (site and services schemes), or by building core houses to which the occupant may add as his circumstances permit. The success of such schemes depends on the circumstances of the local context in each case [17].

1.2.2 Subsidies in Housing Subsidies in different stages of national development are neither a new idea nor a purely socialist one. They do not necessarily mean losses.

Governments may subsidize transportation, basic food elements or education as in Egypt. Subsidies in housing could be on land or in the form of tax exemption on certain houses or on bonds issued for project building [18]. On the other hand, heavily subsidized, housing programs threaten to serve only a small portion of the needy especially in countries where resources are scarce and economy is poor.

Another serious result of heavy subsidies is the growing dependence on the government which replaces honest effort. Also the growing mistrust in the relationship between government and people spurs resentment whenever the government fails to fulfil any of its ambitious promises. As those non-renewable resources are exhausted, the opportunity of sharing them decreases. This exploitation of resources is finally reciprocated by the import of foreign expertise. The absurdity of the costly, centrally administered, highly deficient supply systems which offer housing as a ready product to some people, who do not even feel gratified, is quite evident.

1.2.3 Reduction of Construction Costs Following the assumption that cheaper housing serves a larger number of people, different ways of saving on housing costs were adopted by the government, cooperatives and other institutional bodies involved in housing production. These savings were carried out following those objective criteria: 1.

Economizing in design: minimum space standards and ceiling heights.

2.

Economizing on plot layout: regular, attached, narrow frontage plots.

25

3.

Standardizing parts: windows, doors, stairs and fittings of simplest forms.

4.

Using cheap and local Materials: in structural elements as well as in finishing materials.

5.

Organizing labour efficiently: effective control of quality.

6.

Reducing administration costs: and overhead.

These objectives are not harmful in themselves, but they led to misuse and misinterpretation which often produced non-liveable physical conditions.

Economic space standards are often decided objectively by cost parameters only. The amount of space people need and its organization in a way which helps them undergo their daily activities is often overlooked. Regular back-to-back plots in rows always offer the most economic pattern in terms of infrastructure cost, but it is not the only criterion worth applying at this level. Aspects such as privacy, socializing between neighbours or the different functions of open spaces (as meeting places, playgrounds, or parking) is utterly overlooked despite their importance.

Standardizing facades and architectural elements has the negative effect of depriving the occupants from experiencing feelings of identity and personalization (which are steps towards a major goal: self-actualization). It deprives the user the right to choose and decide about his immediate environment Fig(5). Furthermore, standardization implies the total neglect of existing differences among people's priorities and preferences.

Use of cheap and local materials, although apparently a sensible suggestion, often leads to non-renewable and hardly adequate components or fittings such as poor plumbing or unsafe structures. These inadequacies, if affordable, are repaired or replaced by the occupant; a fact which results in a more costly scheme on the long run. Organizing labour effectively requires firm control and supervision which is practically unattainable in large scale projects, except if the amount of technical and professional surveillance is multiplied.

26

Economizing on utilities, infrastructure and street width strongly affects the decision about plot layouts and whether the residential area is intended for high, middle, or low-income groups, the back-to-back rows of plots does not change. Street width has proved quite difficult to calculate when car ownership rates, pedestrian behaviour and parking habits of the future occupants are unknown [19].

Although reduction of administration costs implies a decrease in the number of staff, it is often implemented by quite the reverse, especially in the public sector organizations where the number of employees is unnecessarily large. In this case, economizing in cost is achieved through the minimization of their salaries which, consequently leads to a decrease in adequacy. This is the negative impact of an initial cost reduction policy based upon short-term economy.

27

B. Direct access walk-ups in: Helwan – Giza – Matrouh, there is no way one can tell the difference (Ettouny, Abdel Kader, 1987)

A. The traditional environment: an expression of identity and personalization

Fig.(5) A comparison between facades in designed environments and those in traditional ones

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1.2.4 Discouraging Squatting and Informal Housing The squatting problem should be viewed as more than just a contest between law and lawlessness. Inherent in its existence is also the human need for an appropriate living environment. Squatting in Egypt sometimes takes the form of illegal housing developments on agricultural or desert land at the outskirts of the city. Informal housing, as it is usually termed, is not shabby or poorly. It is usually four to five storeys high and built of durable materials. While some squatting is opportunist, there is more often other reasons that merit recognition. Frequently squatting is the result of poor land policy and population studies [20]. Suggestions have been made to avoid squatting by anticipating population movements and making land available in advance [21]. There is no denying the fact that property rights are more apt to be respected when there is a lawful alternative [22]. Sometimes this alternative does not appeal to people because it does not comply to their economic, social or cultural needs. Living in any of the satellite cities around Cairo or the new towns in the Egyptian desert was a poor alternative to many Egyptians of different socio-cultural backgrounds. This is because in low-income and middle-income groups, many households depend upon secondary jobs to substantially raise their income. These jobs might include; street vending, taxi driving, sewing, plumbing or giving private lessons to children, Fig.(6). It is therefore vital for them to be close to the consumption market and to minimize housing expenditure; which is another advantage of informal housing.

A physically poor dwelling, but nevertheless providing essentialities at minimum cost in an appropriate locality (i.e. closeness to income source) which maximizes income opportunity and minimizing transportation costs, is more desirable than the acquisition of improved physical conditions which increases housing expenditure and decreases additional income opportunities. This is evident by the ever-increasing areas of informal housing around Cairo and all the smaller cities and towns.

As long as physical standards continue to be the sole measures of housing value, then the housing problem will go on being mis-stated in terms of the number of 'substandard' units to be replaced by acceptable ones. Solutions of this kind can greatly increase the problems suffered by their intended beneficiaries.

29

A. Top: Designed Environment do not support certain priorities and activities B. Right: A fruit kiosk and a miscellaneous shop as forms of secondary income sources found in informal housing areas

Fig.(6) The advantages of informal housing

31

1.2.5 Industrialization Misusing the criteria of industrialization and seeing housing as a product rather than a process has led to generations of unsatisfactory housing.

Instead of understanding the complexity of housing and developing technologies to support it, industrialization has come to mean mass production of units. The bulk of effort is put into organizing things for the convenience of a system which was initially adopted to serve and meet people's needs. Simplification, standardization, special machinery and expertise for assembly producing unmodifiable housing units still fails to meet the full range of needs at a cheaper price. Costs go up and quality goes down whenever industrialization in housing is viewed narrowly [23]. Yet, there are many successful examples, especially in distant areas, where the development of industrial methods - in terms of building products, new tools and innovative layouts - in residential construction proved to save time, decrease skills needed in the field while improving the quality of the building components. The high precision in production, sophisticated labour skills and machinery, on-site assembly organization, transportation schedules, storage techniques ... are all interdependent processes which should highly synchronize so that prefabrication of panels, beams, roofing systems, prove to be more economic than conventional construction methods. In countries where these subordinate processes are not dependable it becomes highly costly. Building technology should be recognized as a resourceful means from which to choose what is appropriate in each case. It should not be considered as a necessity which generates innovation, that is appealing only to the involved professionals and decision-makers.

1.3 New Attempts for Assessing Housing Demand In Egypt, planning and housing policies have witnessed many changes in the last 30 years, yet their major concern has always been the number of dwellings, and hardly the kind of housing demand. Very little thought has been given to revise the appropriateness of housing design criteria and standards since the early 1950's. However, there are recent attempts which promise to be more aware of the Egyptian context and the nature of its housing demand.

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But nevertheless improvements have occurred in three domains; population stratification methods, assessing people's affordability and priorities and the formulation of design codes and standards. Although some of these improvements have not yet gone beyond the theoretical stage.

1.3.1 Population Stratification Methods Population stratification is the basis upon which decisions regarding the provision of housing are made, such as densities, housing types and standards, services and many other determinants of the physical environment. As codes and standards differ for different groups of the society according to, their needs and their means, it is essential that classification be consistent with the contemporary reality of the society.

The most commonly applied classification in Egypt is based solely upon income, Fig.(7) [24]. The Egyptian Government in the 1960s followed a socialist regime which attempted at dissolving class differences and exercising unanimity. During the 1970s, this criterion for social stratification was not necessarily adopted. The reconceptualization of social stratification had to be considered for the following reasons [25]: 1. The economic growth policy of the 1970s which led to the evolution of numerous socio-economic classes that did not exist before and would not conform to the ‘simple’ 3-income group division used.

2. Classification into social groups according to income is a narrow perspective which does not necessarily imply their homogeneity in term of social, cultural characteristics and, even in terms of economic priorities.

3. In this type of income classification only formal income was considered. Additional, usually unrevealed income sources or family giving away heavily subsidized housing units to people who could not afford an alternative.

There are certain trials that were suggested by different sources, to relevantly classify the Egyptian urban population. Some were incorporated occupation along with income without considering any other social factors [26]. Others, more sensitive proposals, were developed for the intended population of the extension of 15th of May New City, Fig.(8) [27]

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Fig.(7) The most commonly applied social classification in Egypt

Fig.(8) Attempts to develop social stratification criteria in order to reach a more ‘real’ representation

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“There is more than one group that earns the same income such as university graduates, labourers, factory workers and some non-skilled craftsmen, yet, these groups differ totally in terms of social and cultural aspects which reflets on their housing needs and lifestyles� (Ragab, 1986:44) A set of criteria have been proposed by Ragab (1986) [28], to classify the population into homogeneous groups: 1.

Economic means (affordability) which take into consideration the expenditure priorities and the regularity of the income source [29].

2.

Class mobility also as an indicator of changes in occupational status from one generation to another.

3.

Participation potentials to establish better housing conditions (by money, action and time).

4.

Occupation and its relation to the value of housing in terms of proximity to income source.

5.

Education and its socio-cultural implications in terms of needs and lifestyle.

6.

Urbanization as a determinant of socio-cultural background (urban, rural/urban and rural) and its implications on lifestyle.

7.

Demographic qualities and household lifecycle.

Applying such criteria might face a lot of difficulties because much of the information need to be assessed using qualitative methods, which have not yet been developed to suit the Egyptian context. However, this is no excuse to continue on implementing what many professionals have admitted to be irrelevant criteria upon which is based: the nature of housing demand.

1.3.2 Affordability and Priorities Mobility among the different income groups characterizes the Egyptian urban population. It is caused by the emergence of market-dependent occupations such as middlemen, investors, consultants and other self-governing jobs. The second source of income fluctuation (most common among government employees) is the second or afternoon job. In estimating the affordability of the people, it is hard to decide whether to consider people's secondary income source or not when deciding upon eligibility for government support. Many people who seek a secondary

34

income source cannot afford to live on their formal income alone. It is highly questionable to compel persons to go on maintaining a second job for the sole reason of affording the homes they live in.

Affordability is a key issue which underlies decisions about allocating government support, provision of services and housing standards for different groups within the society Fig.(9). Like social stratification, estimating people's affordability levels follows untested trends of thought [30]. Spending on housing has little to do with the income of the household. It is more a matter of priorities. This does not deny the fact that, as income increases, the possibility to spend on housing also increases. Yet, the value of housing differs between people in the same income group [31]. This difference lies in the ability to pay and the willingness to pay. Ability to pay determines, what authorities call 'the need for housing', while the nature of the 'housing demand' (the who needs what ?) is determined by the willingness to invest or spend on housing.

This depends on people's priorities which are, in turn, dependent upon socio-cultural characteristics as well as economic means, notwithstanding that these also change with time.

A new approach to housing economics was developed in the Third Generation of new cities in Egypt (El Obour New City and New Damietta) which into consideration affordable rents/installations and interest rates as related to income and quality of housing, Fig.(10) [32]. This resulted in forming an extensive list of various possibilities of designs, stages, affordable plot areas, finishes and housing type for each household income range. Still the affordability curves were set upon the assumption that households would be able to (and desire to) spend 20% of their income on housing, an assumption that is quite questionable. Priorities in investment in housing, goods and services are estimated by the designers of public housing according to their own personal priorities or their belief of what people need or ought to have.

The problem of housing is therefore defined as an imbalance between demand and provision rather than a deficiency in numbers. The first step towards solving this problem would be to understand the mechanisms inherent in the process of housing with, both, its physical and human dimensions.

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Table A. Allocating Government support was based upon classifying income groups and appropriate housing need in terms of dwelling unit area (Ministry of Planning, 1977).

B. Public sector investment in urban housing projects (Concensus, 1952-1979: 207)

Fig.(9) Government support and public sector investment in housing did not take into consideration the nature of this demand.

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Table (6) Housing demand estimates according to family size and income (The Arab Bureau for Architectural and Planning Consultance, 1986)

Table (7) Different stages of plot development costs (1985 prices) (The Arab Bureau for Architectural and Planning Consultance, 1986) Fig. (10) The new approach to housing economics as applied in the city of new Damietta

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1.3.3 Codes and Standards Governments intervened in the housing provision, in the declared interests of public health, safety and amenity. This attempt at controlling private and community sector initiative brought about the advent of building regulations, planning codes and development controls. The appropriateness of these measures were too often inconsistent with the context in which they have been applied. Many households could not afford to meet such rigorous standards or preferred to invest their resources in different directions. They aimed at attaining other qualities which are to them of higher priority, such as: proximity to their jobs, desired social interaction or provision of services in a way which complies to their culture. The outcome of this was that, while 'substandard' informal housing developed rapidly, public housing agencies and ministries kept on buildings numbers and numbers of stereotype dwelling units of predetermined standards for construction, space and dwelling design.

These stereotype plans used for public housing were not based on actual investigation of people's utilization of domestic indoor and outdoor spaces. Instead, minimum possible space was designed for all low-income families and was used as a reference point for calculating space standards for all other income groups [33]. For example, if the area/person is 10-12 m2 for low-income groups, it would be 14-16 m2 and 1618 m2 respectively for middle and high income groups, irrelevant of the actual family size or socio-spatial needs of different sub-cultural groups in the society. The dwelling unit area is calculated by multiplying this ratio by a fixed average representing the 'typical' Egyptian family (note that the family size is not necessarily the same as the size of the household [34] which was taken to be 5 persons in old areas and 4.5 persons in new cities [35], which is not representative for all people with different cultural backgrounds.

This kind of housing is usually provided in the form of free-standing walk-up blocks of three to six storeys in height Fig.(11). Their layout is hardly designed, they are mostly built in row, the only difference being that for lower income groups, the blocks are packed a little closer to one another (60%, 50% and 40% land coverage for low, middle and middle-high income groups respectively). These systematic, proportional standards among the three income groups are repeated for each element in the design: densities, street widths, parking areas, shops and services.

38

A

B A. Helwan public housing 3 – Room apartment plan 2 – Room apartment plan B. Einel-Sera public housing 2 – Room apartment plan C. Section showing the 5-storey walk-up type of building adopted for public housing

C

D. Additions and alterations in Helwan to render the dwelling unit a bit more liveable

D

Fig.(11) The stereotype public housing design and the modifications done by the users

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Thus, it can be seen that facilities and space allocations range from minimum amenities/maximum density for lower income groups, to maximum amenities/minimum density for higher income groups. This criterion was developed from the planner's interest in the economies of scale.

Some trials did not go beyond the theoretical stage, such as proposals presented by foreign consultants in the preparation of the preliminary studies of some new cities. In New Sadat City Report, space standards were set for the usage of spaces by low-income residents of Egypt or a similar climate. The range of standards in: kitchen, storage, and bathroom spaces allows for a household size ranging from 2-10 persons. Yet, the foregoing standards cannot accommodate the traditionally large and ornate furniture produced, and valued, among the Egyptian society (70x180cm sofa, 70x70cm armchair, 100x150cm dining table, or 160x200cm bed). The same report suggested, as a solution, to establish the project with a factory [36] which would produce fitting furniture with which to furnish the whole city!

In the city of New Damietta, a better suggestion was proposed which stressed upon formulating space standards according to the family size in each income group. Another step forward was made when the income of the family was estimated based on studies of expenditure rather than formal income sources, Fig.(12) [37]. The third new methodology was in determining the type of housing. This was related to the combination between people's affordability level, the level of construction they require (i.e. two-storey non-finished externally, or one-storey externally finished dwelling), and the area of the plot itself [38].

Codes and standards are means not an end in themselves. They must therefore be linked to a wider vision of how human settlements function and grow, which human needs should be satisfied and how. Goals such as safety, liveability, equity and economy should be achieved through a hierarchy of smaller goals and objectives to suit every context. These objectives should be periodically tested for validity and therefore should be flexible enough to allow for changes from time to time according to new situations.

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Table on estimating the housing demand in the New Damietta.

Income groups based upon studies of expenditure Space standards are based on occupancy rates ranging from 1.5 – 2.5 p/room. (New Damietta Report, 1985)

Fig.(12) Estimating housing needs according to number of person/family and affordability

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1.4 Missing the Point In the absence of building regulations, the market force compels the building of satisfactory dwellings. Thus building codes should emphasize upon issues of safety and health (structural collapse, pollution, fire hazards ...etc.) leaving matters related to comfort, convenience and housing economics to the people themselves whether owners, developers or users. Performance standards are well recognized to be culturespecific; therefore local circumstances, resources and customs should be left to dictate the solutions. Detailed building codes and regulations might decrease suitability of housing as a dimensional process and might discourage the potentialities of the people to generate a physical environment which reflects their social, cultural and economic characteristics.

Still, contemporary designs hardly provide the possibilities whereby the built environment becomes humanized and acquires meaning. Instead, the designed physical form is less and less significant to people. This eventually leads to misuse, or less use; consequently leading to physical deterioration of the environment and a growing indifference among the users. This is because the applied design method is, in need of an 'incontext1 testing for validity. The sceptical analysis of the contemporary design method in international and national contexts, should serve to identify advantages and shortcomings of its implementation, keeping in mind the main objective being of promoting the liveability of the produced social and physical environment.

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Notes and References 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

J.F.C.Turner, 1976, pp.3—24 A. Adbel Hadi, 1983 Ministry of Housing and Reconstruction 1985 A.M.Barrada, 1978, p.196 Ministry of Housing (MOH),1980 in N.Abdel Kader, 1987, p.145 6. Advisory Council, 1983, pp.9—11 7. A.Al Gayar, 1983, pp.79-111 in S.Ettouney, 1984 8. MOH, 1979(3). pp.17 9. MOH, 1983, in R.H.Ragab, 1986, p.12 10. Y.O.Shedid, 1986, p.7 11. The expected population of 10th of Ramadan new city by 1987/88 was 150,000 inhabitants. In March did not exceed 6,719 (MOHR). S.Ettouney & 1985, the population inhabitants, i.e. less than 5% of the expected In June 1984, while population in two-years—time. 3,622 dwelling units were available, only 1,334 of them were occupied. In February 1985, the number of constructed dwelling units increased to 3,750. Out of these only 1,501 were occupied.

In March 1985, 4,397 units were available but the number of households did not exceed 1,543 families. (Development Agency of the 10th of Ramadan City - Central Development Unit and City Administration, statistical data) in H.Mokhtar, 1987, p.166 12. Consensus 1952-1979, pp.205, 207 13. J.F.C.Turner, 1976, p.118 14. MOHR/USAID, 1976, p.89 in S.Shabaka, 1984, p.19 Income estimates in all official records is based upon the basic official income of the head of the family. It does not take

into consideration any other working member of the family, any revenues of fixed assets, any savings or any income from a secondary job undertaken by the family.

(S.Shabaka, 1986, p.18) 15. S.Ettouney & N.Abdel Kader, 1983 16. a. J.F.C.Turner, 1980 (unpublished) b. Ismailia Technical Assistance Programme, 1981 17. D.Shehayeb & H B.Serageldin. 1986 18. C. Abrams, 1966, pp 223-226 19. K.Shehayeb, 1973 20. R.Bromley, 1979, pp.1033-1038 21. C. Abrams, 1966, pp.234 22. A.G.Romanos 1976, p.153 23. R.Bender & J.Parman in S.Davis, 1977, p.179 24. M.O.H. 1979(b). p.22 25. R.H.Ragab, 1986 26. Ministry of Reconstruction (MOR) 1977, p.32 27. 15th May City Extension, 1980, pp.12—22 28. R.H.Ragab, 1986, p.44 29. Ibid, p.29 30. a. Ministry of Planning, 1972. pp.12 b. Consensus, 1952-1979, pp.207 31. J.F.C. Turner, 1976, pp.53-74 32. The Arab Bureau for Design & Consultance, 1986. p.15 33. H. Aref, 1988, pp.159—164 34. N.C.S.CR/MOHR/AID, 1979, pp.3 in A.Abdel Hadi, 1983, pp.3

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35. a. ILACO. H.Ismail & partners, CEAT, 1978, p.(5-93) b. MOHR/GOPP, 1977, pp.(1.2-21) c. MOHR/GOPP, 1980, pp.16-19 36. MOH, 1977, pp.52 37. The Arab Bureau for Design & Consultance, 1986, pp.11-15 38. a. S.M. Ettouney & N. Abdel Kader, 1983 b. MOR, 1982 in S. Ettouney & N. Abdel Kader, 1987, pp.148-151

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Chapter Two Contemporary Design Concepts and Methods The major problem in the design profession could be seen as that of conflicting values. Although many designers realize the importance of ensuring user satisfaction, and attempt at achieving it through the assessment of users’ needs and other equivalent methods, but when the scale grows to encompass hundreds and thousands, the problem of varying priorities and lifestyles disrupt the very essence of mass housing.

The result is usually a time-saving, standardized mass product which results in neat and homogeneous townscapes. In order to defend themselves against accusations of insensitivity, designers tried to diversify in their proposals. Instead of one 'stereotype' they would present a few patterns of dwelling types, variation in colours, materials, etc. This misunderstood diversification is concerned only with outward appearances, while the first priority is to meet the various demands of dwellers who have different economic conditions, lifestyles, habits and therefore different requirements for both interior and exterior spatial organization.

The architect / planner actually operates in at three separate value systems when making decisions about mass housing: 1.

The client (whether the government in the case of public housing, or the developer in the case of informal housing).

2.

The users (who among themselves have a large 'dynamic' variety).

3.

His own professional and cultural background.

It is also important to clarify that design methods are, not only, processes adopted to serve the realm of science and technology, but they also dictate certain forms of organization, and hence influence the social structure [2]. Accordingly, to import design methods is in fact to import an alien social structure which, no doubt, is disruptive to national traditions. It is only recently that professionals are beginning to understand the complex relationships between the formulation of design processes and the prevailing social organization and cultural values.

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2.1 The Contemporary Design Process: Synoptic Method It is common practice while designing the built environment to use the "comprehensive�,� rational" or "synoptic" methods, as termed in different occasions [3]. This decision model provides a methodology by which a consistent form of comparability between alternatives could be made. The analysis and measurement of the value and the predictability of different outcomes aims at removing ambiguity as much as possible. This process consists of a number of steps, these are: 2.1.1 Data Collection Much of this data is concrete and empirically measurable such as area, height, or density. Functions are individually defined and relations between functions interpreted into time or distance. The need to assess the quality of the existing environment is approached by most urban planners through collecting a variety of socio-economic data (mainly demographic) and using various techniques (field surveys, aerial photography and so on) to record the existing environment. However, they tend to focus on the infrastructure, street pattern, heights and other quantifiable aspects, leaving out important factors, that are inherent in this environment as a whole. Such factors would include people's patterns of behaviour, different activities, meanings attached to spatial organization of physical elements, acceptable levels of social interaction, privacy, crowding and the different ways by which they are achieved.

2.1.2 Data Analysis Data analysis is supposed to promote understanding of spatial variations, qualities and relationships captured in the data. It also identifies problems, potentials and constraints. It stimulates the imagination and finally leads to a clearer formulation of goals and objectives. Designers, however, sometimes assemble elaborate data without putting sufficient time on its analysis.

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2.1.3 Formulation of Goals and Objectives Sometimes this step occurs near the end of the comprehensive design process. Theoretically, however, it is the step that should lead to the proper design. The degree of abstraction and generality usually used to define goals results in objectives that are stated so generally that they are almost universally accepted, and therefore, without any implementary value. On the contrary, goals and objectives should be clear and specific; they should spell out the purpose of the housing scheme's plan, its variables and how it should be implemented and enforced.

Unfortunately, the political context is a strong determinant which directs planning goals towards universality. The formulation of goals and objectives should be based on facts rather than on the designer's values or on his intuitions only. It is at this stage that people's priorities and conceptions should be assessed for mass housing. Public participation at this stage would also add the benefit of outlining the criteria necessary to environmental qualities. This fulfils the double role of the professional, i.e. satisfying existing values and needs and effectuating a positive change towards better conditions.

2.1.4 Generation of Alternative Concepts This step occurs in two stages; the identification of key organizing principles that constitute the generative idea of each alternative, and the definition of a more detailed set of attributes as an elaboration of each alternative. The various alternatives offer a variety of approaches to certain goals. They also serve as a tool to debate certain recommendations, discover or verify some expected advantages and provoke public discussion on critical issues [4]. Case studies of other similar schemes and alternatives can offer valuable insight into issues, and illustrate the effects of negative design which would help to avoid similar errors. Regrettably, some designers become so involved with the system that they allow the method to select the substance [5]. furthermore, it is suggested that proposed alternatives are limited by the analysis provided and that the models available are so similar that producing different responses for each alternative is quite pointless, Fig.(13) [6].

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B. Alternative two

A. Alternative one

Although different, the threw alternatives share very similar characteristics such as: the centralized services, the separate landuses, and the modular neighborhood units this reflects different professional opinions but a common set of design criteria

New Damietta city masterplan C. Alternative three

Fig.(13) The proposed alternatives are usually too similar

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2.1.5 Evaluation of Alternative Solutions There are two approaches for the analysis and categorization of available alternatives. One approach emphasizes comprehensiveness and total consistency within the alternatives. The other, emphasizes the effect and interactions of specific plan or policy elements. Evaluation techniques have advanced a lot over the past decade, resulting in different methods to suit every scale. These are usually concerned with the development of design guidelines and performance standards. Yet, there is always the problem of time and resources available in order to undertake an extensive evaluation process. Also plans tend to concentrate on a certain level of details, so that environmental quality considerations are overwhelmed by massive demographic, economic, and physical considerations, Fig.(14) [7]. This usually leads to the failure of the method to incorporate criteria that would investigate the impact of alternative plans on people's social and cultural aspects.

Estimates of the relative costs and their eventual effects on lifestyles; or the consequences of adopting each alternative, with regard to the qualifying factors of the environment, are not impartially presented to the decision-makers or to public opinion. Moreover, if they were ever presented, there always seems to be a tendency to present the alternatives with strong emphasis upon a 'preferred alternative’ leaving no genuine choice to the judging party.

2.1.6 Translation of Alternative Solutions into Policies / Plans / Guidelines / and Programs This involves detailed presentation and explanation of the selected alternative; it also includes formulation of policies and plans as a synthesis of the entire process. By this detailed development, further implications of the solution can be explored and used as feedback at different stages of the entire process. If feedback and re-evaluation is undertaken more frequently, one would be describing the "incremental method of design" (Shirvani, 1985) [8], which is essentially another version of the synoptic method. Incremental plans are formulated to achieve main goals and objectives, allowing for a time lag to review, evaluate and if necessary, institute changes. Using this method, it is easier to work out long-range policies, this allows for some flexibility essential to accommodate possible future changes.

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Table of evaluation of the alternatives for the master plan of New Damietta City (Arab Bureau for Consultance, 1986) Fig.(14) The evaluation of alternative solutions

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The strength of the synoptic method lies in its rationality. The consistency of any rational decision model depends on three principle steps: 1.

Considering all alternative courses of action within the conditions of the situation and while considering the objectives sought.

2.

Identifying and evaluating all consequences which would follow each alternative course of action.

3.

Selecting the preferable alternative in terms of the most valued end [9].

But this rational decision-making is bound, because all alternatives and all consequences are unlikely to be identifiable and lack of time and data, may be constraints circumscribing both problem and solution.

2.2 DECISION-MAKING PROCESSES IN DESIGN There is a fundamental emphasis on the importance of "ends" as criteria for the evaluation of potential solutions to a problem. Hence goal formulation and evaluation are clearly the hinge around which the synoptic method of design evolves.

2.2.1 Urban Development as Basis for Goal Formulation Development is the process and means by which socio-cultural, political and economic structures of societies can be changed; a force which replaces the existing conditions by the desirable ones [10]. Development, as a process, combines qualitative and quantitative, physical and nonphysical, materialistic and intellectual dimensions; all of which interact to provide the context for change and transformation. Development cannot be borrowed or copied, it is an evolutionary process, the success of which depends on its appropriateness to the society, the locale and the context in hand [11]. Housing policies aim at certain goals for urban development which, in their turn, draw upon a larger base of national goals. Those which are related to urban development could be summarised into [12]:

Equity: Equal rights and opportunities.

Education: The development of the individual as an investment in the democratic process and the growth of the economy.

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Economic growth: Such growth is essential to move towards the goal of full employment, upon which the improvement of living standards is believed to develop.

Living conditiions: The prevention of squatting, the remedy of slum conditions and the attainment of a balanced population of various income levels and backgrounds.

Health and welfare: Meeting the enormous demand for medical care and improving public health levels.

The urban development process is essentially a social process with a measurable economic aspect. It is different from economic growth, which aims at the steady increase of the rate of growth of national products, and which is an integral part of comprehensive development.

Comprehensive urban development, on the other hand, is the wilful societal process which, through structural changes, aims at the establishment of autonomous basis for production, maintenance and positive progress which, in turn, improves the well being, satisfies the basic needs, and secures the independence of a community [13].

The urban development concept presented an attractive setting for formulating housing policies, which include processes such as; urbanization, provision of community facilities, provision of housing and the whole organization of the socio-physical environment. The same aspects are the concern of the professional who deals with an environment of objects, people, relations and activities. The common aim of these processes is to improve such an environment and support human activities in attaining certain goals. Nevertheless, designing the built environment is often largely contingent upon unfounded cause and effect assumptions. Some of these assumptions are: The amelioration of distressful agricultural conditions will reduce migration and hold down the urban housing demand.

Dispersion of industrial activity will distribute the housing demand. A policy favouring production of building materials will encourage housing production.

A policy that increases incomes generally, will eventually stimulate savings and direct investment into housing production and thereby improve living standards.

