South Asia Times Aug / Sep 2020

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august - september 2020

South Asia Times Vol.18 I No. 1 - 2 I AUG - SEP 2020 I FREE s o u t hasiatim es.com .au Editor: Neeraj Nanda

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CELEBRATiNG 18TH YEAR OF PUBLICATION

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WORKING FROM HOME

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Are Your Devices Spying On You? .......Read on page 3

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august - september 2020

EDITORIAL page

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Are your devices spying on you? Australia’s very small step to make the Internet of Things safer

By Kayleen Manwaring* & Roger Clarke**

F

rom internetconnected televisions, toys, fridges, ovens, security cameras, door locks, fitness trackers and lights, the so-called “Internet of Things” (IoT) promises to revolutionise our homes.

But it also threatens to increase our vulnerability to malicious acts. Security flaws in IoT devices are common. Hackers can exploit those vulnerabilities to take control of devices, steal or change data, and spy on us.

In recognition of these risks, the Australian government has introduced a new code of practice to encourage manufacturers to make IoT devices more secure. The code provides guidance on secure passwords, the need for security patches, the protection and deletion of consumers’ personal data and the reporting of vulnerabilities, among other things.

The problem is the code is voluntary. Experiences elsewhere, such as the United Kingdom, suggest a voluntary code will be insufficient to deliver the protections consumers need.

Indeed it might even increase risks, by lulling consumers into a false sense of security about the safety of the devices they buy.

Many IoT devices are insecure IoT devices designed for consumers are generally less secure than conventional computers.

In 2017 the Australian Communications Consumer Action Network commissioned researchers from the University of New South Wales to test the security of 20 household appliances capable of being connected and controlled via wi-fi.

These included a smart TV, portable speaker, voice assistant, printer, sleep monitor, digital photo frame, bathroom scales, light bulb, power switch,

smoke alarm and Hello Barbie talking doll.

While some devices (including the Barbie) were found to be relatively secure in terms of confidentiality, all had some form of security flaw. Many “allowed potentially serious safety and security breaches”.

What this could potentially mean is that someone could, for example, hack into a household’s wi-fi network and collect data from IoT devices. It might be as simple as knowing when lights are switched on to determine when a home can be burgled. Someone with more malicious intent could turn on your oven while shutting down smoke alarms and other sensors.

many consumers aren’t technologically savvy enough to appreciate the risks and protect themselves, this creates the prospect of IoT devices being exploited.

On a personal level, you could be spied on and harassed. Personal pictures or information could be exposed to the world, or used to extort you.

On a societal level, IoT devices can be hijacked and used collectively to shut down services and networks. Even compromising one device may enable connected infrastructure to be hacked.

This is a rising concern as more people connect to workplace networks from home.

Risks to consumers, and society Factors leading to poor security in IoT devices include manufacturers’ desires to minimise componentry and keep costs down. Many makers of consumer goods also have little experience with cybersecurity issues.

Allied with the fact

Voluntary codes of practice In recognition of these threats, IoT security “good practice” guidelines have been proposed by standards bodies such as the US National Institute of Standards and Technology, the European Telecommunications Standards Institute and the

Internet Engineering Task Force. But these guidelines are based on voluntary action by manufacturers.

The UK government has already concluded the voluntary code of conduct it established in 2018 isn’t working.

Britain’s Minister for Digital Infrastructure, Matt Warman, said in July: Despite widespread adoption of the guidelines in the Code of Practice for Consumer Internet of Things Security, both in the UK and overseas, change has not been swift enough, with poor security still commonplace.

The UK is now moving to impose a mandatory code, with laws requiring manufacturers to deliver reasonable security features in any device that can connect to the internet.

A case for coregulation There is little reason to believe Australia’s voluntary code of practice will prove any more effective than in the UK.

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A better option would have been a “co-regulatory” approach. Co-regulation mixes aspects of industry self-regulation with both government regulation and strong community input. It includes laws that create incentives for compliance (and disincentives against non-compliance) and regulatory oversight by an independent (and wellresourced) watchdog.

The Australia government has, at least, described its new code of practice as “a first step” to improving the security of IoT devices.

Let’s hope so. If the UK experience is anything to go by, its next steps will include dumping a voluntary code for something with a greater chance of delivering the safety and security consumers – and society – need. * Senior Lecturer, School of Taxation, Business Law, UNSW ** Visiting Professor, Comp Sci at the ANU, and Law, UNSW Source- The Conversation, 11 September 2020. (Under Creative Commons Licence)

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special article

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What the archaeological record reveals about epidemics throughout history – and the human response to them

By Charlotte Roberts*, Gabriel D. Wrobel** & Michael Westaway***

T

he previous pandemics to which people often compare COVID-19 – the influenza pandemic of 1918, the Black Death bubonic plague (1342-1353), the Justinian plague (541542) – don’t seem that long ago to archaeologists. We’re used to thinking about people who lived many centuries or even millennia ago. Evidence found directly on skeletons shows that infectious diseases have been with us since our beginnings as a species.

Bioarchaeologists like us analyze skeletons to reveal more about how infectious diseases originated and spread in ancient times.

How did aspects of early people’s social behavior allow diseases to flourish?

How did people try to care for the sick? How did individuals and entire societies modify behaviors to protect themselves and others?

Knowing these things might help scientists understand why COVID-19 has wreaked such global devastation and what needs to be put in place before the next pandemic.

Clues about illnesses long ago How can bioarchaeologists possibly know these things, especially for early cultures that left no written record?

Even in literate societies, poorer and marginalized segments were rarely written about.

In most archaeological settings, all that remains of our ancestors is the skeleton.

For some infectious diseases, like syphilis, tuberculosis and leprosy, the location, characteristics and distribution of marks on a skeleton’s bones can serve as distinctive “pathognomonic” indicators of the infection.

Most skeletal signs of disease are nonspecific, though, meaning bioarchaeologists today can tell an individual was sick, but not with what disease.

Some diseases never affect

A tuberculosis sanatorium in São Paulo, Brazil, in the late 1800s. Wellcome Collection, CC BY

the skeleton at all, including plague and viral infections like HIV and COVID-19. And diseases that kill quickly don’t have enough time to leave a mark on victims’ bones.

To uncover evidence of specific diseases beyond obvious bone changes, bioarchaeologists use a variety of methods, often with the help of other specialists, like geneticists or parasitologists. For instance, analyzing soil collected in a grave from around a person’s pelvis can reveal the remains of intestinal parasites, such as tapeworms and round worms. Genetic analyses can also identify the DNA of infectious pathogens still clinging to ancient bones and teeth.

Bioarchaeologists can also estimate age at death based on how developed a youngster’s teeth and bones are, or how much an adult’s skeleton has degenerated over its lifespan. Then demographers help us draw age profiles for populations that died in epidemics.

Most infectious diseases disproportionately affect those with the weakest

immune systems, usually the very young and very old.

For instance, the Black Death was indiscriminate; 14th-century burial pits contain the typical age distributions found in cemeteries we know were not for Black Death victims.

In contrast, the 1918 flu pandemic was unusual in that it hit hardest those with the most robust immune systems, that is, healthy young adults. COVID-19 today is also leaving a recognizable profile of those most likely to die from the disease, targeting older and vulnerable people and particular ethnic groups.

We can find out what infections were around in the past through our ancestors’ remains, but what does this tell us about the bigger picture of the origin and evolution of infections? Archaeological clues can help researchers reconstruct aspects of socioeconomic organization, environment and technology. And we can study how variations in these risk factors caused diseases to vary across time, in different areas of the world and even among

people living in the same societies.

How infectious disease got its first foothold Human biology affects culture in complex ways.

Culture influences biology, too, although it can be hard for our bodies to keep up with rapid cultural changes.

For example, in the 20th century, highly processed fast food replaced a more balanced and healthy diet for many. Because the human body evolved and was designed for a different world, this dietary switch resulted in a rise in diseases like diabetes, heart disease and obesity.

From a paleoepidemiological perspective, the most significant event in our species’ history was the adoption of farming.

Agriculture arose independently in several places around the world beginning around 12,000 years ago.

Prior to this change, people lived as huntergatherers, with dogs as their only animal companions.

They were very active and had a well balanced, varied

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diet that was high in protein and fiber and low in calories and fat. These small groups experienced parasites, bacterial infections and injuries while hunting wild animals and occasionally fighting with one another.

They also had to deal with dental problems, including extreme wear, plaque and periodontal disease.

One thing huntergatherers didn’t need to worry much about, however, was virulent infectious diseases that could move quickly from person to person throughout a large geographic region.

Pathogens like the influenza virus were not able to effectively spread or even be maintained by small, mobile, and socially isolated populations.

The advent of agriculture resulted in larger, sedentary populations of people living in close proximity. New diseases could flourish in this new environment. The transition to agriculture was characterized by high childhood mortality, in which approximately 30% or more of children died before the age of 5.

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SPECIAL ARTICLE

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What the archaeological record reveals about epidemics...

Contd. from pg 4 And for the first time in an evolutionary history spanning millions of years, different species of mammals and birds became intimate neighbors.

Once people began to live with newly domesticated animals, they were brought into the life cycle of a new group of diseases – called zoonoses – that previously had been limited to wild animals but could now jump into human beings.

Add to all this the stresses of poor sanitation and a deficient diet, as well as increased connections between distant communities through migration and trade especially between urban communities, and epidemics of infectious disease were able to take hold for the first time.

Globalization of disease Later events in human history also resulted in major epidemiological transitions related to

disease.

For more than 10,000 years, the people of Europe, the Middle East and Asia evolved along with particular zoonoses in their local environments.

The animals people were in contact with varied from place to place. As people lived alongside particular animal species over long periods of time, a symbiosis could develop – as well as immune resistance to local zoonoses.

At the beginning of modern history, people from European empires also began traveling across the globe, taking with them a suite of “Old World” diseases that were devastating for groups who hadn’t evolved alongside them. Indigenous populations in Australia, the Pacific and the Americas had no biological familiarity with these new pathogens.

Without immunity, one epidemic after another ravaged these groups.

Mortality estimates range between 60-90%.

The study of disease in

Pathogens like the influenza virus were not able to effectively spread or even be maintained by small, mobile, and socially isolated populations. skeletons, mummies and other remains of past people has played a critical role in reconstructing the origin and evolution of pandemics, but this work also provides evidence of compassion and care, including medical interventions such as trepanation, dentistry, amputation and prostheses,

herbal remedies and surgical instruments.

Other evidence shows that people have often done their best to protect others, as well as themselves, from disease. Perhaps one of the most famous examples is the English village of Eyam, which made a self-sacrificing decision to isolate itself to prevent further spread of a plague from London in 1665.

In other eras, people with tuberculosis were placed in sanatoria, people with leprosy were admitted to specialized hospitals or segregated on islands or into remote areas, and urban dwellers fled cities when plagues came.

As the world faces yet another pandemic, the archaeological and historical record are reminders that people have lived with infectious disease for millennia. Pathogens have helped shape civilization, and humans have been resilient in the face of such crises. * Professor of Archaeology, Durham University

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As people lived alongside particular animal species over long periods of time, a symbiosis could develop – as well as immune resistance to local zoonoses. ** Associate Professor of Anthropology, Michigan State University *** Australian Research Council Future Fellow, Archaeology, School of Social Science, The University of Queensland Source- The Conversation, June 15, 2020 (Under Creative Commons Licence)

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Have we just stumbled on the biggest productivity increase of the century?

By John Quiggin*

O

ne of the most striking responses to the COVID-19 pandemic has been the sudden shift of around half the workforce to working at home.

In many cases, this was combined with an equally sudden shift to home schooling.

Contrary to what might have been expected, working from home was one part of the pandemic response that went remarkably smoothly. Most kinds of office work continued almost as if nothing had changed.

Discussion of the crisis has mostly worked on the assumption that a return to something like the pre-crisis “normal” is both inevitable and desirable.

But the unplanned experiment we have been forced to undertake suggests we might have stumbled upon a massive opportunity for a microeconomic reform, yielding benefits far greater than those of the hard-fought changes of the late 20th century.

The average worker spends an hour on commuting every work day. Remarkably, this is a figure which has remained more or less stable since

Neolithic times, a finding known as Marchetti’s Law. (The same observation has been attributed to Bertrand Russell.)

If working from home eliminated an hour of commuting, without changing time spent on work or reducing production, the result would be equivalent to

a 13% increase in productivity (assuming a 38-hour working work).

If half the workforce achieved such a gain, it would be equivalent to a 6.5% increase in productivity for the labour force as a whole.

For a comparison, let’s look at the radical microeconomic reforms of the 1990s, including

privatisation, deregulation and national competition policy.

In 1995 the main advocate of these reforms, the Productivity Commission, then called the Industry Commission, estimated they would increase national income by 5.5%.

In retrospect, that estimate appears to have been overoptimistic.

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Although there was an upsurge in measured productivity growth in the mid-1990s, the total increase relative to the long-term trend was less than 1 percentage point per year above normal.

Low productivity growth since then has wound back those gains.

Contd. on pg 7

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asia times working from home southSouth 7 Asia Times

Have we just stumbled on the biggest productivity increase of the century?

Contd. on pg 7 These gains are big, compared to those we sweated on so, those reforms were, and to a large extent still are, widely seen as a crucial contributor to economic prosperity.

So, an improvement of 6.5% would be a huge benefit. It would be enough over a few years to offset the economic costs of the lockdown and many other impacts of the pandemic.

But, as in the case of microeconomic reform, this initial estimate may be misleading. And even if there are real benefits on average, it’s important to ask who will get them and who, if anyone, will lose.

A study by Harvard and New York University economists finds that people working from home spend around 48 minutes more time per day connected to their offices, leaving an average gain in free time of only 12 minutes per day.

It seems likely, however, that at least some of this time is spent on household tasks, especially to the extent that workers had to take on child care and home schooling during the lockdown period. And, as well as saving commuting

time, workers also save the monetary costs of commuting and at least some of the time spent getting ready for work.

On balance, it seems clear that on average working from home yields net benefits.

However, workers for whom social contacts at work represent a significant “fringe benefit” will lose that benefit, while other workers who value privacy or separating work and social life will gain a benefit.

It’ll be harder for managers…

Similarly, those who rely on chatting to colleagues to develop ideas will lose something relative to those who prefer more systematic approaches to obtaining information relying on electronic contact.

Another group of workers who might lose from remote working are middle managers.

To the extent that management depends on “presenteeism”, that is, physically keeping an eye on workers, remote working presents problems.

Intrusive checking on computer activity is likely to be resisted and evaded.

Managers will have to learn to manage by objectively

If half the workforce achieved such a gain, it would be equivalent to a 6.5% increase in productivity for the labour force as a whole. assessing results rather than observing what people do, and to get that evidence accepted further up in the hierarchy. …manageable for employers For employers, the shift to working from home has had little immediate impact.

Workers’ wages haven’t changed and, at least in the short run, neither has spending on office space.

But, in the long run, remote working offers the possibility of much greater flexibility in

hiring. Some employers such as Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg have already floated the idea of paying workers less because they can now live in cheaper locations, setting the stage for future conflict.

For the most part, disputes over sharing the benefits of remote office work will be hashed out between employers, workers and unions, in the ordinary workings of the labour market.

But what about the other half of the workforce, who don’t have the option of working from home? In particular, what about the mostly low-paid service workers who depend on people coming into offices?

If the productivity gains made possible through remote work are to be shared by the entire community, substantial government action will be needed to make sure it happens.

Most obviously, the higher rate of JobSeeker allowance has helped us get through the pandemic without the upsurge in suicide and other measures of social distress predicted by many. Returning to the poverty-level unemployment benefit (the old Newstart) would be a disaster.

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We’ll need to change the way we support workers The pandemic has shown how whole sectors of the economy, such as aged care, rely on casual workers piecing together multiple jobs, with no access to standard conditions like sick leave. Younger workers in particular suffer from underemployment and difficulties in making the transition to permanent full-time work.

What will be needed is both an expansion of publicly funded employment in a wide range of services, including aged care, and a reversal of trends towards casual and contract employment.

Disastrous though it has been, COVID-19 has taught us a lot about ourselves and about how our economy and society work.

If we learn these lessons, we might be able to benefit and mitigate at least some of the harm done by the disaster. * Professor, School of Economics, The University of Queensland Source- The Conversation, 3 September 2020.

(Under Creative Commons Licence)

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technology

august - september 2020

TikTok suicide video: it’s time platforms collaborated to limit disturbing content

By Ariadna MatamorosFernández* &D. Bondy Valdovinos Kaye**

A

disturbing video purporting to show a suicide is reportedly doing the rounds on the popular short video app TikTok, reigniting debate about what social media platforms are doing to limit circulation of troubling material.

According to media reports, the video first showed up on Facebook in late August but has been reuploaded and shared across Instagram and TikTok — reportedly sometimes cut with seemingly harmless content such as cat videos.

TikTok users have warned others to swipe away quickly if they see a video pop up showing a man with long hair and a beard.

A statement by TikTok quoted by News.com.au said: Our systems have been automatically detecting and flagging these clips for violating our policies against content that displays, praises, glorifies, or promotes suicide.

We are banning accounts that repeatedly try to upload clips, and we appreciate our community members who’ve reported content and warned others against watching, engaging, or sharing such videos on any platform out of respect for the person and their family.

Schools and child safety advocates have warned parents to be alert for the possibility their child may see — or may have already seen — the video if they are a TikTok or Instagram user.

The sad reality is users will continue to post disturbing content and it is impossible for platforms to moderate before posting. And once a video is live, it doesn’t take long for the content to migrate across to other platforms.

Pointing the finger at individual platforms such as TikTok won’t solve the problem. What’s needed is a coordinated approach where the big social media giants work together.

Evading moderation Post-moderation means even the worst content can be published. Either the platforms identify it with machine learning systems, or users report it to be processed by human

moderators. But it can be live for five minutes, an hour or longer.

Once a video is up, it can be downloaded by bad actors, modulated to reduce the chance of detection by content moderation machine learning systems, and shared across multiple platforms — Reddit, Instagram, Facebook or more.

These bad actors can cut the video slightly differently, edit it within harmless material, put filters on it or distort the audio to make it difficult for the content moderation programs to automatically identify disturbing videos. Machine learning with visual content is advancing but it’s not perfect.

This is broadly what happened with video of the Christchurch massacre, where content taken from the gunman’s Facebook livestream of his attack was downloaded and then shared across various platforms.

By the time Facebook took down the original video, people already had copies of it and were uploading to Facebook, Reddit, YouTube and more. It very quickly became a cross-platform problem. These bad actors can also add hashtags (some very innocent-sounding) to target a particular community.

One of the key draws of TikTok as a social media platform is its “spreadability”; how easily it facilitates creating and sharing new videos based on the one a user was just watching.

With just a few taps users

can create a “duet” video showing themselves reacting to the disturbing content.

Bad actors, too, can easily reupload videos that have been removed. Now this purported suicide video is out in the wild, it will be difficult for TikTok to control its spread.

What about copyright takedowns?

Some have noted social media platforms appear very adept at quickly removing copyrighted material from their services (and thereby avoiding huge fines), but can seem more tardy when it comes to disturbing content.

However, copyright videos are, in many ways, easier for machine learning moderation systems to detect. Existing systems used to limit the spread of copyrighted material have been built specifically for copyright enforcement.

For example, TikTok uses a system for detecting coprighted material (specifically music licensed by major record labels) to automatically identify a song’s fingerprint.

Even so, TikTok has faced a range of issues relating to copyright enforcement.

Detecting hate speech or graphic videos on the platform is much more difficult.

Room for improvement Certainly, there’s room for improvement. It’s a platform-wide, society-wide problem — we can’t just say TikTok is doing a bad job, it’s

something all the platforms need to tackle together.

But asking market competitors to come up with a coordinated approach is not easy; platforms normally don’t share resources and work together globally to handle content moderation.

But maybe they should.

TikTok employs massive teams of human moderators in addition to their algorithmically driven automated content moderation. These human content moderators work in many regions and languages to monitor content that may violate terms of use.

Recent events show TikTok is aware of growing demand for improved content moderation practices. In March 2020, responding to national security concerns, TikTok’s parent company ByteDance committed to stop using moderation teams based in China to moderate international content. It also established a “transparency centre” in March 2020 to allow outside observers and experts to scrutinise the platform’s moderation practices.

These platforms have enormous power, and with that comes responsibility. We know content moderation is hard and nobody is saying it needs to be fixed overnight.

More and more users know how to game the system, and there’s no single solution that will make the problem go away. It’s an evolving problem and the solution will need to constantly evolve too.

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Improving digital citizenship skills There’s a role for citizens, too. Every time these disturbing videos do the rounds, many more people go online to find the video they talk about it with their friends and contribute to its circulation.

Complicating matters is the fact reporting videos on TikTok is not as straightforward as it is on other platforms, such as Facebook or Instagram. A recent study I (Bondy Kaye) was involved in compared features on TikTok with its Chinese counterpart, Douyin.

We found the report function was located in the “share” menu accessed from the main viewing screen on both platforms — not a place many would think to look.

So if you’re a TikTok user and you encounter this video, don’t share it around - even in an effort to condemn it.

You can report the video by clicking the share icon and selecting the appropriate reporting opyion. * Lecturer in Digital Media at the School of Communication, Queensland University of Technology. ** PhD Candidate / Editorial Assistant, Queensland University of Technology If you or someone you know needs help, contact Lifeline on 13 11 14 or www. lifeline.org.au Source: The Conversation, September 8, 2020 (Under Creative Commons Licence)

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book review

august - september 2020

Tropical humour in cold spa on 'degenerating' Indian democracy, economy and society

By Bhabani Shankar Nayak*

S

elf-deprecating humour is a survival strategy of human beings, and coping mechanism of the society during the dark times. That is true to the letter as well as to the spirit when it comes to Avay Shukla’s book ‘PolyTicks, DeMocKrazy&MumboJumbo’.

It is an insider masterpiece of political satire on Indian society and politics from 2014 to 2020.

The savage critique of political system which is dominated by the ‘alpha male honey badgers of LOOTyen’s Delhi’ comes from author’s relatable frustration and unfatigued commitment to the idea of India and its democratic ideals promised within Indian Constitution.

The book depicts the painful transition of governance and political culture in contemporary India.

Readers will experience Shukla’s words with laughter, and discover a deep sense of responsibility with rib cracking humour within this book. The sharp observations, uncensored reflections on everyday ugly realities, incisive and witty analysis of political culture and leadership in India are pillars of this book.

The author did not bother to spare even himself as he calls his four decades long work in the IAS as “dubious service to the public”. But writing this book compensates all professional gaps. The book makes significant contribution to the existing ethnographic literatures on political satires in India. The unretiring spirit of the author blossoms in smiling words with repugnance for a self-serving system that marginalises the masses.

The privileged, uncaring and arrogant Delhi is ‘a city of alfa male Honey Badgers’ who are drunk with power.

The corrupt people and leaders are living a subsidised luxurious life in the capital city. They have no concern about the predicaments of everyday life of common men, women and environment in India.

The criminal nexus between politicians, businesses and bureaucrats produces a five-star hotel

within even Tihar jail. The irony in ‘Tihar Regency’ depicts the onslaught of the powerful and corrupt private capital on Indian democracy.

The Hindu way of ‘unearthing black money’ is a ruthless take on uncanny rituals of good governance in a corrupt system and its celebration within the cultural foundation of hoarding.

In spite of growing ‘trust deficit’, the ‘chickens cross the road’ to normalise corporate loot and circulation of elites within Indian society.

In the name of electoral democracy and nationalism, people elect representatives who become their exploiters and oppressors. The author laments the failures of intellectuals and educational systems that create literacy but failed to promote skills and inspire creativity.

The manufacturing of trust deficit and its culture has permeated into every step of life in India. The need-based society is transformed into a desire-based society, where beauty no longer “lies in the eyes of the beholder, it lies in the scalpel of the plastic surgeon”. But it is fine as long as you kiss your own wife or ex-wife in a party in the absence of one or the other.

The author has argued for culture of criticism, tolerance and ‘sense of humour’ for the growth of an inclusive and sensitive society in India, which is under threat today.

The political correctness in today’s India is producing an illiberal praxis. In such an environment, the fraudulent godmen enjoy freedom whereas the cartoonists and stand up comedians suffer in prison. The judiciaries in India have failed to protect individual freedom and progressive culture.

India is becoming a republic of “dumb folks” even if they have smart phones and dream of living in smart cities.

The rise of bigoted politicians like SubramaniamSwamy and so called actors like Salman Khan as well as journalists like Arnab Goswami are signs of a degenerate society with rotten growth of Mophobia, Nomophobia, Textaphrenia, Textiety, Fomo, Selfitis, IAD, SMA, PYS, Digital Pouting and FAD. What do these ticklish abbreviations mean? Well, you need to buy and read this book to understand them, as well as the Glenlivit APP turncoat culture of powerplay in South Delhi dinner parties.

The “rebooting of India” is impossible as long as politics

remains as a playground of elite circulation. The Hindutva politics of “cultural revival” is in fact merely the preservation of old elites and their “animal spirits” by bribing gods and leaders. The GST is the “Graft and Sleaze Tax”. The Aadhar biometric card is surveillance overdrive by the government led by Modi.

Such agonising transitions are accelerated by the death of journalism and the growth of toxic and opinionated “prime time news tyranny” that is free from facts. ‘The fifty shades of no’ uncovers dwindling integrity in public life, and the collapse of law and order in Indian society.