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All these assumptions are believed to lead to a stable community life, i.e. a successful man/environment interrelation. These assumptions are the outcome of two major errors in the adoption of development' as a conceptual basis for the formulation of housing policies, and these are [14]: 1. Lack of understanding of the holistic nature of the process, and the whole emphasis being put mainly on the economic growth dimension.

2. Neglect in developing societal will and effective involvement of the people, which forms a major driving force towards any change.

It should therefore be emphasized that urban development, and consequently housing policies, should reflect the potentialities and features within their own local context. In addition, the criticality of scale in the stage of implementation should be taken into consideration as well. The very scale at which urban development goals operate obliges the governments to play the role of the sole supplier of housing. Their success depends on the careful selection of valid criteria for implementation.

2.2.2 Efficiency as the Primary Evaluation Criterion Since the introduction of the ideology that regards man as a machine [15], efficiency has been the most desirable criterion for evaluation.

Unfortunately, it was too readily interpreted in terms of economy in an age where rationalism was in high favour. It was used to modify general goals such as 'development' into criteria apt for decision-making. "Efficiency as a concept ...,eludes measurement and compels us to work with 'proxy' goals which are more measurable and which, at the same time, retain reasonable validity" (Artle,1963) [16]. These 'proxy’ or appropriate goals become the basis upon which decisions regarding the built environment are taken, then a number of indices are given to each goal; creating yardsticks which are most amenable to measurement. Professionals adopting this approach admit that these variables are less ambitious, but more realistic for decision-making.

In decisions regarding, for example, the allocation of urban space, the distribution of residential densities, the industrialization of housing production, efficiency is measured in terms of the most economic distance, time, dimensions or materials. In the high-tech age of professional excellence (in the 1950's) this concept gained in popularity.

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At the planning level, it was interpreted as: * Shortest possible length of infrastructure. * Minimum walking distance between different functions. * Smallest possible frontage of plots. * Centralized community facilities.

This consequently led to: - A grid subdivision of blocks.

- Straight alignment of streets.

- High similarity or decrease in choice of plot development.

- Uniform type of commercial activity and services.

At the architectural design level: - Smallest possible spaces.

- Standardized building elements.

- Multiplication of the same design either by repeating vertically or horizontally, or both.

- Idealization of human behaviour. This consequently led to: - Overcrowding and discomfort.

- Monotony and mediocrity of the product.

- Social problems due to the application of inhuman scales.

- Rapid deterioration of the physical environment due to unguided alterations by the people or their mere resentment and antagonism, led to a general feeling of detachment and irresponsibility towards their environment.

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Governments were too eager to use economy as an equivalent to efficiency, forgetting that economic growth is only a means, not an end in itself. The unfortunate consequences of adopting this attitude in trie design of the built environment have exposed the shallowness of fulfilling economic aims only. Trials to satisfy higher level goals which provided efficient housing through stressing health and safety requirements were implemented. All units were provided with sufficient volume of air space, but after occupation, ventilation, illumination and mobility suffered because of two socio-cultural factors, namely the presence of many appliances and pieces of furniture (as symbols of status and traits of industriousness) and the presence of extended families in a single unit [17] Regarding sanitation, dwellers complaints about sewage clogging problems is often attributed to the maintenance habits and lifestyles of the people. Safety, ensured in terms of materials and construction methods used are often weakened due to poor workmanship and inefficiency of on-site supervision [18].

The acceptability of measures of housing standards in terms of plumbing, ventilation, and occupant per area ratios, for example, were calculated °n the needs of some 'hypothetical', 'standardized' inhabitant, which proved to be more of a nuisance to the user than of benefit [19]. This repertoire, not only serves as grounds for pointing out the different interpretations of the concept of efficiency, but also highlights some overlooked consequences of the contemporary design process as applied to housing, "What is in short supply is the appropriate context and process, and not the buildings themselves" (Correa,1983:44) [20].

2.3 Objective and Subjective Evaluation Researchers, designers and policy-makers have historically placed their reliance on objective measures to evaluate the quality of life in the city.

Housing, health and income are, naturally, conditions inherent in the 'good life'. But, what these statistics mean and how they relate to subjective experience remain open to questions. Discussed in its general form, designers might take a measure of rooms per person as substitute for the feeling of pleasure and satisfaction a person gets from his dwelling unit. Or a measure of occupational status as an indicator of the sense of fulfilment a person gets from his work. Issues such as people's feeling of security can be measured by the crime rate in their neighbourhood.

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"These translations all appear eminently reasonable but the fact is that we do not know how well objective measures like these represent underlying psychological states or how well social indicators can be taken to represent the quality of life experience.� (Krupat, 1985:33, 34) [21] Approaches that are objective rely on data and criteria that can be measured easily. Because the determination of such objective figures is based upon records and handbooks, those who use them feel assured that they are accurate or non-biased indicators, "researchers have taken a rather single-minded approach to causality tending to view factors such as building type, site plan and community size as independent variables" (Abu-Loghud,1966:157) [22].

In associating the satisfaction people feel towards their immediate environment, to the relative contribution of objective environmental attributes, it is often found that, although objective variables have some effect, their ability to account for satisfaction 15 strongly mediated by people's subjective assessments Subjective measures were found to be a more way to measure qualities of the urban environment, consequently, some recent attempts to identify perceived sources of satisfaction in the environment have been outlined. These are physical appearance, social conditions, symbolic values and convenience of services and transportation [24]. It is true that this kind of research is extremely evasive, yet the desire to create a humanized or liveable environment is shared even by those who use objective data exclusively, i.e. by those who give it up as "immeasurable".

Conventionally, those who follow the objective school of thought, believe that objective conditions provide the context for action and thus place constraints upon behaviour. For instance, in the design of new cities, they argue that city size and demographic and labour distribution, in themselves, are determinants of the form of social interaction. They minimize the dependence on the subjective element stating that they cannot be operationalized and assessed reliably. The subjectivists emphasize that regardless of the nature of the environment, as described objectively, people act only after considering and evaluating different alternatives, i.e. by choice Fig.(15)[25].

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A sample of subjective determinants - Beliefs of police efficacy - Publicity of crime - Community “spirit�

A sample of objective determinants - Police surveillance - Lighting - Layout - Socio- cultural level of users

Beliefs of the public about safety in the park

Beliefs about safety Use of Park

Use of Park Actual safety

Actual safety in the park (crimes committed)

Beliefs about crime, rate of crime and use of urban park. (Krupat, 1985: 45) A. Public perception about the safety of a place affects use, which in turn affects future crime and thus future perceptions, regardless to what started first, this leads to a vicious cycle

Situation (objective attributes)

Filters Cultural Personal Temporal , etc.

Perceived situation (subjective attributes)

Individual or group with certain attributes matches the perceived situation against some norms, values, ideal images and notions of environmental quality

Evaluations Outcomes Decisions Behaviors , etc.

B. Subjective evaluation as the incentive for different behaviours. (Rapoport, 1977)

Fig.(15) Subjective evaluation as the basis for human decisions and behaviors.

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C. The feeling of crowding as a subjective process of evaluation. (Rapoport, 1977)

The definition of areas is based on "subjective definition" rather than "objective criteria" (Lowenthal & Kiel, 1972). The subjective definition seems to be a function of meaning and value, reflecting preferences and priorities. Sometimes people’s use of a place is affected by what they think about it. Judging a place as safe, quiet or crowded depends on the person's past experience, cultural background and other subjective variables. Some elements are included by everyone, however, the elderly may use historically important elements which might no longer exist, the young may use the most recent elements and different groups may select elements depending on culture, lifestyle, activities, ...etc. [27]. It is thus important to try to minimize the gap between the subjective criteria (used by users) and the objective ones (used by designers and planners), by developing a more 'realistic' set of evaluative criteria [28].

Therefore, subjective concepts which mediate between environment and action, will interact with objective description, this interaction will result in these two orientations complementing rather than competing with one another.

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Notes and References C.R.Hatch, 1984, pp.3

R.Artle, 1963 in G.Chadwick, 1978, pp.145

S.Lowe, 1986, pp. 187-202

N.Alarcon,1987

H.Shirvani, 1985, pp.110—116

Ibid.

M.Roberts, 1974, pp.55

A.Abdel Hadi, 1985, pp.63

H Shirvani, 1985, pp.115

C.Correa, 1985, pp.44

K.Lynch, 1981, pp.129

E.Krupat, 1985, pp.33—34

The Arab Bureau for Design & Consultance, 1986, pp.186—197

J.Abu Loghud, 1966, pp.157

H. Shirvani, 1985, p.116

R.B.Potter, 1985, pp.225,226

E.C.Banfield, 1955 in G.Chadwick, 1978, pp.118

J.B.Lansing & R.w. Morans, 1969 pp. 195-199

C.Abrams, 1966, pp.213—215

25.a. E.Krupat, 1985, pp. 45 .b. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.166—169

I.Abdallah, 1983, pp.34—36 in S.Ettouney, 1986 C.Laughlin, 1976, pp.15,16

D.Lowenthal & M.Riel, 1972, pp. 189-207

A.K.Al Kawary, 1983, pp.4—27

S.Milgram & D.Jode1et in H.M.Proshansky, W.H.Ittelson &

A.K.Al Kawary, 1983 in S.Ettouney & N.Abdel Kader, 1987, pp.136

L.G.Rivlin, 1976, pp.104-124

H.Proshansky, at al, 1976, pp.32—34

What is meant by the term 'realistic' evaluative criteria is that they are closer to the evaluation that actually occurs in reality.

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Chapter Three The Application of the Conventional Design Method The implementation of the conventional or synoptic method of design has left its traces in many countries. Not all of which have been entirely successful, yet they provide a large experimental field within which lessons could be learnt. What has been noticed in many cases is the prevalence of typical solutions to certain aspects of the built form. In other words, despite the rationality of the conventional method, it was impossible in application to prevent the dominance of certain fundamental design principles.

3.1 Fundamental Design Principles at the City Level At the city level, decisions range from where a city ought to be placed, and how many people it should contain, down to the design of the neighbourhoods (including housing, plot layouts, schools, shops, play fields and other facilities). This process is usually guided by certain fundamental considerations which often include the following: 3.1.1 Accessibility In relation to city planning, accessibility is subdivided into aspects of distance (costs of track, fuel consumption, etc.), time (which may vary according to velocity) and safety which often outweighs considerations of distance and time. Distance is seen as a factor controlling the cost of transportation and the cost of building a road. A straight road is therefore always preferred to a broken one when connecting between two given points, Fig.(16). Time, is measured as an economic factor. The convenience of the pedestrian is considered in terms of safety only, i.e. access should be provided for an ambulance to reach any point within a 50m range, or pedestrian circulation should be separated from vehicle circulation networks wherever traffic congestion is likely to occur.

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A. The urban tissue in the designed neighborhood of Ein-El-Sera

B. The urban tissue in medieval Cairo

Parallel blocks that promote accessibility at the expense of sociocultural factors

The bending street pattern with its integrated open spaces and dead ends also provide access to all dwelling units

Fig.(16) Promoting accessibility: when viewed narrowly

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Although these considerations should not be overlooked, there is reason to believe that accessibility has different dimensions and more determinants than just the provision of the shortest possible link [1]. For example, accessibility to community services in terms of time, mode of transportation and degree of mobility and safety, and is relative or different, from one group of people to another. This depends on many variables, such as car ownership, percentage of children, age groups and cultural norms. In England, going to shops is regarded as more of a social occasion (unlike the citizens of the U.S.A), therefore the preferred distance to shops was considered 5 minutes'-walking distance, compared to the 20 minutes-drive in the U.S.A., a spatial difference between 1/3 mile and 10-15 miles; this difference is not relative to car ownership [2].

3.1.2 Effects of Topography Slopes, liability to flood, load-bearing capacity of soil and other natural conditions of a site are translated into factors of economic value such as agricultural productivity, cost of reforming the site and recreational potentials. These factors, in many cases dictate a very different shape and form for a town than would otherwise be chosen. This was how many cities evolved in the past. Nowadays the regard towards the natural conditions of a site are usually looked upon as inconveniences that should be rectified, or as an overpowering determinant of form, "This may make the design process considerably easier by limiting the number of feasible alternatives from which to choose" (Keeble,1983:3) [3]. Judged from a purely economic Perspective, the effects of these factors become harsh constraints to any planner rather than rich potentials for use in context.

3.1.3 Separation of Incompatible Uses In traditional planning processes it is important to separate land uses which produce 'noise', 'smell', 'smoke' or any form of "mess" {Keeble,1983) [4], from other uses which may be adversely affected. This consideration is duly applied when separation involves uses which highly pollute their surroundings (such as factories, tanneries, or slaughterhouse). However, the fact that uses which produce small amount of 'mess' should be regarded as offensive, and therefore undesirable is questionable. What some people regard as offensive, others from different

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cultural background may regard it as normal. In some cultures, the integration of activity-generating uses, such as cafes, markets, grills, restaurants and certain workshops within the residential bulk, is highly appreciated for several reasons; inhabitants may positively value the presence of such uses because they promote social interaction, provide many services at a close range and act as job generating focal points for the residential neighbourhood [5].

This shows that separating or mixing uses are both acceptable concepts, provided that they are applied in the appropriate context Fig.(17).

Dogmatic planners who are faced with the contradiction between the separation of uses and the principle of accessibility (in terms of compactness) calculate tend to calculate the relative overall costs of both solutions and choose that which proves more economic.

3.1.4 Allocation of Space to Urban Uses How many houses to the area? How much land for schools, shops, clubs ... per 1000 people? How many vehicles per hour will streets comfortably absorb? and how many houses will produce that amount of traffic? Space standards have been the subject of thorough consideration, but strictly from a functional point of view. Planners who assumed that the greater the space devoted to a particular use, the more pleasant the conditions for users, could not implement this view because of their contradicting belief that accessibility between spatially related uses should be maximized, "the more liberal the standards the less good will accessibility be in terms of distance between Points of origin and destination" (Keeble, 1983:3) [6]. This outcome of compromise between these two views complies with the highly valued idea of a neighbourhood as a certain number of inhabitants in a certain geographical boundary, who, exclusively, share a fixed amount of services and amenities Fig.(18) [7].

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B. The traditional pattern of mixed use

A. In certain cultures places such as the ‘Qasba’ in medieval Cairo, combine residential and commercial activities in the same built form. This might promote social interaction, provide services and job opportunities. (Aurther’s visit)

C. The separation of incompatible uses according to the ‘rational’ method of design

Fig.(17) Separation of uses is not always the appropriate criteria

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A. The idea of a neighborhood as a number of people sharing a fixed amount of services.

(Turner, A., 1980, 227)

Dwyer’s location model of spontaneous settlements. (Dwyer, 1975) C. Other priorities make people prefer informal and squatter settlements to the designed neighborhood.

B. The six neighborhoods in the 6th of October new city

Fig.(18) The criteria for urban service allocation

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3.1.5 Economic Development The overpowering goal of planning is to produce required results by using the smallest practicable amount of resources. The essence of planning is reaching that optimum balance of acceptable expenditure as well as adequate performance [8]. This fundamental principle is justified by the fact that city planning involves the expenditure of too much wealth and affects the economic welfare of too many people. This, undeniably important principle, was responsible for the consideration of only one-dimension (the economic aspect) in the assessment of people's needs or the impact of different alternatives.

3.2 Fundamental Design Principles at the Neighbourhood Level The idea of the neighbourhood is crucial to modern city planning methods, and yet, it has suffered from the confusion produced by its two different interpretations; the social and the physical. In traditional practice, 'social planning' is comprehended as the provision of social services that have physical expressions in terms of land and buildings; schools, hospitals, social welfare units and cooperatives. Based upon the demographic analysis of an imaginary population of a certain size, the needs for such services are estimated. In order to ensure that everybody lives within easy reach of shops, schools and local open spaces without the facilities being swamped, the number of people who live within a defined area around a particular set of local facilities is determined.

"Human behaviour is very adaptable. One of the main objects of good town planning is to strain this adaptability as little as possible. It is far from disastrous if we strain it a little more than the perfect plan would strain it. Any sensible plan will strain it much less than will an environment created by non-planned development" (Keeble, 1983:93) [9].

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Unfortunately, there is evidence enough that this specific "sensible" thinking gave rise to proposals bearing little relation to either the desirable or the Practicable. The manifestation of these professional trends can best be witnessed in the government sponsored new development schemes, ranging from entire new cities and satellite towns to the smallest public housing projects.

In conventional design practice, the neighbourhood has been defined on the basis of service functions (shopping or schools) or population size (typically ranging between 5000 - 10000 people). The subjective definition concerns what a neighbourhood means to its residents and the effects of mobility, social links and the human criteria for clustering, which is in its turn dependent on physical and socio-cultural characteristics. Neighbourhoods are most clearly defined when physical boundaries, local facilities, and special symbolic connotations are congruent in people's minds, "Similar people choose similar areas and reinforce their social and physical characteristics so that resulting environmental quality characteristics are used in defining discontinuities among areas" (Rapoport,1977:158) [10]. in other words, physical and social clues are used to define the neighbourhood.

Thus, even in a city as big as Cairo, with its well defined districts, there still exists much smaller socio-physical entities within them. It might be confined to an alley "hara" or a dead end "darb" or "atfa", or just a segment of a long street or spine, as in the case of the divisions along the spine of Medieval Cairo. These defined socio-physical entities or "hetta"'s, where everyone knows everyone else, are so cohesive that people within a "hetta" are socially closer to each other than people who might be physically closer but belonging to another entity, Fig.(19) [11].

Each individual, therefore, has a subjective, egocentric neighbourhood, the boundaries of which (while unclear) are related to both physical and social determinants, meanings are shared and norms based on socio-cultural differences. Applications differ slightly in vocabulary from one country to another, yet, there are certain common themes that could be traced in most of them. Focusing on residential areas, emphasis would be on several key features including:

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3.2.1 Neighbourhood Size and Provision of Services The size of the neighbourhood and its significance varies for different groups. It relates to mobility, lifestyle and the nature of social interaction. In addition to the socio-cultural differences within a country, there are inevitable variations among countries, comparing people in Bristol, U.K. and Colombia U.S.A., it was found that Americans are more mobile and their neighbourhoods are thus more extensive than in the U.K.. Also for most People in Britain, the neighbourhood was perceived to be much smaller than planned, over 75% of the indicated a range

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Typical neighborhood organization

Typical district organization A. Typical Neighborhood size and design criteria. (De Chiara & Koppelman, 1975)

B. The social entities inside the existing city of Cairo, as perceived by the people. (Moselhi, 1988: 323)

Fig.(19) Comparing the size and nature of the neighborhood unit in designed and existing environments

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about 1/5 the size of the planned neighbourhood [12]. This variability is due, not only to different physical and social clues, but also to the meaning given to both and their relative significance This confirms the apparent indications that the neighbourhood concept that was applied in conventional design practice, is unrelated to, and much larger than, the subjectively defined neighbourhoods seen by the users. In Egypt, a 70 acre neighbourhood would have an average population of 10000 inhabitants, because this size forms the community necessary to suit the Egyptian educational system for basic elementary school. The gross density is 140 persons per acre, (this is the standard density usually adopted in new Egyptian desert towns [13]). When the education authority announces that the optimum number of students in a primary school is 'x' pupils and the planners set the maximum walking distance at 500 metres. Therefore, once the planner has decided how many primary schools should be incorporated in each neighbourhood, the size and density of the population is simply calculated.

While conveniently manageable in terms of institutional framework, service provision, and distribution of facilities, 'objective' neighbourhoods do not necessarily answer the people's needs or their desire to feel a strong sense of identity and belonging, which directly relates to their initiative and willingness to participate in ensuring a pleasant and supportive residential environment. The services are planned according to size requirements, the form of provision, which might not suit the people's habitual behaviour or value judgment, is not usually considered. In Egypt, it is common to find people within the same income group who according to their level of education, views about social status and values of 'good' and 'bad', would send their children to a private language school in the farthest end of the city, while others would send their children to the closest public school. This social feature is partly related to the nature of the educational system in Egypt. Also commercial activities could be classified into the different forms, which might range from multi-storey shopping centres to local retail shops or even street vending on carts and trays. Yet this shrinks into just one form of provision in the newly designed areas, a central block of shops and a cooperative, Fig.(20). There is still a need for specific information regarding the different definitions of the neighbourhood and to understand the meaning of certain Patterns of space and use organization as understood by the users [14]. It would also be helpful to assess the impact of different physical variables, design features, services and densities so that professionals could realize better the constituents of the 'real’ and 'human' residential entity.

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Fig.(20) Commercial services seen as people in space vs. building in space

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3.2.2 Density The density of the residential area is generally accepted as a measure of the intensity of use, the level of urbanity and the land use economic viability. It is also regarded as a means of development control, as well as a design criterion used in shaping and evaluating residential localities [15]. A certain prefixed image is shared by professionals that relates typical densities to particular housing types; low density is synonymous to single family housing and high densities to high-rise development. This is not always true. Another shared image relates density to environmental quality; high density implies slums which means overcrowding, narrow spacing, poor day lighting and other degenerate environmental qualities. This view also affects people's opinion about the residents of high density localities; they are believed to be economically poor, socially corrupt and culturally wanting. Density is consequently used in practice with unjustified certainty, to secure efficient design of sites and buildings, to control environmental standards and to ensure comfort requirements.

The density of an urban area can be said to have two dimensions [16]: 1. Physical density which reflects the intensity of built areas in a given locale, and is expressed as a ratio of the total built area to the site area (F.A.R=floor area ratio) or to the sum of site area and the percentage of surrounding roads (F.S.I. = floor space index).

2. Human density or 'Activity' density, as it is sometimes termed, is measured either directly in terms of the number of people in a locale, or in terms of rooms and room occupancy rates.

Although F.A.R. permits flexibility of shape, tissue and form, i.e. it is not a determinant of the environmental quality. It is an indicator of traffic volume and load on infrastructures (given the areas of the dwelling units, F.A.R. becomes proportional to the number of dwellings, and the above services are often functions of the number of dwelling units regardless of the household size). Human density, along with the chosen physical form, relates to the type and distribution of community services, open spaces and facilities. The quantitative side of these amenities (the size and amount) is determined by the number of people and not the density.

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For the same dwelling unit area (metres/household), it was found that ground floor housing accommodates 'x’ families/acre, while 5-storey walk-up apartments accommodate '2x' families/acre, and 20-storey buildings accommodate '4x' families/acre [17]. Thus as the building heights increase twenty-four-fold, gross neighbourhood densities increase only about four-fold, Fig.(21). Accordingly, high-rise buildings or even multi-storey buildings become a questionable issue.

Consideration of infrastructure costs is given overdue priority, Fig.(22)[18], compared to the construction costs of high-rise blocks, costs of solving congested traffic problems and the hidden cost of created social resentment. All these are consequences of patterns chosen to minimize the initial cost of installing infrastructure. Although "the cost of infrastructure networks (water and sewage) was found to be the same for one, two or three floors but it rises for more floors" (Shafie; Abdel Kader, 1984) [19]. This shows that building height, size and shape is more a determinant of environmental quality than density.

Equally important, are the findings of modern psychologists who have shown that social breakdown is caused by large numbers rather than high densities, "The breakdown did not occur when they became too dense, but when they became too numerous. Normality cannot be restored by giving them larger areas and lower densities, but by fencing them off into smaller territories even at the same density (Coleman, 1985:157,158) [20]. This shows that vast expenditure on ineffective density reduction, combined with counter-productive increases in numbers sharing the same territory, is an erratic design strategy of the spatial organization in man's residential environment.

In Egypt there are several building codes that regulate the density, the recently enforced planning law in newly developed towns specifies low densities as means to achieve better environmental quality (a shared objective of the politician and the designer). Up to the early 1970*s the regulations included measures such as minimum area allocated to roads and open spaces (1/3 of total site area), maximum height of buildings (1.5 x width of street) [21]. In 1976, law no. 106 included regulations in which physical density is used as a direct development control tool, regardless of land or building function. The physical planning law published in 1982 addressed the 'human' or 'activity' density as well, fixing

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A. Piling up the boxes in counter-balanced by leaving excessive spaces between the buildings for reasons of ventilation and illumination

B. The higher the building the more space is left around it, and therefore it affects density just a little

C. New Ameriya city, neighborhood 9 – the relation between the buildings and the spaces speak for itself

Fig.(21) The relation between type of buildings and density

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Neighborhood

Hara

Cell

A. A schematic drawing showing the suggested module for the infrastructure network hierarchy (Shafie, Abdel Kader, 1984)

B. The modular pattern used for the generation of two alternate neighborhoods.

(Abdel Kader, 1985)

Fig.(22) The relation between type of buildings and density

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it at 150 and 100 persons/acre for existing and new communities respectively [22]. The difference is justified only on the grounds that desert sites are less valuable than sites of existing settlements.

A brief comparison of the difference of activity densities and plot ratios implemented in new towns (144-650 persons/unit area), shows that they were all achieved by the same housing type (4-6 storey walk-up blocks), Fig.(23) [23]. This illustrates how little can be read through density as regarding the qualitative and quantitative features of the residential environment and that the configuration of the built form such as open spaces, heights and street patterns that is truly relevant.

3.2.3 Open Spaces: The provision of land, infrastructure and housing units, were the subject of extensive work and research; whereas the outdoor environment and space, which actually typify the housing sites and greatly affect the environmental quality and character of the locale, did not get the same attention. The structure, form and organization of the immediate residential environment reflect directly on the behaviour of the inhabitants; their well-being, their sense of responsibility and belonging as well as their pride. The design of open spaces comes as an after thought to professionals who justify their negligence on grounds of cost reduction. This excuse is over-ruled by the fact that the resulting environments cost more in terms of the encouragement of physical and social deterioration, the price is usually paid by the people who suffer the consequences.

It should be noted that having recreational parks or play areas within the residential bulk is quite beneficial, but that their inclusion should follow a careful assessment of people's values and behaviour towards open spaces. In fact, what concerns this study is the smaller end of the scale in the hierarchy of open spaces Fig.(24) [24]. Spatial organization may be better understood and planned in terms of hierarchy of control, where the inside of the dwelling is 'private1 space and the open street is 'public' space. Both extremes incorporate naturally-functioning forms of control, erne by the occupying household and the other by the presence of pedestrians, vehicles and authorities. It is the intermediate

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orders that are crucial to environmental quality. The 'semi-private1 space controlled by a single family could be a fenced territory which, although visible to others, is exclusively controlled by the household. Any intrusion should be accounted for and maybe even strictly denied, Fig.(25) [25]. A less specified order is 'semi-public' space, where a small number of households cooperate in tending and controlling the shared territory. This hierarchy depends on shape, structure and proportion of the space as well as the prevailing social and cultural characteristics of the households involved.

The residential alley in the medieval city of Cairo, Marakesh or Algeria are a successful example of a coherent social fabric and a supportive physical space, "Each space usually contains twenty to forty families. The width of these spaces varies from one to two meters" (Asfour, 1987), Fig.(26) [26]. The noticeable cleanliness found in these alleys testifies to the strong sense of identity and belonging shared by members of this society, "To find a five-year-old child sweeping dust from the doorway reflects how deep such a sense is embedded in a society with such fabric" (Asfour,1987) [27]. Therefore, it is important to formulate an appropriate space volume, shape and structure instead of disrupting the social fabric by using alien standards for integral spaces in the residential built form. The least specific version of the 'semi-public' space, sometimes called "confused space" (Coleman,1985:45) [28], is an open space which shared by too many people or if the spatial layout admits a large number of strangers, providing short cuts for the public at large. It is difficult or sometimes impossible to develop a social structure based upon mutual trust and responsibility with a mixed community where lifestyles vary and priorities conflict.

In the Egyptian context, the system of spaces that people require at the residential scale appears to have certain major categories: First; The space needed by the family for exclusive private use such as cooking, sleeping, studying, storing eating and so forth.

Second; The areas of intimate contact, i.e. the front doorstep where children play and neighbours chat. In some subcultures it is even used for 'indoor1 activities, such as food preparation or washing.

Third; The housing cluster meeting place, such as the water tap or the daily food supply shop, where one becomes part of the community.

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Finally; The principal area - the 'saha'- used by the whole neighbourhood where the main mosque or sports club may be located.

A.

B.

5-storey walk ups / direct access Cairo University staff residence – El Maboussen, Giza, Egypt.

Resiential density 220 ppa (Ettounty & Abdel Kader, 1987)

2-3 storey, housing for single families el Obour city, Egypt Residential density 230 ppa (Ettouny & Abdel Kader, 1987)

78 Fig.(23) Equal densities attained through variable layouts and housing types

Fig.(24) Defining spaces according to control levels

Fig.(24) The rational hierarchy of spaces

79

A. The hierarchy of spaces in the urban fabric of the “Ksar” – M’zab, Algeria (Chaibbi, 1985)

B. Semi-public and semi-private space in the quarter of El-Sukkareya (Asfour, 1987)

Fig.(26) Equal densities attained through variable layouts and housing types

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These categories have different physical interpretations according to the subculture of the group of people concerned, Fig.(27). Nevertheless space as a resource is of fundamental significance to developing countries since most of them have warm climates. A number of essential activities traditionally take place outdoors, such as cooking, sleeping [29], entertaining friends or playing. Physically, it could be an open courtyard, a verandah, or a shaded terrace. In Bombay, estimates showed that 75% of essential every-day functions can occur in an open-tosky space, and that the climate permits it for about 70% of the year, thus leading to a usability coefficient of about 1/2 that of a built room [30].

A courtyard might mean more urban land or longer infrastructure but there is also the building material costs to consider in the case of a built room. Traditional patterns represent optimal tradeoffs between these two variables for a particular location and context. Also the elements of the open space hierarchy are mutually inter-dependent, so that piling up small dwelling units in blocks, is compensated by large community spaces. The opposite is also viable, so that a fraction of the large public spaces and generous roads could be tradeoffs in the form of small courtyards for every household, Fig.(28) [31].

3.2.4 Street Patterns: Road networks, street patterns or circulation routes are all synonyms to the same element of conventional design. The main objective of which is to minimize average distance between points and provide access to all land uses. This is considered by professionals to be the ultimate desire of the users. The professionals are concerned about topography, cost of infrastructure, safety and appearance.