The public health is waiting for its last rites whereas the pious and rich celebrate life under the Hindutva regime.

In Modi’s India, the construction of temple is more important than the construction of hospitals.

Even the principles of neoclassical economic go for a toss due to ignorance and directionless economic policies of Modi government.

The non-performing government is not an asset to the people or to the democratic culture of the country.

Dysfunctional Hindutva politics provides dividends to the corporates while masses suffer in India. Poverty is a business for politicians. Poor people are a major nuisance for governing class. Their corrupt aesthetics is attached to their orderly objects, while living beings with citizenship rights are perpetually anaesthetic.

In the age of propaganda, junk ratings and trash reviews matter more for a corporate driven government than the quality of human lives in the safe republic of holy cows and godmen. Health, education and human rights are moving to the unfathomable bottom of the sea as the RSS continues to celebrate the rise of Indian cultural nationalism by lynching Muslims.

The culture of reactionary agitations is promoted by burning and banning books, censoring films, discarding liberal secularism and beheading reason and science, making impossible any form of social, political and intellectual engagement with national life. A culture of intolerance and violence

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is growing in India in the name of cultural nationalism as defined by Hindutva ideologues.

So, staying at home is a good travel advisory to people as RSS is converting India into lynchingstan, where sex is against Indian culture. In the age of Durex or Manforce brands advertisement, the cultural choice is confined to public relations driven by Arnab Goswami or Sunny Leone.

The twin shall meet to write national glory scripted by the lose cannons of Hindutva politics. Even the food habits are not free from politics in India.

Avay Shukla takes his self-deprecating sense of humour to a different level in ‘playing fast and loose’, ‘dhaankibaat (wealth talks)’ and ‘what is APP with this world, anyway?’. The fun gets addictive as the pages progress. It is dangerous to drive after reading these sections of the book. One can have an accident by laughing uncontrollably. These sections follow the best traditions of political satire; spares none.

The spirit of Khushwant Singh survives within the humorous writings of Avay Shukla. He has silently employed tropical humour in a cold spa to reflect on degeneration and painful transition of Indian democracy, economy and society. The reviewer needs to pray to our holy cows for the blessing of decolonising himself from cold English humour in order to do justice to a funny and brilliant book.

The book is easy and fun to read but astutely reminds the readers their responsibilities as citizens of India. The book leaves you addicted to laughter, as well as a lingering hangover because of its beautiful prose.

It is a must read to have fun while understanding the predicaments and irony of contemporary India. The new India is slowly losing its soul and becoming a slaughter house of intelligence and tolerance.

Pippa Rann Books & Media has made it possible for readers to witness Avay Shukla’s wicked sense of humour in ‘PolyTicks, DeMocKrazy&MumboJumbo’, which is a testament to the courage and conviction of a writer and a publisher as well.

southSouth asia times 11 Asia Times

Opinion

august - september 2020

TikTok, Trump and the need for a digital non-aligned movement C

By Juan Ortiz Freuler*

AMBRIDGE, United States, Sep 9 2020 (IPS) - Recent weeks have seen a dramatic escalation in the U.S.’ stance towards tech companies from the People’s Republic of China (PRC). After hounding the telecommunications company Huawei for years, the social networking app TikTok is the latest Chinese company to enter the firing line.

On 5 August U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo published a press release that could be seen as the master plan that explained the logic behind these policies: creating a parallel internet, defined as a place where companies from the PRC have no place. The text states that “the momentum of the Clean Network program is growing.

More than thirty countries and territories are now clean countries…”

But what is the ultimate goal of this program? The press release, which is more than 450 words long, includes the term ‘safety’ only in its title, ‘Announcing the Expansion of the Clean Network to Safeguard America’s Assets’. It refers to security only four times, mostly included in the term ‘national security’. However, the word ‘clean’ is mentioned 14 times. Clean, as opposed to dirty. And, in Pompeo’s press release, dirty is defined as anything the People’s Republic of China or the Communist Party of China (CCP) is involved in.

The press release does not provide any evidence to justify the drastic measures it proposes, nor does it include references to any technical analysis that could explain the decision to promote the creation of a parallel network over any of the other options available towards building trust (such as the development of industrywide standards that could increase transparency and accountability, greater public oversight, and spot audits, among many others). It therefore seems reasonable to conclude that the U.S. statement is best understood as an expression of xenophobia.

A break away from tradition For decades the community

of internet experts and developers have worked collaboratively to solve pressing issues. This community has been key towards building trust in the internet, both in terms of process (open and consensus driven) as well as in terms of the substance (often technical standards and processes to increase the security of the internet). Pompeo’s press release shows disdain for technical debates and for consensus driven processes.

It’s the equivalent of the U.S. banging its shoe on the table before storming out.

The recent actions by the U.S. show a pattern: the U.S. is no longer willing to discuss technical issues pertaining technology on their merits.

Pompeo and Trump insist on pivoting towards another factor: identity. This is evident in the way in which President Trump explains how his administration is going to force TikTok to sell its U.S. business to Microsoft. How Microsoft will offer privacy to its U.S. users is not part of the public debate, nor is how any U.S. based platform protects people’s privacy. The important thing in Trump’s view is that whoever takes control of TikTok is a very American company.

As an Argentine from a region of the world that has suffered documented cases of surveillance in the United States (even for commercial reasons), the idea of identity based trust feels unsatisfactory. If the world allowed U.S. companies like Microsoft, Facebook, and Google to continue operating within the global network even after evidence about their collaboration with U.S. espionage, it was because the international community

agreed that security issues could and should be addressed by developing and implementing robust industry-wide standards and processes. We clearly failed to develop a set of institutions that would oversee compliance with these rules at a global level, and that might be part of the problem.

A missed opportunity to compete on transparency Many of us expected that, in the absence of some form of global institutional oversight, we would at least be granted a marketbased lookalike through competition. The hope was that disagreements between the U.S and the PRC would spark a race to the top on security, privacy and transparency. And for a brief moment it seemed like we would get something out of it, like when TikTok claimed it would open up its algorithms and challenged Facebook to follow it. But it seems that the U.S. was uninterested in such an approach. Instead, U.S. Secretary of State Pompeo extends an invitation to the world titled ‘Announcing the Expansion of the Clean Network to Safeguard America’s Assets.’ The subtext is clear: either join the clean network, or be sent to the leper colony.

The domino effect Pompeo’s press release does not build upon the tradition of open discussion towards the implementation of security standards and protocols, nor does it promote competition between private entities on the basis of security. Instead, Trump and Pompeo propose a reductionist narrative:

security depends exclusively on identity. This narrative does not provide tools or reasons for the governments of the world to trust any company, be they from the People’s Republic of China or the United States. In doing so, the U.S. has just put rocket boosters under the camp of public servants in every country in the world who have long advocated for the use of firewalls and the blocking or nationalization of any foreign apps, in the name of national security.

Does Pompeo really believe that countries around the world should nationalize all foreign applications and infrastructure providers? If the answer is yes, it does not appear to be in the interest of U.S. companies, which his office in some form is set to serve. If the answer is “no, the nationalist and protectionist measures promoted under the umbrella of America First should only be applied by the U.S.”, then Pompeo has just re-defined the U.S. as a neocolonial power.

Many details regarding the scope and implications of this press release will be clarified over the next few weeks, but it is important to highlight three consequences.

First, the United States has burned the political and moral capital it had left to speak against internet shutdowns, and more generally in the name of the open Internet.

And this is not just about the Snowden revelations.

This statement can be seen as the most recent delivery in a series of regressive actions: the U.S. has recently rolled back net neutrality protections, dismantled the open technology fund, argued for the weakening end-to-end encryption, and more generally, has shown the systematic failure of its regulatory bodies to guarantee competition, and consequent redecentralization of the network that would provide reassurance to other countries that the internet is a levelled playing field worth engaging with.

Second, the logical consequence of Pompeo’s press release is the fragmentation of the global information system as we know it. The 450-word press release, peppered with nationalism and xenophobia,

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will most likely go down in history as the beginning of the end of the open internet, and the utopias that were projected upon that narrative.

Third, we need to build a third way. The expectation in Pompeo’s press release is that countries will be called upon to make a “choice” and join one of these intranets.

However, under the current paradigm, our options will remain restricted to the clogs section of machines that favour the centres at the expense of the peripheries in ever-accelerating processes of extraction.

The timing for the collapse of our global communications system couldn’t be worse: with health specialists warning that we are, at best, in the middle of this pandemic, and scientists claiming that climate collapse will cause a great pain to millions in the years to come, the interdependence of our future has never been so evident. We need a communication system commensurate with the scale and breadth of our problems as a planet and as a species.

We need a system that acknowledges the powerful machinery that has become available, and re-aligns its energy towards helping us solve problems like Covid-19 and climate change.

Everything seems to indicate that we are entering a digital cold war. If this is so, it is time for the peripheries to start giving shape to a digital non-aligned movement. Such a movement could operate as a buffer between the PRC and the U.S. – striving to protect the value of an open Internet, helping us adapt the Internet to become the knowledgesharing tool that our times demand, and offering the necessary cover so that no nation feels coerced into joining an intranet that does not work in the interests of its people.

It is time for the leaders of the non-aligned digital movement to step forward and commit to coordinating our fight for the future of the web, our species, and our planet. * Juan Ortiz Freuler is an affiliate at the Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society This article was originally published by opendemocracy

south asia 12 South Asia Timestimes

SPECIAL REPORT

august - september 2020

COVID-19 could reverse decades of progress toward eliminating preventable child deaths, UN agencies warn

By SAT News Desk

N

EW YORK/GENEVA/ MELBOURNE, 9 September 2020: With the number of under-five deaths at an all-time recorded low of 5.2 million in 2019, disruptions in child and maternal health services due to the COVID-19 pandemic are putting millions of additional lives at stake, feel UN agencies.

The number of global under-five deaths dropped to its lowest point on record in 2019 – down to 5.2 million from 12.5 million in 1990, according to new mortality estimates released by UNICEF, the World Health Organization (WHO), the Population Division of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs and the World Bank Group.

Since then, however, surveys by UNICEF and WHO reveal that the COVID-19 pandemic has resulted in major disruptions to health services that threaten to undo decades of hard-won progress.

“The global community has come too far towards eliminating preventable child deaths to allow the COVID-19 pandemic to stop us in our tracks,” said Henrietta Fore, UNICEF Executive Director.

“When children are denied access to health services because the system is overrun, and when women are afraid to give birth at the hospital for fear of infection, they, too, may become casualties of COVID-19.

Without urgent investments to re-start disrupted health systems and services, millions of children under five, especially newborns, could die.”

Over the past 30 years, health services to prevent or treat causes of child death such as preterm, low birthweight, complications during birth, neonatal sepsis, pneumonia, diarrhoea and malaria, as well as vaccination, have played a large role in saving millions of lives.

Now countries worldwide are experiencing disruptions in child and maternal health services, such as health check-ups, vaccinations and prenatal and post-natal care, due to resource constraints and a general uneasiness with using health services due to a

Once the government of Afghanistan announced reopening of activities, Rahimullah father of Rahila,7 come to park to play. Herat is recognized as an epicenter of CoVID-19, located in West of Afghanistan and has border with Iran. PHOTO: UNICEF ©

fear of getting COVID-19.

A UNICEF survey conducted over the summer across 77 countries found that almost 68 per cent of countries reported at least some disruption in health checks for children and immunization services.

In addition, 63 per cent of countries reported disruptions in antenatal check-ups and 59 per cent in post-natal care.

A recent WHO survey based on responses from 105 countries revealed that 52 per cent of countries reported disruptions in health services for sick children and 51 per cent in services for management of malnutrition.

Health interventions such as these are critical for stopping preventable newborn and child deaths.

For example, women who receive care by professional midwives trained according to internationals standards are 16 per cent less likely to lose their baby and 24 per cent less likely to experience pre-term birth, according to WHO. "The fact that today more children live to see their first birthday than any time in history is a true mark of what can be achieved when the world puts health and wellbeing at the centre of our response,” said Dr. Tedros

Adhanom Ghebreyesus, WHO Director-General.

“Now, we must not let the COVID-19 pandemic turn back remarkable progress for our children and future generations. Rather, it’s time to use what we know works to save lives, and keep investing in stronger, resilient health systems.”

Based on the responses from countries that participated in the UNICEF and WHO surveys, the most commonly cited reasons for health service disruptions included parents avoiding health centres for fear of infection; transport restrictions; suspension or closure of services and facilities; fewer healthcare workers due to diversions or fear of infection due to shortages in personal protective equipment such as masks and gloves; and greater financial difficulties.

Afghanistan, Bolivia, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Libya, Madagascar, Pakistan, Sudan and Yemen are among the hardest hit countries.

Seven of the nine countries had high child mortality rates of more than 50 deaths per 1000 live births among children under five in 2019.

In Afghanistan, where 1 in 17 children died before reaching age 5 in 2019, the

Ministry of Health reported a significant reduction in visits to health facilities. Out of fear of contracting the COVID-19 virus, families are de-prioritizing pre- and postnatal care, adding to the risk faced by pregnant women and newborn babies.

Even before COVID-19, newborns were at highest risk of death. In 2019, a newborn baby died every 13 seconds.

Moreover, 47 per cent of all under-five deaths occurred in the neonatal period, up from 40 per cent in 1990.

With severe disruptions in essential health services, newborn babies could be at much higher risk of dying. For example, in Cameroon, where 1 out of every 38 newborns died in 2019, the UNICEF survey reported an estimated 75 per cent disruptions in services for essential newborn care, antenatal check-ups, obstetric care and post-natal care.

In May, initial modelling

by Johns Hopkins University showed that almost 6,000 additional children could die per day due to disruptions due to COVID-19.

These reports and surveys highlight the need for urgent action to restore and improve childbirth services and antenatal and postnatal care for mothers and babies, including having skilled

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A UNICEF survey conducted over the summer across 77 countries found that almost 68 per cent of countries reported at least some disruption in health checks for children and immunization services. health workers to care for them at birth. Working with parents to assuage their fears and reassure them is also important.

“The COVID-19 pandemic has put years of global progress to end preventable child deaths in serious jeopardy,” said Muhammad Ali Pate, Global Director for Health, Nutrition and Population at the World Bank.

“It is essential to protect life-saving services which have been key to reducing child mortality. We will continue to work with governments and partners to reinforce healthcare systems to ensure mothers and children get the services they need.”

"The new report demonstrates the ongoing progress worldwide in reducing child mortality,” said John Wilmoth, Director of the Population Division of the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. “While the report highlights the negative effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on interventions that are critical for children’s health, it also draws attention to the need to redress the vast inequities in a child's prospects for survival and good health.”

southSouth asia times 13 Asia Times

BOOKS

august - september 2020

Right to the City: Question is being raised whether migrants are citizens of the country

Excerpts from “Migration, Migrants and Right to the City” by RB Bhagat, Professor and Head, Department of Migration and Urban Studies, International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai, based on his lecture at the Centre for Work and Welfare, Impact and Policy Research Institute (IMPRI), New Delhi:

A

ll of us know what has happened during the last week of April to the first week of June 2020 in response to the nationwide lockdown to stave off COVID-19 pandemic. Suddenly millions of migrant workers started moving out of the city and marched towards their respective rural destinations.

It shook the conscience of the nation, the memory of which will be etched for a long time. The topics of migration and migrants have come to the centre stage of national policy making discourse and also generated a renewed academic interest.

So, my concern here is that we are aware of the problems faced by the migrants, who have not been treated well, and a question is being raised whether they are the citizens of this country or not?

Whether they belong to the state of origin, or the state of destination or they are the responsibility of Central Government? We have also seen the matter being seized by the Supreme Court, and the apex court has given directions to the Central and state governments to facilitate transfer of migrants to their native places.

The question is why this magnitude of humanitarian crisis of migrants’ exodus occurred at the first place, and how academically we can understand the problem locating the relationship between migrants, migration and city. In the title itself, I have mentioned that migrants and migration are two separate terms, and conceptually it is necessary to distinguish between the two because it has implications in policy making. When we look at our Constitution, Right to Move, is a fundamental right under Article 19 under Fundamental Rights. So, there is no question of debating on whether migration is good or bad because it is an inalienable right of the citizens of this country. On the other hand, policy and programmes should focus on migrants’ vulnerability and violation of their rights. Some of the important questions are as follows: What are the migrant’s rights?

How are migrants treated?

Are migrants included in various policies, programmes and legislations?

India has numerous social protection programmes and legislations but the category of migrants does not figure in most of them except The Inter-State

Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act 1979, which specifies responsibility of contractors with regards to inter-state migrant labour. The act is largely applicable to contractor driven migration across state borders. The act is by and large ineffective because of informal nature of contractors.

Much of migration to urban areas are driven by social network of friends, relatives and kin. They are not covered under InterState Migrant Workmen Act 1979. On the other hand, the rural employment generation programmes like MGNREGA mentions that it is designed to prevent rural to urban migration.

However, most of social security programmes or legislative acts are silent about migrants and migrant labour.

It is worthwhile to mention that there are two types of migration.

One is the voluntary migration and other is the forced migration.

Today's lecture is not about forced migration, but it is about voluntary migration. It is a migration by choice unlike trafficking, displacement, and being a refugee. The voluntary migration is a means to enhance the opportunities for development.

It is freedom enhancing whereas forced migration is bondage laden with subjugation and exploitation.

There exist several laws nationally and internationally to deal with various categories of forced migration.

The term distress migration is also often used in policy circles, but if distress migration is

accompanied with consent and choice, it cannot be treated as forced migration. In some parts of the country, there is a wide spread agrarian distress, but not all people have means and opportunity to migrate. Migration by and large is associated with some agency and is largely network driven.

However, it is possible that the distress of the households may be a reason of forced migration and this is an area where legislation and policy making need to be concerned. The rural to urban migration is, however, is largely the result of voluntary action.

Therefore, this is a domain of development policy rather than a domain of law and governance.

As rural to urban migration is mostly a city-ward migration, it is important to clarify what do we mean by a city or how we understand a city? A city is basically a relationship between people and place. People are making the place and changing the place. When a place acquires some level of concentration of economic activities and also concentration of people, we categorise some places as urban and some urban places as city.

Thus, city is a form of relationship between place and people, and people are a necessary part of it. But what is happening from last few decades is that we see an increasing disconnect between people and place making an entire city just another space.

In other words, city as a place is replaced by space. The city space produced seems to be in a concrete and built form, and has

become somewhat a commodity or just a product of consumption.

It has emerged as a site of capital accumulation and wealth creation leading to inequality and deprivation not only within the city but also outside as cities are sucking the resources from the hinterland with little trickle down in return. This has led to increased rural-urban divide in India along with widening regional disparity in the country. This is how the disconnect between people and place has manifested raising questions of Right to the City?

As people have been disconnected with place, the question is how to restore people with place? Right to the City is an urban imagination about how we can make and remake city. A Right to the City envisions a city that is inclusive, sustainable and people centric. Migration is central to the constitution of people in a city. In this talk, I would also like to put before you the relationship between city and development and the economic and political process affecting migrant labour and their rights.

If we look at the role of the city or urbanisation in the past, it has played a historical role in shaping polity and economic development.

Historians have noted that the Indus Valley Civilisation was an urban civilisation. We have Greek city states where cities and their residents played an important role in the political process. In our country also, during the same time around 6th century BC, there were several Janapadas, in the Gangetic valley and some of the Janpadas

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were also characterised as Gansangha or Ganrajya meaning thereby republic.

These were more or less similar to Greek city states.

Later Janapadas grew into Mahajanapadas. Magadha was the largest Mahajanpadas among the sixteen mentioned in Buddhist literature, with Patliputra its capital. Although the form of the city was different due to the level of technology and economy, its function as a political, administrative and commercial centre was fairly evident.

When we look at the Greek cities, there were three groups of people- citizen, metics (migrant), and slaves. It is worthwhile to mention that the Greek word for the city is polis, and for citizen it is polites. Citizens were those freemen who were involved in ruling excluding women, slaves and metics. So, there is very close connection between a city and citizens. It also highlights the fact that cities played an important role in the development of political organisation. However, with the advent of industrialisation, cities have grown not only in their population size but also as centres of massive economic and political power.

In this context then, the cities as emerged in the Western European countries have been our role models. How have these cities evolved? What role has migration played?

It is now obvious that cities of developing countries like in India follow a very different trajectory so far the role of migration is concerned with huge implication for migrants’ inclusion in the city.

When industrialisation took place in the middle of the 18th century in Western Europe, there was a massive rural to urban migration.

Not only migration took place within the country but also huge emigration to their colonies happened.

The rural by and large disappeared, agriculture was mechanised and there was no rural or agrarian distress as we see in different parts of India today.

Although still a huge rural to urban migration is taking place in India, it has not been able to transfer the entire surplus labour from rural areas. On the other hand, rural areas in India are also growing demographically unlike the West European countries when they were in similar stages of urban transition.

Contd. on pg 14

south asia 14 South Asia Timestimes

BOOKS

august - september 2020

Right to the City: Question is being raised whether migrants...

Contd. from pg 13

Cities by virtue of concentration of people, firms and economic activities produce agglomeration economies conducive for production and economic efficiency. This is the reason why investment accrues to cities compared to rural areas. Returns are not only higher in cities but also increase with increasing size of the city.

The agglomeration economies not only increase production efficiency but also the production cost is low. Matching, sharing and learning are other advantages in cities where demand meets supply and people and firms may share information and learn from each other.

Availability of skilled manpower, transportation, trade opportunities, banking and credit facilities are easily accessible in cities. In a market driven economy, cities seem to be indispensable for economic growth. As cities are spatial organisation, one can also look at them from the perspectives of density, distance and division.

Density is associated with larger markets, distance relates to the transportation costs and division stands for barriers that inhibit production, consumption and economic growth. In all the three spheres, cities have distinct advantages and potential.

Therefore, cities, economic growth, wealth and capital accumulation exist cheek by jowl.

It is a misnomer that bigger cities are not better as far as economic returns are concerned.

In fact, increasing city size provides increasing economies of scale and also increasing per capita income. Empirical studies show that when city size doubles the per capita income increases by 15 per cent (Bettencourt, L, & West, G, 2010, "A unified theory of urban living. Nature", pages 467, 912-913). So, with increasing size and increasing economic growth, the city is bound to have migration. There is hardly any city in the world which has not grown due to migration. But the question is what happen to the migrants who constitute people of the city?

Are they equally benefitted? Is city inclusive and sustainable? These are some larger issues that Right to the City addresses.

Migration is central to the formation and evolution of a city and diversity is a natural outcome. A city is known not only for economic and occupational diversity but also for its social and cultural diversity. Diversity is also closely related with creativity and innovations and vice- versa.

Thus, diversity as an outcome of migration should be looked upon as strength of a city, not its weakness. However, sometimes diversity may lead to conflict due to political reasons, which is an anathema to the nature of city

and economic growth.

On the other hand, suppose if we want to have a homogeneous city it is neither desirable nor possible because homogenisation means erasing of diversity and disappearance of creativity and innovations. This is the historical experience with respect to the growth of creativity, innovation and economic growth related to the city. So, these are some of the positive sides of the city which shows how they have shaped our political, economic and social system historically in different phases of history.

While cities have many positive sides, it must not be construed that cities do not have any problems. In fact, cities have a lot of problems. Most importantly, inequality within the city is glaring in India and many other developing countries; there is a huge presence of slums and poverty and environmental degradation is conspicuous. Cities not only entail inequality within the city but also create regional inequality.

The backwash effect of the city is greater than the trickle down in most of the parts of developing countries. Cities are also dependent on resources from its hinterland. So the negative aspects of a city are larger issues when we observe from the perspective of underclass and migrants. It is also evident that those who have made the city are the people who are not able to enjoy its benefits.

Right to the city means who participates in the city, who are included in the city, who owns the city and who controls the city.

The idea of Right to the City was proposed by Henry Lefebvre, a French Social Scientist, in 1968 in a writing in French entitled Le Droit à la ville which means Right to the City. During 1967-68, there were some students’ uprising accompanied by workers’ protest in Paris. Lefebvre wrote this book during that time.

The main argument of Lefebvre was premised on the fact that cities have been turned into a commodity, and the use value has overtaken exchange value. The commodification of cities has transformed them from a place to a space. Cities have been converted into a consumer good. It is the consumption of space and not the consumption in space. The former is the real tragedy. This has created alienation of people from the place and urbanisation is serving the interest of capital accumulation. The outcome is increasing inequality, poverty and environmental degradation.

The philosophy of right to the city addresses these problems in a larger framework of how to reconnect people with place that has been hijacked by the process of urbanisation at a particular

juncture of history. Right to the City means participating in the decision of making and remaking the city.

This concept of Right to the City has been further elaborated

by David Harvey -- a leading urban expert and social scientist.

He remarked that city generates capital and wealth which is moving in various circuits like manufacturing, built environment cum real estate and financial market leading to continuous accumulation of capital. When manufacturing is not profitable, capital leaves and moves to the built environment; it may also create de-industrialisation.

Urbanisation means continuous expansion of built environment. It is not only construction but also reconstruction which is also known as redevelopment that is becoming more and more profitable. Also, the built environment is not only the area of wealth creation but also a place of hiding the wealth. Such movement of capital is associated with rising consumption of urban space and increasing importance of service sector is creating a simultaneous condition of labour based on in formalisation, precarity and insecurity.