This view is demonstrated in a variety of planned patterns, whether perpendicular or curved, whose hierarchy is determined solely by the vehicle; main roads used for large quantities of traffic, minor roads used for local traffic and collector roads used to accommodate the traffic coming from neighbourhoods loops and cul-de-sacs through frequent T-junctions, Fig.(29) [32]. The car which was once developed to serve

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human purposes has now emerged as a dominating pressure in structuring the urban tissue. This feature was driven to an extreme in western societies. These societies are now realizing that as the car needs accommodation, so do people. Hence, the urban tissue should also reflect

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The major categories of spaces as manifested in the Egyptian rural context:

A. Multi-purpose ‘open’ indoor space; used privately

B. The linear space between the houses used sometimes as a working place

Fig.(27) The four categories of space

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A.

The courtyard inside the house

B.

The thoroughfare of the village witnessing extended activities

C.

The tap space or well space where women meet daily

D.

The large ‘Saha’ where youth play football and older men meet at the mayor’s house or the mosque

B. If the ten-meter multi-storey buildings would be turned down they would result in a more human low-rise pattern of equal density and more usable spaces

A. Multi-purpose ‘open’ indoor space; used privately

A. When space is distributed in a human scale, Ismalia, Old Hekr

C. Contemporary design of spaces for residential use. A housing cluster for low income groups, New Amereya City

Fig.(28) Open space design in residential areas: As it is and as it could be

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B. The hierarchy of roads in the 9th neighborhood of New American City (Ettouny, Abdel Kader, 1987)

A. Road network in the city of New Damietta (Arab Bureau for Consultancy, 1985)

Fig.(29) Hierarchy of road networks at the city and the neighborhood level

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human needs - the lost variants of good social life. This is enough reason for countries as Egypt to restrict importing norms and standards from western cultures, as they are seriously being reconsidered in their homelands because of their detachment from human variants.

In every culture, the pavements and the streets were found to reflect social spots of different nature [33]. Benches for sitting in Italy, shops encroaching their displays on the pavement in Greece, cafes in Egypt and France, outdoor restaurants in Spain and standing out space in front of pubs in England, are examples of such features, Fig.(30).

Designing roads for reasons of circulation only is a view of unrealistic fundamentalists. It cannot be considered functional to overlook such an important function as socializing. Naturally, the built form alone cannot create social bonds, but it could encourage the tightness of the social fabric. Therefore, if the users are of the same socio-cultural group they are expected to react positively with a physical fabric which promotes social interaction.

It is not only a romantic tendency to adopt the traditional urban form of the Medieval Islamic City, but also the new fabric has to satisfy people's needs according to their deeply rooted, culture-specific lifestyles. There is no call for the old canvas-covered 'souks' that wind and bend in narrow streams, but it should be considered that contemporary shopping behaviour in many oriental cultures is still linear, nd local shops for daily needs are still repeated very interval for reasons of competition and that shaded area for walking and shopping is preferred to an open roof when the summer sun blazes down [34]. In Egypt, shopping is also a recreational activity for the whole family, especially on weekends. The street becomes the common ground where all residents come out to socialize; confectionery and cigarette stands become the meeting point of children and teen-agers, cafes and mosques for men, and the local grocer for women. The street becomes a continuous scene of community interaction. Streets designed as thoroughfares canalizing movement will disrupt such social functions of the street, Fig.(31) [35].

Designing streets for people leads to a web of social relations in which; “personal friendships can mature naturally... The overall result is a complex system of interlocking levels and circles of acquaintanceships, which gives the community a clear knowledge of its accepted moves and hence practical guidelines for behaviour - an essential framework for stability" (Coleman,1985:9)[36]

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A. Entrance of alley used as an outdoor extension of the oriental café off 26th July street, Downtown Cairo

B. Outdoor restaurant in the street of ‘Sevilla”, Spain (Auther’s Visit, 1986)

Fig.(30) Streets and pavements used for social activities

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The Roman arcade

The Arab ‘Suq’

B. Shopping streets in different cultures (Rapoport, 1977)

Streets as perceived by users; where socializing occurs in the entire street space A. The street as a chain of social spots, scenes from Cairo, common in both traditional and informal areas.

(Auther’s Visit)

C. Designing streets for vehicles only disrupts the social fabric (Asfour, 1986)

Fig.(31) Designing streets for people

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Streets for vehicle traffic socializing is confined to sides

A stable social structure is a sought objective in newly developed areas. But as seen in post-occupation evaluation studies, the very designs that are supposed to promote it are the barriers that prelude its emergence. Separation of land uses, widely spaced housing blocks, extensive no-man's land for social interaction and central shopping agglomeration are factors that combine to increase the dependability on vehicles, Fig.(32) [37]. Thus encouraging the dominance of the car in street design considerations -exactly the opposite of what street design ought to serve.

3.2.5 Housing Type The most apparent failure of 'Modern Architecture' in this century has been in the field of mass housing (in contrast to office buildings, museums, schools and hospitals, where it has achieved a great progress). Since the burgeoning of the modern 'Utopia' ideology in the end of the 19th century [38], "the principle involved was, apparently, to create the ideal house and then clone it . Unfortunately, this does not work.

For without doubt, "IDEAL HOUSE X 10,000 = IDEAL COMMUNITY" (Correa, 1985:97) [39] Prescriptions of how people ought to live were based upon intuitive beliefs and prejudices. Identifying a set of ideal environmental conditions was doomed to failure because ideal conditions were varying conditions by definition. This implies that the designer's way of perceiving his task was, in itself, erroneous [40]. The faceless inhuman results are not the outcome of a particular political ideology, such housing is found in Cairo, Bombay, Paris and New York. It is rather the creation of officialdom, the bureaucratic hand of large centralized agencies, whether it were the ministry of housing or a private developer organization. It makes very clean office files, precise estimates of quantities and costs are calculated just once and then easily multiplied, Fig.(33). No wonder it appeals to officials more than the pluralistic, incremental, chaotic usergenerated traditional housing processes.

The first time Europeans became aware of the need mass housing was in the aftermath of World War II. The mistake was to aggregate the housing demand: Current demand + Backlog + Future demand = Colossal numbers.

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A. A schematic representation of conventional design concepts concerning street pattern

B. Ein-El-Sira, one of the largest public sector development areas in Cairo

B. Access streets are poorly defined by pavements. Spaces are also not defined in conventional designs

Fig.(32) Contemporary Design: streets for vehicles only

91

91

The Third World is now repeating the same mistake of generalizing the housing demand.

People forced to live in piled-up boxes suffer all kinds of stresses and tensions due to seeing their blocks degenerate into places they are ashamed of, and sometimes even fearful to live in [41]. Designs which have these negative effects are imposed upon people who cannot cope with them, especially that there is reason to believe that most of these people could maintain more socially stable relations in traditional environments. Negative behaviour such as accumulation of garbage, scrawling on walls, vandalism and family breakdown were found to be associated with certain characteristics of the stereotype walk-up blocks, so common in new planned developments [42].

The number of storeys is not the only accused feature in these enterprises. There are other design features associated with the inappropriateness of this housing type such [43] as: 1. Number of dwellings sharing one entrance: The more the number of people using an entrance, the more the anonymity, the less the security and sense of identity, Fig.(34).

2. Position of entrance.- Whether facing a commonly used path, or inward looking, whether recessed or not is directly relate to the percentage of crime and wall scribbling.

3. Type of corridors: Double loaded, long corridors are sources of noise, hidden abuse and vandalism. Galleries, while safer because intruders can be spotted, form territorial confusion in some socio-cultural contexts (e.g. workers' gallery type housing in Helwan).

4. Open spaces: The public 'no-man's land1 between the blocks fail to encourage shared use and responsibility, except in rare cases of cultural homogeneity among the users, Fig.(35).

5. Number of dwellings in a block: The belief that if there were ten times as many dwellings it would mean ten times as much litter and garbage was proved false, garbage size was found to increase in a geometric rather than an arithmetic progression in relation to number of dwellings in a block, Fig.(36).

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Trend lines show how aspects of deterioration increase actively after 8 dwelling shared one entrance. (Coleman, 1985) Fig.(34) The relation between the number of dwellings sharing one entrance and aspects of social is

The actual curve shows that as number of dwellings/block increases social ill increases at a fast rate (Coleman, 1985) Fig.(36) Numbers of dwellings in a block

Public housing in Shubra, Cairo for governmental employees Fig.(35) In some cases, spaces are well tended; usually in culturally homogeneous societies

93

Mass housing is provided, in Egypt, through the government or cooperative organizations. Government-sponsored housing includes 5-storey walk-ups for low income groups and higher (up to 12 storeys) for middle and high income groups. Cooperative organizations used to provide semi-detached, 2-storey villas (as in 'Madinet-el-Awkaf', Guiza [44]) as well as 12-storey apartment blocks for high income groups. For economic reasons, all cooperative housing now is 4-6 storeys high having rather a uniform facade. When some variation was introduced upon the facades of mass housing blocks, it was very superficial, Fig.(37). The demolition of massive complexes in the western world shows the shortness of the life of these structures. This has more to do with human institutions than building technology. Maybe their equivalents in developing countries, like Egypt and India are not demolished, but this is because these countries cannot afford to rectify these mistakes.

Nonetheless, the 'diseconomy' and 'dysfunction’ of these designs is witnessed in most cases in the form of barren wastelands (unmaintained open spaces), deteriorated built form and deleterious encroachments on the space.

Looking back to the low-rise classic pattern of residential land use; row houses in London, 'kotachiwadi' housing in Bombay [45] and the 'rabaa' in Cairo; one finds that all share certain advantages which include: 1. It is incremental; it grows according to priorities and affordability.

2. It has great variety; as a result of expressing varying needs.

3. It is sensitive to social and cultural determinants; adjusted to suit preferred lifestyles.

4. It is a speedier form of housing since an owner is a highly motivated person.

5. It is inexpensive it need not use high-priority construction materials which are in short supply in developing countries, or sophisticated and expensive construction methods. This saves a lot of national capital investments.

6. It is renewable and improvable with the technological and economic advances of time.

7. Maintenance is much easier and could be done by one person on a ladder or with the simplest scaffolding.

Many of these characteristics can be found in the illegal housing processes, whether they are squatter areas or informal extensions on the outskirts of cities. That is why many people prefer to go on living in the squatters than to move to cramped flats in new cities in the desert [46]. That is why informal housing in Egypt is highly valued and sometimes unaffordable by some low income groups.

94

Fig.(37) When variations were introduced to mass-housing facades

95

This indicates that inadequate housing environment is, not only one where the physical characteristics of the house and its related facilities are poor, but also one which is degrading to its inhabitants. It deprives them of the opportunity to develop and utilize their full potential [47], and denies them the freedom of choice among alternatives, while failing to fulfil their social and cultural needs.

Some hopeful steps were taken towards implementing traditional housing processes. These were in the form of sites and services policies which allow for the heritage and creativity of the people to generate their built environment, Fig.(38) [48]. Unfortunately, there are some aspects where the inflexible manifest value; 'cost' is still used as a decisive tool to enforce the acceptance or rejection of design proposals for the residential environment, Fig.(39) [49]. Officials fail to realize that what is really costly in the development of housing areas is the absence of sensitive designs based on considering the 'latent’ value of the environment [50].

3.3

The Value Of The Built Environment

Housing environments have been judged differently. Opinions of professionals differ from those of people living in it or of evaluating it.

Professionals paid little attention to the nature of the housing demand, and instead, conventional resources were stretched to deal with idealized needs. For example, their recognition of streets, only as channels of circulation while at the value level, people perceive them as spaces which encompass a diversity of culturally meaningful social activities, Fig.(40). Some of these are: 1. House extensions when space is scarce.

2. Work places which support housing economy.

3. Shopping when a vendor passes through.

4. Recreation for families or football fields for youngsters.

5. Praying place on Friday noon times.

6. Social meeting points for the youth and the elderly.

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The housing types in the site and service project of Hai-El-Salam, Ismailia Fig.(38) Site and services projects gives the inhabitants some freedom of choice

97

Fig 39

98

Carpenter works

Rope-braiding

Carpenter

A. Streets as a work space

B. A street extended activities, eating, shopping and socializing

Fig.(40) Streets at the ‘value’ level as perceived by the people

99

These activities of varying importance and occurring at different times play an important role in satisfying people's multidimensional needs (2 and 3: economic, 1 and 4: functional and social, 5 and 6: social) which leads to the question: What is the value attached to each of these uses? It is at this 'value level1 where the greater difference in judgment criteria is noticed between statesmen and professionals on one hand, and the users on the other. This inversion in evaluation criteria is directly related to the large differences in values between the two groups which affect the implicit definition of environmental quality, Fig.(41) [51].

An informal housing area is judged differently by professionals, by people living in it and by statesmen (policy-makers); although all three recognize the lack of social services and infrastructure networks in those areas. At the value level, the differences are much greater. Aspects such as low rent, social ties and cultural homogeneity which make this area a desirable neighbourhood to live in, although some may judge it as a slum. This consequently implies the use of two different sets of environmental quality evaluative criteria, "Environmental evaluation then is, more a matter of overall affective response than of a detailed analysis of specific aspects. It is more a matter of latent than of manifest function" (Rapoport, 1977) [52]. The environment should be manipulated by professionals to make it easier for people to do the things they already do, or give them opportunities for action, "the setting instructs the action and supports it, the actor adapts to the setting or changes it in order to carry out what he means to do"(Lynch, 1962) [53].

What criteria should be the basis for urban development and housing program formulation? By examining the existing housing environments, their processes and problems and concentrating upon key aspects such as how are services provided, what land use patterns are most appropriate and other questions concerning plot size, development of form, space utilization and activity systems. The professional could then identify more clearly the priorities and potentialities of different groups of people. For example, precise information about usage of places at different times, their intensities and the factors affecting this use as well as the social interrelations occurring in this place.

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The examination of contemporary design principles underlying the design of the residential built environment, and the consequences of their implementation in both human and physical contexts, revealed a whole series of shortcomings, caused by the °n-going neglect of human aspects in designing for man. Although they do not have a direct economic gain, the consequences of their neglect proved to cause much more economic damage than the cost of their inclusion.

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Notes and References

24. L.Keeble, 1983, pp.27 25. Greater London Council, 1978, pp.55

1.

J.F.C.Turner, 1976, pp.74-76

2.

H.E Bracey. 1964 pp.22-23 in A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.166

3.

L.Keeble, 1983, pp.3

4.

L.Keeble, 1983, pp.4

5.

N.Nadim, 1985 in K.Asfour, 1987, pp.42

6.

L.Keeble, 1983, pp.3

7.

A.Turner, 1980, pp.227

8.

G.Chadwick, 1978, pp.63—65

9.

L.Keeble, 1983, pp.93

26. K.Asfour, 1987, p.38 27. K.Asfour, 1986, pp.20 28. A.Coleman, 1985, pp.45 29. In Turkey, there are some areas where they take sleeping matresses up on the roof on hot summer nights (A.Konya, 1980, p.22) 30. C.Correa, 1985, pp.36 31. Ibid., pp.37-40 32. a. The Arab Bureau for Design and Consultance, 1986, pp.128-129 b. S.Ettouney, R.Helmy & A.B.Mitkees, 1982

10. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.158

33. B.Rudofsky, 1982, pp.123—153

11. a. J.De Chiara & L.Koppelman, 1975, pp.329

34. In India, shopping is still divided according to specialization and has

b. F.M.Moselhi, 1988, p.323

an inherent economic system which controls inflation.(V.Shah, 1987)

12. P.Wilmott, 1962, pp.115-127

35. a. A.Rapoport, 1987, pp.219

13. a. Z.Shafie, 1983 in S.Ettouney & N.Abdel Kader, 1987, pp.61—63

b. K.Asfour, 1986, pp.13

b. Z.Shafie & N.Abdel Kader, 1984

36. A.Coleman, 1985, pp.9

14. E.T.Hall, 1971, pp.247—256

37. N.Chaibi, 1985, pp.96

15. S.Ettouney & N.Abdel Kader, 1987, pp.71-84

38. C.Correa, 1985, pp.95

16. S.Ettouney, 1985 (paper)

39. C.Correa, 1985. pp.97

17. C.Correa, 1985, pp.40-41

40. J.F.C.Turner. 1933. pp.207-211

18. a. Z.Shafie & N.Abdel Kader, 1984

41. O.Newman, 1973

b. N.Abdel Kader, 1985, pp.235-242

42. The investigation was carried by the Land Use Research Unit at

19. Z.Shafie & N.Abde1 Kader, 1984

King's College, London. It covered 4,099 blocks containing 106,520

20. A.Coleman, 1985, pp.157,158

dwellings located in the two London boroughs, Southwark and Tower

21. GOPP, 1978 in S.Ettouney & N.Abdel Kader, 1987, pp.71-84

Hamlets accommodating almost a quarter million people. (A.Coleman,

22. Physical Planning Law and Statuary Regulations, 1982

1985, pp.1-5)

23. S.Ettouney, 1985

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43. Of the various design features mapped, fifteen have emerged as commonly deleterious in blocks of flats. Those high on the list were : dwellings per block; dwellings per entrance; storeys per block; overhead walkways; interconnecting exits; corridor type; entrance position; blocks raised above stilts or garages: spatial organization; play areas and access point (A.Coleman, 1985, pp.33) 44. M.Bayad, 1979, pp.174—176 45. C.Correa, 1985, pp.51 46. GOHBPR, 1985, pp.110 47. E.Knapp, 1984, pp.37 48. Institute for Housing Studies, 1984, pp.52 49. a. Even when designers defy the acceptable norm and designs culturally appropriate housing types they are faced with the problem of gaining the approval of the decision-makers. This is because the decision-maker has a different image of what a new development ought to be. b. S.Ettouney, 1986 50. The term ‘latent’ is used to mean the indirect or inherent value of the environment as opposed to the 'manifest' or apparent function of that environment (A.Rapoport, 1982. pp.15-33) 51. a. This is very obvious in the judgment of certain urban areas as 'slums' (W.Rybczynski & V.Bhatt, 1986, pp.6-9) b. A.Rapoport, 1977, p.18 52. Ibld., pp.60 53. K.Lynch, 1962, p.3

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Part Two Man/Environment Interrelations: An Approach to more positive solutions

114

Chapter Four Social Aspects Related to the Built Environment Sociology is a field of study not fully recognized by designers due to the differences in the theoretical terms and context within which the data are explained. Yet, it is concerned with explaining social relations which exist between human beings, the patterns of these relations and their implications. Durkheim defined social facts as," every way of acting which is general throughout a given society, while at the same time existing in its own right independent of its individual manifestations "(Durkheira, 1966:1) [1]. Weber is responsible for the classic definition of sociology as a science of social action, where he attempts to comprehend and organize the subjective meaning of human actions into concepts. He defined social action as, "a form of human conduct... It is an action when man assigns a certain meaning to his conduct, and the action is social when, by the meaning he gives it, it relates to the behaviour of other persons, and is oriented towards their behaviour."

(Weber, 1964)[2] Social action, in practice, takes the form of social interaction. The forms of social interaction are not static but manifest themselves in a continuous state of dynamic tension. The social structure is the relatively regular but intangible patterns of social interaction found in society, together with the values and beliefs which give meaning to that interaction [3]. Most individuals , most of the time, seek social interaction with different degrees depending upon their psychological differences, their cultural values, the society they live in and the economic constraints that influence them.

4.1 Social Interaction

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It is difficult to establish boundaries between the different aspects of human nature. It would be equally hard to draw the line between an individual's concern about personalization, status, privacy or territoriality. It is therefore more explicit to view human beings as subject to a spectrum of motivating factors; some innate, such as biological needs, and some socio-culturally based such as the need for self-actualization and social communication.

How human beings interact, and how they act towards different physical elements are most important aspects to investigate before designing for man. It is important to observe in detail, how the built form is actually used by the inhabitants. This would help identify some patterns of social interaction and note the behavioural settings where these physical settings and behaviour mutually adapt. This kind of information could only be acquired by extending the knowledge of human nature. However, to concentrate the study on man's psychological and biological aspects would be too much deviation from the main concern of the designer. This is because the primary objective of the designer is to organize the physical environment so as to accommodate a variety of human behaviour. It involves the creation of a possible pattern of elements which allow or encourage certain behaviour, and which will be subject to continuous future change and manipulation. Social aspects that affect social interaction in the environment will serve as a background to understand more about man in his human and physical environment.

4.2 Group Formation Criteria Socio-economic status has become the most frequently used social stratification and distribution method of the population [4]. Public housing programs are a clear manifestation of this concept which contrasts with the historical settlement organization Patterns. These patterns were accumulatively determined by the interplay of several factors such as immigration, educational and cultural evolution, or political forces. This process, occurring over a long period of time, resulted in homogeneous enclaves of people with similar social affiliations despite the economical heterogeneity (i.e. differences) found within these enclaves [5].If given the choice, people cluster forming specific social networks and activity

116

systems depending on the existence of certain common characteristics shared between them [6]. These could be religion, origin, tradition, occupation, kinship or friendship patterns. These forms of social interaction are closely related to a system of values and rules which result in what is called 'lifestyle', which in its turn, can best be explained as a matter of choice, i.e. certain patterns of behaviour chosen or adopted.

117

A. The city of Jerusalem divided into its four ethnic quarters as an example of group formation criteria (Abu Lughod, 1984)

B. The thirteen sub-cities of Cairo, according to lifestyle.

(Abu Lughod, 1971)

Fig.(42) Group Formation according to ethnic origin

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Although still occurring in some cases, the tendency of people to cluster with their likes is often denied or suppressed. This is because the concepts upon which the newly designed built environment is based, reflect certain views held by different professionals. Some of these concepts might prove appropriate in some cases and some have actually proved inappropriate. In some countries, the education-occupational strata, though still an index of relative social status, does n0t coincide with the economic status distribution. As a result the differential distribution of social affinity and economical status within the residential distribution of the population is disrupted, and socio-economic status only can no longer serve as a valid criterion for social stratification [7]. This initiated sociologists to search for new criteria for social organization.

4.2.1 Ethnic Origin Ethnic groups are considered those who maintain a particular identity; racial, linguistic or cultural status, or those who belong to a certain tribe. Ethnic clusters within cities are said to originate and grow through population redistribution, either through migration to it or redistribution within it [8j. Mass movements are often dramatic in nature or come as a result of disasters or official decrees. These divisions are usually represented in the form of districts or 'quarters', such as the Moslems in Jerusalem, or the Jewish ghettos in Warsaw during World war II, Fig.(42-a) [9].

There still exists in the old parts of cities, clearly defined areas that house people having the same occupation. Yet, the demographic, political and economic forces, as well as natural disasters, were 87 factors responsible for the dynamism which makes the ethnic cluster far from being a physical expression of a social system. For example, while the Coptic population in 18th Century Cairo localized in port and former port areas because, "they preferred occupations as scribes, account-keepers and customs officials" (Abu-Lughod,1971), northward expansions formed the new districts of Shubra and Heliopolis, Fig.(42-b) [10]. Also the massive immigration that embraced all Cairo after the Egyptian revolution, should not disguise the fact that Moslem rural immigrants clustered first in the core of the old medieval city by preference. This is due to the cultural value of being close to significant religious monuments which were the only cognitive spaces to the illiterate peasant then. Rural to

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urban migration is still the most significant contemporary process of urban ethnic clustering. This is not totally due to the inherent cohesion within the migrant group, but also due to the obvious difference between the immigrants and the existing society in the city [11].

4.2.2 Aspiration and Personality A new set of criteria for group formation has been implemented in a new town in Canada [12]. A social survey was undertaken to measure what sociologists called the socially responsive planning. One of the main conditions of the social planning applied there, was that residents should share a number of common characteristics, referring to common aspirations and common ways to achieving them. For instance, people whose security aspirations are best met by contact with the others than by the presence of sophisticated security systems, people whose diversity leads to active involvement rather than passive resentment, or people whose competence is high and would like to be part of a competitive group whose members have a high aspiration level in various fields. The guiding principles in this example were focused on a commitment to social and individual needs. The final judgment of success is not yet affirmative because this town has not yet reached its target population.

4.2.3 Occupation/Income/Education In some cases occupation income and education levels were found to have a high correlation between them as determinants of social groups.

In order to be used as an index of relative social position, occupational categories were ranked from highest to lowest mean-years of schooling. This educational/occupational distribution within the same group revealed certain patterns of preferences.

This implied the existence of certain differential identities within the same income groups. This complex index was the result of a study on the inhabitants of Singapore in 19 [13].

It should be considered that there is a difference between the appreciation of group identity as a value, and the choices that people are sometimes obliged to make. Building regulations, rental laws, inequitable distribution of services, inflation and black market are all factors that

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affect people's priorities and consequently lead to affected. However while these characteristics explain clustering, income still remains the primary means to achieve it. Separation from others, living in a desired social atmosphere, or an environment of certain qualities are objectives which depend upon availability and affordability simultaneously. In the past, social homogeneity was preferred even with the availability of other areas with better physical amenities. Nowadays, usually constraints and opportunities replace preferences as the chief determinant when choosing where to live. Homogeneity is substituted by tolerance of the surroundings and of lifestyles that are incompatible to ones own.

4.3 Control Over Choice In all modern theories explaining man's behaviour, man is defined as a cognizing and goal oriented being; his attempts to satisfy his needs involve him in transactions with his physical and social environment. In trying to achieve his goals, it is helpful to man to believe that he has some control over the choices he makes, "the individual attempts to organize his physical environment so that it maximizes his freedom of choice", (Proshansky et al, 1976:173) [14], Freedom of choice depends, not only on freedom from environmental constraints but also on the situational context i.e. what happens in the environment.

The sense of control could actually make unpleasant occurrences seem less bothersome [15]. This is perceived among squatter dwellers who are residents of areas often exposed to hazards, and therefore expect such incidents and prepare for their occurrence thus reducing the impact of any disaster that might happen.

People's sense of their effective control can also affect the incentives which motivate them to Perform effectively. Those who see themselves as influential in terms of power, are usually willing to attempt some solution to whatever problems they might face. This effective sense of power is usually enhanced by factors which include the sense of belonging, identity and security, Fig.(43) [16]. It has also been proved by

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experiments in social psychology, that individuals would value more what they were allowed to choose rather than what they are given [17].

These factors would promote social behaviour such as communal sharing of places and responsibilities.

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Sites and services project private open spaces, Bogota, Colombia in Cuidad Kennedy.

(Turner, 1976)

The first sketch shows a pedestrian access to a residential site. The second sketch shows a suggested alteration to the entrance which would define the space of the site more clearly.

A. When given control, people tend to maintain open spaces, which otherwise are left untended

B. The sense of effective control strengthens feelings of belonging and security shared by the residents

Fig.(43) Group Formation according to ethnic origin

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4.4 Privacy Privacy was defined by Westin as "the claim of individuals, groups or institutions to determine for themselves when, how and to what extent information about them is communicated to others" (Westin, 1967) [18]-. If an individual believes these conditions are met, he will experience a sense of privacy. Privacy is also a human need that contributes to human dignity, Fig.(44) [19]. It is an "array of interrelated phenomena" (Proshansky, 1975:39) [20] ranging from the avoidance of interaction to the desire to interact at will with others.

The relevant dimensions of privacy are: Self-ego: to experience aloneness and develop the ability to function in its context, it is a way to enhance and protect the self.

Interaction: to interact with others at will, either individually or in a group.

Lifecycle: the shift in privacy levels over the life history of people as social roles and obligations change.

This implies that privacy is not a state process. Lack of privacy would cause an intense feeling of insecurity which could lead subsequently to severe socio-physical disturbances: In

social

relations

and

role responsibilities: bad performance and no sense of obligation, i.e. either passivity and pessimism or a

revolt in vandalism, crime or other form of social illness. In self-ego: loosing self identity feeling of degradation of human dignity and immense inner stress which might affect the person or the group mentally.

To understand the relationship between the individual's behaviour and the physical environment, it is important to establish his needs and expectations from this physical setting. With respect to privacy, cultural and sub-cultural factors play a role in what the individuals want and expect in the realm of privacy [21]. Thus the concept of privacy is materialized in terms of space, time and people in many ways, depending upon the way in which it is most appropriately seen to be achieved, discussed in more detail later.

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A. Different levels of privacy ranging from individual to group privacy

B. Semi-private space shared by a group of people. Privacy achieved through presence of stone gateway

Fig.(44) Privacy as a human need that contributes to human dignity

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4.5 Territoriality Territorially is the ability to control what goes on in defined areas of space [22], it is also an environmental mechanism to achieve privacy.

Most literature on territoriality gives clear evidence that human beings define particular boundaries of the physical environment and assume the right to determine who moves across these boundaries, whether it is inside a home, around a desk or in a shared space, Fig.(45). These properties are considered as extensions of the individual's self, "his so-called personal effects" (Proshansky, 1974:76) [23].

Despite the generality of this social behaviour, it has always been tied to man's direct socializing and broader cultural experiences. Territorial needs are expected to be aroused and expressed when the amount of physical space needed for man to exist comfortably is threatened, either by reduction or by total elimination. The individual needs more than the minimum space to satisfy his biological drives. He needs to move freely within and between physical settings to satisfy his needs for achievement and socialization. Thus, territoriality is rather instrumental in the definition and organization of role relationships such as the use of particular objects and spatial areas for carrying out certain social and occupational roles [24]. Similarly, the development and maintenance of an identity is related to places and things, and the acquisition of both, serves to define and evaluate the identity of a person for himself and for others. Territoriality is thus one means of establishing a sense of personal identity.

4.6 Factors Affecting Aspects of Social Interaction On the other hand, threats to the achievement of human control, privacy. and territorially -irrespective of the way in which they are achievedcould lead to different reactions. There will be an attempt on behalf of the person involved, to adapt to the new situation. Simultaneously, the

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crest of the brain becomes less sensitive and this "violation of the physical ... self, contributes to the degradation of the self and to a loss and confusion of self identity and self esteem" (Altman, 1975) [25].

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A. Territoriality in the form of using public street pavement as a workplace or a storage place for domestic utensils

B. Territoriality as manifested in terms of boundaries and private objects (Madinet Nasr, 1985: Autter’s visit)

Fig.(45) Assuming the right to use particular boundaries of the physical environment.

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4.6.1 Crowding Crowding as understood in its negative sense, is a limitation of control over one's territory. In this a place is said to be crowded when any of the following is fulfilled [26]: 1. The ability to perform basic tasks is retained, 2. Space is not supportive to the activity in the right sequence and with the properly set equipment or, 3. Space is used for conflicting activities at the same time.