Informality means there is no social security, no job contract; jobs are also precarious, which means they are not of regular nature i.e. casual and temporary; anybody can be fired any time.

With this type of informality, precarity and insecurity, migrant workers are invisible. So, it was only when migrants came on the road due to lockdown in the wake of pandemic, they became visible to the nation.

Thus, the capital through the production of urban space creates its own ally of migrant labourers to survive and prosper. Migrant labourers are treated as an input in production that performs 3D works (dangerous, difficult and demeaning). They are not only workers in the informal sector but also invisible as they do not have an identity and majority of them keep circulating between rural and urban areas. They are also insignificant so far as the vote bank politics is concerned as their names either do not figure in voter list or they are unable to go to their respective electoral constituency on the day of voting.

City is not only moving from manufacturing to the builtenvironment but also experiences the dominance of financial market that is manifested through speculative stock market, insurance market and credit market. Financialisation and urbanisation of city creates a situation where money makes money without producing goods and services. This is why we see various financial crisis occurring which are not always explained in

terms of what is happening in the city from the perspective of space and place. It is to be recognised that cities are central to the understanding of development and the occurrence of various crises.

The recent migration crisis due to lockdown and pandemic must be located in the nature of production of urban space and solution must be sought in relation to the inclusive and sustainable cities and urbanisation. The real challenge for the political system is how to spur economic growth and how to restore city to the people.

Right to the City provides a philosophical and theoretical framework to achieve this objective.

Right to the City is not an individual right, but is a collective right.

How to make our cities inclusive and sustainable and ensure that urbanization is regionally balanced which can protect environment and ensure livelihood of the people? We have to stop the commodification of urban space in the built form leading to environmental destruction.

However, urbanisation should not be viewed only as a problem but it can provide solution as well. This requires structural and institutional changes in our policy framework. The issue is often trivialised attributing to unplanned urbanisation, unregulated urban sprawl and encroachment.

As a result, the entire urban problem is being looked through the lens of governance and is seen as a failure of planning.

The deeper structure of the production of urban space in the interest of capital accumulation, alienation of people from place and exclusion of migrant workers as city makers are ignored which need to be addressed through economic reforms. However, it is to be noted that any economic reform must be people centric in the long run to achieve the goal of a prosperous and a happy nation. There is a need to have political reforms as well because local democracy, sustainability and urban inclusion need to be vocal on local. Who owns the city also needs to be clearly defined?

At the moment, there are multiple agencies owning and governing the city without a control and command under a single body. Role of mayor and elected representatives should be redefined; they should be made responsible and accountable like the city of New York and London. The Indian Constitution made provisions to strengthen local democracy through 73rd and 74th amendment to the Constitution for the rural and urban areas respectively. However,

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in reality, it is implemented halfheartedly.

Further, Right to the City is not only for those who are inside the city but also for those who are outside the city.

Now the question is how urbanisation can be helpful for rural development. We do not see rural-urban interdependence and consider rural and urban development separately. We have different ministries at the central level to look after the rural and urban development separately.

However, there is a need to look into the rural and urban development in an integrated way. The schemes like Providing Urban Amenities in Rural Areas (PURA) which India’s former president Dr. Abdul Kalam had envisioned and also its present form known as Rurban Mission could be helpful in planned urbanisation of rural areas.

Urbanisation should not be looked upon as a problem but it can serve as a part of the solution as well. It can play an important role in bridging the rural and urban divide and fulfil the imagination of Right to the City. In such situation, rural people would not have to migrate to urban areas, rather, the urban will reach out to rural areas. This approach of place and space will help in understanding our policy programmes; going beyond the populist beneficiary and household approach in connecting people with place.

Recently, the Government has come up with a massive MSME programme to boost economic activities. In order to have MSME start working in rural areas, we must have adequate and good rural infrastructure. So the integration of the Rurban Mission with development programmes like PURA, MNEREGA and MSME requires a good planning and strategy for planned urbanisation of rural areas. This integrated approach of development will help to restore migrants not only as formal citizens of the country but also as substantive citizens, whose political, social and economic rights are protected.

So, I think Right to the City is a theoretical framework which enables us to examine development through the lens of space and place, which is epitomised in the form of urbanisation. It requires a collective action, mobilisation of people and a functional urban democracy as a prelude to inclusive, equitable and sustainable development.

--Acknowledgement: Thanks are due to Dr. Simi Mehta, CEO & Editorial Director, Impact and Policy Research Institute (IMPRI), New Delhi and Vidya Yadav, Assistant Professor in Geography, Patliputra University, Bihar, for her help in transcribing the lecture.

southSouth asia times 15 Asia Times

COMMUNITY

august - september 2020

Giving a voice to people with intellectual disabilities

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MELBOURNE, 31 August 2020: My work is very much focused on contributing to bettering the lives of people living with a disability, says UNSW’s Professor Iva Strnadová.

UNSW’s Professor Iva Strnadová is working to improve the lives of people living with intellectual disabilities and ensure they have a greater say in policies and programs that affect them.

Prof.Strnadová, who has worked at the School of Education at UNSW Arts & Social Sciences for the past 10 years, is a world leader in inclusive research.

“Historically, people with intellectual disabilities have often been a passive object of research,” Prof.Strnadová says. “But there has been a huge shift over the last two decades for people with intellectual disabilities not only to have a voice in research, but also to be involved in research as coresearchers.”

In Australia, it is estimated that about 7.7 per cent of children aged up to 14 years have some form of disability, and 4.5 per cent with a severe disability, according to data from the 2018 Survey of Disability, Ageing and Carers.

In her capacity of Academic Lead Research at the Disability Innovation Institute at the UNSW Sydney (DIIU), Prof.Strnadová lead the development of the Guidelines for Co-producing Research with People with Disability.

She also recently received a $225,000 grant from the NSW Department of Education to develop and implement accessible methods so that students with high support needs could have a greater say in the trajectory of their education.

The funding will enable Prof.Strnadová and her colleagues Dr Joanne Danker, Adjunct Lecturer Julie Loblinzk and Professor Leanne Dowse to work closely with 22 schools for special purposes [special schools] and two mainstream schools with support units from metropolitan, regional, rural and remote areas across NSW. Prof.Strnadová says they will be using accessible methods, such as Photovoice and body mapping, “to gain the students’ perspective about what they like and don’t like about their school experience”.

Photovoice uses photo images to capture aspects of the students’ environment, relationships and experiences,

Prof. Iva Strnadova

so these can be shared with others. Body mapping, an arts-based research tool, focuses on embodied experience. It involves tracing around a person's body to create a life-sized outline, that can be filled in during a reflective process to produce an image representing multiple aspects of their embodied experience.

Prof.Strnadová says the team will work predominantly with students “who have a very severe disability and limited verbal communication abilities”.

Empowering people with disability to negotiate life transitions Prof.Strnadová says one of her main research focuses is on diverse transitions experienced by people with disabilities across their life span; for example, from primary to secondary school, from secondary school to post-school life, or from the juvenile justice system to being integrated back into the community, to name a few.

“One of the major obstacles is that educators do not give students with intellectual disabilities, a voice in matters relevant to their own education,” she says.

Prof.Strnadová says the NSW Department of Education grant will help her and her team enable change by giving students with high support needs a voice, and thus increase their selfdetermination skills.

It is currently very difficult for students to take ownership of their learning because their individual educational plan is often developed without their input, she says.

Instead, their plans – which contain their learning goals and how they’re going to achieve them – are often developed by their teachers, sometimes with input from their parents and other stakeholders, Prof.Strnadová says.

“I think that's a huge issue that we are still not managing to tackle.”

And the section of the educational plan that addresses the transitional phases should be set to start earlier than just the year before each transition, Prof.

Strnadová says.

“People with intellectual disabilities and autism often need more time and environments to practice the different skills and knowledge they acquire.”

Just one example would be teaching them how to take public transport independently – a necessary skill for attaining future employment, Prof.Strnadová says.

Additionally, the transition from primary to high school is a challenge for most students with autism who like routine and consistency and can often have quite severe sensory sensitivities, she says.

“The sound of a school bell can often feel like a sharp piercing feeling in their ears and a slight flicker in fluorescent lights can be an excruciating experience,” she says. “So, we need to look at the needs of the students and how we can better prepare them for the next phases in their lives.”

Sexuality education and parenting Education around relationships, reproduction,

sexual intercourse and parenting is another area that is currently under-serviced for people living with a disability, Prof.Strnadová says.

“Many of the mothers with intellectual disabilities who I’ve spoken to in my studies had very little to no sexuality education and some didn’t even know they could get pregnant,” she says. “They didn’t even know what to do after becoming pregnant, so that put them at a huge disadvantage.”

Prof.Strnadová says her current and future research also looks at ways to improve sexuality education for students with intellectual disabilities and autism.

Children being removed from their parents’ care, due to ill-conceived perceptions about people with intellectual disabilities somehow harming their offspring, is another issue Prof.Strnadová hopes to change.

Once it has been brought to the attention of a social worker that a person with intellectual disabilities is about to give birth, they often try to remove the child rather than provide support for the parents, she says.

“We know from research that parents with intellectual disabilities can learn well how to take care of their children,” Prof.Strnadová says. “They might need to be shown some parenting skills in their own home environment, but it doesn't mean that they cannot be good parents.”

Prof.Strnadová says UNSW’s School of Education has been piloting a fourweek program with people living with intellectual disabilities called ‘Rights and Relationship’, which was developed by the Intellectual Disability Rights Service (IDRS).

They’ve had great success with adults in this program, and their next step is to trial it in Matraville Sports High School to help improve sexuality education for students with intellectual disabilities, she says.

“We also hope to upskill the future co-educators who have intellectual disabilities so they can co-teach the ‘Rights and Relationships’ program with the high school teachers,” she says. This is another way people with disabilities can contribute to advocacy and research that affects their education, work and lifestyle.

Advocating for access to the internet While access to the

www.southasiatimes.com.au - 0421 677 082

internet is something most Australians take for granted, this is often a privilege that people with intellectual disabilities live without.

Prof.Strnadová says people with intellectual disabilities often live in poverty and can’t afford the internet or compatible devices.

“One of the things we need is for the internet to be covered by the NDIS,” she says. “The COVID situation has shown us all that we do need online access and it shouldn’t be a question of privilege.”

“It should be a right, because that’s how we’ve been receiving educational information about this health crisis. Since the start of the pandemic, many of the self-advocacy organisations that usually support people with intellectual disabilities in face-to-face mode have moved online.”

Prof.Strnadová is undertaking a study, commissioned by Self Advocacy Sydney, that looks at how peer support and peer mentoring can be developed on online platforms.

She has also worked on a project led by her colleague at UNSW Dr Sue O’Neill, in collaboration with Prof. Terry Cumming (UNSW), the NSW Department of Education and NSW Department of Juvenile Justice, to develop a framework for children who are transitioning out of juvenile justice facilities.

The framework will help the government to “improve the transition planning for this population and hopefully improve their outcomes”, she says.

Prof.Strnadová and Ms Loblinzk have also established Disability and Me – a resource-rich blog written by people with a disability for people with a disability, their loved ones, carers, teachers, and caring professionals.

When asked what she considers her biggest achievement, the special education and disability studies expert says it’s the privilege of being able to work with, co-design and coproduce research with people with intellectual disabilities.

“To help and support them in building capacity to say what topics interest them, and what the research should focus on and why,” she says.

“But to also have them guide us in how we actually make sure that the research then has an impact on their lives rather than just on journal articles.”

Source- medianet

south asia 16 South Asia Timestimes

PHOTO FEATURE

august - september 2020

AJAY SURI

Click passion in action MELBOURNE: Some assorted photos clicked by India’s New Delhi based ace film-maker/media professional/photographer/traveller and writer AJAY SURI across India in recent years. Ajay has many photo exhibitions to his credit. He is recipient of the 2014 Ramnath Goenka award for Excellence in Environmental Reporting (for the film A Tiger's Heart which was telecast on National Geographic Channel (NGC). Earlier, with the help of his team members at the Raheja Productions, directed 112 episodes of weekly show Wilderness Days on Doodarshan National- India's national channel which has the largest and unparalleled reach throughout the country. Also made another film for the NGC- about the fragmented elephant and leopard corridors. He has also been a Special Correspondent with the Indian Express, New Delhi and Senior Special Correspondent with Star News.

PHOTOS-Ajay Suri

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august - september 2020

PHOTO FEATURE

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southSouth asia times 17 Asia Times

South Asia Times south asia 18 South Asia Timestimes

south asia

southASIA asia SOUTH

august - september 2020

Powerplay in paradise: SinoIndian tussle in the Maldives

By Dr. Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury

S

INGAPORE, Aug 31 2020 (IPS) The Maldives is a picturesque country of merely 515,000 people located just beyond the southern tip of the South Asian land mass, in an idyllic Indian ocean setting. The nation is spread across 26 pretty atolls, comprising about 1192 islets, not all still inhabited. These are lapped by crystal blue waters containing flora and fauna of remarkable magnificence.