Designers often believe that the optimum number who share a classroom, a residential cluster, a hospital ward, or any other physical setting coincides with the designed amount of facilities in this space. This is based on a very shallow conceptualization of 'crowding'. Crowding is more than just the number of people in a place; it involves other factors, equally rational; such as the function of the space, the space organization and the type of activities which occur within it, Fig.(46) [27]. A crowd is favourable at a theatre, a stadium or a mosque, whereas one extra desk in a classroom can be undesirable regarding the efficiency of learning. Therefore, crowding is not essentially a social ill. In some cases it even lends a desired level of excitement to social interaction. Man is a gregarious animal, and in many cultures in the cases of shopping areas, food stands or recreational reason man accepts crowding as a desired phenomenon, Fig.(47).

Within the same physical setting, the individual's sense of being crowded or not, also depends on his past experience, i.e. what he is familiar with and therefore accepts. There are differences among cultural and sub-cultural groups regarding the acceptable levels of crowd density for any particular use of space. Any increase above the culturally-established expectancies may induce a sense of crowding, while any decrease may induce a sense of social isolation and boredom. This should not be confused with cases where crowding is the norm due to imposed circumstances, such as crowding on public transportation vehicles or dwellings that accommodate a family of six in each room. These are extreme cases of undesired crowding that are tolerated by people, causing them great physical and moral discomfort. The question therefore is, to what extent can the user cope or adapt to an undesired situation, and if he does what does it cost him.

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A. Friday in front of the mosque El Ghoureya Quarter, Cairo

Although the intensity of use is the same in both cases, the dwellers built the separating wall to minimize the number of people sharing the place.

B. Shopping from street vendors Bab Zou’ela Quarter, Cairo

Fig.(46) Crowding is more than just the number of people in a place.

Fig.(47) Places where crowding is favorable

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4.6.2 Adaptability Man is remarkably adaptable. It is possible for People to function well under circumstances which they would never choose if they were given the choice.

Accordingly, professionals should tell the difference between situations or environments in which people perform well 'because1 of the environment and situations in which they do so 'in spite1 of the environment. The long run repercussions of adaptation on the individual and the society depends on "how much [the] environment deviates from one's adaptation level (AL) (Bell et al, 1978:79) [28].

According to Wohlwill's adaptation level theory of environmental stimulation [29], there are at least three categories of environmental behaviour relationships which should conform to an optimal level of stimulation. These categories are; sensory stimulation, social stimulation, and movement. Each category varies along three dimensions that have optimal levels: Intensity: too many or too few people around can be psychologically disturbing. Too little, or too much auditory stimulation, for example, absence of external sound for a long time, or loud stereos and children screaming, can also become unnerving. diversity: diversity across time or at any given moment, should not exceed a certain level because it is considered an eye sore. Similarly, scarce diversity produces boredom.

Patterning: patterning is the degree at which perception contains both structure and uncertainty. So that, a complex environment that contains no predictable structure is quite stressful, whilst absence of structure is disturbing as well.

Adaptation levels differ from one person to another depending on cultural norms, past experience and the degree of flexibility of the environment, Fig.(48) [30]. This may change a little with time, following exposure to a different level of stimulation, but "The more an environment deviates from the adaptation level (AL), the more intense the reaction to that environment would be" (Bell et al, 1978:79), Fig.(49) [31].

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A. The stress/strain relationship relevant to man-environment interaction and its dependence on the degree of flexibility of the environment. (Ahmed, 1977)

B. Different kinds of outcomes in the transactions between individuals and the environment after Wohlhill’s adaptation (Wohlhill, 1975)

Fig.(48) Human adaptation and environmental flexibility

Fig.(49) The adaptation level (AL)

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4.6.3 Social Mix Today's urban environment contains a heterogeneous population. The socio-physical distribution of this population has differed a great deal from the pattern which constituted the historical Parts of cities, where social and physical boundaries coincided. Those historical boundaries have been cut across clue to the conflicts of our hybrid world of the present. Very little effort has been made to understand and incorporate the implications of this new social structure and its expected lines of development, in decisions regarding the organization of the physical environment that encompasses it.

The implications of social mix regarding the people's sense of satisfaction depend on the degree of acceptance of other people's differences; a certain amount of difference with the social surrounding is acceptable. Therefore, when social differences do not interfere with the desired levels of social interaction, there exists a case of compatibility. Whereas, in the case of incompatibility social conflict takes the form of annoyance, isolation or even quarrelling. Two main factors are involved in this critical balance between satisfaction and dissatisfaction, equity, which is what people think they deserve and the physical quality of proximity which either minimizes or magnifies the impact of social mix.

A. Equity: People compare themselves in terms of their investments and their rewards. They expect differences in rewards to correspond to differences in the investments. If they find their outcome/investment ratios to be less than others, they will regard the as being inequitable which leads to resentment or even anger. Equal distribution of rewards, regardless of the value of one's inputs, is one way of achieving equity.

Receiving benefits according to ones needs is another way [32].

Interpreted into housing processes, the two opinions might lead to a small range of plot sizes which would be viable for both poor and affluent sections of society. This policy of equity plots would have the advantage of not predetermining social and economic mix evident in the designed neighbourhoods. Correa suggests that designing the residential areas today results in a rigidly cast system because plots of vastly different sizes have to be positioned within a sector ahead of time. The result is an inflexible built environment, which does not respond to the

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social forces which are constantly at work, and which make older undesigned urban centres much more attractive to more than one income group pertaining to the same society [33].

On the other hand, a very wide range of social and economic mix might in some cases lead to resentment, due to the constant comparison with a peer group, "a house may be large or small; as long as the surrounding houses are equally small. But if a Palace arises beside the little house, the little house shrinks into a hut" (Lipset, 1960:63) [34]. This form of dissatisfaction may be found among certain socio-cultural groups of society whose members pay much attention to peer group comparisons [35]. Therefore, the dilemma of achieving equity depends on the cultural interpretations of social differentiation which differ from one country to the other and from one sub-cultural group to another.

B. Proximity: Studies of the effect of location and site factors on social interaction were conducted since the 1950's. It was pointed out that any factor that increased frequency of contact, would be likely to increase friendship among a certain group, providing they had a lot in common [36] . Physical proximity is indicated to be highly related to friendship when the members of the group are young. As the community ages, friendship tends to form more around occupation and formal organizations [37]. It has been found that in a heterogeneous population people will go some distance to seek out a similar person for friendship, but physical proximity still remains a strong determinant of casual social interaction with people who are dissimilar to oneself [38].

There are some cases where proximity might cause disliking. Some persons living in close proximity are 1'kely to spoil each others environment by throwing garbage at the doorstep or making too much noise, in such cases one would be more likely to dislike people living next door than those further away. This suggests that disliking due to proximity is mostly because of actions directed at each other's environments; whereas proximity affects liking indirectly, mediated by the opportunity for interpersonal contact [39].

The effect of proximity should be taken into account when deciding upon the arrangement of the built environment for a certain group of people. The effect of proximity could be related in varying importance to age family size and most important of all to people's lifestyles and culture, Fig.(50) [40J, i.e. their socio cultural characteristics.

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B. Windows are constantly shut to avoid privacy intrusion.

(Madinet Nasr, Sakr Koreish project)

A. Women socializing across the street while hanging laundry supervising children play or bargaining with street vendor (El Hossein, Cairo, Autter’s visit)

C. The latent effect of proximity differs for different sub-cultures. In some culture groups adjacent driveways promoted possibilities of friendship. In ‘Levittown’, Gans found that because of differences in cultural attitudes, neighbours (earning similar salaries) quarreled over children interaction in the adjacent driveways.

(Zeisel, 1981)

Fig.(50) The effects of proximity in different cultures

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4.4 The Importance of Social Aspects in Design "Since our cities restrict, because of their structure, the total number of our choices,...[we should]... build the structure that allows the best function in the sense of a maximum of choices" (Doxiadis,1968:22) [41]. Broadening the available Possibilities open to an individual can be accomplished through sensitive design of the physical setting. This would consequently enhance the individual's human qualities, making him less an automation and more a fulfilled individual.

Unfortunately this is what is missing in the contemporary design of the residential environment. One of the reasons is that certain decisions reached by politicians, planners or designers regarding the housing process do not necessarily consider any of the social phenomena which characterize the prospective inhabitants. After shedding some light on social interaction it is necessary to investigate the relation between the sociological study of man and the creation of the built environment.

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Notes and References

22. a. A.Lipman, 1967, pp.564-566 b. O.Newman, 1972

1.

E.Durkheim, 1966 pp.1

2.

M.Weber, 1964, in J.M.Simmie, 1974, pp.9

3.

J.M.Simmie, 1974, pp.85

4.

NUPS/MOD, 1983, pp.365—366

5.

J.Abu Lughod, 1971, pp.187—217

6.

A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.249-264

7.

H.Ragab, 1986 T.H.Greenshields, 1980, pp.120—140

8.

J.A.Agnew, J.Mercer & D.E.Sopher, 1984, pp.4-9

9.

J.Abu Lughod, 1984, pp.95

c. S.M.Lyman & M.B.Scott, 1967, pp.236-249 23. H.M.Proshansky, 1974, pp.76 24. J.Edney in H.M.Proshansky et al. 1976, pp.195 25. I.Altman, 1975 in A.Abdel Hadi, 1985, pp.58 26. A.Abdel Hadi, 1985, pp.59-61 27. L.Moharram & D.Shehayeb, 1985 28. Bell et al, 1978, pp.79 29. J.F.Wohlhill, 1974, pp.127-147 in A.Abdel Hadi, 1985, pp.62-66 30. M.A.Ahmed, 1977, pp.73—78

10. J.Abu Lughod, 1971, pp.187

31. a. Bell et al, 1978, pp.79

11. a. A.M.Find1ay, 1980, pp.63-66

b. H.Helson, 1964 and J.F.wohlhill, 1975 in L.Nahemow & P.Lawton,

b. A.Gilbert & J.Gugler, 1984, pp.117-121

1976, pp.317

12. R.Roberts & G.Page, 1985, pp.309

32. M.Deutsch, 1975 in L.Berkowitz, 1986, pp.55

13. R.Hassan, 1970, pp.110-116

33. C.Correa, 1985, pp.54-56

14. H.M.Proshansky et al, 1976, pp.173

34. S.M.Lipset, 1960, pp.63

15. J.R.Averill, 1973, pp.286-303

35. Examples of such cases would include; showing off the smell of

16. a. R.E.Silverman, 1985, pp.257—291

cooking, throwing away excess food in obvious places so that the

b. J.F.C.Turner, 1976, pp.150—152

neighbours may see it, hanging the laundry in exposed places.

17. L.Berkowitz, 1986, pp.72—74

36. L.Festinger, S.Schachter & K.Back, 1950 L.Berkowitz, 1986, pp.254

18. A.F.westin, 1967, in Proshansky et al, 1976, pp.73

37. H.Gans, 1967 in D.J.walmsley & G.J.Lewis, 1984, pp.94

19. G.L.C., 1978, pp.54, 59

38. L.Nahemow & M.P.Lawton, 1975, pp.205-213

20. H.M.Proshansky, 1975, pp.39

39. B.B.Ebbesen et al, 1976, pp. 505-518

21. W.H.Ittelson et al, 1976, pp.174

40. a. J.Zeisel, 1981, pp.25 b. In Levittown, Gans (1967) found that in proximity promotes the

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opportunity to meet, but does not necessarily encourage friendliness.

Levittowners, although earning equivalent salaries, came from different cultural backgrounds and therefore different attitudes 41. (J.Zeisel, 1981, pp.26) 42. C.A.Doxiadis, 1968, pp.21-23

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Chapter Five The Influence of Social Research on the Design of the Built Environment In the process of creating buildings, landscapes and cityscapes for man, professionals deal with serious problems of technology, health, legal constraints and economics. In spite of the advancement in all these domains, very little information is available to designers about their principle concern, man. The amount of studies about man seldom relate to the designer's need for information. It is therefore important to translate from the terminology of human sciences to the language of design. Looking back into the recent past, one could track the origins of thought upon which were based most of the presently applied planning and design concepts. It is particularly relevant to review these social/design issues and research data throughout the urban scale, the cluster scale down to the intimate scale of the dwelling.

5-l Social Urban Theories and Their Environmental Representation Urban sociology is a field which concentrates upon understanding the different mechanisms of social interaction in the city. This means that the urban environment, including the built form is a major part of this field. Historically several theories were developed to understand the nature of the socio-physical environment; its patterns and its evolution. Among these, three have had great influence on the planning and design of the built environment [1].

5.1.1 The Functional Theory Based on a view that the nature of society is a fundamentally co-operative collection of groups and individuals more or less sharing the same values and priorities, Fig.(51) [2]. This view of society draws on the 19th century tradition of organicism. It was believed that interactions between the social system and the physical environment mediated via the behavioural system.

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B. garden city, 1902 (Howard, 1965)

A. The functional approach as interpreted by Ebenezer Howard (Correa, 1985)

C. Suburbia the physical representation of the garden city concept

Fig.(51) The functional theory and its implementation.

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Though correctly reflecting the social relations of the time, such an understanding of society fails to recognize the changes that occur with the passage of time. This assumed 'normal' state of society resulted in the creation of static town plans unable to cope with processes of growth and change in the modern changing society of today [3].

5.1.2 The Human Ecological Approach Based on the work of the inter-war Chicago School f sociology, this concept concerns the socio-spatial arrangements in zonal, sectoral or multiple nucleated form as the 'natural' form of cities which are related to one another. The 'natural' condition of cities is therefore assumed to be based on organic relationships in which each individual knows the plot to which he may aspire and move within it, accepting not only the justice of his allocation, but also the eventual reactions of his fellow citizens. This understanding was criticized as idealized description; empirical or methodological rationalism. Concurrently, there has been attempt to specify and plan for the units and subsystems which were interrelated resulting in the presently conventional residential units of new towns; the neighbourhood. The basic unit, therefore, becomes the family in a dwelling unit and grows in a hierarchy into groups of families in a cluster and finally a community in a neighbourhood.

Neighbourhoods, in turn, are arranged like cells to form the city, Fig.(52) [4]. In the forties, planners added the notion of social mix to the original concept. Yet, the socially balanced neighbourhood may be more of an administrative convenience rather than a relevant response to the social interaction patterns within cities [5]. The hostility with which urban life is unduly accused is often a consequence of involuntary residential distribution changes or excessive mobility which characterizes city life. The neighbourhood, in its social sense is quite ambiguous, "the term often means an area which contains all or most of the elements of a complete social system. Others reserve the term for situations in which there is present a common opinion on topics of common interest. There is finally the idea of community as involving interaction of a certain degree and quality" (Dennis, 1968) [6].

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B. The city seen as an organic distribution of cells

A. The ecological analogy as it is applied to the neighborhood concept.

C. The contemporary cluster: a smaller scale organic analogy (Residential group layout 3rd & 4th district, Sixth October)

Fig.(52) The human ecological approach and its implementation

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5.1.3 The Systems Theory It is concerned with identifying subsystems and their functional interrelations. The processes of city life are assumed to be systematically related. Consequently, town planning concerns the rational manipulation of these identified processes in order to achieve more desirable ends than those arising without the interference of town planners. Chadwick developed the systematic analogy and argues that a prerequisite of town planning is "that it provides a better performance than a laissez-faire policy, or the free play of the market" (Chadwick, 1978) [7]. He also argues that operations research optimizes the performance of the systems which in themselves are conceptually optimized by means of systems analysis [8]. It is pure assumption that methods for studying the maximization f output of industrial and commercial organizations bears any relationship to the interaction between inhabitants in the cities. On the contrary, the bewildering variety of personal interrelations and decisions seem quite unsusceptible to simplifying explanation by means of a theory which concentrates on the analysis of processes and ignores the importance of motivation. Therefore, systematic analogy is hardly suitable as an explanatory tool [9].

5.2 Comparison Between the Social Urban Theories A close scrutiny must be applied to judge the adequacy of the previously mentioned concepts of sociological analysis. There is always the assumed situation which considers any radical, large scale, or unusual change as alien. Also the limitations of the systems theory and the structured-functionalism which can only describe situations where there is a degree of unanimity on values, needs and similarities in individual abilities. Furthermore, these concepts imply normative stance of 'what ought to be' implies that whatever diverges from 'what ought to be' should be brought back to the 'status quo'. These main features °f the different approaches missed some important elements of the nature of social interaction.

In the first two theories discussed, conditions are generally fulfilled only in static, primitive societies. This is because they are based on the assumption that people cooperate with each other mainly in order to ensure the survival of the group. Nowadays, in competitive urban

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societies, a tendency to do quite the opposite is often the case. This is a distinction that urban ecologists fail to make. On the other hand, they also tail to make the distinction between public and private behaviour of the urban dweller [10]. The fact that people who live in an apartment building do not know their neighbours does not mean that they do not have friends in other parts of the city. Neither does it mean that they have less intimate relations than rural residents. It is rather a difference in mechanisms of social interaction with proximity playing a major role in the rural areas and mobility playing an equivalent role in the city [11].

As for the notion of the 'community', or its physical reflection the 'neighbourhood' as an autonomous social system, it is now accepted as being a sociological ideal with little analytical value. Yet many studies have been based on this view throughout the 1950's and 1960's. it is apparent that the pattern of social life, social structure and demographic characteristics have changed drastically over the last twenty years, "...autonomous material interests, based on public or private access to consumption provision, cut across the social class system and are a source of pluriclass alliances..." (Lowe, 1986:66) [12]. Public housing and some cases of informal housing are both examples of contemporary housing processes which create social cleavages sharing only one common consumer interest; the provided or affordable shelter. [13]. The social composition of these consumption cleavages (particularly regarding housing), does not correspond to the socio-cultural stratification system previously applicable to the cities of the past.

5.3 Other Social Ideologies Affecting the Design of the Residential Environment Although mass housing is not a new concept, the complex problems of large scale residential design started around the 1920's. The architect was therefore expected to play an important role in providing housing designs that would promote social progress.

5.3.1 Functionalism

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The plea for functionalism developed in parallel with the social reform movements that followed after industrial revolution in the midnineteenth century. With the advent of the new structural systems by the end of the century, efficiency of use was soon transformed into ideas of minimum dimensions, and standards to satisfy assumed basic needs. Moreover, architects sought the establishment of a contemporary style, that was founded on certain subjective ideologies regarding the social life of the inhabitants and the visual appearances of their structures. Mies Van Der Rohe's "Lake Shore Drive Apartment Towers" (1948-51) Chicago, Illinois, are a demonstration of the International Style which emphasized simplicity and ensured uniformity of appearance. They were designed according to how people ought to live rather than how they actually live, "We do not sit in a particular way because a carpenter has made a chair in such and such a manner. A carpenter makes a chair in a particular manner because that is how we wish to sit." (Loose, 1908) [14]. Social aspects such as feelings of insecurity, isolation and fear that increase in high-rise buildings were never considered. The consequences of the uniform exterior, which suppressed people's sense of individuality and self-identity were also disregarded.

This conception about 'ideal' social behaviour was kept up in Le Corbusier's work. Here, the designer aimed at achieving human comfort based on a scrutinized study of the human scale [15]. Yet, the product was rigid, inflexible and overlooked possibilities of future growth. Unite d'Habitation in Marseilles (1948-52) with its corridor-like apartment capsules, its almost touchable ceiling and restricted living spaces could not accommodate people's actual domestic needs, Fig-(53) [16]. An efficient kitchen in Le Corbusier's belief should be small and compact like the scullery of a boat or train. It never occurred to him that some people would like to eat in that kitchen or need to add a high-perched chair for feeding a baby [17]. Pessac's residential area, designed by Le Corbusier for the working class at a village near Bordeaux, South West of France in 1924, was the realization of his own ideology, disregarding the lifestyle of prospective dwellers. As a result, Pessac has been totally transformed by its inhabitants a few years after occupation [18]. These alterations were a natural reaction to an architecture based on false social assumptions.

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The infamous 'Pruitt-lgoe' housing project in St. Louis, U.S.A., built in (1951-54) was torn down in 1972 due to the difference between the anticipated use of its spacious galleries, which were meant for social interaction among neighbours and ended as "an Un-policeable turf for violent youths" (Bechtel, 1977:3) 110 [19]. Similar examples are still standing in countries with limited resources and could not afford to reallocate the people condemned to put up with such bad conditions.

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Fig.(53) Le Corbusier’s view of functional design

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This deterministic attitude in housing design was reached by the designer with the belief that he was working for the welfare of the society and that ideal social outcomes will certainly result from his designs, "that was why famous architects such as Mies Van Der Rohe, Le Corbusier, Alvar Aalto, Eero Saarinan and others put their imprint even on furniture design" (Abdel Hady, 1985) [20].

5.3.2 Social Segregation and Integration Another overriding ideology of our time is the promotion of social integration [21]. This was physically interpreted in the form of integrated services in residential areas. The objectives behind this policy were to increase the scope for the development of personality, the pursuit of healthy activities, increasing the sensation of security, equality and fraternity, and the economy in the initial costs [22].

After World War II, many countries had to provide efficient housing to thousands of homeless people. Governments were ready with the answer; mass housing. It was an opportunity for these governments to prove their good intentions. The noble goal of promoting social welfare strategies by avoiding segregation, and increasing social integration was adopted. New houses had fixed standards for space and services and streets were designed to fulfil the functions of access and security equally to all residents. Residential areas were therefore expected to be rich socio-cultural environments which offer many services and possibilities for contact among inhabitants, i.e. leading to the establishment of firm and lasting social relations. The concept of segregation was applied at a larger scale of the built environment for methodological convenience.

It was translated into the separation of uses into zones and later into differential income level housing zones, Fig.(54) [23]. This inherent form of segregation along with the superficial notion of integration disturbed the natural or spontaneous evolution of the social context. People from different walks of life having different values and incompatible lifestyles were forced to live side by side. There are some cases where these differences can be resolved by means of changes in behaviour and attitudes from both parties. This process depends on the people's willingness to integrate, Fig.(55) [24].

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Another negative impact is witnessed when people with modest means were packed together in "Low-income" housing, pointed out as 'poor' for the rest of their lives. It is a normal form of human attitude to desire to maintain and enhance a favourable conception of oneself. This is

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New Amereya City, 1st District, Neighborhood 9 The housing types are divided among the three income groups: Low, middle and upper middle, separately.

Income is an invalid criteria for this segregation which is highly questionable in itself.

Emergency shelter housing units in Zeinhom, Cairo. (1985) A case where the dweller preferred to reverse his entrance to the back passage just because he couldn’t tolerate the surrounding neighbors.

(GOHBPR, 1985)

Fig.(54) The negative effect of forced integration

Fig.(55) The negative effect of forced integration

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often expressed by the desire to come off well in a social comparison or gain group approval [25]. These social needs are obviously denied to the inhabitants of many formal public housing areas today.

It is therefore deduced that the conventional modes of integration, as witnessed in many countries, were premised on the wishes of 'superordinate' [26] groups of professionals and politicians. That kind of integration is ordered from above and does not the reflect socio-cultural identity of the groups concerned.

This concern about social welfare was often misinterpreted into some "social ideal in some platonic realm" (Arrow, 1951) [27]. Social welfare conditions were seen as: 1. Resolving all possible preference patterns, 2. Associating positively the social and individual values, 3. Providing the individual with a freedom to choose any preference over the another.

These conditions are inconsistent with each other, and therefore cannot be satisfied by any welfare function. As a result, the social good was seen as a composite of the desires of individuals [28] which was assessed through the questioning of people about their needs, their priorities and their preferences. Despite the effort done to attain what is best for the people in a certain environment, the question still lingers: who determines what is best and how?

5.4 Satisfaction vs. Optimization The comprehensive rational theory of the design process has been based upon a certain implicit assumption that human beings will behave logically and rationally. The core of this assumption lies in the area of probability. It was seen possible to deal with decision-making under uncertainty through the assessment of the frequently occurring probabilities, i.e. judgment is derived from partial information by using the

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criterion of maximizing expected value. The attributes of this decision model is that; it can deal with uncertainty, it is anticipatory, it attempts optimization i.e. the best outcome. The objections to such an optimizing model include: It is quite questionable that all possibilities in the real world could be reduced to even a large matrix of actions and anticipated outcomes.

Human conduct is not always rational.

At what level and by whom should judgment concerning people's welfare be taken?

In answer to the first objection some have suggested the idea of 'system' with its hierarchy of levels of subsystems as a useful, variety reducing technique [29], "an optimal policy can be formed only from optimal sub policies" (Kaufmann,1968) [30]. The common misuse of this strategy is the pitfall of sub-optimization which arises generally when the overall system is ignored and what seems to be an optimal situation for each (sub)system is considered in isolation. A set of sub-optimizations is not an optimization of the larger system [31].

In opposition to the model of rational human behaviour, a 'realistic' model, that of satisfying behaviour, was put forward by other theorists who argued that in a situation of uncertainty, even proponents of the rational theory cannot agree on what is 'best'. It is even against the main principles of the rational decision model [32], to depend on a normative model; one which tells people how to behave, instead of describing 'real-world' behaviour.

Most human decision-making is concerned with the discovery and selection of satisfactory alternatives and only exceptionally with optimal ones [33]. An alternative can be described as satisfactory if there exists a set of criteria that describes what is minimally acceptable, and that all or most of this set is met by this particular alternative. Similar standards are set for 'optimization' except that these standards are raised from 'good' to 'better' until the cost factor prohibits any more improvements. Thus, economy becomes the real governing factor of what is best.

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Another difficulty lies in the measurement of each standard or criterion; unlike satisfactory levels, optimization per se cannot be measured in a comparable manner or with accuracy.

Far from being a move from the rational to the irrational, this 'realistic1 point of view calls for the recognition of the limits of rationality.

"Satisficing" as termed by Berkowitz [34], operates within limited or bounded rationality and may even attempt optimization within its bounded context. If the goals are closely related to the present situation, an optimum policy may well be feasible as defined by those goals. But it should be noted that in this case, the goals themselves may differ from those which an objectively rational model would involve. Therefore, the crucial point lies in the formulation of the goals, i.e. the interpretation of what is best. In one approach, it is the best possible under any circumstances, while in the other, it is the best possible within the constraints of the situation, its nature, time, information and resources all together. In real life, the latter is the more suitable model.

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Notes and References 1.

J.H.Simmie, 1974, pp.20-37

21. Determinism in design holds the view that the physical environment

2.

E.Houard. 1965 in C.Correa, 1985, pp.23

influences and determines human behavior. Although the built

3.

E.Houard. 1946 in J.De Chiara & L.Koppelman, 1975, pp.506

environment can encourage and/or inhibit behavior, it cannot change

4.

Examples of such planning are the so-called the garden cities and

people's values and social needs that are causal factors of behavior.

suburbia, the encircling device of the green belt, the preset sized

Social integration involves the establishment of meaningful relations

satellite towns ...etc..

between different individuals based on personal integrity, compatible

5.

J.De Chiara & L.Koppelman, 1975, pp.501

values and the right to share fully the advantages of society (U.N.,

6.

D.J.walmsley & G.J.Lewis. 1984, pp.90-96

1973, pp.35)

7.

N.Dennis, 1968, pp.191-206

8.

G.Chaduick, 1978, pp.21

constricted location at the geometrical centre of a residential area,

9.

Ibid., pp.63-81

although appaently economical, could prove highly expensive to

22. The grouping of services, commercial activities and other facilities in a

10. J.M.Simmie, 1974, pp.34

maintain, develop or expand, especially when it is not responsive to

11. E.Krupat, 1985, pp.54

people's behavioural patterns.

12. Ibid., pp.53-54

23. a. E.W.Burgess, 1928 in J.M.Simmie, 1974, pp.27-33

13. S.Lowe, 1986, pp.66

b. C.Perry, 1929 in D.J.walmsley & G.J.Lewis, 1984, pp.91

14. P.Dunleavy, 1980, pp.156

c. A.G.Tipple, 1986, pp.76-96

15. a. W.Blaser, 1981, pp.7

24. H.Fahmy, 1985, pp.66-67

b. A.Loose, 1908 in M.Tafuri & F.Dal Co, 1980, pp.95

25. L.Berkowitz, 1986, pp.60

16. The Golden Section derived from the proportions of man is still a

26. U.N., 1973, pp.38

widely used measure for the design of ‘functional’ space.

27. K.J.Arrow 1951 in G.Chadwick, 1978, pp.131

17. M.Tafuri & F.Dal Co, 1980, pp.342-344

28. G.Chadwick, 1978, pp.129—135

18. C.Jameson, 1978, pp.80-88

29. G.Chadwick, 1978, pp.315

19. P.Boudon, 1972 in A.Abdel HadI. 1985, pp.15

30. A.Kaufman, 1968 in G.Chadwick, 1978, p.316

20. R.Bechtel, 1977, pp.3 in A.Abdel Hadi, 1985, pp.16

31. J.M.Simmie, 1974, pp.34

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32. The rational decision model necessitates the assessment of all alternatives, all consequences and an ordering system for all possible sets of consequences (see Chapter Three).

33. J.G.March & A.H.Simon, 1958, pp.256 in D.J.Walmsley & G.J.Lewis, 1984, pp.57 34. L.Berkowitz, 1986, pp.105,106

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Chapter Six Social-Based Design Criteria It was previously established that if the residential built environment is not responsive to the user's values and needs, it is either unaccepted and therefore unoccupied, or it is altered [1]. In recent years, the nature of the design profession led to a great gap between the designer and the user in cases of mass residential environments. The user became an anonymous multitude and the designer was faced with designing for the unknown user, Fig.(56) [2].

The potential user represents a whole range of users within the social strata. It is also hard to find a user who is able to recognize the effect of the housing design on his pattern of living or to formulate his own requirements [3]. The designer, whose role is to meet unexpressed needs arising from ways of life unfamiliar to himself, is obliged to make assumptions about people's behaviour upon which his design decisions are determined, "These assumptions are not only usually based on realistic and factual information °n people's behaviour and values, but they are [also] the outcome of his own experience and training" (Abdel Hady, 1985: 43) [4].

Planners and designers should be aware of this full range of human needs and not simply plan for some while ignoring the others. A strictly functional approach, satisfies only a narrow part of human needs without even being aware that those needs are not equally important for all groups all the time. Similarly, it sometimes escapes the designer that what is best for one group is not necessarily acceptable for the other.

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6.1 Users Needs Users needs are an integrated part of the human development process, Fig.(57). "They are based explicitly on objectives and activities which are, in turn, the outcome of biological and cultural influences." (Abdel Hady, 1985:78) [5]. According to Maslow [6], human needs consist of five levels and are ranked in the following hierarchy: 1. Physiological needs: what man needs to survive such as food, clothing and shelter. These represent the most elemental needs.

2. Safety and security needs: when physiological needs are satisfied, man wants to protect what he has.

3. Social needs: as his environment becomes more stable, he seeks to be part of something larger than just himself. The need to belong, to share, to give and receive friendship and love are part of his social needs.

4. Ego needs: these are the needs for self-confidence, knowledge, competence, achievement, independence.

5. Self-fulfillment needs: the uppermost need man seeks to satisfy is to realize the full range of his individual potential as a human being.

As a rule the individual seeks to satisfy his needs in the above hierarchy in a succession of priorities moving from the elemental basic needs to the highest needs [7].

Regarding the built environment, users needs are interpreted as functions inherent in this environment; a home, for instance, is expected to provide shelter, safety, child care, social interaction, privacy, territorially and freedom of choice. This should not be confused with user requirements (or wants) [8] which involve the way he wants his home to look like. These wants represent users aspirations and they are ""stipulated by forces such as mass-media communication, education mobility, awareness of choice and other actors which influence the priorities of demands "The environment is defined as being that which environs, or the aggregate of all the external conditions and influences affecting the life and development of [man]" (Morrison,1975) [9].

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The relation between the designer and the user in the mass housing today (Zeisel, 1981)

Basic and changing user needs (Abdel Hadi, 1985)

Fig.(56) User/Designer relation

Fig.(57) User needs and their interrelations

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Research based on social data consists of systematic and scientific methods of inquiry and communication. Its main aim is to bridge the gap between designers and their anonymous user-clients. This is usually done in two ways: 1. Users needs assessment research in which investigators work with, and study representative groups of potential users to arrive at a behavioural program.

2. Evaluation research of built projects in use in order to improve future designs and design processes [10].

These fields of research present the designer, during the design process with a review-basis, upon which he could test and modify his ideas [11].

6.1.1 Users-Needs Assessment Methods These methods evolve around 'estimating users needs' as a prerequisite which should fit into the basic design process at the first critical planning stage known as programming. This stage specifies what the building (or space ...etc.) is expected to do; determining not only financial and technical decisions, but also, such matters as how the project will relate to its surroundings and how it will satisfy people's needs.

Programs should specify the number of users and what their spatial and temporal patterns of living, working or shopping are expected to be.

After which it transfers them into lists involving arrangement of spaces and uses, location and type of amenities and the architectural elements and details. Standard techniques used for this kind of research include focused interviews, questionnaires and forms of systematic observation.

A. Behavioural mapping: It is based on recording the distribution of people and activities over time in a given setting. It is one of the observation methods which could be undertaken in several ways. Either by recording movement patterns confining to a 'behaviour setting' i.e. behaviour repeated at a regular interval in a definite locality [12], or by observing a 'behaviour circuit' [13] which concerns the study of an individual or a small group as they carry out a coherent purpose in space. To make observations more efficient 'specialized behaviour' [14]

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observation concentrates on recording visible interaction with the environment, noting specially the difficulties such as stumbling, evidence of being lost, apparent anger, frustration or destruction.

B. Behaviour annotation plans: These were introduced by social scientists [15], and requires consideration of the behavioural rationale behind each decision and questions the information upon which each decision is made. Each annotation combines a physical aspect of design with a behavioural aspect of users' needs, Fig.(58) [16]. Thus, questions, needs and assumptions of each relevant party can be tested in advance so that the physical product will be as responsive to people's needs as possible. Moreover, it allows for post-occupancy evaluation as feedback into future design decisions.

C. Pattern language: Based on similar analysis Christopher Alexander developed what is known as 'pattern language' which comprises three distinct components: a context that defines the situation in which the pattern applies; the pattern (or recommendation) itself; and a problem statement which gives the background for the pattern and the specific data on which it is based [17], "Pattern language was developed so that existing social research that was relevant to design could be translated into a format usable by designers and lay persons" (Davis,1977) [18].

This led to the idea of guidelines, in the form of ‘data' gleaned from user studies including observed behaviour, user preferences, aesthetic principles, functional requirements, and any other related data.

6.1.2 Post-occupancy Evaluation The evaluation of designed environments was the first step towards pointing out the unintended shortcomings and consequences of the design criteria and standards. This method of implementation of social research encompasses a series of innovative evaluation studies which investigate housing needs and requirements by observing the way people actually 'use' space, Fig.(59) [19]. It is a straight form of reporting which could be of more use than many more sophisticated form of research, where data manipulation becomes an end in itself. It could measure a particular quality of the environment or a particular form of activity. Evaluation feedback can transmit to the qualities to be sought

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and the misfits to avoided in similar cases, rather than a codified series of minimally acceptable standards. The advantage kind of research is that it reveals the economic and social consequences of the designer's assumptions and decisions [20].

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Behavioural annotation of a mid-rise elevator housing for older people.

After Zeisel, Welch, EPP & Demos, (1983)

Composite path-map o respondents’ trips from home to local store, it contradicts the designer’s expected behavior, which has to use central court for socializing. After Zeisel and Griffin (1975)

Fig.(59) The negative effect of forced integration

Fig.(58) Behavioural annotation method

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The designer usually makes his own evaluation of the strength and priorities of people's needs and constitutes the physical response to it.

Designers should be very careful when designing for human needs. There are three important principles that should not be overlooked: Intelligent design involves tradeoffs to serve those needs deemed most important. The relative importance of needs is not fixed. Needs vary as a function of different groups of users and the use itself. Whereas the needs may be universal, the means for satisfying them are not.

These principles constitute the concept of 'relative habitability' (Eraser, 1969) [21]. Even if the relevant needs of the population to be served have been identified, it is still critical to determine the best means of satisfying them.

How to translate the human dimension and its needs and processes into criteria for planning and design is the critical practical issue. Research approaches addressing the social aspects in design, though still removed from practical and concrete problems faced by the designer, provide general guidelines and performance criteria which could be incorporated into the planning and design of solutions, professionals tend to use measurable criteria which typically addresses only a single dimension of a situation. However, the design process is a multi-goal process which should incorporate both measurable and non-measurable criteria, "When a measure fits only a single dimension of a situation, the solution is not to reject all other measurements, but to develop measures for other [dimensional] aspects" (Sommer,1969) [22]. The analysis that follows addresses the non-measurable criteria by outlining and comparing design criteria proposed within a synthesized framework.

6.2 Non-Measurable Criteria Attempts have been made in the field of urban design to develop positivist and functionalist approaches that evaluate urban environments in terms of cultural, social and psychological dimensions as well as visual ones.

In 1977 a set of criteria has been proposed by the Urban Systems Research and Engineering Inc. which contended that environmental quality is ultimately �relative to the people who perceive it" (USR&E,1977:2) [23].

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- Fit with setting: concerns the harmony or compatibility of a proposed design with its physical urban context as well as its cultural compatibility by incorporating valued elements (physical cues and visual reminders) and uses (traditional uses or activities).

- Expression of identity: is the expression of an identity, status and self-image valued by users and community. This social and psychological function is of great importance in making the city meaningfully comprehensible.

- Access and orientation: regards issues of clarity and safety as well as messages conveyed by the architectural details such as colours used and signs, which depend on the inherent meaning they have for each different group of people.

- Activity and support: ensures that environments provide a visible structure of territories or spatially defined behaviour through the division, size and location of space along with facilities to be provided in those spaces.

- Views: involve the encouragement of designs that reinforce or alternately minimize interference with existing valued views and cognised images as well as providing new visual access opportunities. Natural element: provides the preservation and (where possible) introduction of a significant presence of nature through sensitivity to topography, climate and other natural conditions.

-Visual comfort: attained through protection of the observer from intrusions that distract from the visually pleasurable experience of the urban environment.

- Care and maintenance: refers to components of a design that promote ease of maintenance and management, particularly by user groups.

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Lynch's approach [25], while sharing many substantial features with the USR&E framework, clearly demonstrates a more analytical and rationalized method. He calls for 'five performance dimensions' as design criteria: - Vitality: is the most basic measure of the degree to which the physical form supports the vital functions, needs and capabilities of human beings. Vitality is a universal criterion concerned with systems that contribute to sustenance, safety and consonance. On a more intimate level, it is a measure of the consonance with "the human requirements of internal temperature, body rhythm, sensory input, and body function" (Lynch, 1981:129) [25].

- Sense: involves consideration of the role of quality in the physical quality in shaping perceptions and identity in the environment.

Sense is achieved through: identity or 'sense of place' created by means of special forms, events or intense familiarity; 'structure' as in the sense of orientation that references landmarks, gradients, time, paths or edges; 'congruence' refers to the existence of a strong place-function association; 'transparency' or 'immediacy' of the environmental experience. One can directly perceive the operation of the various functions, activities and social processes that are occurring.

- Fit: is concerned with the "adequacy of behavioural settings', a measure of the match between "place and whole patterns of behaviour" (Lynch, 1981:118,151) [26]. This criterion is concerned with programming user groups and monitoring functions associated with particular places. Performance measures of the adaptability of environments as well as user groups are critical aspects of fit.

- Access: addresses the ability of persons to reach other persons, activities resources, services, information, or places including the quality or diversity of the elements which can be reached.

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- Control: explores the degree to which the use of spaces; their creation, repairs, modification and management are controlled by those who use, and reside in them.

Drawing closely on the work of Zeisel, Krupat [27] suggests that planning and design criteria should be derivatives of six most common needs shared by all People. These are: Security: The feeling of safety is a vital need for the function of man and is most important to urban dwellers who are ready to give up satisfying many higher order needs for this one. Clarity: Legible environments help city dwellers find their way and therefore give them a sense of confidence which enhances their mobility within the city. Privacy: People's ability to regulate the amount of contact they have with others, although a universal desire, differs according to the activities and the group of people involved.

Social interaction: Although environments cannot create friendship or a sense of community, yet certain qualities in the environment have been described as 'sociopetal' [28] i.e. having the ability to orient people towards one another and therefore encourage interaction. Convenience: A physical need answered by functional qualities of the urban environment, i.e. the ability to make the performance of day-to-day tasks as easy as possible.

Identity: Part of a person's total identification involves his own identification with places. On a small scale, this is manifested by personalization via meaningful displays. This is because people greatly prefer places that allow them to engage with their surroundings [29].

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themselves

emotionally

and symbolically

6.3 Comparative Analysis of Non-Measurable Criteria Approaches Although the three approaches are concerned with the visual and functional aspects of physical spatial form, The USR&E are explicitly visual, while Lynch 's and Krupat's are definitely functional. The USR&E scheme proposes the visual element as the definite organizing principle.

Another feature is the problem-based framework of the criteria. The USR&E felt that it is more important to eliminate problems than create excellence, to the extent that instead of aiming at providing communities with what they want, they would settle for what they will tolerate.

Although quite practical, their attitude is rather negative, except for the fact that their 'semi-rationalized' work has the tentative role of supporting the documentation for criteria drawn from behavioural, cognitive and socio-cultural research (fit with setting, orientation and identity issues rely on these kinds of supports) [30].

In contrast, Lynch's work is a far more elaborated scheme of criteria as well as a much stronger positivist trend. His continual reference to beings shows his insistence that urban form develops from his criteria framework only with reference to human needs and ends. Another feature of Lynch's scheme is that he considers the interdependence of performance dimensions as well as their relative value for different types of societies and cultures.

In the Krupat/Zeisel approach, the criteria delineated is too general for effective communication with non-design professionals. Yet, it draws a great deal of attention to the functional rather than the aesthetic role of the built environment. Functional in this sense, does not only mean efficient control of sunlight, or meeting building codes successfully, but refers to the complex performance of the urban experience. These needs and criteria, if not taken into consideration in advance or evaluated after the realization of a project, often lead to problems in design that may not only go undetected, but also remain uncorrected by the planner or designer in following projects.

The comparative analysis and degree of overlap among these different outlines offers a new perspective on non-measurable criteria for design:

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Access: The related needs of clarity and convenience mentioned by Krupat/Zeisel are addressed comprehensively by the various 'access' criteria proposed by the other two sets. Lynch also proposes his 'access' performance criterion, with control as a dimension.

Compatibility: USR&E emphasize fit with the setting in terms of the physical qualities of the environment. Lynch's performance criterion adds a behavioural and functional dimension to fit, while Krupat/Zeisel's approach burdens it with the responsibility of promoting positive social interaction.

Meaning: Lynch's application of the sense criterion emphasizes the role of spatial form and quality along with culture in shaping perceptions and identity in the environment. This incorporates USR&E's concern for cultural aspects of 'fit with setting' as well as Krupat/Zeisel's affective and cultural implications of the 'identity' criterion, which stresses the importance of distinction and people's engagement with the surroundings.

Liveability: The goal behind all planning and design criteria is to promote the 'liveability' of the built environment. This critical concept encompasses opportunities to work, to be educated and to develop as a person socially and culturally. It concerns matters of environmental quality, comfort and safety, which should be derived from local interpretations.

Regarded altogether, access, compatibility, meaning and liveability can be considered to form guidelines to the less rationalized, but highly essential fundamental considerations in the design of the built environment.

It has been shown how social research could help the professional in the design process. Thus, design criteria for the built environment should be broadened to include measures of its qualitative performance in terms of social needs in addition to the quantitative or economic indices

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traditionally used. And since housing, or the residential built environment is the largest and one of the most important functions in the city, it is in this domain that social purposes should mainly concentrate.

Creating a liveable environment for man is essentially incomplete if the human context is not considered as an integral component of this environment. The performance of this environment is the resultant of different levels of interrelations between physical setting and the people who use it. The man dimension of design, in its holistic sense, though theoretically accepted by many designers, is rarely interpreted into effective criteria and measures for design.

Reviewing the different approaches of non-measurable criteria shows that social research could offer a lot of assistance and important knowledge to the designer of the built environment. It should not go on being considered just a supplier of demographic characteristics of the intended population (not incorporating more than consensus records of age, sex, occupation and family size).

Yet, the criteria developed still lacks a certain kind of knowledge. Achieving 'Liveability', 'Meaning', 'Compatibility' and 'Access' depends on the mutual input of both professional and user; i.e. it involves the choices that people would make according to their changing priorities to get what they would consider best for themselves. Therefore, it is essential to continue investigating the potentials that users Participate with (at different levels) in the realization of the liveable environments. This balance °f professional and user input changes according to Scale and nature of context. Therefore, theoretical and Practical trials of incorporating users' intervention in the design process were attented so as to attain a more man-oriented built environment.

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6.4 THE USER'S INVOLVEMENT IN HOUSING In the past, the slow pace and technical limitations allowed for the individual to satisfy his own needs. On a larger scale, the professional who intervened usually pertained to the same society for whom he designs, and therefore having the same values as most of his society. Steadily , and ever since the industrial revolution, people's involvement in decisions regarding housing, work opportunities and the whole city life, has been narrowed. There are cases where the user accepts these limitations as inevitable and others where the user stepped out of the legitimate framework into the informal one so as to satisfy his needs, i.e. he used his own potentialities to satisfy his housing needs. This line of action found great support among some designers such as Turner and Habraken who agree that "housing is first and foremost a social process and only secondarily a problem of technical organization" (Habraken, 1985) [31]. This approach goes beyond the usual investigation of what users need into 'how' these needs are to be satisfied.

6.4.1 Housing as a Process Change in the conception of housing could be seen as the cumulative development of three types of argument. The first, forcefully made by Charles Abrams and Otto Koenigsberger in the early 1960's [32] points out that no government can solely meet the demand for housing. The informal sector should be recognized as part of the urban housing stock and official assistance should be provided in order to raise the quality of housing.

The second line of argument characterized by the policies of the World Bank in the 1970's and the early 1980's [33], follows the economic logic that households can build their dwellings with much more effective or economic use of resources than can be achieved by centrally administered construction programs. In addition to investing in accordance with their fluctuating financial circumstances, people will insure that they get the best value for money when they manage the construction of their own homes. They are also Prepared to accept the consequences of their decisions such more willingly than those of a housing authority. People might also have access to cheaper building

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materials (sometimes recycled) and therefore, the final result is that a large amount of government capital is released that would otherwise be tied up in buildings.

The third argument is defined by John F.C. Turner, who stresses that the production of houses is but a part of the 'process of housing' which, in its turn, is a net of dynamic relationships between a household and its immediate environment. And if control is given back to households and communities in the shaping of their environment, it will provide a fundamental support to their well-being and development. This observation is backed by a growing body of empirical evidence from comparative studies in both cases [34].

Some of the poorest dwellings physically, were clearly the best socially, while some of a higher standard dwellings were the most socially oppressive. A mason, who previously lived in an informal area at the edge of the city, was extremely dissatisfied in the modern standard apartment he was obliged to move into. In its former accommodation, the family supported itself from a small shop and the mason's irregular employment. The family had a low income, but with low housing and transportation expenditures, (5% of their income for housing and journeys to work combined), it was able to eat and maintain a fair level of health. Now, in the vastly 'improved' home, the family is required to spend 55% of its total income to meet the rent-purchase and utility payments. Their income had also suffered a substantial reduction through the loss of the vending business which is forbidden in their new location. With another 5% for public transportation to work, a total of 60% of a reduced income is paid on housing services alone, Fig.(60) [35]. Unfortunately, this apparent paradox created by false values and confused interpretations of people's needs, is a common mistake repeated by centralized organizations which provide mass-housing in many countries of the Third World.

In Egypt, user initiated housing takes the form of informal housing. The validity of this informal sector lies in the dynamic relationship between the people and the physical environment which surrounds them. Informal housing areas express culture-specific behaviour which occur automatically; it allows the formation of homogeneous groups and the social mutual support that follows. It provides appropriate cues about

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social identity and acts as a setting for the prevailing level, pattern and intensity of social interaction. Although these areas are not designed by the users themselves, but by landowners and local contractors, and although the street pattern is often the outcome of economic and physical constraints or Just a projection of the nearby formal pattern; these reas give people the opportunity to control their resources according to their own priorities. In addition to that, these areas are flexible enough to accommodate changes in the built form. Houses are extended or transformed internally, shops are added, poultry is provided for and many other aspects of change with time and preference. The high degree of satisfaction experienced in these areas shows that the social fabric within them share almost the same cultural values which are expressed in ways comprehensible to them all. This contrasts with places where inappropriate codes and regulations inhibit people's choices and do not allow for changes to occur. "People who participate in contrast to those who do not, find their areas more congruent with their needs, show less distrust and apathy, and most important, have a stronger belief in their perceived ability to exert control over the environment and their lives in general" (Krupat,1985:205) [36]. This significance of participation lies in its effects on the participants, not on architecture. Partial control by the people in the process of housing maintains a balance between human priorities and needs (social and culture specific) on one hand, and the available resources on the other (economic constraints). As well as providing them a better understanding of themselves, and their capabilities.

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A. The oppressive block in case of the mason, yet in case of the employee it was quite appropriate

B. The supportive shack in case of the mason

C. Monetary and non-monetary factors as evaluative measures or user satisfaction (Turner, 1976:73)

Fig.(60) User’s needs and priorities

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6.4.2 User Participation Approach Giving the people some control over their environment would enhance their sense of belonging and responsibility for their homes, neighbourhoods and cities [37]. Users participation can be classified into three levels of involvement [38]; control, partnership and consultation. These levels of involvement apply variably at different scales ranging from individual dwellings to the whole neighbourhood or 'residential environment'.

A. At_the dwelling level: At this scale, a variety of techniques were adopted, namely; self-help, core housing, the SAR support/infill system and the dwelling adaptability approach. It is important to recognize the value in every one of these techniques and its effect on user satisfaction.

The self-help and core housing concepts are aspects of the user's autonomy in the provision of housing, i.e. full control degree of participation.

The manifest value of this concept is in providing the owner-builder with an adequate shelter (adequate according to his priorities and standards) with savings n human resources and building materials. Its latent is in the freedom of choice in deciding the organization, material and size of his home. There were several cases where ordinary people, with the support of architects, were able to give form to their needs according to their cultural background [39], yet, the lack of government support, incompetent administration and lack of technical guidance are often limiting constraints to the success of self-help policies; as was sometimes the case in Egypt [40].

The SAR approach depends on providing an adaptable structural system in housing construction, Fig.(61) [41]. The designer's task is to structure the environment, i.e. what concerns the community, and therefore to create spaces for the individual to organize internally at his convenience. Theoretically, this concept has been widely accepted, but the methods of implementation showed some negative repercussions in some cases: 1. The outside limit of the dwelling units are neither expandable, nor changeable, i.e. it does not allow for dimensional flexibility during the life-cycle of the dwelling family.

164

Fig.(61) The support-infill method

165

2. It depends on a high level of standardization and coordination between industries which provide the components needed to construct the infill.

3. In addition it requires a high level of management from the user's side, yet his choice remains limited to what the industrial system provides, which might not even include alternatives which he values (this being the main factor to be satisfied).

B. At the Building Cluster Level: The scope of involvement extends to the form of the building, the spaces around it and the site layout. Some difficulties might arise at this level regarding the ease of communication between architect and community; the desire of pluralism in architectural expression and the conflict between architecture as a set of rules and community creation [42]. Some of these problems were overcome through community representation in the decision making before and during the design process. This could be achieved through either workshop series, forum or town-meeting action [43].

Workshops are a series of discussion sessions involving a dozen people who interact and build on each others thoughts. Forums are big meetings similar to a formal public hearing. Town-meeting action techniques are decision-making devices which follow planning; Planning proposals are considered by the people and alternatives suggested only when a real decision is about to be made. These techniques require a certain of understanding on behalf of the participants so that they are not asked to perform above their abilities. Methods have been devised by professionals to enhance user participation effectiveness [44] such as two-dimensional scale plans or full-size models for simulation.

Fagence categorizes user-participation methods into three groups; the conventional, the innovatory and the effective participation methods [45]. The conventional means are recognized as being the least costly and the least demanding. Yet, all of these means involve the predominant flow of information from the planner to the public. However, given the environmental and socio-economic conditions existing in most developing countries, these methods are likely to be of considerable potential. Innovatory methods establish a better dialogue between planners and planned, but require an "above-average intelligence level of the participants" (Fagence, 1977.-292) [46] as well as careful selection of the users. Finally, the third category provides the means for effective participation of the public in the complex planning sequence.

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However, such methods represent "ad hoc ameliorative responses to existing planning problems, rather than means of achieving comprehensive public participation perse" (Potter, 1985:161) [47].

User participation should be encouraged in accordance with the local context so that the individual's image and value of his environment are taken into account. This complies with the recommended movement away from the monolithic economic concept of development towards a broader socially oriented attitude. The acceptance of user-participation in housing implies that architects reflected upon the diversity of individuals' needs in a pluralistic society.

6.5 THE ROLE OF CULTURE The organization of the environment is the result of the application of sets of rules which reflect differing concepts of environmental quality (some image of an ideal environment) it is possible to assume that all man-made environments are designed so as to embody human decisions, choices and specific ways of resolving the many conflicts in decision-making. Culture, on the other hand, could be looked at in terms of the most common choices made.

With the existing excess of choice today, the development of man-environment studies can be seen as an attempt to provide more valid and humane choice criteria based on knowledge of the interrelationship between man and his environment. This kind of criteria is particularly important in the case of the built environment because there are many things users cannot, and do not control at the urban scale, and because they should be designed in a way which can accommodates people's lifestyles with its various dimensions. Designers need to know more about the values that people act upon, i.e. the WHY's and HOW's attached to observed behaviour and not the apparent needs.

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Users' needs as defined by environmental psychologists to be shelter, security, territoriality, privacy and forms of social psychology, which are in themselves regularities already discussed regarding their relation to the built environment. Culture, is the force which determines 'when', 'where', 'how' and 'with what' these needs are fulfilled [48]. While the phenomena are social, the specific ways in which they are undertaken and fulfilled are culture specific. Everyone needs to eat, to work, to raise children but how and where does he do all that, does it have well known rules, what does he do in his leisure time; does he shop, walk, talk with his neighbours, watch the street, in short, what are his living habits and how do they affect his neighbours. The answers to these questions would lead to understand the rules that guide the organization of meaning, communication and space in the socio-physical environment and that is culture.

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Notes and References

21. T.M.Fraser, 1969 in A.Rapoport. 1977, pp.92

1.

E.Knapp, 1984, pp.33-46

22. R.Sommer, 1969, pp.164 in H.Shirvani, 1985, pp.63

2.

J.Zeisel, 1981, pp.35

23. USR&E, 1977, pp.2 in H.Shirvani, 1985, pp.123-124

3.

C.Jones, 1972, pp.40

24. K.Lynch, 1981, pp.117-188

4.

A.Abdel Hadi, 1985. Pp.43

25. Ibid., pp.129

5.

F.S.Kelada, 1982, pp.70 in A.Abdel Hadi, pp.78-79

26. Ibid., pp.108,151

6.

B.M.Morrison, 1975, pp.14—15

27. E.Krupat, 1985. pp.162-164

7.

Ibid.

28. R.Sommer, 1969 in E.Krupat, 1985, pp.163

8.

J.Zeisel, 1975

29. H.M.Proshansky, 1976, pp.147-170

9.

B.M.Morrison, 1975, pp.10-17

30. H.M.Proshansky, 1976, pp.493-494

10. C.Cooper, 1977, pp.155-159

31. a. J.F.C.Turner, 1976

11. Assessing users needs as they are in reality is of the goals sought in

b. J.Habraken, 1980, pp.40-44

this study.

32. a. C.Abrams, 1964, pp 51-70

12. R.Baker, 1963, pp.17-38

b. O.Koenigsberger, 1964 in B.Mumtaz, 1982, pp.2-9

13. C.Perin, 1970 in K.Lynch, 1971, pp.105

c. W.Aldhous, S.Goak, B.Mumtaz & M.Sahier, 1983, pp.17-19

14. K.Lynch, 1971, pp.105

33. a. World Bank, 1972

15. a. J.M.Simmie, 1974

b. World Bank, 1975

b. D.Canter, 1977

34. a. R.Burgess, 1978, pp.1105-1133

c. D.J.walmsley & G.J.Leuis, 1984

b. E.Knapp, 1984, pp.34-45

d. E.Krupat, 1985

35. J.F.C.Turner, 1976, pp.73

e. L.Berkowitz, 1986

36. E.Krupat, 1985, pp.205

16. J.Zeisel, G.Epp, P.welch & S.Demos, 1983 in E.Krupat, 1985, pp.171

37. D.Canter, 1977, pp.136

17. C.Cooper, 1977, pp.153

38. S.Arnstein, 1969 in E.Krupat, 1985, pp.203

18. Ibid.

39. C.R.Hatch, 1984, pp.4

19. J.Zeisel & M.Griffin. 1975 in J.Zeise1, 1981, pp.173

40. D.Shehayeb & H.B.Serag Eldin, 1985

20. E.Krupat, 1985, pp.165-170

169

41. a. CU/MIT, 1978 b. J.Buwalda, 1980, pp.98-110 c. J.Carp,1984, pp.22-27 . d. D.wilkinson, 1984, pp.32-38 42. C.R.Hatch, 1984, pp.4 43. a. B.Mumtaz, 1982, pp.10-23 b. R.J.Skinner & M.J.Rodell, 1983, pp.135-142 44. a. N.Hamdi, 1978, pp.18-44 b. J.Engram, 1984, pp.15-2 45. M.Fagence, 1977 in R.B.Potter, 1985, pp.158,159 46. Ibid., pp.159 47. R.B.Potter, 1985, pp.161 48. A.Rapoport, 1969, 162-169

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Chapter Seven Culture and Its Relation to the Built Environment Culture is the total pattern of human behaviour, and embodied in thought, speech, action and artifacts [Webster's Dictionary]. Montagu defined culture as follows, "With the creation and usage of organized systems of symbols, man created a new dimension of experience which at the same time yielded him an increasing control over his environment. This new dimension of experience we call human culture " (Montagu,1968) [1]. Good enough equated culture not with objects, behaviour, people or emotions per se, but with the structuring of these things in people's minds. Such a view of culture points out the importance of people's shared cognitive processes, and their culturally meaningful systems of behaviour [2].

Culture is an intangible but continuous functional pattern; a system of interlocking and intersecting actions. It has physical ingredients and Physical symptoms, which fit together to represent, meaningfully, the total pattern of life only visible to those who understand their significance, "Culture, is more like a tool than it is like a static accumulation °f treasures. It is something that men make use of, it is a changing network to which every member of the community makes a contribution, and which in turn moulds every member of the community" (Serageldin, 1979:34) 13]. Therefore, culture is a set of values, beliefs, a world view and symbol systems that are learnt and shared by a group of people who transmit it from one generation to another. These, in turn, create a system of rules and habits which reflect ideals and create a lifestyle, which in itself guides behaviour, manners, roles, as well as the built form. Members of the same group are not identical, yet, there tends to be greater similarities within cultures than between them [4].

Great social changes in the last few decades had an effect on the authenticity of every culture, however, differences between cultures can be easily observed. Although the interaction between different cultures was accompanied by a shared desire to bring different types of thought as

171

close as possible to a universal system of logic, the application of these logical processes could take different forms of implementation for a particular selection of methods. This selection of application methods depends on the values and levels of achievement of its subject matter [5].

7.1 Culture and Values The history of culture can also be understood as history of human values; of changing motivational systems and ultimate justifications of human valuations. Avoiding the enormous task of going through the exhaustive list of definitions given to the term 'value', it is sufficient to think about 'value' in terms of subjective value (as a property of the subjects), objective value (as a property of the objects) and the relation between the two as the only actual and complete value [6].