Its scenic bounties attract droves of tourists who frolic in the sands, sun and the sea in salubrious languor. It has a thriving fishing, garment and tourism industry which have recently helped

it graduate out of the United Nations list of Least Developed Countries (LDCs).

It is so tiny that used to be said that the catch of a single large fish any day could cause a remarkable jump in its Gross National Product (GDP) numbers. It is not without reason that the archipelago has often been compared to a paradise.

But now it appears that peace in paradise could be confronting some strains due to regional and international politics. On the global matrix China is racing to reach peer status with the United states. The Chinese see the Indians, because of the increasing chumminess between India and the US as an impediment to their aspirations.

CONTD. ON PG 31

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Neo Colonialism vs. sovereignty in Sri Lanka

By Asoka Bandarage*

Mahinda Rajapaksa, the President’s brother, did meet with union leaders and indicated that their key concern was to not antagonize India. Is this an indication of further Sri Lankan subservience to external power, at the cost of local agency and sovereignty?

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OLOMBO, Sri Lanka, Aug 31 2020 (IPS) - On August 5, 2020, a new government was elected in Sri Lanka, bringing down the previous regime associated with the Central Bank bond scam, the Easter Sunday bomb attacks and controversial international agreements.

The new government has come into office with a two thirds majority in parliament, promising to bring prosperity, security and communal harmony to the beleaguered country.

The achievement of these goals depends to a large extent on how neocolonialism and sovereignty are addressed.

Colonialism involves control of a less powerful country by a powerful country to exploit resources and increase its power and wealth.

Essentially, neocolonialism involves the same factors: militarism, external expropriation of natural resources, deception and manipulation, collusion with local elites, incitement of ethnic and religious differences (and other forms of balkanization and destabilization) and consequential local resistance to external aggression.

Neocolonialism and Geopolitical Rivalry Today, strategically located in the ancient east-west Indian Ocean maritime trade route, Sri Lanka faces a competition for control

by China on one side and the U.S.-led Asia-Pacific Quadrilateral Alliance (including India, Japan and Australia) on the other.

The new Sri Lankan government says it will reconcile competing external interests. Speaking on behalf of Sri Lankan President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the recently appointed Foreign Secretary, Retired Navy Commander, Prof.

JayanathColombage states: ‘Sri Lanka should be a neutral country.

Sri Lanka does not want to be caught up in the power game. Sri Lanka wants to develop friendly international ties with everybody.

Sri Lanka should have Sri Lanka-first policy.’

Is Sri Lanka’s current foreign policy moving in this direction?

Chinese Expansion Sri Lanka has been a participant in China’s $4 trillion Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) since 2005. In January 2017, the previous Sri Lankan government granted an 85 percent stake of the Hambantota port, in the most strategic central point in the Indian Ocean, to the China Merchant Port Holding Company in a 99-year lease.

China is Sri Lanka’s largest creditor and has provided generous support during the Covid-19 pandemic. Given local concerns over the Hambantota port deal,

President Gotabaya has previously stated that, on election, he would revisit the lease agreement and renegotiate it.

More recently, he has stated that his government is not planning to amend the commercial terms of the agreement, but wishes to amend agreements concerning port security.

While Sri Lankan activists have been protesting the environmental and social impact of expanding Chinese projects, the Quadrilateral Alliance is seeking to involve Sri Lanka in countering Chinese expansion in Asia, making Sri Lanka a key battleground of geopolitical rivalry.

Allaying the fears of India and the U.S. that the Hambantota port could become a Chinese military base, the new Sri Lankan government has stated that the port should be ‘…limited to commercial activities only. It is zero for military purposes…Sri Lanka will not afford any particular country to use Sri Lanka as a staging area to do anything against another countryespecially so India.’

But how would the Quadrilateral Alliance respond if there is real or perceived military activity? It is not hard to imagine a dangerous military situation escalating far beyond Sri Lanka’s control.

Indian Expansion The policy of the Sri Lankan President, articulated by Foreign Secretary Colombage is that ‘…as far as strategic security is concerned, Sri Lanka will always have an India-first approach.

That means Sri Lanka will not do anything harmful to India’s strategic security interests. As far as economic development is concerned, we cannot depend on one country. We are open to anyone.’

However, India’s political and military involvement during the separatist war, especially its impositions of the 13th Amendment on the Sri Lankan Constitution and the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) on Sri Lankan soil, have left fear and antipathy towards India.

The Indo-Lanka Accord that introduced these developments was hammered out in secrecy and signed without parliamentary

consultation on July 29, 1987 during a 24-hour curfew. It faced massive resistance and ushered in one of the most violent and anarchic periods in the island’s modern history.

Despite India’s failure to curb Tamil militancy and the failure of the Provincial Council system, India wants Sri Lanka to maintain the 13th Amendment and the provincial councils that it introduced to appease Tamil separatist sentiments.

However, the new Sri Lankan government is under increasing domestic pressure to abrogate the 13th Amendment and to assert Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and political independence from India.

Concerned at Chinese encroachment at the Hambantota port, India is pursuing control over Sri Lanka’s other strategic seaports and to develop the British colonial era Oil Tank Farm in the eastern seaport town of Trincomalee, through a subsidiary of the Indian Oil Corporation, despite protests by Sri Lanka’s petroleum trade unions.

Port Power External powers are also keen to gain control over the Colombo port, one of the busiest in South Asia, and an important transit hub in the region. Japan is keen for access given its high dependency on energy supplies via the Indian Ocean. There is now a push by the U.S. and India to privatize the Colombo port’s Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) and hand it over to an Indian company.

The Sri Lankan President remains committed to honor a memorandum of understanding signed in 2019 by Sri Lanka, India and Japan on the ECT. According to Foreign Secretary Colombage, ‘the policy of the President was that no national asset would be given in total control to any country’ and the MOU is being honored because it is ‘an arrangement between the two countries. The only thing is that there is opposition to it from port workers.’

On July 31, 10,000 Colombo port workers resisting the privatization of state assets began a strike blocking all roads into and inside the port, completely paralyzing it. President Rajapaksa refused to talk to the unions. Prime Minister

U.S. Expansion Given the history of U.S. hegemony and foreign interventions, there is a justified fear in Sri Lanka of U.S. interference in local governance and control of resources. Unsurprisingly, the country is experiencing intense pressure via multiple U.S. military, and economic development treaties.

On Nov. 6, 2019, ten days before the elections that brought Gotabaya Rajapaksa to power, the Government Medical Officers Association filed a Fundamental Rights Petition seeking to halt progress of three pending treaties with the U.S.: the MCC (Millennium Challenge Corporation) Compact on infrastructure development, and two military treaties; the ongoing ACSA (Acquisition and Cross Service Agreement) and new SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement).

The petitioners stated that the MCC compact would violate fundamental Sri Lankan sovereignty and independence, clearly upheld by the constitution. There is also concern at the irreversible nature of such far-reaching treaties.

Among other objectives, the MCC Compact seeks to privatize and commodify state land for investors, including foreign corporations. Gotabaya Rajapaksa promised to discard the MCC Compact during his election campaign, and since in office his government appointed the Gunaruwan Committee to study the issue. Its final report in June raised serious issues on its implications to social, economic and security interests of the country.

The Sri Lankan government plans to submit the report to the cabinet and then to the parliament for debate on a compromise, i.e., as Foreign Secretary Colombage indicates, the government plans to go ahead with the MCC Compact in some form or other.

There have also been clear reports that, whether or not the compact is signed, certain elements will proceed regardless.

For example, ‘the e-land registry, cadastral mapping, parcel fabric map, deed registry scanning and digitizing, state land information & valuation are being outsourced to multiple private parties selected by the U.S. embassy Colombo.’

Are external pressures so great that they will inevitably find a way to mold Sri Lanka’s future?

Military engagement with Sri Lanka is considered vital to U.S. objectives in the region. The Acquisition and Cross Services

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Agreement (ACSA) signed by the previous Sri Lankan government on Aug. 4, 2017 provides the basis to set up a U.S. ‘logistic hub’ in Sri Lanka to secure support, supplies and services at sea.

Similarly, the proposed Status of forces Agreement (SOFA) would allow U.S. military personnel to operate in any part of Sri Lanka, without restriction. Sri Lankans fear that SOFA would make “the whole island … a US-controlled super state operating above the Sri Lankan laws and state….” A Cabinet spokesman suggested on July 1 that the SOFA has already been signed but the new government has made no denial or retraction.

Meanwhile the Sri Lankan public is left completely in the dark.

‘Sri Lanka First’ President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa have been voted in with the faith and respect of most Sri Lankans, not least for their roles in ending the thirty-year war with the LTTE. Most do not doubt their devotion to the country. Their exemplary management of the Covid-19 pandemic has reinforced this respect.

However, there is a growing sense in the country that the overt and covert pressures from external powers, exemplified by these impending agreements, are so great that a path of neutrality will require deep resolve and conviction. It is, then, the democratic responsibility of Sri Lankans to stay informed, see through the bias of power, and exercise their freedom of expression non-violently.

Our ancestors sacrificed their blood, sweat and tears to safeguard the sovereignty and independence of our country, and it has no price. A luta continua.

Footnote: A luta continua was the rallying cry of the FRELIMO movement during Mozambique’s war for independence. The phrase is in the Portuguese language a slogan coined by the first president of FRELIMO, Dr. Eduardo ChivamboMondlane, which he used to rally the population in the liberated zones of Mozambique during the armed struggle against Portuguese colonial rule.

Following his assassination in 1969, his successor, SamoraMachel, continued to use the slogan to cultivate popular support during … * Asoka Bandarage’s new book ‘Colonialism in Sri Lanka” examines the political economy of 19th century British Ceylon and includes a discussion of the neocolonialism that has followed and continues.

It is available as an ebook or paperback here from September 14th Asoka Bandarage* is a scholar and practitioner, has taught at Yale, Brandeis, Mount Holyoke (where she received tenure), Georgetown, American and other universities and colleges in the U.S. and abroad.

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But the number of infections in Sweden were far higher: about 8,200 confirmed cases per million (as of 12 August) compared to 1,780 in Norway and 2,560 in Denmark.

Sweden has also seen significantly higher deaths: it has 57 deaths per 100,000, compared with five in Norway and 11 in Denmark.

Ander Tagnell, the architect of Sweden’s policy, is currently under fire for asking whether high death rates for older people are acceptable to reach herd immunity faster.

Seroprevalence testing shows that herd immunity, the hoped for goal has also not occurred. Sweden’s figures for people who have been infected and have antibodies are in the range of 15-20%, and no different from from countries such as the UK, Spain or in cities like Delhi and Mumbai.

Why a continuing epidemic leads to the economy taking a hit is obvious. In India, we can see that people are cutting down, or postponing their expenditures, and reducing their social interactions during the epidemic. Only the young are spending some time in groups, that too precipitately dropping once the numbers start to climb again. And postponing expenditure means lower consumption, leading to lower demand and therefore lower production. This leads to a loss of jobs in the formal and informal economy, with spiraling down of demand even further.

In most countries that have come out of a lockdown, such as Italy, Spain and France, there is a visible second wave starting to appear that may even rise as winter sets in, and therefore activities shift more indoors. By now, it is clear that large gatherings within enclosed spaces lead to super spreader events and rising infections.

China’s example shows that the only way to protect

disappeared completely from the public eye. This is centralization of powers at an unprecedented level by the Home Ministry and the Center for what is essentially a public health crisis.

During these lockdowns and unlock phases, we cannot discern any relationship between the numbers of infections, areas where the disease is spreading, and the measures being taken.

There is no explanation of what the current policies are supposed to achieve, no evidence based analysis of what has worked and not worked. There is no attempt to collate the experience of different states of what worked and what did not, and shared it with other states.

Instead, we see completely opaque bureaucracy making pronouncements that seem to be completely divorced from the ground reality.

We also see a similar silence on India’s plans for the vaccine. We already have the scientific capability and the industrial capacity to duplicate any successful vaccine and produce it at scale. India has at least three major manufacturers of vaccines – Serum Institute, Pune, ZydusCadila, and Bharat Biotech. Bharat Biotech is also partnering Institute of Virology, Pune for one of India’s vaccine candidates.

What is the Government of India doing about to see that at least a significant part of the production of these vaccine manufacturers is available for the Indian people? And for the people in parts of the world that consider India as the pharmacy of the global poor?

Has the government or PM CARES committed any funds to strengthen our vaccine production infrastructure?

Do we have the vision to prepare for this course of action right now and the political will to its execution?

Or do we believe that Trump will magnanimously share with India the vaccines the US is commandeering from manufacturers?