The role of preference in the understanding of values occupies a central part and has been debated by philosophers, economists and psychologists. However, it is generally recognized that while societies undergo transformations, values tend to change, and vital changes of value must be made. The history of man shows that human consciousness, through selectivity, was capable of a choice of values that insured the positive evolution of the human species. Hence, preference on the long run could be equated to human welfare. The main difficulty lies in determining individual welfare functions on the basis of actual preferential choices, and consequently distilling social welfare functions out of the matrix of the individual welfare functions. Value philosophers agree that, strictly speaking, a judgment is true or false only with respect to its content and irrespective of the situational context circumscribing it. The counter-argument is that misplaced value judgments, though theoretically assumed to be of value, may lose this value in this particular context. For example, culturally misplaced value judgments could be contextually absurd such as the use of glass facades in hot countries. That is why value judgment cannot be isolated within the whole of man's thinking and behaviour. It is easier to understand when seen in the hierarchy levels of meaning (Fig.62) [7].

172

A. The difference between the two settings is due to difference in cultural values

B. Value judgment as an integrated process of man’s thinking and behaviour

Fig.(62) Judgment and culture

173

7.2 Objectivity and Value Judgement While a society in the course of everyday interaction is seen as an organism, the unification of a social mind exists only in the minds of the individual members of the society. Facts of social existence and ties between people are ideas they have of one another, which are usually ideas that are built in the course of daily interaction. This 'evolution of awareness' indicates the mental bond between the individuals of a society [8]. The moral standards which an individual applies to himself in order to judge his own conduct, are always the reflection, more or less, from his personal point of view, of those of his social environment and of his group [9]. This implies that there can be no universal, uniform values, because values are the products of the individual's interaction with a society. Even moral and ethical values of courage, justice, honour ...etc. are translated into different forms of behaviour in different cultures, i.e. the meanings are the same, but the action that is the outcome of these meanings vary from one culture to the other.

Similarly, understanding architecture is incomplete without a knowledge of the historical situation, the social context and the prevailing ideas of the age in which the architectural forms were created. These forms are related to the conditions of the time, either expressing them or opposing them. Nevertheless, despite the enormous quantity of evidence that the social values in a community are reflected in the physical environment, no proof has been established that, by manipulating the physical environment, a directly proportional change is possible in the existing values of that society.

7.3 Culture and Behaviour An individual is a unique mixture of idiosyncrasies and conformity. Both his worlds of Perceptions and realities, are not solely constraints on his actions, but also platforms for the exercise of his choice. Culture has always been conceived of as affecting motivation and cognition at the

174

level of specific processes such as perception, meaning and communication, Fig.(63) [10]. "The aspects of culture which might exercise such an influence include social and physical characteristics of the environment. These causal relationships mediate the relation between culture and behaviour" (Serageldin, 1979:37) [11]. In other words, the interaction between man and his environment, which are governed by his cultural background, involve three major aspects [12]: 1. Cognitive - which involves perceiving understanding, and knowing the environment.

2. Affective - which involves feelings about the environment, motivations, desires and values.

3. Connative - involving acting, and thus having an effect on the environment in response to (1.) and (2.).

7.4 Environmental Perception and Culture Human perception, whilst usually based on the sense of vision, is rather the result of a total assimilation of the five senses. It refers to the product of the sensory encoding of information that usually leads to learned, stable conceptions of the environment [13].

Visual perception varies, among other things, the change in colour and brightness of light, and with the movement of the spectator and the objects in the field of vision. Historically, it was widely believed that the world is as it appears to be, which nay be defined as 'phenomenal absolutism'. This attitude requires that the viewing organism be considered a passive receiver of stimulation; which is not the case. The individual cannot process all the external signals that he receives, accordingly, most of the information is considerably reduced and the most relevant data, or the one that caused more stimuli, is perceived, Fig.(64) [14]. While the ability to see is physiological as a result of the design of the human neural mechanism, the ability to perceive is dependent up on both psychological and social selective forces. This alternative to the attitude of phenomenal absolutism leads to the assumption that each stimulus is perceived, understood and evaluated by being compared, consciously or not, with the residues of previous sensory experiences. Yet, some prefer to distinguish between perception as a direct sensory experience of the environment, at a given time, and cognition, which describes the way in which people understand and learn the environment

175

- based on indirect knowledge, i.e. messages and information. Perception depends on direct sensory stimulation and therefore differs, relatively less, across cultures than cognition. Experience becomes less immediate and the amount of subjective inferences increases in cognition than in perception.

A. The hind as a black box

Relation between culture and behavior after Serpell (1976) (Serageldin, 1979)

B. Perceptual and other data are filtered resulting in the perceived world within which people operate. Its distortions, although individually variable, are also consistent and regular for given groups of people.

(Rapoport, 1997)

Fig.(63) The relation between culture and behavior

Fig.(64) Perception as a process of selective choice

176

7.5 Environmental Cognition and Culture One conceptual framework that describes "the how and the what of environmental cognition" (Gold, 1980:42), Fig.(65) 115] proposes that information from the environment is filtered as a result of personality and cultural variables through cognitive processes to form two sorts of cognitive representation: 'images, which are pictures of an object that can be called to mind through the imagination; and 'schemata', which are the frameworks within which the environmental information derived from the experience is organized. This framework suggests that there exists an 'objective' and a 'behavioural' environment, sometimes referred to as 'real' and 'perceived' [16].

Environmental cognition is thus based on processes stressing memory, learning, imagery and some values. This renders it more culture-specific than the processes involving environmental perception. Yet, it is hard to distinguish between the two processes for they both contribute to knowledge of the environment, perception providing figurative knowledge (images resulting from direct contact) and cognition providing operative knowledge (information that has been structured through a variety of mental operations) [17]. This is supported by the belief that information about the environment is sought in a rather subjective and purposeful way that reflects the needs and the values of the individual concerned.

There exists a growing acceptance of an approach which considers the whole "percepto-cognitive" system as part of a larger system whose function is the processing of information [18]. In this context recent findings led to the identification of five processes involved in the processing of environmental information; affect, orientation, categorization, systemization and manipulation [19]. These five levels of perceptual responses continuously interact while each holds its own set of strategies dependent on the characteristics of the individual.

Comments about each of these levels are general, the details vary with the nature of both the physical situation and the social relationships involved.

177

- Affect: The direct emotional impact of the situation generally governs the directions taken by subsequent relations with the environment. It sets the motivational tone and delimits expectations. Orientation: The identification of routes and the location of positive and negative, including other people, results in an initial mapping of the situation providing a base for more detailed exploration.

- Categorization: The process of developing categories for analysis and understanding. This concept of formulation of events into more and more details is largely governed by goals, predispositions and generalized expectations of the individual.

- Systemization: The systematic analysis of relationships within the environment would include the separation of predictable sequences of events from random occurrences, the verification of causal connections and a whole complex set of interrelationships which characterizes any particular environment.

- Manipulation: Throughout these processes the individual acts within, and as part of the situation. He learns about interventions he can make and their consequences in terms of environmental changes and in relation to his needs.

Therefore, the mutually supportive construction of behaviour and percept-cognition processes is in the service of the individual's purpose. The degree of cultural variability differs for each of these levels. However, it seems clear that the whole mental process of perception, cognition and evaluation form a continuum of incremental attribution of meaning to the objective environment, Fig.(66) [20]. The individual is also part of the environment he is perceiving, and the components of the environment, including man himself, can only be defined in terms of the situation in which they are encountered.

178

A. Sonnenfieid’s (1969) suggestion of environmental perception, cognition, and behavior. (Rapoport, 1977)

The process of environmental cognition (Gold, 1980)

B. The incremental attribution of meaning to the built environment (Rapoport, 1977)

Fig.(65) The conceptual framework of cognition

Fig.(66) Perceto-cognitive processes

179

7.6 The Correlation Between Culture and Meaning Civilized man's capacity to construct and control his own environment is not instinctive, but is acquired by experience and transmitted through culture. Man shapes his environment and then reflects on its consequences, storing them as information to be fed back, when he intends to create an environment with the sane, or different, consequences another time [21]. It is therefore important to realize that people respond actively to environmental stimuli depending on the way they perceive these stimuli, i.e. meaning plays an important role in mediating between the stimulus properties of the environment and human responses to it. This applies, not only to the built environment, but also to standards for temperature, height, sound, etc.. The reason, and the result, is that images and schemata play a major role in the interpretation of the stimulus properties of the environment. Cultural-specific schemata are the primary determinants of form even on the scale of cities and settlements, and in turn affect the images and schemata that mediate between environments and people. Values, such as health, safety, equity or the well-being of individuals may be expressed in schemata, and hence be reflected in the organization and use of the built environment.

Urban form has certain schemata encoded in it. What varies is the specific meaning it conveys and the elements used to communicate this meaning. The same physical form, for example a high rise apartment block, stimulates different attitudes to different groups of people.

Planners usually see them as economical, while some architects may see them as ugly and deforming to the human scale. Some other architects may see them as impressive symbols of man's power and ingenious. Users in their turn see them differently depending on their views of what is desirable and what is not. Even decision-makers choose a particular type of housing for meaning that is conveyed through its appearance, size and number - the bigger, the more important the decision maker feels. People react within environments terms of the meaning it has for them, "it is more a matter of latent than of manifest function and it is largely affected by images and ideals" (Rapoport, 1977:60) [22].

181

Thus people's preferences regarding environmental quality depend on the associational meaning that they attribute to these environments.

Such meanings, whether communicating positive or negative environmental quality, are evaluated in terms of the purposes of settings and the way they match particular schemata related to particular lifestyles and hence, ultimately, culture.

7.7 Culture and Meaning in the Built Environment The importance of meaning has to do with the distinction already introduced between manifest and latent functions. This is because the concept of 'function', so important in the modern movement, goes far beyond purely immediate or manifest functions as it involves 'activity' with its four dimensions: 1. An activity, 2. How the activity is done, 3. Associated activities and 4. The meanings of the activity [23].

This suggests that meaning is not any different from function, but rather, in itself, an aspect of function.

The importance of meaning could be based on the view that the human mind attributes meaning to the world. The use of cognitive schemata and that built forms are - if provided the freedom - physical expressions of these schemata. It is only sensible to presume that "physical elements not only make visible and stable cultural categories, but also have meaning; that is, they can be decoded, if and when they match people's schemata" (Rapoport, 1982:15) [24].

Due to the elusive notion of 'meaning', many urban environments were considered meaningless or chaotic. Actually, it might be better to describe them as 'inappropriate1 for certain observers or users, and that misunderstanding such environments is due to the use of alien

181

spatial, temporal or social organization of elements, which do not relate to the users' cognitive schemata. This accounts for the existence of the 'high style architectural order' that is based on the schemata of small groups of professionals, and the 'popular or vernacular architectural order' which expresses more widely shared schemata among the users, Fig.(67) [25]. This lack of communication of meaning supports the view that, meanings encoded by designers in the physical environment are not understood or decoded by the lay public, who usually share different images and schemata. While designers tend to concentrate on the ‘perceptual' aspects of the environment, the lay public tend to react to the 'associational' aspects of the environment. An old people's home designed in perceptual terms by the architect was evaluated in associational terms by the users [26]; the exposed structural elements and contrasting infill were perceived by the old people as crosses and coffins; a highly negative psychological association for old people. Fig.(68) [27]. In Egypt a similar paradox lies in the use of forms as an architectural element. Designers may use various designs as reminders of certain cultural and aesthetic heritage. On the other hand, many Egyptians associate domes to a burial place. This is because, mausoleums were the building types that commonly had domes. The example points out that environments designed could have totally different meaning for the users than the ones intended by the designers. While the designer's concept relates to Preserving harmony or certain aesthetic ideal, the various meanings held by users mostly relate to human needs; such as identity, personalization or the desire to control, which are much more significant in the residential environment.

It is evident that generalisation, standard norms and deterministic design principles, are not the answer anymore. Instead, it is suggested to produce a design which allows for territorial rules to initiate design changes which can adapt to population changes.

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A. Associational vs. perceptual meaning. (Rapoport, 1982)

High-style architectural order vs. vernacular or popular architectural order reflect, contrasting schemata of a spine, between professionals and the people. (Rapoport, 1977)

B. Associational meaning attributed to the built environment.

(Rapoport, 1977)

Fig.(67) Difference in schemata between designers and users

Fig.(68) Associational meaning as basis for evaluation

183

Notes and References

14. a. D.J.Walmsley & G.J.Lewis, 1984, pp.56

1.

M.F.Montagu, 1968, pp.102

2.

W.H.Goodenough, 1957, in H.E.Serageldin, 1979, pp.329

15. J.Gold, 1980, pp.42

3.

H.E.Serageldin, 1979, pp.34

16. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.38-40 G.T.Moore & R.G.Golledge, 1976, pp.3-

4.

A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.14—17

5.

R.Williams, 1980, pp.38

17. H.M.Proshansky et al, 1976, pp.101-104

6.

H.E.Serageldin, 1979, pp.39

18. W.H.Ittelson in H.M.Proshansky et el, 1976, pp.141—154

7.

A.Rapoport, 1973, pp.1—12

19. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.13

8.

C.H.Cooley, 1909, pp.4 in J.A.Agnew, J.Mercer & D.E.Sopher, 1984,

20. D.Canter, 1977, pp.157-185

pp.2

21. A.Rapoport, 1977, p.60

W.J.Petras, in H.E.Serageldin, 1979

22. Ibid., pp.19

9.

b. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.38

24

10. Serpell, 1976 in H.E.Serageldin, 1979

23. A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.15

11. H.E.Serageldin, 1979, pp.37

24. A.Rapoport, 1969(b) in A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.358

12. a. T.O.Riordan, 1973, pp.17-21 in D.J.Walmsley & G.J.Lewis, 1984,

25. Hertzberger's old people's home in Amsterdam. First appearing in

pp.6

Architectural Review Vol 159, February 1976.

b. L.Svart, 1974, pp.301-305

26. a. A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.19-22

c. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.28

b. A.Rapoport, 1977, p.40

13. D.C.D.Pocock & R.Hudson, 1978, pp.1

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Chapter Eight Cultural Approaches and Design Methods Different approaches have been developed that incorporate human consideration in the design of the built environment. Their aim is to realize a multidimensional environment which responds to the social, cultural as well as functional needs of a wider range of people. In order to achieve this aim, the two way relationship between human behaviour and the built environment including the innate, culture specific values and needs which govern this interrelationship should be understood. Planning and designing environments for a pluralistic society based on its collective norms and in response to human behaviour is an idea no more than three decades old. The fundamental problem was identified by professionals as one of translating man/environment theories into terms which can be tested with empirical techniques. Designers have tried to understand this translation problem. A range of approaches of research into the human aspects of design, were developed, each using different kinds of socio-cultural data. Three frequently used approaches are cognitive [1], pluralistic [2] and open-ended design [3].

8.1 Cognitive Approaches Cognitive research direct more attention to the physical environment and its design characteristics rather than to social and cultural variables interacting within the environmental setting [4]. Their concern is "the study of human behaviour and experience in relation to the urban setting" (Proshansky,Ittelson, & Rivlin, 1976:491) [5] One key issue is the physical quality of the environment found in urban areas. Spaces and places, like people of different personalities, have physical characteristics conceptualised by the urban dweller. These conceptions are influenced by the persons, time, movement, distance, familiarity, safety needs and aesthetic appreciation [bj. Concerning the role of the 'place identity' and properties that provide the individual with

185

a sense of 'who' he is and 'how' is he to behave, Lofland (1976), suggests that classic urban anonymity is overcome, or at least tempered, by a cognitive and physical process he terms "spatial ordering" [7].

The spatial segregation of activities within the city, and ultimately, the spatial segregation of persons, is mainly the argument upon which he assumes "location" to be a key perceptual or ordering principle for urbanites, for understanding social environments. People often link persons to places in the city because the complexity of the urban social life. The spatial character of a city is always unique so that many have promoted the idea of structuring elements within the city as well as their legibility. Most accomplished of these works was Lynch's structuring concept which structured the urban image [8]. Lynch (1960) [9] was interested in finding the answers to two basic questions; do people mentally structure the physical environment; and which features do they notice and to what extent is the structuring due to people and to what extent does it depend on the environment? He concluded that in spite of the subjective differences there were some regularities, the five categories: districts, edges, paths, nodes, landmarks), Fig.(69) [10].

LaGory and Pipkin, abstracted from previous works what they termed "socio-spatial" [11] principles for urban planning. Their recommendations take the form of goals rather than prescriptions for design. The major theme of these being that designers must understand the impact of space on behaviour in cognitive terms as well as the social functions of the physical elements such as boundaries, scale or publicly shared spaces.

Consideration of street patterns, landmarks and aspects of remembered settings (cognitive maps) have contributed a great deal to urban design concepts. The application of this research work has not yet been successfully proven. Appleyard's (19/6) plan for the new city of Cuidad Guiyana in Venezuela [12], which incorporated Lynch's legibility principles, demonstrated that, cities could be organized in ways that maximize their appearance through regular street patterns, clearly defined and readily visible landmarks.

186

The five major elements used by Lynch to analyse cognitive maps. After Lynch, 1960.

(Krupat, 1985) A. The five elements of urban image

A sequential acquisition which accords with the cognitive development as it proceeds from organic activity to symbolic thought, from concrete to abstract. (Lang, 1974) B. A trial to reinforce elements of the urban image by incorporating meaning

Fig.(69) Associational meaning as basis for evaluation

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While the possibility of implementing this research through design is doubtful, the issue of, ought it to be implemented is even more questionable. Because of the danger of making environments so rigid or boring that prediction and exploration lose their charm [13].

Overemphasizing physical dimensions and visual aspects of settings may neglect the symbolic significance of spaces (i.e. their meaning). These potential drawbacks to improving urban legibility are due to the fact that the relationship between environmental legibility, and factors such as competence and feelings of belonging, have not yet been well researched [14].

This view is supported by the finding of several studies that tested the application of Lynch's image structuring elements in different contexts Fig.(70) [15]. It was also apparent that the ease with people generated images varied in different places and cities as did the elements used.

In Holland, these findings were confirmed and enriched [16]. In a different culture (Lebanon) despite certain general agreement, the findings proved great differences, especially because of the greater importance of socio-cultural associations related to the visual cues. In other words, social and cultural significance along with visual form were important in the construction of the urban images [17], so that the Lebanese subjects added a combination of 'functional' and 'affective1 criteria to the perceptible mode. While Lynch (1960) suggested identity, structure and meaning as the three components of urban images, he obviously neglected the latter [18]. The specifics would probably change in different cities and cultures, but the meaning should always be there to reinforce the perceived urban image.

8.2 The Pluralistic Approach One way of looking at the built environment is that it is an expression of culture, an urban "cultural landscape" [20]. Thus, the city can be regarded as a series of areas of varied cultural and sub-cultural character. The first step in any design process should therefore be, to understand the different groups of people; their varied needs and values; the ways in which these values are expressed in the environment (as

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A mental map by a 25-year old chemistry graduate. The left bank is the first to be drawn suggesting the dominancy of his studency experience. LA defense is also given projected significance because of its contrast with the historical city after Stanley Milgram (1976)

Fig.(70) Image formation and its relation to culture

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forms and codes of communication), the different activity patterns and their time rhythms and finally, the different housing processes with their underlying images and mechanisms.

At the urban level this seems to imply that there will be homogeneity at one end of the scale, and heterogeneity at the other. This depends on; 1. The degree of localization and that of external influences.

2. The clarity of distinctions which act as environmental cues.

3. And the degrees of interaction between the various groups.

Another problem arises in terms of design, and it lies in the very nature of man/environment interrelations. It concerns the dynamic changes in the urban population, whether due to emigration within the urban areas of the city or the evolution, with time, of any group of people. This means that there is a continuous change in the culture, values, lifestyle of the same group of people. These factors render the formulation of a design process a difficult task for the professional. Yet, attempts were made to incorporate the human component into the design process by recognizing that users' values and cognition of the built environment differ from those of the designers'; and by stressing the relevance of socio-cultural data and comprehensive methods of analysis. That is where the pluralistic approach really offers something new [21].

Although some designers claim that they are applying pluralistic methods, by engaging people in the design process, their methods could not be called pluralistic because they do not attempt to understand the culture of the people for whom they are designing. What they actually do, is try to design for their apparent needs [22].

8.3 Open Ended Design Methods The open ended design concept determines certain parts of the system and allow other parts to happen spontaneously. This ambiguous part involves giving meaning through personalization and expressing different values needs and lifestyles in the environment. The designed

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environment must be able to absorb these variations, which are difficult to be designed beforehand. Instead, they could be encouraged (without insistence) by pre-planned decisions, this has been often termed as the "supportive" [23] or "responsive" [24] environment. Yet, this line of thought involves three critical questions: 1. What is being supported?

2. With what is it being supported?

3. And how is it being supported?

The open ended design approach avoids these difficulties by leaving the 'latent' end of the scale to the inhabitants, and concentrating on providing frameworks or guiding elements, around which change can occur. These frameworks are not merely in terms of physical services and infrastructures, but rather in terms of domains of significance; i.e. elements chosen by the majority, as opposed to those of local or individual concern. In order to determine which parts need to be planned and fixed, and which part left to develop on their own, one should draw upon the studies of the meaning of the built environment and its relation to human behaviour.

Providing a physical framework which accommodates and guides changes and variations while retaining a unifying system is not a new concept. They were part of the vernacular tradition that worked so well until formal framework rules were introduced due to major historical events or abrupt cultural changes [25]. However a variety of urban forms are found to possess certain framework elements, which have lasted and provided continuity within which infill changes have occurred. These changes allowed people to express their lifestyles through environmental elements without loss of the larger organizing scheme [26].

The grid pattern could be seen as a frequently used example of open-ended possibility for growth and change. In many historical implementations of the urban grid pattern elements such as axes, walls, gates and ceremonial parts constituted the framework within which the infill reflected varying rules of space organization and clustering, Fig.(71). On the other hand, the medieval Arab city represented a hierarchical framework, which at the smaller scale, followed the particular spatial organization of courtyards, the 'broken' street pattern and the

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[28]. This reflects the value of city planners who usually overlook the needs and responses of people ignore the relationship of such frameworks to the people use, value and cognize the city.

Fig.(71) The grid pattern accommodating different urban patterns

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aligning arcades. In contrast, the major frameworks currently proposed are based on movement systems as the primary structuring element Seeing the city as a mosaic of different places makes the task easier for the designer who only needs to solve conflict areas at the level of shared facilities. This implies that moving from the 'general' to the 'specific', open-endedness increases in order to allow for the influence of groups of greater homogeneity, "In order to define categories and domains of significance for different groups; areas are generality and specifity; areas of fast and slow changes... the city needs to be analyzed in terms of general criteria, the specifics of which will be different in each case" (Rapoport, 1977:367) [29] The most generalized domain needs to be designed so as to minimize conflict and have the same significance for different people. The specific domain needs to incorporate the important images and meanings held by the particular cultural group that occupies it.

In general, much of the research into the cultural significance of the environment, while informative, is addressed to theoretical questions. It is often argued that planning and design principles can rarely be extracted, directly, from this work. However, the cultural approaches provide a starting point from which professionals can begin to understand the appropriate role and limits of design in relation to the human dimension.

"It can also prove valid and valuable in prescribing methods for planning and design" (Shirvani, 1985) [30].

8.4 Culture-Based Design Methods All cultural approaches conclude that the design process is is better understood as being a problem-solving activity based on understanding man/environment interrelations. And since design is about- creating 'better' environments, the purpose of its criteria should answer these questions: What is better? Better for whom? Under what circumstances? How one knows it is better? This would leave 'how' it should be done

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(i.e. the implementation) to vary according to the other modifying factors such as economic, political, materials available, site conditions and micro climate.

Thus design evaluation should, not only be in terms of whether stated objectives have been met, but also in terms of whether the objectives are valid in the first place. This is the true ultimate goal of any theory of design which bears consideration for man. In this light two design methods were suggested for the formulization of supportive criteria for the 'general' and the 'specific' domains of the built environment in a Pluralistic society.

8.4.1 The Man-Environment Relation (HER) Method The MER method [31] is based on discovering what would be considered a supportive environment to various groups of people. The major task then becomes to establish some crucial relations between aspects of culture and the intended supportive environments and to deduce the most important and constant elements which should be considered in design. These could be called the elements of the 'culture core'. Besides, the constant or slow changing core cultural elements there are other, less important, rapidly changing peripheral cultural elements which are easily given up and replaced by new ones (i.e. the new materials, shapes or forms of services which follow trends and fashions).

A good starting point would be the traditional environment where environmental elements were congruent with the culture. Lessons derived through the analysis of the traditional and other environments being considered should not result in merely 'copied' environmental elements.

The main reason why copying tails is because it typically involves superficial appearance - ornaments, shapes, materials that do not integrate with the form, ... etc. - rather than meaningful schemata represented in its appropriate physical expression (i.e. related to people's lifestyles, social structure and prevailing cultural values). In Sudan, a certain traditional setting consisted of separate men's and women's rooms, an open sun-shade, a cooking space, various transitional spaces and a grain store. There was a highly specific and complex arrangement of settings, expressing separations and linkages of people, privacy, transitions zones and other socio-cultural organizing principles. When the occupants of

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this setting were moved out into a designed environment, the designer did not foster any of the encoded meanings or values from the traditional setting except the circular form of the individual dwelling, which lost its significance when it was clustered in parallel rows, Fig.(72) [32].

In Egypt mudbrick houses of traditional shapes were often rejected by local people for similar reasons. The analysis of the spatial organization, privacy mechanisms, interactions between men and women, between people and animals are usually disastrously neglected in the Egyptian rural designs, and in some cases when they were considered, they failed at the level of meaning. At this point the striking importance of 'latent' aspects of the environment is stressed.

Scrutinizing the changes in the existing environment would help understand the relative importance of elements according to what is being given UP, retained or adopted along time, i.e.: 1. The changed environment with a reduced set of characteristics congruent with the changed culture (the core elements); 2. The new characteristics in both environment and culture. Fig.(73) [33J shows how the two forms of change coexist, yet, they could be distinguished if the span of changes studied is long enough to allow the professional to make the right inferences what to retain and what to neglect. This method may prove useful in designing major urban systems shared by different sub-cultural groups and still considering the 'latent' function of the environment and its meaning to the people who interact within it.

8.4.2 The Environmental Meaning Method Designing the specific domain in the built environment is based upon understanding that environments influence behaviour through the social situation and cultural systems to which they refer [34]. People act according to their reading and interpreting environmental cues. The physical features of a place (its size, location, its furnishings) and that of the people in it - which are part of the environment - all communicate identity, status and the like. Through this they establish a context and define a situation in which people act accordingly. This process is analogous to certain definitions of culture that stresses the role of enabling people to co-act through sharing values and therefore notions of appropriate behaviour, Fig.(74) [35].

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Indigenous Family cluster, forms compound roof over hangs, outdoor spaces of social significance

Copy Shape copied – round unit with conical roof.

Houses in row, no overhangs, outdoor space for single family. (Caiti et al, 1976)

The arrangement of the settings; expressing separation and linkages of people, privacy, a range of activities, levels of significance, etc. is all lost in the copy. All that survived is a shape, quite meaningless on its own.

(Rapoport, 1983)

Fig.(72) When form loses value

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The MER method (Rapoport, 1983)

Fig.(73) The man / environment relation method

The environmental meaning method after Rapoport (1982)

Fig.(74) The environmental meaning method

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8.5 A Shift in Approaches The role of the designer is regarded as; first, to identify the relevant environmental cues which serve as indicators of the social, economic and cultural characteristics of a population; second, to use these cues, comprehensibly, in the design of environments that help people behave in a manner that this particular group accepts as appropriate for the context and the situation defined [36]. Thus avoiding the over-generalization which is responsible for the development of the inhuman urban environment which is doomed to deteriorate anonymously.

These are just first steps towards a complete change in the professional's approach towards the design process. Culture, in its broadest sense, could be regarded as the driving force which guides the consolidation of ideas, preferences and constraints of a group of people.

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Notes and References

19. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.114-118 20. Ibid., pp,356

1.

a. H.M.Proshansky, 1974

21. J.A.Agnew, J.Mercer & D.E.Sopher, 1984

b. D.Appleyard, 1976

22. H.Shirvani, 1985, pp.117

c. S.Kaplan & R.Kaplan, 1982 2.

23. Ibid.

a. A.Rapoport, 1977, 1982

24. Particularly in developing countries, radical rapid cultural changes

b. W.L.Porter, 1980 3.

disrupted the natural pace of development. That happened whenever

a. E.N.Bacon, 1967

the vernacular frameworks did not work or absented themselves

b. A.Rapoport, 1983

25. (J.Abu Lughod, 1984)

4.

H.Shirvani, 1985, pp.57

5.

H.M.Proshansky, W.H.Ittelson & Rivlin, 1976, pp.491

6.

Ibid., pp.493

7.

L.H.Lofland, 1976, pp.521

8.

D.J.walmsley & G.J.Lewis, 1984, pp.64-68

9.

K.Lynch, 1960, pp.1-14

26. E.N.Bacon, 1967 in A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.325 27. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.362 28. R.Venturi et al, 1972 29. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.367 30. H.Shirvani, 1985, pp.55-65 31. A.Rapoport, 1983, pp.258-265

10. a. E.Krupat, 1985, pp. 67-92

32. Ibid., pp.252

b. J.Lang, 1974, pp.179

33. Ibid., pp.261

11. MLaGory & J.Pipkin, 1981 in H.Shirvani, 1985, pp.58-59

34. A.Rapoport, 1982

12. D.Appleyard, 1976 in E.Krupat, 1985, pp.80-82

35. A.Rapoport, 1977

13. G.W.Evans, 1980, pp. 280

36. The comprehensive use of cues is largely dependent on studies

14. G.T.Moore, 1979 in H.Shirvani, 1985 pp-59-60

mentioned before (environmental cognition and environmental

15. S.Milgram, 1976, pp.108 16. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.115

psychology) and the following study of meaning. t, 1977, 9.115

17. J.Gulick, 1963 in A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.115 18. D.Crane, 1961 in A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.116

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Chapter Nine Environmental Meaning Environmental meaning is what makes people know in which kind of domain or setting they are in. In offices, for example, it is the location, size, controlled access, finishes and furnishings that communicate status and control of the private/public domains. The design of the environment is considered to be a process of encoding information, which users can decode. Providing that these environmental cues can be understood, these settings, communicate (elicit) expected behaviour. It follows that if the code is not shared or understood, the environment would not communicate the appropriate behaviour [1]. This often happens during the experience of being in an unfamiliar cultural context, for example, the different floor finishings in Japan indicate when shoes should be taken off and when they should be kept on.

While the effects are social, the social situations are judged on the basis of environmental cues. These cues are interpreted by people (according to their cultural code) to establish a social context or define a situation in which they act accordingly "it is the social situation that influences people's behaviour, but it is the physical environment that provides the cues" (Rapoport, 1982: 57) [2]. This shows that the interpretation of environmental cues depends on one's culture or subculture so that 'appropriate behaviour' to apparently similar settings may vary in different cultures.

"Culture supplies a fixed set of [codes] which are used to interpret situations and thus help people to act appropriately. In this connection the built environment provides an important set of such cues" (Rapoport, 1982:60) [3] The environment can be said to act as a reminder a 'mnemonic' [4] - to the people, of the behaviour expected of them. This 'mnemonic' function of the environment is equivalent to group memory or consensus that reminds people how to behave, without really determining it. It

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takes the remembering from the person and places the reminding in the environment. This depends on cues being culturally comprehensible and consequently sparing many people the shared anxiety of having to choose courses of action without having sufficient grounds upon which to base their choice. By suggesting limited ranges of behaviour this function of the environment helps limit purely idiosyncratic interpretations and behaviours that would make social communication and interaction highly improbable, Fig.(75) [5].

It could be argued that since personality is an individual characteristic, people, although of the same culture, are not expected to act exactly the same. Yet, this is what designers actually assume. They design for an imaginary stereotype man, formulating their objectives on his assumed needs and activities. It would be more realistic to think of a 'modal personality' [6] of a culture which emphasizes certain predominant traits shared by most people in a particular cultural group. Respecting the desires of this 'modal personality' in the creation of environment could ensure the projection of cultural attitudes, and avoid the creation of confusing situations, which are the outcome of alien meanings designed by insensitive professionals. On the other hand, when decisions about architectural form and its function come from within the cultural context they would lead to successful solutions in that particular context. This is because, each culture involves choice according to what is successful in its own right, "each from the point of view of another ignores fundamentals and exploits irrelevancies" (Benedict, 1959:24) [7].

9.1 Environment, Meaning and Social Communication Social communication is often the result of judgments based on physical cues such as dwellings, furniture, consumer goods, food habits or clothing. For instance, clothing may be an indicator of economic and educational levels, social position, sophistication, heritage or character.

Social position includes identity, role and status, all of which are culturally variable. Thus, clothing can be a relevant clue which helps to understand the culture-specific form of the context [8]. This kind of environmental cues is more noticeable in traditional societies than in modern pluralistic societies where there is a wider choice. Also mass production and rapid change have led to a difficulty in placing people in a

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A. A communication model of the mind. (Osgood, 1957)

B. Comprehensible cues suggest likely behavior. (Rapoport, 1977)

Potential cues as listed

Various filters

Cultural codes – cues either understood read or not

Noticeable difference

Matched against norms values

C. How environmental cues work to communicate certain messages concerning how to behave. (Rapoport, 1977)

Fig.(75) How environmental cues affect social communication

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Rejected or obeyed Evaluated positively as complexity or negatively as chaos or monotony (or evaluated as crowding, isolation or stress).

social scale just from their appearance [9]. The disappearance of these kinds of cues, led to an increase in the importance of environmental cues.

It is easier to conceive this process by reviewing cases where environmental cues become less important. Such cases where meaning conveyed by the environment is less important are places that are: Small and everyone is known (such as in a village or an urban ghetto) and codes of behaviour are shared and respected by everyone.

Rigid and widely accepted social hierarchies are known in a specific community.

Characterized by other cues and indicators which work well together (such as accent, clothing, etc.).

These are all cases where consistent meaning is conveyed through more than one channel.

Social communication is strongly controlled by the setting and the context that the setting specifies. It is also dependent on the precognitive function of a place. For, example, the subjective definition of crowding depends on the context so that the same number of people in the same size of space, are judged differently depending on whether this space is a library, a mosque or a clinic's waiting room [10]. Since no behaviour occurs outside a social setting, therefore, this physical setting can be said to play a role in the production and perception of behaviour through stressing meanings - sometimes referred to as a 'situation'[11]; "If people can be located in 'social space' and hence in a likely context and situation, one is more likely to interact with such people than if they cannot be located in social space and remain strangers" (Rapoport,1982:185) [12]

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9.2 Determining the Constituents of Meaning If one accepts that human behaviour is influenced by roles, contexts and situations, communicated by environmental cues in the settings, and that people rely on such cues in order to act appropriately, then the view that environments are strongly related to culture and that their codes have to be learned is a very likely assumption. It could be stated that determining the constituents of environmental meaning can be accomplished in three major ways [13]: In terms of signs, mainly based on semiotics. In terms of symbols.

By using models based on the 'nonverbal communication' approach.

9.2.1 The Semiotic Approach: Semiosis is the process by which something functions as a sign, hence, semiotics is the study of signs. It comprises three main components: Syntactics: It is the relation of sign to sign in a system of signs.

Semantic: It is the way that signs carry meanings, i.e. the relation between the properties of the sign to the things signified.

Pragmatic: It is the relation of signs on the behavioural responses of people; their effect on the interpreter which deals with the reference of the signs system to a context, i.e. their meaning.

Generally, in semiotic analysis, concentration is mainly on the syntactic and the semantic levels and hardly on the pragmatic level. Yet, in terms of how ordinary environments communicate meanings and how they affect behaviour, the pragmatic aspects are the most important. How elements function in concrete situations - in the context - is important to be studied at the initial level of understanding their meanings. Thus, the apparent neglect of pragmatics is a serious shortcoming of the semiotic approach.

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9.2.2 The Symbolic Approach: This approach has been used in the study of historical and vernacular architecture. It suffers from an excessive degree of abstraction and complexity due to the difficulty of defining what is a 'symbol' and the difficulty in the conscious use of symbols in design. This difficulty stems from a number of sources among which is the distinction between discursive symbols (which are socially shared ,i.e. lexical), and nondiscursive symbols (which are idiosyncratic).

In the past, in a given culture, there was wider social agreement about symbols and fewer idiosyncratic variations. Today, it is difficult to design in the associational world, for symbols are not always fixed or shared. Still, in a given culture or subculture, there are some shared associations that could be reinforced through consistent use, despite the more striking phenomenon of variability witnessed today.

Nevertheless, there is a major problem when dealing with symbols instead of signs. While signs are 'univocal' (which means they relate directly to things they represent), symbols are 'multivocal' and hence susceptible to more than one meaning. This means that, any part may stand for the whole, a fact which compounds the difficulty of using symbols in analyzing or designing environments.

9.2.3 The Nonverbal Communication Approach: People communicate verbally, vocally and nonverbally. Nonverbal behaviour (which includes facial expressions, body posture, shared habits and stances) helps clarify the meaning of spoken language well beyond the formal study of grammar and structure, "it has been suggested that the socio-contextual aspects of communication ... are the most important in the sense that they are the most immediately noted, that is, they are the 'loudest'" (Sarles, 1969:2) [14].

The concept of nonverbal communication in the environment can be used in a sense of analogy. Nonverbal cues, not only communicate by themselves, but are also important to help other, mainly verbal, communication. Similarly, the environments communicate meanings directly and aid other forms of meaning, interaction and communication, Fig.(76) [15]. It is also worth noting that, unlike the semiotic approach, the study of nonverbal behaviour stresses pragmatics, investigating the relationships between particular nonverbal cues and the situation [16].

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Environmental meaning lacks a clearly articulated set of grammatical rules. Yet, there are few aspects that may be coded in such a way that most members in a given community understand. The semiotic approach does not afford a suitable theoretical base for the study of environmental meaning as it tends to deal with objective meaning per se, irrespective of the context or the situation in which it exists.

Similarly, the symbolic approach is unsuited because of the difference in nature between a symbol and an environmental cue. In case of the former, communication is arbitrary and the symbol may correspond to more than one meaning. A fact which may be confusing if applied to the designed environment. Attempts to make use of the nonverbal communication approach in the deciphering of inherent environmental meaning are quite recent [17], therefore some elaboration should precede its adoption as a tool to understand more about the cultural codes of a certain community.

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A. Nonverbal communication model

All elements are culturally variable, but ‘B’ may be the least variable B. Modified nonverbal communication model (Rapoport, 1982)

Fig.(76) Applying the nonverbal communication approach to environmental meaning

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9.3 Environmental cues The cognitive background to appropriate behaviour is provided by designed settings and cues that communicate appropriate meanings. This is a widely applied technique used in movie screenplays, novels and theatre settings. In all cases, 'pragmatic knowledge' (which is culturespecific) is needed for such communication to work, i.e. in order to embed the appropriate messages in social contexts. It also helps relate perceptual and associational aspects, a fact which might help minimize the gap between the designer's and the user's associational views. It often happens that meaning intended by the designers may not be perceived, and if perceived, may not be understood, and sometimes even if understood, they are rejected or modified. That is why understanding and accepting cultural knowledge is so important. While designers cannot influence people's willingness to obey, they can make certain that designed cues are noticed and understood in a way that would, probably, generate the desired responses.

For that purpose, it is important that certain inherent qualities exist in environmental cues such as; cultural specifity, clarity, strong noticeable differences and adequate redundancy, Fig.(77) [18]. These qualities are usually strengthened when surrounded by an appropriate context.

There are some cases where the same physical space may accommodate different settings, and hence elicit different behaviour [19], for example, the same open space can serve as a weekly market, a football field, or a performance ground. This apparent paradox is clarified by knowing that in such particular cases, each setting is specified by a group of cues of a rather changeable nature. The introduction of stools, certain ground coverage, or different modes of lighting would act as cues by which one could identify the nature of the present setting. It is still important to know which of the environmental characteristics, whether physical or social, contribute more to specifying the nature or meaning of a setting.

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B. Diagrammatic relationship between redundancy levels needed and present in various environments. (Rapoport, 1982)

B. Environmental mental cues (Rapoport, 1982)

Fig.(77) The nature of environmental cues and factors affecting their performance

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9.4 Classifying Environmental Cues A set of distinctions has been suggested which helps to classify the environment. The environment is composed of fixed features, semi-fixed features and non-fixed features [20].

9.4.1 Fixed-feature Elements: These elements are basically fixed, i.e. change rarely or slowly. Most of the standard architectural elements (walls, ceilings, floors) belong to this domain, as do streets and buildings. In many traditional environments, the settlement pattern seems more important than the dwelling.

The pattern layout and the characteristics of the structures (size, height, location, material ...) communicate more clearly in traditional societies than in non-traditional societies. In traditional parts of Cairo, courtyard houses are grouped closely forming the winding alley-pattern so common in the Middle Eastern countries. In these cases settlement pattern relates to the core values of the culture; such as having separate family and guests domains for privacy, or self-policing through strong social ties, Fig.(78).

In modern pluralistic contexts, the fixed-feature elements are usually designed in an abstract and very general way so that they can be used by different people equally. This was one of the conceptions upon which universal 'modern architectural style' was developed in the 1950's.

However, it should be noted that the ordering principles of fixed-feature arrangements have meaning, although one group's order may be another group's disorder, "U.S. cities described by French observers as having no order while U.S. observers make the same comment about Moslem cities " (Rapoport,1977) [21].

9.4.2 Semi-fixed-feature Elements: They are those features that change fairly quickly and easily, ranging from the arrangement and type of furniture, curtains, screens, plants, clothing to street furniture, signs, window displays, lighting, garden layouts and facade decorations, and other urban elements. The use of

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A. The dwelling unit design

B. The residential cluster

At each of these levels of built environment certain meanings are understood which relate to the inhabitants norms and values

C. The settlement pattern

Fig.(78) Fixed-feature elements as environmental cues

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fixed-feature and semi-fixed-feature elements to make inferences about behaviour is the rule in archaeology [22]. It is the presence of semifixed-feature elements that clarifies the meaning of the space and its social context.

While designers stress on user's participation in the original design (i.e. in the fixed-feature domain), users seem to understand better their decisions about furnishings, arrangements and the like (which are in the semi-fixed-feature domains). In cases of domestic situations, semifixed-feature elements include a whole range of elements which serve the purpose of 'personalization'. Internal elements such as colour, materials, curtains and furnitures well as in external elements such as colour, shutters, decorative drawings, window panelling and planting. In non-domestic situations, changes occur in urban shops or in roadside strip buildings where the same fixed elements can act as settings for various users and activities through changes in the semi-fixed elements, i.e. facade treatment, decorations, and signs. In these situations it is quite easy to observe which of these elements are used for what purpose, i.e. in other words, which, when changed would change the use of the place involved. For instance, in the case of converting a villa into a school, a flagpole, iron gates may be in green and a large signboard would be the first noticeable changes. This shows that semi-fixed-feature elements are more under the control of users. This is another reason why/// semi-fixed-feature elements are so important. Yet, they have been ignored by both designers and analysts who concentrated upon the fixed-feature realm, whose implications are hard to understand by ordinary lay persons.

In an imposed built environment, such as the case of public housing, meaning would necessarily be in the semi-fixed-feature realm. In some cases these changes take the form of screening balconies with light weight materials, in order to expand rooms, or just painting the exterior surrounding of all openings with a bright contrasting colour [23]. In Egypt, a complex set of culture-specific values are attached to different spaces inside the dwelling; the living room is regarded as a 'semi-public space', bedrooms as 'private' and bathrooms and kitchens as 'hidden'.

These values were communicated through the use of screening curtains, furniture type and arrangement [24]. These elements provided cues as to where one should sit, where to eat and so forth, as well as to the domains of men/women, private/public ... etc.. Living room furniture particularly could provide information about the income of the family, the importance of status to this family; it is a projection of how they wish

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others to think of them. In this case what is observed is the latent aspect of activities; how they are done, what other associated activities occur alongside, and finally their meaning.

9-4.3 Non-fixed-feature Elements: This domain involves the human occupants or inhabitants of settings. The study of nonverbal behaviour applies to this type of environmental cues. In order to bridge the gap between the work on non-fixed and semi-fixed-feature elements, the direct analysis of already existing studies and the content analysis descriptions offers a good starting point. For instance, the condition and cleanliness of living rooms, furniture, their 'orderliness' and impression of 'good taste' were found to be effective indicators of social status and lifestyle [25]. In judging outdoor environments, the negative meaning of vandalism, litter, graffiti and excretion has been used to communicate bad maintenance [26] and social malaise [27]. The contrary is also true; good maintenance, cleanliness and well kept greenery are features which communicate high environmental quality and satisfaction. Wagner suggests that a photographic record of a home setting would reflect the degree of the family's involvement in religion, their value of object and their overall view of the world [28]. This shows that artifacts and their arrangement, the inhabitants (their age and lifecycle) reveal the nature of the order of the home. Similarly, clothing would indicate economic well being, and possibly profession and level of education. While the manner in which it is worn and the posture indicates psychological and emotional states as well as socio-cultural characteristics. Other studies on nonverbal communication considered shop windows as indicating value through display techniques. The same work related sign language (gestures) and action language (walking, drinking, etc.) to object language (nonfixed, semi-fixed and fixed-feature elements) [29].

Finally, it can be said that non-fixed and semi-fixed-feature elements vary simultaneously, while fixed-feature elements remain relatively constant, Fig.(79) [30]. Also the ability to communicate meaning increases as cues move from the fixed to the semi-fixed then to the non-fixed realms. In other words, the transaction between fixed-feature elements in the physical environment and human behaviour occurs mostly through the two other categories of environmental cues.

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A. The facades, the street lighting and the bridging over the alley conveys a feeling of intimacy and privacy

A. The arcaded street: the same fixed-feature element differs in different cultures due to differences in the semi-fixed & the non-fixed realms

Fig.(79) The importance of the semi-fixed and non-fixed elements

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Fig.(80) The role of building height in communication meaning

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9.5 Environmental Cues and Culture Reviewing the domains of semi-fixed and fixed-feature elements one notices that environmental cues relate to culture at different levels so that part of their meaning is universally recognized and the other part is dependent on culture. This means that the environmental cues upon which the designer can Potentially draw are partially universal and partially culture specific. And even in the case of the former, there are certain commonalties in which specific cues are selected to communicate particular meanings. For example, 'height' is almost universally related to status, power and prestige due to its redundant use for this purpose. Yet, whether the element is higher or lower than its context varies from one culture to the other, Fig.(80) [31]. Similarly, 'centrality' is also related to status. Central versus peripheral location, though widespread in its use to communicate status again it varies according to the culture Fig.(81) [32]. This can be seen in the highly valued American 'suburb’ which contrasts with the equally valued 'Arab' city centre [33]. It is worth noting that culture specifity also changes with time so that the Roman ruins that were pagan, and therefore considered evil in the Middle Ages, became remnants of a golden age for the Renaissance [34].

'Colour1 discrimination, its perception and meaning is another domain where culture plays a crucial role. This does not mean that the commonalties in the psychological effect of colour is overlooked. Even though in some cultures (such as the U.S.A.) colour use seems arbitrary, colour may be explicitly ranked in other cultures as good/bad, east/west, male/female, which shows how effectively colour can communicate meaning. In traditional communities, colour played an important role in the mystical meaning of objects. This was evident in Medieval Europe and Ancient Egyptian Civilization [35]. The very absence or presence of colour in a contrasting context is a commonly used indication of importance Fig.(82) [36].

However the use of colour is usually reinforced by the presence of other cues such as form, age of building, location and height. This means that environmental cues usually work together to indicate a certain meaning, so that decorations, rich materials and monumental scale coexist

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Contrast in color. The Egyptian village the mosque stands out in the middle of the mudbrick monochrome surrounding

Although location is often a factor which serves as a cue, yet whether it is what’s at the centre or at the eedge, that is more important differs with culture

Contrast achieved in either ways but importance is always given to the object, not the background

Fig.(81) The relation between location and status

Fig.(82) Contrasting colors and status

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to indicate affluence, power and rank. Ancient Egyptian temples with their absolute size, spatial sequence and impressive decorations were used to create an overwhelming situation of awe - especially when compared to the monochrome context of mudbrick houses.

In most cases the noticeable distinction between various elements (height, colour, location, material and layout) establishes or expresses meaning in terms of figure/ground relationship. It is evident that context becomes an important consideration in the study of meaning. This has been thoroughly studied in the psychology of perception where context has an impact on changing the value of the perceived, whether in size shape, colour or even meaning [37]. While the process seems universal, the means are culturally variable.

Judgment of similarity or difference has more than one way. There are four modes of equivalence in which contrast might lie: - Perceptible (colour, size, shape, scale, proportion and position), - Functional (purpose of its use), - Affective (emotional responses such as fear or liking or disliking), - Nominal (based on pre-cognitive names).

Without sufficient cultural knowledge the notion of contrast, so basic to discrimination or meaning, would not be fully noticed or understood [38].

9.6 Applying the N.V.C.A. to the Environment The utility of the nonverbal communication approach is that it has a non-complicated, straightforward methodology based upon observation, recording and analysis. Also because there is sufficient similarity in theory between nonverbal communication and man-environment studies to ease the transfer of the approach from purely non-fixed-feature elements to semi-fixed and fixed-feature elements. Another advantage is that

218

it is basically humanistic and deals with all products of culture, i.e. its method is interpretive and therefore could be applied to many other studies.

Patterns are shown and unsuspected relationships are exhibited, thus enabling one to relate many disparate studies and integrate them into larger conceptual systems. "This can provide basis for frameworks or models that seem valid cross-culturally and historically, and that can relate primitive, traditional and contemporary 'modern' examples" (Rapoport, 1982:129) [39].

These patterns and relationships, if noted, inferences can be made once elements are analyzed, interpreted and the relevant cultural knowledge obtained. Sets of noticeable differences within the environment should be identified, inferences about them made, overt behaviour observed so that with the help of objective information, meanings could be fully interpreted.

According to studies done in new communities in California, it has been found that often after purchasing a house, the lawn was cultivated even before adequate furniture [40] . The importance of these lawns was in their meaning, i.e. in the message they conveyed about their adherence to a particular image or group identity. Another example was seen in the Barriadas of Lima, Peru, where an elaborate front door is purchased often before a roof can be afforded - in a climate where roofs are necessary, Fig.(83) [41].

Privacy gradients and the meaning attached to various domains also were found to be indicated in many subtle ways: change of ground coverage, mild changes in ground level, screens or free standing gateways.

219

Arrangement of Quebec Indian squatter settlement showing the inappropriateness of the proved housing environment

Fig.(83) The importance of meaning

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The significance of the presence of a fence differs according to the context. (Rapoport, 1982)

The meanings shared by a certain prevailing sub-cultural group may extend into different advertisement media such as newspapers. The same type of housing may communicate contradictory meanings to different sub-cultural groups. The same can be applied to shops (their merchandise, window arrangement, decoration) or restaurants (table arrangement, indoor/outdoor, cutlery and tablecloth, cleanliness). In the domestic domain, the interior decoration, style and quantity of furniture as well as its arrangement are elements to which the nonverbal communication approach can be applied.

This is very obvious in Egypt where the adoption of medieval french styles in furniture started as an imitation of the lifestyle of elites of colonial Egypt (the beginning of the 20th century) [42]. Nowadays, in Egypt, the return to the eclectic and vernacular is the modish style for domestic furniture. These differences are assertations about changing values and attitudes, the major significance of which is in the realm of meaning.

Many examples show that certain forms and materials are not chosen by the people who use them or their peers for reasons of comfort or practicality, but as statements of meaning about 'identity', 'modernity' and 'status'. Thus their importance lies, again, in the value or 'associational' realm.

9.7 An Aid to the Designer The meaning inherent in these environmental elements provide cues and standards for social communication processes whereby people are judged. This implies that a difference in the meanings inferred through a certain environment exists for two different groups of people and would result in a difference in judgment. For example, an area may be defined by someone as a 'slum' because of a certain activity occurring outdoor, whilst this behaviour is classified by this particular person as strictly belonging indoors. Similarly, the concept of a home is known to have several dimensions, many of which involve meaning and associational elements. These dimensions include: "relationships with others, statement of self-identity, a place of privacy and refuge, a personalized place, a focus of everyday behaviour, a place for upbringing and finally

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a physical shelter" (Hayward,1978) [43]. The importance of establishing and expressing 'meaning' related to the home or the residential built environment, in order to reflect identity, status, specific activity zones, degrees of privacy ...etc. has been pointed out.

It should not be overlooked that, fixed and semi-fixed environmental cues are reinforced by other cues; such as type of people encountered, their dress, their behaviour, the language spoken and the presence of smells and sounds. Which act together to convey messages about the population and the prevailing social structure. Also they could be indicators of the different uses of places, people's priorities and needs, and many other input material needed by the designer in order to build for man. In spite of the apparent importance of meaning - particularly users' meaning - it is of vital importance to point out that the meaning aspect of the environment has been too often neglected and unfortunately, continues to be neglected mainly because it is hard to assess.

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Notes and References

17. Ibid., pp.120

1. A.Rapoport. 1976, pp.7-35

18. S.Duncan. 1969, pp.120-121

2. A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.57

19. A.Rapoport, 1982

3. Ibid., pp.60

20. Ibid., pp.149-151

4. The ‘mnemonic’ function of the environment equivalent to group

21. E.T.Hall, 1966 1957

memory and consensus. It takes the remembering from the person

22. E.Goffman, 1963, pp.21 in A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.78

and places and the reminding in the environment (A.Rapoport, 1979,

23. A.Rapoport, 1984, pp.59-63

pp.35-38)

24. Ibid., pp.90-92

5. C.E.Osgood, 1957, in D.J.Ha1ms1ey & G.J.Lewis, 1984, pp.56

25. H.E.Serageldin & D.Shehayeb, 1987

6. A.Rapoport. 1975 in A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.231

26. A.Abdel Hadi, 1983

7. H.E.Seragledin, 1979

27. Chapin, 1938 in A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.98

8. R.Benedict, 1959, pp.24

28. L.Rainwater, 1966 in A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.98

9. The importance of context is evident in many fields. In psychology it is

29. A.Coleman, 1985

the setting in which the behaviour takes place. In perception, it helps

30. J.Wagner, 1979 in A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.98

recognize and understand ambiguous cue in different sensory

31. This corresponds to the notion of "the world of goods" (M.Douglas &

modalities.

10. L.H.Lofland, 1973 in A Rapoport, 1982, pp.71

B.Isherwood, 1979) and to the notion of an "object language"

11. J.A.Desor, 1972, pp.80

(J.Ruesch & W.Kees, 1965).

32. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.221

12. A.Rapoport. 1984, pp.62

33. A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.108-110

13. A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.185

34. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.49

14. Ibid., pp.36-53

35. A.E.J.Morris, 1979, pp.121-155

15. Sarles. 1969, pp.2

36. M.Tafuri, 1976, Ch.3

16. A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.103

37. A.Gabr, 1988

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38. The absence of color does not indicate less importance, it is rather a different way of communicating importance (see Case Study).

39. W.M.C.Lam, 1977, Ch.3 40. A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.198 41. Ibid., pp.129 42. E.P.Eichler & M.Kaplan, 1967 in A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.130 43. a. A.Rapoport, 1977, pp.105 b. A.Rapoport, 1982, pp.131 c. J.F.C.Turner, 1976 44. M.Bayad, 1979, pp.101-103 45. D.G.Hayward, 1978, pp.418-419

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Part Three Case Study 225

Case Study Outcome of this case study will be in the form of a series of recommendations and guidelines, as basis for the development of supplementary design criteria used for building an environment responsive to the community understudy. The major objective being to investigate the impact of economic, social and cultural characteristics of the inhabitants on the organization and use of their built environment. The greater the impact of the characteristics, the more important it is to consider these particular characteristics as guiding criteria for the design process.

Recommendations derived from this study should not be taken as final proposals, but rather as initial ones that are subject to further development. Yet the limitations of my field research should not shift the reader's attention off the main course of the thesis, which is the attempt to show how important socio-cultural considerations are in designing a built environment sensitive to the users' needs as well as present a sample methodology for assessing nonmeasurable factors and translating them into indicators to certain qualities.

The Case Study covers two areas in Cairo: "El Shambaky"; Bab-El-Sheireya quarter.

"Ezbet Abu "Am"; an informal area on the outskirts of Old Cairo.

The reason for choosing these areas is that they represent two contrasting built environments inhabited by two different communities. Each of these communities is characterized by a strong social fabric and a shared cultural background. Within each, community members pertain to different income groups. Another reason is that previous studies of these areas have been undertaken by the GOHBPR and Khaled Sharkawy, respectively.

These studies provide background information about the history of the physical form and the demographic characteristics of the population in it. The outcome of these studies varies; some are in the form of tables, percentages and bar charts and others are totally descriptive. In spite of their importance, either form did not tie between the specific datum and its physical representation or locality. Information such as 15% of

226

the inhabitants are dissatisfied with their immediate surroundings does not help the designer much since it does not clarify what features were found dissatisfactory and why.

The Nonverbal Communication Approach was adopted to obtain information about the socio-cultural attributes in the built environment through the analysis of physical cues and actual behaviour, rather information about attitudes through verbal methods. This approach, with the use of valid and reliable measures, could be assumed to provide an accurate representation of reality in a particular environmental context. Its results need not be generalized to other settings. Applying simple observation methods, the researcher has no control over the behaviour being studied [Zeisel, 1981] even if some hardware (such as a camera) is used to facilitate the recording of the setting. Informal interviews are undertaken randomly as a validating measure for both physical cues and attitudes. This is followed by a detailed study of two to three street enclosures in each area.

The essence of the interrelation between man and his environment is built up of a body of experiences and cues significant and meaningful to the people who regularly use the place. Therefore, the way people use the space and the meaning they attribute to elements in their built environment act as bases for making inferences about the vocabulary of environmental cues used to communicate socio-cultural values held by the users. The value of this approach lies in its totality so that the nature of the setting is assessed through recording physical elements such as land uses, facades and street furniture, complemented by observing the Position of people within settings, the clothes they wear and the way they behave.

Although difficult, this synthesis can be expressed by a table where the blocks represent the socio-cultural significance of the environmental cues (fixed-feature elements, semi-fixed-feature elements and non-fixed-feature elements] in relation to the governing factors of social interaction.

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"EL SHAMBAKI" El Shambaki is an eighteenth century quarter of "Bab El Sheireya" which developed as one extension of Cairo to the north. It aligns both the Medieval and the European centres of Cairo. Consequently, it has the old cities street pattern and the European architectural style of buildings.

People living there have been urban dwellers for more than two generations. Eighty percent of the families live in two or three-room dwellings.

Houses are serviced with water, electricity and sewage. They vary from one-storey stone houses to six and seven storey structures of concrete and bricks. The residential form flanks the main spine, El Shambaky Street, that starts close to the Railway Station Square (Ramses) and ends at the intersection of two main arteries: "El Geish" and "El Khalig El Masry" streets. This spine is divided into four sectors each representing a different social entity, one of which is Shambaki. The beginning of each sector is marked by the yellow and green striped mosque of the following area. Along this spine shops as well as workshops are present to accommodate forty percent of the working members of the community. Most of the workshops are whole-sale manufacturers of sweets.

The spine is an extension, for shop owners, of their merchandise display or working area. It is also an extra space for storing tools and products. The spine witnesses the free movement of women socializing with men. Otherwise, they tend to ask permission from their husbands if they intend to leave the premises of their area. People's attitudes towards spine resonate with feelings of security, belonging, contentment and friendliness. To the residents of the place, the area is more than just a physical accommodation 'hetta'. It is their world in which they find their identity. It is a place where a family atmosphere governs all interrelationships.

"My eleven sons and daughters preferred to live in Shambaki although I offered to buy them apartments in more modern areas." said a wealthy shop owner.

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In El Shambaki, a family atmosphere reigns, and a general attitude to help neighbours is evident. Whenever some poor resident loses his dwelling, due to cracking which leads to collapse, members of the area would immediately erect a temporary shelter to house the family.

Another form of mutual help is the gratuitous payment of major repairs and maintenance to dwellings financed by affluent neighbours to poor ones.

This conceptual image of the area, as conceived by its inhabitants, is sustained by certain characteristics in the built environment -for example, its particular type of spaces and street enclosures. Fixed feature elements and semi-fixed-feature elements of the enclosures are compatible to the patterns of use and behaviour as environmental cues to communicate the socio-cultural characteristics of this community.