Having surrendered before the epidemic, the Modi administration is hoping that the economy will bail it out.

Unfortunately, we are likely to face the worst of both: a worsening epidemic and an economy that continues to sink. A pandemic is not a problem that markets can solve, it demands state intervention and a public health approach, both of which are missing in the Modi regime’s vision.

Source- People’s Dispatch, 6 September 2020.

India: Worsening epidemic and a sinking economy

By Prabir Purkayastha

H

aving surrendered before the epidemic, India’s Narendra Modi govt. is hoping that the economy will bail it out. Unfortunately, we are likely to face the worst of both: a worsening epidemic and an economy that continues to shrink.

Two news items about India have figured prominently, one a nearly 24% drop in India’s GDP the previous quarter, and the other that India has taken over as the new epicenter of the global pandemic with its figures for new cases crossing even the US numbers. The 24% drop in GDP for the second quarter of the year is the biggest drop of any major economy in the world for a quarter this year.

The comparable US figures are 9.5% and Japan’s 7.6% drop in the same quarter. China registered a drop in its GDP of 6.8% in the first quarter but has registered a growth of 3.2% in the second quarter as a consequence of having contained, and then beaten back the pandemic.

Unlike other countries, India’s economy had started to slow down even before the pandemic, so the Covid-19 impact has been a double whammy on an already faltering economy.

The drop in GDP for India is huge, it does not take into account the bigger hit that the informal economy has taken, as that does not enter the GDP calculations. If that is estimated, then the actual drop would be even larger!

On the Covid-19 front, Indian figures are equally bleak. It has been registering new cases per day at a rate higher than the US for the entire month of August, and has set a new record of more than 78,000 cases in a day, the highest for any country.

Though the increase in daily cases has slowed down somewhat, it still remains high. This rate at which COVID-19 is spreading can be estimated by looking at the doubling rate—the number of days in which the total cases in the country have doubled.

This was about 12-14 days initially for India, and is now about 25-30 days. It is still significantly higher than other similarly hit countries—the US, Brazil, Mexico—where the doubling rates are currently in the range of 50-60 days. Indian figures are rising twice as fast as any other country with a significant number of cases.

Contrast this with China, which had a number of 82,000 in its first phase of

the epidemic – January to March—during which a total lockdown, combined with tracking, quarantining, and treatment, contained, and then crushed the epidemic.

It has added only three thousand in the following five months: April to August.

A number of experts believe that the economic downturn is due to the lockdown, and as and when the lockdown is lifted, the economy will return to normal. It is this belief that drove Sweden’s experiment of no lockdown and building herd immunity for controlling the epidemic.

This was also the basis of the initial resistance to lockdowns in a number of countries such as the UK, apart from the argument that China’s lockdowns was an “authoritarian” response, that “democratic” countries cannot copy. This was also the basis of the initial Trumpian resistance to lockdowns, masks, and social distancing.

In the US, it was compounded by a deeper streak of antiscience views, and the resonance with the anti-state beliefs that underpin various right-wing militias.

Let us first address the question, whether it is an either or question: either we remove all restrictions and let the economy return to normal, or we control the epidemic and let the economy take the hit. Instead of framing the question this way, let us ask instead: can the economy return to normal while the epidemic still continues to rage?

Sweden’s case is quite enlightening. Sweden did not impose a lockdown believing in developing herd immunity instead. If we compare Sweden to its Nordic neighbors—Denmark, Norway—the drop in GDP and in the spending levels of the people are quite comparable. That means not imposing a lockdown did not help the economy.

China’s example shows that the only way to protect the economy is to protect the people from infection. the economy is to protect the people from infection. After its stringent lockdown and other measures, involving the entire people in the struggle against Covid-19, China has emerged into near normalcy.

It is not surprising that its economy has also started to recover, the only large economy to show a positive growth in the second quarter.

Countries such as Cuba, New Zealand, Vietnam and others are taking this path of “crushing” the epidemic as well. For those countries that are vacillating between the economy and the epidemic, the lesson is clear: controlling the epidemic is the only way to economic recovery. To vacillate between controlling the economy versus controlling the epidemic, achieves controlling neither.

It is here that the Modi government’s approach to the epidemic has failed completely. After its initial stringent lockdown and vainglorious pronouncements of winning the new Mahabharata War [an 18-day battle in Hindu mythology] in 21 days, it extended the lockdown twice, and is now in the phases of what it calls “unlock”. We are currently in the Unlock 4.0 phase. What is missing in all these seven phases, three lockdown ones and 4 unlock phases, is any relation to the state of the epidemic.

All these phases have been under Guidelines issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs.

The Center is still keeping complete control over what can or cannot be done by the States, while expecting the States to implement its policies. Also missing is the Health Ministry and its officials from telling us what is happening or what is being planned. They have

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Pakistan: Brutal murder of Turbat-based journalist Shaheena Shaheen Baloch calls for swift investigation

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eptember 5, 2020, TURBAT -ShaheenaShaheen Baloch, a journalist with PTV Bolan was brutally murdered in Turbat, Balochistan. Shaheena was allegedly shot twice to unsurvivable injuries by what the CFWIJ has found to be her husband.

Shaheena was the editor of a Balochi Magazine Razgahar (Saheli). She was also an activist and artist who was vocal about human rights and women’s rights issues. Four years ago, Shaheena worked as an anchor and morning show host at PTV Bolan - Pakistan Television Network’s regional service based in Quetta, Balochistan.

The Coalition For Women In Journalism is devastated and furious with this killing of a woman journalist in Pakistan. In the last 10 months, this is the second murder we have documented in the country.

We demand authorities in Pakistan - both Balochistan and the federal government - to swiftly investigate the case and punish Shaheena’s murderer.

According to a press release issued by Turbat police, Amjad Raheem Shaheena’s maternal uncle - has filed a first information report (FIR) against her husband MehrabGhichki.

Reports and FIR suggest that she was brought to the Teaching Hospital in Turbat by her husband, but could not survive the injuries.

After killing Shaheena at his uncle’s residence in the PTCL Colony, Mehrab drove her in a car and dropped her at the hospital. He then left the car at the scene and fled. This information was shared by district Keech’s superintendent police NajeebPanjrani within the press release. The police have alerted all the checkpoints across Turbat to apprehend the culprit.

CFWIJ member Maria Memon, while reporting on this, spoke to SP Turbat, who said that Shaheena’s husband killed her. The two had attempted court marriage. While reports suggest it's a case of honor killing, the police have not confirmed it as such yet, because they are still

The Coalition For Women In Journalism is devastated and furious with this killing of a woman journalist in Pakistan. In the last 10 months, this is the second murder we have documented in the country. We demand authorities in Pakistan both Balochistan and the federal government - to swiftly investigate the case and punish Shaheena’s murderer.

investigating the murderer's motive.

Shaheena’s culprit must not be spared at any cost.

She actively campaigned for gender equality and women empowerment through her work. While

the murder is being linked to honor killing, it sets a dangerous precedent for women journalists working in Balochistan, where press freedom and women’s rights continue to be violated on varied occasions.

“This is a case of unprecedented magnitude.

A woman journalist has yet again been murdered in Pakistan. The perpetrator is a man in her life. This has happened in a province where security agencies have great hold yet fail to maintain law and order.

The state continues to do nothing about the violations women face in the country. If perpetrators are punished for the violations and murders of women in the country, these violations would stop,” said our founding director Kiran Nazish. “The state of Pakistan has a duty to its female populace and absolutely needs to look into this matter immediately.”

“We pray for Shaheena’s soul. She worked with PTV Bolan four years ago and was currently running her own publication in Turbat,”

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said Ayyub Babai, the General Manager at PTV Bolan.

Shazia Ahmed, an activist and one of Shaheena’s acquaintances, spoke with CFWIJ on call. She said that Shaheena’s murder has left her devastated.

“The lack of rule of law is the reason why it is so easy for a man to kill his wife and get away with it.

We cannot call it honor killing and wrap up the issue. It is very important for the perpetrator to be punished. Women in our part of the world, especially in Balochistan are still not treated as equals. They are only respected if they stay at home or only step out for domestic chores. The minute a woman attempts to work as a professional, questions are raised and she is immediately labelled,” she said.

Shazia recalled mentoring Shaheena during a journalism training back in 2013. This was the first time she had met her.

Shazia added that Shaheena was a talented journalist and an artist. She used her journalistic voice and artistic skills to advocate for the rights of Baloch women.

“Shaheena was an inspiration for women and young girls in Balochistan.

She was the editor-in-chief of a publication which shed light on crucial issues related to women rights in our society. This proved how passionate she was to work for the betterment of Baloch women. Her artwork also depicted their struggles.

Balochistan already has very few female artists, but the way Shaheena portrayed the issues women in our province faced was something I have never seen anyone else attempt. The void left after Shaheena’s murder, both in journalism and art, can never be filled,” Shazia said.

CFWIJ demands authorities in Balochistan to find Shaheena’s murderer and punish him for the heinous crime he has committed. The murderer should not be allowed to get away with the crime at any cost.

Sourcewomeninjournalism.org, 6 September 2020.

south asia 22 South Asia Timestimes

south asia

august - september 2020

WHO chief ignores India, cites Pak as one of 7 top examples in fight against Covid-19

By Counterview

I

n a move that would cause consternation in India’s top policy makers in the Modi government, Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, World Health Organization (WHO) director-general, has singled out Pakistan among seven countries that have set “examples” in investing in a healthier and safer future in order to fight the Covid-19 pandemic.

Praising India’s western neighbour, Ghebreyesus said, “Pakistan deployed the infrastructure built up over many years for polio to combat Covid-19.

Community health workers who have been trained to go door-to-door vaccinating children for polio have been utilized for surveillance, contact tracing and care.”

Interestingly, the World Economic Forum (WEF), the powerful international body seeking to engage business, political and academic

leaders for industry agendas, simultaneously released Ghebreyesus' statement, which he delivered at a media briefing on September 7, the first International Day of Clean Air for Blue Skies, which fell a day ahead of beginning of the review of the functioning of the International Health Regulations during the pandemic.

Other countries Ghebreyesus praised are: Thailand, which he said “is reaping the benefits of 40 years of health system strengthening”; Italy, which “was one of the first countries to experience a large outbreak outside China”, and “took hard decisions based on the evidence and persisted with them, which reduced transmission and saved many lives”; Mongolia, which “acted very early, activating its State Emergency Committee

Help us practise physical distancing.

in January”; Mauritius, a densely populated country which

“initiated in January”; and Uruguay, which which has “one of the most robust

and resilient health systems in Latin America.”

Without once recalling India, Ghebreyesus also mentioned “many other examples”, including Cambodia, Japan, New Zealand, the Republic of Korea, Rwanda, Senegal, Spain and Viet Nam which have “done well because they learned lessons from previous outbreaks of SARS, MERS, measles, polio, Ebola, flu and other diseases.”

Stating that pandemic has taught us many lessons, he said, “Although Germany’s response was strong, it is also learning lessons. I welcome the announcement

by Chancellor Angela Merkel over the weekend that her government will invest 4 billion euros by 2026 to strengthen Germany’s public health system. I call on all countries to invest in public health, and especially in primary health care, and follow Germany’s example.”

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august - september 2020

cinema

southSouth asia times 23 Asia Times

Post Truth and Indian Cinema

By Priya Singh*

I

ndian Cinema, with its wide range of audiences, is closely knit with other forms of culture, such as theatre, literature, and television, helping project a commonsensical, consensual view of history.

Period films are not products of directors who are historians manqués, but commercial filmmakers aiming to reach the widest audiences through cinema. While historical research is important, the commercial format and requirements of the film are dominant.

British historian Alex von Tunzelmann in her book, Reel History: The World According to Movies, writes that a "lot of people can and do believe some of the things they see in the movies”.

It creates a new narration which becomes factual for some, especially among children and others less likely to do some amount of factchecking on their own.

One of my friends from Nepal, fascinated by Indian history and period films based on it, has told me how she believes in the romantic saga of Jodha-Akbar and SaleemAnarkali. She supports her beliefs with all of this is portrayed in Indian cinema and television.

This is not new. If we trace back the trend, the film Mughal-e-Azam (1960), depicting the love story between Mughal prince Saleem and Anarkali, a courtesan, which is based on local legends, has become history for many common Indians.

There is no reference to any lady by the name Anarkali in historical texts like Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, the autobiography of Prince Saleem, also known as Jahangir, which he penned from 1605 to 1622. The film portrays Prince Saleem as a humble son to his mother and a gentle lover, while Abu’lFazl, author of the Akbarnama1 , gives a different picture of the man, who mentions several instances of countless cruel acts by Jahangir upon those around him. The narrative of Prince Saleem as a committed lover to Anarkali, who was bound by his father, is different from what is found in many historical texts.