229

Area Map: Shambaky

Fig.(84)

231

Location of spaces: Shambaky

Fig.(85)

231

Space One & Two: "Darb El Assal" Darb El Assal is one of the well-known branching alleys of Shambaki street (the spine). This is because of the cigarette kiosk, the cafe shack and the honey merchant's shop in its funnel-shaped entrance space. The broken access of the alley then reveals a wide domestic space branching into two dead ends. One deadend flanked by two-storey houses is used in summer as a sitting place for all households who live in it.

By studying the other branching alley, we find that such group socialization has entirely disappeared because of the increase in number of residents is too great to sit altogether in the outdoor space. In this case, the alley does not promote this form of social interaction, although it is a dead-end one. The use of the "Assal" alley as a space for externalized domestic activities (like storage), a playground for children and a place to raise poultry, starts only beyond the bend which visually screens out the main spine. Women also have to dress in extra clothing as soon as they go beyond that bend out to the outside world. In other words, these activities take place in the private zone of the alley rather than the area flanked by the shop and cafe where it is vulnerable to strangers. The presence of any shops inside would be disruptive to the notion of privacy and thus restrictive to such behavioural patterns.

The last set of inquiry is concerned with the meaning which members attribute to their built environment i.e. the cognitive representation of the built environment by the user in connection with his attitudes and way of thinking. It is also expressed by behaviour and is reflected in the physical characteristics found in the environment.

Through informal interviews, people living in the 'darb' expressed their feelings towards their locality; "Inside the darb, it makes no difference if we wear rags, for everyone knows everyone else and many of us are distantly related," said an elderly woman.

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The feelings expressed are that of familiarity, intimacy, and friendliness towards neighbours.

"We never close doors at night for there hasn't been a burglary in forty years," said a middle-aged wife born and raised in the darb. " My son's family lives in Sadat City... his wife wouldn't allow her children to play in the streets there for fear of cars and strangers. When they visit us, she lets them play outsides with their cousins because it is controlled and no outsider can intrude unobserved," said an elderly woman.

The feeling expressed here are of security and confidence.

"Undoubtedly, there are cleaner quarters in which I can live, but in this quarter where I was born, I know everybody, it is like a big family. My educated sons and daughters refused to get apartments outside the quarter so I built this six-storey building for me, my wife and our eleven children," said the wealthy honey merchant sitting in front of his shop at the entrance of the darb.

Another feeling is that of mutual help witnessed in the temporary shelter erected in the alley for a household whose old residence was unsafe to live in.

The wealthy honey merchant also takes up the role of guardian towards the alley; he would pay for garbage collection and any major repair in any of the houses occupied by poor residents. It is understandable that the interviews might be subjective; nevertheless, it reflects some feelings expressed by members of the community which are emphasized by their attitude towards space.

233

Space 1: Entrance to Dar El Assal

Fig.(86)

234

Space 2: Entrance to Darb El Assal

Fig.(87)

235

Space furniture: Darb El Assal

Fig.(88)

236

Activities and space form: Darb El Assal

Fig.(89)

237

Meaning and physical properties: Darb El Assal

Fig.(90)

238

Space Three: "Geninet Moftah" Distinguished for being the largest open space in the quarter, the garden of "Moftah" is like an island in the tightly built urban pattern. One of the characteristics that helps to sustain the introvert feeling is the controlled, limited access to the space that does not encourage any through traffic. This conceptual image of the space of the space, as conceived by the inhabitants, is sustained by certain characteristics in the environment - for example its particular system of land use, its architectural styles, its scale, and the critical diversity in its residents' economic standards. The planted platforms along the middle of the space were paid for, collectively, by the affluent residents. Before their existence, the scale of the space encouraged its use as several football fields which were a threat to the shops and the parked cars as well as the people and children using the space. Now activities are spatially organized without any disruptive overlaps: the side flanked by shops is used as extensions to these shops and parking place for cars owned by residents. Thus it witnesses static social interaction around shops and house entrance. The other half is more dynamic, as it is used by pedestrians and cars as a circulation path.

It is also used by young children as a play area and by elderly men and women who sit on chairs outside their house's door to watch the activity in the space. Football has been pushed to one side of the space where it would cause minimum disturbance.

Another characteristic in the built environment of the space which strengthens the social fabric, is the existence of windows and numerous balconies which promote social interaction whether visually or by verbal communication. This is because the height of buildings (3 to 6 storeys) prevents a lot of residents to interact at street-level. Therefore, this "window activity" is crucial to watch all of the events happening in the space - fights, weddings, funerals, and even football games.

A striking characteristic of the built environment is the presence of modern highly finished six-storey apartment building along side an old classic order two-storey house where lodging consists of one rented room for 180 P.T. per month.

239

"1 paid 18,000 L.E. seven years ago to buy this apartment... I could have got a similar one in one of the newly developed suburbs of Cairo at the same price, but my wife and I prefer to live in Shambaki where I was raised and take care of my mother who lives in the old house two blocks away... It is also close to the centre of the city", said a young engineer.

This feeling of familiarity and belonging was expressed by his wife who came from the traditional quarter of "El Hussein" in Medieval Cairo.

"I prefer to live in a 'popular1 quarter where ray door is left open during the day and I can ask a favour or help from any neighbour... I like Shambaki because I've got everything I need around me and because it reminds me of El Hussein. On Fridays we walk, with the children, along the wall of the Old City and visit my parents," said his wife.

This feeling of satisfaction and familiarity would never have been felt by the woman if she had lived in the designed or informal extensions of the city.

241

Space 3: Geninet Motah

Fig.(91)

241

Space Furniture: Geninet Motah

Fig.(92)

242

Activities and space form: Geninet Moftah

Fig.(93)

243

Meaning and physical properties: Geninet Moftah

Fig.(94)

244

"Ezbet Abu 'Arn" Non existent 20 years ago, Ezbet Abu 'Arn started as a group of squatters on the eastern fringes of the old city of Fustat. AbdelJAal Abu 'Arn who was one of the first settlers there came from the village of El Sawama'a nearby Sohag, Upper Egypt. Since he claimed possession of this area, it witnessed an influx of migrants from the same village and others around it, forming an informal settlement named after him. At first, they accepted all kinds of inferior jobs (mainly construction labourers or street vendors), but gradually they started their own business of making pottery (like flower pots and drinking jugs 'olal') which they burn in specially built kilns. There is also another group consisting of wealthy businessmen and shop-owners who had travelled (as cheap labour) to Arab countries and made their fortunes. Thus, the community at Abu 'Arn is a culturally homogeneous community which encompasses different income groups. The rich and poor share a built environment entwined alleys and dead-ends with structures one to two storeys high, made of stone and wood or brick and concrete. Most of the households are extended families who live in one or two-room lodging units; fifty percent of the latrines are shared 2nd have no water supply. Sewage networks have extended to the 'ezba' two years ago.

The residential bulk clusters around one spine which branches into curving alleys and dead-ends. It starts from the entrance of the area up to the hills of the pot-makers. Along the spine are shops, cafe's and street vending sheds. For cafe owners the spine is the extension of their seating areas. Street vendors display their vegetables and fruits on carts or baskets under a wooden shed or in a house's doorway.

The mode of use of the street enclosure is pretty much the same for all income groups. In the morning, women socialize, sitting inside their homes while they complete their domestic activities (preparing food or washing clothes). Their children play together outdoors and are free to enter any house. In the evening adolescents form groups and play football in the entrance of the 'ezba' while men take chairs from their dwellings out onto the street and gather for entertainment and conversation. As signs of affluence and status, house owners and business men own a car and have usually more than one wife. These ladies would wear more jewellery than the rest of the women and refuse to perform

245

any domestic activities on the street outside their homes. Instead they would use the roof to prepare food, hang their laundry and raise chicken. The 'ezba' witnesses the free movement of women socializing with men until late in the evening. Young girls can walk unattended by male relatives. Not many children go to school and so they are always on the streets playing or helping their mothers. Women hardly leave the premises of their 'ezba' except on special occasions when their husband or brother take them to attend a religious feast 'Moulid1. This coincides with their ethnic characteristic of being conservative (i.e. more protective of their women and female children). It is interesting to note that although the making of pots takes place in the inner zones of the 'ezba', the marketing of their product takes place outside the 'ezba'. That is to say, the actual contact with customers (strangers) is separated from the work-place; hence the notion of privacy, respected by the community of the 'ezba', is not violated.

On the level of the 'ezba', it is the "collective privacy" of the surrounding community that is retained (in relation to the other quarters) while the individualistic one of the family ( in relation to other families in the 'ezba') has ceased. The disappearance of individual privacy is partially attributed to crowdedness generated by a massive influx of migrant kin seeking better job opportunities in the capital. Under such pressure, mutual help is evident in the collective building of lodging newly arrived migrants. Environmental interpretations of such relations are many and can be seen in the pattern of the built form, its spaces and facades.

246

Area map: Ezbet Abu ‘Arn

Fig.(95)

247

The surroundings of Abu ’Arn

Fig.(96)

248

The surroundings of Abu ’Arn

Fig.(97)

249

Space One: The "Hanafeya" Space This space in Ezbet Abu 'Arn is conceived as a threshold that serves both privacy and safety functions.

"To inform [someone] that one is passing from a space which is public where one's presence is not questioned...to a place which is private and where one's presence requires justification...thus forces an outsider to the realization that he is intruding on a semi-private domain." (Newman, 1973:64)[ ] The feeling of privacy (collective privacy) if further sustained by the cafe and food cart which interrupt the visual continuity along the main spine. This social barrier does not promise the intruder an easy way through.

This space is rather a swelling part in the main thoroughfare of the 'ezba' widens at its junction with two alleys, to accommodate events in which all the community participates. The presence of the communal taps and a large cafe renders the space the most important focal point in the 'ezba'. This is where people gather and experience a sense of enclosure and belonging to the community. It is also where some outsider guest is entertained at the cafe. In other words there exists along the length of the thoroughfare of the 'ezba' a hierarchy in space perception.

This hierarchy is not one of privacy (for it is all more or less a semi-private space) but of importance. This hierarchy serves to preserve the collective privacy of the community and to sustain the notion of introvertedness that prevails on the 'ezba'.

Another characteristic of the space is the presence of daily consumption shops and vegetable street vendors in the entrance of the branching alleys and the inner continuation of the thoroughfare. This land use pattern helps to relieve the inner spaces from the daily shopping activity.

This has left them to accommodate more private activities that occur outdoors. The left overs of these shops and vegetable stands are quietly

251

nibbled by goats and sheep that are allowed to wander in the space. They need not be tied up for it is known who they belong to. The same reason applies to the shops having no names or the space just known as the space where the tap is.

"We come at the tap in certain hours of the day so that we all meet and exchange our daily news" said a woman carrying a bucket. "My sons stand in the shop, it is more important for me to sit at the cafe and talk to the men. That is how I get to find out about new jobs" said an elderly carpenter.

The meaning that is communicated according to these attitudes and feelings is that of a 'big house' of which each individual is a member.

Whereas, to an outsider, the place may look like a ghetto - with narrow untidy streets, with noisy residents, ill-mannered and unclean who live in dilapidated dwelling units - to the settlers it is like living in their own home village.

251

Space 1: The “Hanafeya” space

Fig.(98)

252

Space furniture: The “Hanafeya” space

Fig.(99)

253

Activities and space form: The “Hanafeya” space

Fig.(100)

254

Activities and space form: The “Hanafeya” space

Fig.(101)

255

Space Two: "Abu Naser’s Space" Abu Naser's space is a subordinate extension of the 'hanafeya' space. Yet, the access from the main space is broken so that this secondary space is not revealed to outsiders who might be sitting, as guests, at the cafe of the former. The irregular shape of Abu Naser's space is actually an enlarged part of a secondary thoroughfare that leads to the hills of the pottery makers. Along its entrance it has shops selling fruits and grocery. Hidden shops inside the space are mostly kept by women. Other women sit on the floor socializing with them while watching their children play or breast-feeding their infants. One woman had four washing machines outside her dwelling door. She seemed to run a laundry business of her own.

The continuous wall of the space breaks at the entrance of the small cul-de-sac. Inside this cul-de-sac an outdoor staircase leads to lodgings at different levels. These lodgings are incremental vertical extensions which are built to house new comers from rural areas. In this space, a lot of domestic activities take place such as bathing children, washing clothes and razing chicken.

"We like to hear and be heard... enjoy seeing and being seen", said a young housewife.

"Undoubtedly, there are cleaner streets in which to live, but in the 'ezba', you can raise sheep, goats and poultry", said a middle aged woman.

The feeling of satisfaction expressed by the woman regarding the space is shared by the children as well. The intimate scale of the space allows them to use it as a playhouse. This shows how the outside space is perceived by the people as an extension of the house's unveiled activities. The attitude towards performing externalized household activities is not due to lack of space as much as it gives the women a chance to socialize while finishing their domestic activities.

256

Space Two 2: Abu Naser’s space

Fig.(102)

257

Space furniture: Abu Naser’s space

Fig.(103)

258

Activities and space form: Abu Naser’s space

Fig.(104)

259

Meaning and physical property: Abu Naser’s space

Fig.(105)

261

The previous study reveals how the designer, when using environmental analysis, may make some effort to reach meaningful indications regarding the built form that suits the community under study.

The most important characteristic found in the two areas is the socio-cultural homogeneity reflected in the built environment. Meaning encoded in the environmental cues are understood and respected by all members of the community. This is because they share the same cultural values irrespective of their economic status. This consequently leads to their applying very similar subjective criteria in decisions and choices which they make regarding their every day life and environment. People are able to "share values, ideas and norms; understand and respond to the same symbols, agree about child-rearing, interaction, density and lifestyle -- and hence leisure, food, clothing style, manners and rules." (Rappoport, 1977:256) [ ] Unlike the contemporary belief shared by designers, homogeneity is not derived from sharing a physical environment, but from the community itself. The common cultural background in a society helps generate and strengthen the familial atmosphere and mutual support which underly the promotion of the human and the physical environments. In the absence of such homogeneity, an individualistic attitude starts to develop.

And that is a major difference between traditional quarters and newly designed ones.

The desire to cluster to form homogeneous settlements is a natural and favourable human desire. This is witnessed in the two communities under study. They both perceive their environments as entities where a familial and friendly atmosphere prevails. What is also similar is the concept underlying this perceived image, and that is the shared socio-cultural background. What is different, on the other hand, is the set of physical elements in the environment which helps establish this meaning. Street enclosures in 'El Shambaky', for example, are not places for extended domestic activities as in the 'ezba', but settings for socializing. The inhabitants of 'Abu 'Arn' with their rural background use contrasting colourful facades to communicate a strong sense of identity and belonging. The same meaning is communicated in 'El Shambaky'

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through the absence of such elements, i.e. through preserving the valued harmony of the outdoor environment. The latter is not a case of lack of identity, but rather a different way of expressing group identity and status.

The study revealed how different characteristics in the various built forms may tend to communicate similar meanings for different cultural groups. It is the responsibility of the designer to understand these significance of these characteristics in order to derive what this particular group of people value in their environment. Once this is accomplished it is easy to deduce recommendations and understand the needs of these people in terms of the built form. These would be developed into design guidelines that concern a certain portion of the population. That is if he is keen on providing a responsive built environment to the different groups of people.

The aim of the case study analysis was to assess the relevant socio-cultural characteristics of the communities understudy using the nonverbal communication approach. In addition to that and based, also, on the former analysis, some recommendations regarding the future design of the built environment for similar groups could be deduced.

Recommendations: "EL SHAMBAKY" The area should have a main spine with limited entrances to give a sense of territorial control. These entrances should be designed to discourage any through traffic (either pedestrian or vehicular) so that not to disrupt its daily social life.

Entrances of branching streets should screen the inner, more privately used, spaces from the public spine. These T-junctions should also be spatial enough to accommodate social spots, whether around a mosque, a cigarette kiosk, a shop or some street vendors.

262

The distribution of commercial activities ought to favour the presence of shops up to the semi-public level of street hierarchy only.

Nevertheless, if shops are placed in semi-private spaces, they should rather have daily consumable items that would not invite outsiders. Similarly,in the case of workshops, they should involve minimal interaction with customers. Also commercial activities should be distributed along the public spine so that the housewives could easily buy their daily supply from the 'nearby' shop.

The houses should integrate with hidden open-air areas for the children to play in and for women to socialize through windows and open doors. This could take different forms; a multi-storey court, a large corridor (like the upper storey of the traditional rabaa') or a dead end alley. What is most important is to minimize the number of households who share this collective space.

The height of the houses should not exceed by far the four storeys that allow for sight as well as verbal communication with street life.

Recommendations: "EZBET ABU 'ARN" The urban structure of the area should be compact and inward looking. It should have one defined entrance, in order to give a sense of collective privacy which is characteristic of this more conservative community. Community participates, such as a bride's furniture display or a pilgrim's return, in addition to daily, less specific events. This focal point should be separated from the outside by a hierarchy of thresholds which act as control points for the infiltration of outsiders.

It would be more appropriate to integrate the income source of this community within the boundaries of their area, especially if it does not necessitate contact with outsiders.

263

Commercial activity should serve the community only, not to encourage the intrusion of outsiders. If any specialized shops constitute a part of their income source, they should be placed right outside the main entrance of the area. This would help the survival of their culture and give them control over the degree of interaction between their culture and other different cultures.

The built form should be flexible enough to accommodate incremental change and additions due to the area's function as a primary resort of new immigrants from rural areas.

Communal spaces should be provided directly outside the door of the dwelling units, where the housewives can socialize while performing their externalized domestic activities in the open air. The form of the space is not as important as providing a direct access between the dwelling and the space used for interaction.

These recommendations are derived from the analysis of the interrelation between the human and physical environments in the two communities, as well as the way in which the two groups organized their settings in the built environment to fulfil their needs. Consequently, if designers want this dialogue to continue in designed areas, the design guidelines should project from what is 'known' to the intended community and not from international norms and standards. It is important that new designs 'relate' to the traditional conditions of the community's previous environment rather than an abstract concept of Utopia, i.e. 'what ought to be'.

What is most important is that the people of any new designed area should have a common cultural background that ties them together socially. This includes their origin, their intellectual education, their occupation ...etc. Grouping a community on the basis of economic status only does not help to create homogeneity and collective interaction among its people. And these are important qualities because the structure of the proposed residential environment is based on the collective characteristics and behavioural patterns of the community rather than individualistic ones.

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Part Four Conclusion

265

Conclusions Up till now the usual directives for the large-scale designer are the economic and political factors. There must be some reasons for the delay in using socio-cultural factors as means to incorporate the human dimensions into planning and design. The two major reasons which present themselves are: 1. Designers are reluctant to supplant their pre-adopted intuitions; 2.Difficulties are found in the collaboration of professionals with diverse disciplines, point of views, and conceptual styles.

There is evident need for a professional who is acquainted with the design field as well as with human sciences. This intermediate discipline helps translate relevant abstract knowledge into terms and data meaningful to the design process.

Designers often miss to recognize the interrelationship between the physical environment and the human environment. When apparently old, or over crowded areas are condemned by authorities as "slums", they believe that no guidelines could be deduced from these areas for the design of the new areas. Professionals often overlook the fact that these physically run-down existing areas often encompass what could be called a community by choice; a place in which group identity and values are closely tied to the physical environment.

Community life is seen in the active street life on the door steps, the street corners, the local cafe. Windows, thresholds and steps provide transition stages between the dwelling unit and the street. Because the whole area is used, more space is available than designers think. In some cases, the neighbourhood is seen as an extension of the home. The surrounding neighbourhood forms an important component of the "lifespace" which not only affects satisfaction but has implications about human density.

When given the chance to choose where to live, people sharing similar socio-cultural characteristics would choose physical environments that offer similar conditions. It should be taken into consideration that existing environments are always seen to perform better than newly

266

designed areas. And that part of this appearance is due to the fact that people adapt and develop a certain familiarity with the environment they live in which makes it seem more compatible to their needs and preferences.

This study is therefore no claim that traditional environments are always better than any designed area, but the aim is to stress the necessity of understanding the interrelation between man and his environment as a basis to predict which groups would adapt better to what forms of housing. Thus, while problems related to matters like water, sewage and electricity - found in "non-planned" areas - are somewhat reduced in public housing projects and new cities other environmental functions are largely given up in return.

The introduction of the mass housing stereotype defied the priorities and preferences of many socio-cultural groups. Imported designs and housing layouts hardly suited the housing economy and lifestyles of many Egyptian families. Some families might need to raise poultry at home, whether for economic reasons or just as a feature of their lifestyles. Others who need to have a second income source would usually demand more space and the proximity to a market. Centralized shopping area and exposed open space often do not suit the lifestyle of the housewife who is not allowed to go outside the boundaries of a private community of kids and friends unaccompanied by her husband. These are just examples of different patterns of lifestyle and therefore different types of housing demands.

On the other hand, the growing informal housing areas provide appropriate housing environment to some socio-cultural groups who regard physical standards such as lighting, the space between buildings, walking distances and proper access as less important than location, preservation of mutual support, acquisition of skills, a sense of identity and saving money through appropriate resource allocation. Housing priorities are not limited to the preferences of a certain group of people, but also their economic constraints. - -Informal housing inhabitants show minimum variation in lifestyle, i.e. socio-cultural characteristics, although there may be a wide variety in their economic status. These areas are often inhabited by street vendors, taxi drivers, plumbers with two/three wives and wealthy contractors. At the same time, an

267

educated government employee or school teacher would resent living in, what he would consider, a slum area as this. His priorities which are primarily related to "status", "prestige" and "appearance" would not match the socio-cultural values inherent in this particular environment.

Without denying the importance of providing an adequate living space - with certain conditions related to hygiene - for everyone, one must realize that this is far from being the only matter to be considered. It follows that a lot of information on the housing economics as related to the users, and the socio-cultural values of inhabitants still remains to be deduced from the existing environments.

As a first step to develop the designers sensitivity towards the human aspects, design criteria and standards should be re-examined in their actual physical and human context in order to uncover their compatibility with the underlying social and cultural characteristics of the people involved. In some environments it is what is missing, altered or added which represents the cues to relevant variables, while in other environments it is the successful interaction between man and his environment; of social and physical organization; of meaningful environmental cues that correspond to people's schemata, which indicates the appropriateness and responsiveness of the physical setting.

Trying to attribute the existing environment to the surviving community and vice versa without investigating the significance and meaning of this interrelationship may lead to a mistaken interpretation. More disastrous would be the implication of such a static interpretation in designing criteria for new built form. This is because certain patterns of living and modes of space usage and configuration are tied to a set of constraints. The architect, consciously or unconsciously when designing new proposals, tends to unlock some chains of constraints, thus giving no ground for such modes of living to persist (because they were conditioned by such constraints). Yet, the new built form, however sensitively it may be derived from the original environment, fails to provide the grounds for the former social interaction. This is where the designer may utilize the effort of social scientists.

Social scientists who tend to analyze how the people of the community interact according to different relationships - individuals in a family or a family in a neighbourhood, etc. From these studies, the architect can relate the behavioural patterns of the community to the built environment. He should be able to trace how different elements of the built environment interact with the scenario constructed of the community by the social scientists.

268

Within this setting, he should then be able to differentiate between behavioural patterns related to cultural backgrounds and those related to the constraints of the built environment. That is why social analysis of cultural values at a given period is not enough to provide long-term predictions. This kind of information should be continually updated and available to the designer. Besides making the designer aware of the implicit consequences of his assumptions about human behaviour when designing physical settings for specific purposes, understand the forms and dynamics of man/environment interrelations, allows the designer to utilize the enormous amount of human studies. A key problem in the application of human criteria in design is how to apply it in the presence of a well established, orthodox method of design with its accompanying political and economic considerations. Part of the problem lies in the character of the applied human research that is actually conducted. This is because different human approaches are suited to distinctly different types of problems; there is, up till the present, no one identified overall approach or one magic solution. Solutions are usually complex and involve social cultural issues in a variety of ways and at many different scales. Scale provides a major key to understanding the ways in which professionals can corporate socio-cultural research into the design process. It should, therefore, be stressed that concepts and observations drawn from this kind of research should not be used indiscriminately to rationalize design decisions, regardless of their scale and role in the larger planning context.

Though prescribing neither a method, nor a solution until now, this research calls the attention of the designer to the necessity of a total change in attitudes towards the design process. This process being primarily a human process to serve man, it is essential that it is based on principles that relate to the people it will serve than to the preconceptions and shortcomings of the very few who conduct it. This means that the human aspects; social, cultural and economic, of the people should be the driving force behind the morphology of the built environment.

What is meant by the economic aspect here is not the economics of the housing scheme but that of the individuals who will live in it.

This should be the objective of further research work along the same line. Although not all the negative consequences in the contemporary designed environment are directly caused by the 269

design method, it is high time the designers admitted its weaknesses and that it satisfies the designer and the economist more than it does the people whose lives it embodies.

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Appendix The field of man-environment research is still developing in Egypt. That is why basic explanatory information about places and their utilization is not readily available. Such information should be assessed before trying to understand the meanings and values represented in different physical settings. Descriptive approaches, based on valid and reliable measures, could be assumed to provide an accurate representation of reality in a particular environmental context. Its results need not be generalized to other settings [1].

The bulk of the social data that has been collected by and for designers has been obtained by the use of survey techniques such as questionnaires and interviews. The basic threats to the validity of using questionnaires and structured interviews lies in the respondent [2].

These include: 1.The awareness of being tested when a reactive measure is used, makes people often exhibit behaviour that hardly typifies usual behaviour [3].

2.People's fear of being evaluated is another side of the problem. When people realize they are being measured, they exhibit unusual behaviour because of their concern with not appearing abnormal [4].

3.The role selected by the respondent is yet another possible source invalidity. Far from being dishonesty, the respondents often tend to say what the experimenter wants to hear even if it is not their usual attitude [5].

Undiscussed in the above four types of reactive error is the question: "If one does validly measure the respondent's attitude with a questionnaire or structured interviews, just what has one measured? There is some evidence that attitudes are not highly related to overt behaviour" (Lang et al, 1974:263) [6]. Deutscher has pointed out that the problem of attitude-behaviour inconsistency is of extreme importance when attempting to apply its findings to real problems. The lack of relationship can lead to major policy errors [7]. Yet, these

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problems can be ameliorated by employing measures that are unobtrusive. The relation between attitude and behaviour could then be traced through cross-examining attitude measures with unobtrusive measures of overt behaviour.

Unobtrusive measures can be divided into [8]: Physical cues Archival records Observational Data Gathering data about physical cues is organized to increase designers' understanding of the behavioural effects and counter effects on the environment. Physical cues to look for may be divided into [9]: By products of use: Erosions, leftovers, missing traces. Adaptations for use: Props, separations, connections. Displays of self: Personalization, identification, group membership.

Public messages: Official, unofficial, illegitimate.

Sometimes termed physical traces, selective wear on a surface or a deposit of objects or remnants of past behaviour, could serve as guiding determinants to future design. For example, when planning walks and paths in a residential area, the architect could lay down the paths along the natural lines worn in the ground by the users. It is necessary to validate this type of findings by observation in order to understand who caused it and why is it significant.

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The creative researcher can find an unlimited supply of data in archival records including previous studies of various nature. Applying this unobtrusive measure one could deduce people's priorities from social data about their expenditure, or the rate of power failure in a residential area might mean the accumulation of electrical devices in homes as an indicator of status. A high rate of wrong-parking tickets in a particular area indicates the necessity of providing parking place close to this particular spot. Advertisements and mass media can also give inferences about the contemporary values and norms [10]. Nevertheless, it should noted that the data obtained from previous studies are second-hand and this should be controlled by obtaining multiple confirmations by other methods such as observation.

Applying simple observation, the researcher has no control over the behaviour under study, i.e. he plays a passive unobserved role.

Sometimes, continued observation is necessary where the researcher plays a more active role and therefore often uses some hardware to facilitate observing and recording the behaviour and the setting. The use of hardware in the recording of observational data has many advantages [11]: l. Its use diminishes the chances of human error.

2. It provides a permanent record for re-examination of the data.

3. It helps gain access to area where it would be difficult for the researcher to gain entrance.

The simple and unobtrusive measures of observation can categorized according to the variables observed. The first category is the gathering of data by the observing of exterior physical signs. In people, this can be such items as the clothing they wear, in a setting, it could be where and how furniture is arranged. R.L.Birdwhistell's work on nonverbal communication [12] with the body can be applied in the study of these types of problems. Data on where people position themselves in a behaviour setting, in relationship to other people and to the built environment, can be very useful in assessing the nature of the setting on the occupant's reaction to it [13].

273

Another observational technique is conversation sampling, simply to observe what people are saying to one another and how. Finally, the amount of attention paid by a person to an object can be used as an indicator of interest, and consequently of importance. As Zeisel put it, the elements to be observed in environmental behaviour observation are [14]:

WHO is

ACTOR

Doing WHAT

ACT

With WHOM

SIGNIFICANT OTHERS

In what RELATIONSHIP

RELATIONSHIPS – aural / visual / tactile olfactory / symbolic

In what CONTEXT

SOCIOCULTURAL CONTEXT – situation / culture

And WHERE

PHYSICAL SETTING – props / spatial relations

Informationally rich evaluations of the impact of the built environment can be made by employing a multiple-confirmation method, where unobtrusive measures are used to validate more detailed (but reactive) measures.

274

Notes and Reference 1.

A.Abdel Hadi, 1983

2.

J.Lang, 1974, pp.262-263

3.

This has been termed as "guinea pig effect" (C.Sellitz, M.Jahoda, M.Deutsch & S.W.Cook, 1959)

4.

M.S.Rosenberg has labelled this phenomenon "evaluation apprehension" (M.S.Rosenberg, 1965, pp.18-42}

5.

M.T.Orne, 1969, pp.147-177

6.

J.Lang et al, 1974, p.263

7.

I.Deutscher, 1934, pp.230-237

8.

E.J.Webb,

9.

J.Zeisel, 1981, pp.100-108

10.

M.Bayad, 1979

11.

J.Lang et al, 1974, p.269

12.a.

R.L.Birdwhistell, 1960

D.T.Campbell,

R.D.Schwartz & L.Sechrest, 1966

b. A.Rapoport, 1982 13.

R.Soramer. 1969

14.

J.Zeisel, 1981, pp.123-136

275

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