When juxtaposed with historical texts, the character of Saleem is quite misrepresented in the film. He considers his father as an enemy of love and refuses to return Anarkali to the Emperor in exchange for his pardon even when on trial for rebelling against the throne. As Anarkali faces her punishment, Saleem declares no claim for the throne and delivers a powerful monologue: “Then the Emperor should also punish moths who sacrifice themselves onto the flame.

He should imprison honeybees that hover around flowers, singing love songs. Stop rivers that rush to lose themselves in the sea’s embrace.”

All of this, when even the mere existence of Anarkali has been questioned by historians.

The portrayal of “Jodha Bai” as the Hindu wife of Akbar is also

contested, but many films and television series are based on the myth simply because it appeals to the emotions of the public at large, while asserting that Jodha and Anarkali were real-life characters in Indian history.

Vasav Dutta Sarkar, a Delhi-based history teacher says,“Movies have a big impact on school students and misrepresenting history can lead to confusion.”

The 2001 film Asoka, based on the life of the emperor from the Mauryan Dynasty too is quite different from historical facts. The portrayal of romantic relations between Pawan-Kaurwaki has no historical affirmation. There is also no historical evidence for a queen ruling Kalinga at the time of Asoka's

invasion and the film also explicitly suggests Kalinga as a democracy though the film does not claim to be a complete historical account of the life of Ashoka and is riddled with historical inaccuracies, but many students confuse the movie for historical facts in classrooms”, adds Dutta.

Indian period films have not only played with the facts and myths of history but also play a huge role in adding emotional values to particular characters, communities, and societies. Through the reenactment of history on the silver screen, it plays with the psyche of the Indian audience, making them believe that they are witnessing the actual past. These alterations in the facts of history create alternate

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narratives.

In Padmavat (2018), which is an adaption of the epic poem “Padmavat” written in 1540 by Sufi poet Malik Muhammad Jayasi, tries to make people believe in the existence of a Queen Padmavati, along with many other historical inaccuracies. While on the one side, the existence of Queen Padmavati is still debated by historians, on the other hand, the portrayal of AllaudinKhilji is mired in ambiguity.

According to historian Rana Safvi, Khilji was a patient, sophisticated man capable of planning and organisation, as opposed to how he is portrayed in the film, as a barbarian tearing into meat.

In the film, the flag of the Delhi Sultanate is shown in green colour with a white crescent moon, but the Sultanate’s flag in reality is said to have been green with a black band running vertically on the left.

The portrayal of Khilji and Jalalluddin somewhere appeals to the average Indian and makes them believe that a specific community is cruel and exploiting, in contrast to the other community, which seems to hold higher moral values and principles.

The epic is based on the Sufi philosophies of “annihilation of self” and “Ishq-e-haqeeqi” or love for the divine, but the film kills the spiritual core of the epic on which the film is supposedly based. The filmmaker has used Hazrat Amir Khusro's famous verse to project Alauddin’s obsession for Padmavati that was, according to the film, driven by ego and lust.

“Khusraudaryapremka, ultiwakidhaar, Jo utra so doob gaya, jo dooba so paar.” (“Oh Khusro, the river of love is such that it runs in a strange way, One who jumps into it drowns, while one who drowns in it, reaches the other side”) Popular history, promoted by cinema, dominates a great part of academic history in India, primarily because everybody is not a historian or even makes an attempt to get their facts right. A majority of the public accept what is served to them through cinema.

The filmmaker’s right to “creative freedom” becomes a burden for academicians. It creates a political culture where debate is largely formed by appeals to the emotions of the public at large and fairly disconnected from the details of history, where factual rebuttals are ignored.

In present times, where intolerance is at its peak, the pride for religion, heritage, culture dominates the love of the nation and underlines the dichotomy between nationalism and communalism. Such a post-truth trend by Indian cinema has blurred the boundaries between fact and fiction. These blurred boundaries have also contributed to the problems that will have severe implications. *Priya Singh is a film scholar, documentary filmmaker and freelance writer based in Delhi.

Source- Indian Cultural Forum, 7 September 2020.

south asia 24 South Asia Timestimes

cinema

august - september 2020

Revisiting Mumbai Meri Jaan: Hope and Despair in a Tea Cup

By Namrata Joshi

W

e, the citizens of India, are still the quintessential chicken in the film, with too many hawks on as many fronts to battle with.

11 July 2006, a series of seven bomb blasts hit Mumbai’s lifeline—the local trains—on the Western line, killing more than 200 and injuring around 700 in a matter of 11 minutes.

A couple of years later, two popular Hindi films inspired by the bombings— NishikantKamat’s Mumbai Meri Jaan and Neeraj Pandey’s A Wednesday— released in quick succession, within a few weeks of each other. Both, however, responded in radically different ways to the enormity of the human tragedy, the former taking a resolutely pacifist stand, the latter offering a highly provocative route out.

The untimely death of Kamat on 17 August made me revisit Mumbai Meri Jaan. It didn’t just seem wretched that he should have died a few days short of the 12th anniversary of his Hindi film debut (it was released on 22 August 2008) but was doubly doleful in how the unheralded film continues to throb with a life of its own despite the passage of time and still cuts acutely close to the bone in its depiction of the nation’s complex reality, the mosaic of tangled issues and knotty problems and predicaments we are caught in.

Kamat’s abruptly curtailed film-making career has largely been equated with South film remakes (Tamil film KaakhaKaakha as Force in Hindi and the Malayalam original Drishyam by the same title in Hindi) and adaptations (Dombivali Fast loosely based on Hollywood film Falling Down, Rocky Handsome on Korean blockbuster The Man From Nowhere). Original or inspirations, all his films have one underlying theme—the righteous angst of the dispossessed middle class. It is either let loose on screen by a principled individual fighting the injustices and corruption embedded in the system, or unleashed for the personal wrongs done to the protagonists by villainous drug lords, organ traders, child traffickers, corrupt

cops, evil landlords and what have you. As is stated in Kamat’s last film as director—Madaari (2016)— it’s a fight to the finish between a baaz (hawk) and a chooza (chicken).

We, the citizens of India, are the quintessential chicken in Mumbai Meri Jaan with too many hawks on as many fronts to battle it out with. Yet the film is also an exception to the oeuvre that Kamat ended up getting identified with.

The themes of injustices and inequities may prevail, but the vigilantism abates.

The essential anger gets interiorised and contained, simmering in an uneasy quietude and is all the more visceral for it.

Just like Crash (2004), with its multiple narrative strands, maps race relations and bigotry in America, Mumbai Meri Jaan gives us a peep into class, colour and communal divides, growing Islamophobia and the varied perceptions on terrorism in the context of the past and present of the Maximum City. There is a tapestry of needs, wants, dreams, aspirations and a cruel hierarchy of power play in which the powerless take their frustrations and rage out on those less powerful. There is snide send-up of the fourth pillar of democracy and, most of all, a rare, matterof-fact, non-judgmental cinematic examination of a feverish, xenophobic, bigoted mind that is enamoured of the swastika on a T-shirt and instantly 'Others' a community with a dismissive “these people

will never listen to Kishore Kumar (as opposed to Mohammad Rafi)”.

The film weaves together stories of five lives that change irrevocably with one violent act of terror.

It’s eerie how, 12 years later, all those issues that it threw at the audience in that specific context still stare hard at us, making the film as distressingly contemporary as it was back then.

A techie is earning well but insists on commuting by the local train to save time as well as the environment. He talks of avoiding personal vehicles at a time when climate change had not become a catch-all phrase and issue.

Narrowly escaping the blast, he is left questioning his righteous, idealistic ways. Should he buy that car he stares at through the showroom window?

Should he relocate to the United States despite 9/11?

A poor Tamilian coffee/ tea seller loves sniffing and applying expensive perfumes on the quiet at a store in a fancy mall.

That mall would have once been a mill, a workplace for blue-collar workers like him. But he is denied even his little pleasure and kicked out. A bomb scare is the trick he has up his sleeve, the push-back for being humiliated, his way of feeling empowered.

There are the overworked and constantly scrutinised cops, disempowered by the bureaucratic stranglehold.

A policeman, who is about to retire, rues the lack of accomplishments in his life, while his junior is deeply

troubled and enraged at the thought that he too might end up the same way. How to come to peace with this inner discontent?

A young Hindu harbours deep resentment and suspicion for Muslims that only grows worse after the blasts. Will Shirdi Sai Baba’s prasad bridge the yawning Hindu-Muslim divide? For a smug TV journalist all tragic incidents are nothing more than a spectacle, a few sound-bytes to the question “Kaisa lag rahahai (How are you feeling)”.

Things take a turn when she finds herself under the cruel gaze of the camera.

Her own unfathomable loss and chronicle of grief gets reduced to a mere story about it.

Watching Mumbai Meri Jaan again after many years is about squaring up with these persistent realities and also a sense of loss. Despite the anger, hopelessness and discontent in Mumbai Meri Jaan there is a belief in and commitment towards mending the present and the future. There is the coming a full circle from the cynicism of the popular Hindi film song, “Aye dil hai mushkil jeena yahan, zara hat ke zara bach ke ye hai Bombay merijaan” to the positive turn its lyrics take towards the end—“Aye dil hai aasaan jeena yahan, suno mistar suno bandhu yehhai Bombay merijaan”. We have indeed come a long way from the simplistic, naive but peaceful vision, the promise of continuities and the faith in the spirit of Mumbai that Kamat

www.southasiatimes.com.au - 0421 677 082

leaves us with in the film.

Tea is what symbolises it; everything eventually gets resolved over some shared cups of tea.

KaustubhNaik, a theatre artiste from Goa, remembers meeting Kamat in 2012 at Bharat Natya Mandir in Pune where he was judging a play competition. On being asked why he didn’t make films like Mumbai Meri Jaan any more, Kamat smiled and brushed it aside with “chaha pi (have some tea)”.

Just like the protagonists in the film do, so do the people of Mumbai at large.

They forget and forgive, accept and move on while serving or drinking tea. The dashed dreams are healed by a chai and hope for the future also floats in a teacup.

That essential hope and humanity that has always helped redeem Mumbai is getting extinct in public discourse at large. Right at the start, by referencing “Tryst With Destiny” and Mahatma Gandhi the film states that generosity and good-heartedness will win the day and unity of its people will ensure progress of the nation. But have not these been rendered almost obsolete now? The hatred, suspicion, divisiveness and intolerance have only grown stronger roots in the increasingly communalised present. TV news is not just a bigger circus but deeply rotten in its innards. The watch dog has become the lap dog.

And, in the midst of all the chaotic transformation, very little has changed for the common man.

His despair has become more deafening, anguish more piercing. There’s a bitter-sweet Chaplinesque sequence in the film where the tea vendor tries to take his family up the intimidating escalator in the mall. Their struggles up the moving stairway become emblematic of the difficulties in climbing up the ladder of class; now even more so. A metaphor for all times and reminder that the more things change, the more they remain the same.

The author is an independent writer and film critic. She wrote Reel India: Cinema off the Beaten Track, published by Hachette in 2019. The views are personal.

Source- NEWSCLICK, 2 6 AUGUST 2020.

southSouth asia times 25 Asia Times

cinema

august - september 2020

Feminism is my worldview; I love writing also: Malayalam Director Anjli Menon

By Neeraj Nanda

M

ELBOURNE, 12 September: “It’s a part of who I am. It emerges.

That’s my worldview.” says Anjali Menon, India’s National Award winning Malayalam film Director Anjali Menon. She was answering to a question about her being a feminist at a IFFM Film Club interview cum interaction organised by the IFFM-2020 today.

Anjali Menon’s directional ventures include Kerala Café (2009), Manjadikuru (2012), Ustad Hotel (2012- Script writer only), Bangalore Days (2014) among others.

Grown up in the UAE, a graduate of the London Film School, she lives in Bangalore.

Answering to a question about her blogs and short

stories by South Asia Times (SAT), Anjli said, “I am a lazy writer but enjoy writing. It’s a question of

word counts and a lot to learn. It’s a rich process to project one’s worldview.

It’s my great aspiration

to write more and more.”

Replying to Rajeev Masand’s question about women in direction, she says, “The film industry is not the most representative in this regard. The perception they working there is negative.

A study on five film industries has been done on this subject and we know discrimination exists.

Also, once money comes gender goes away, but one has to see how women work. If you have to swim against the current, then you have to be a good swimmer.”

About her bias for family subjects she says, “The family is the molecule of society. It’s a great playing ground. From within, I like family subjects.

Even dysfunctional families as a subject are more interesting.”

www.southasiatimes.com.au - 0421 677 082

She answered many questions from Rajeev Masand and participants. A few points that emerged: - I am much more concerned about the subject; - Hindi mainstream cinema is differently made but happy to work in Hindi; - Streaming of movies have made them more accessible & regional movies have a space.

The IFFM Film Club interaction with Anjali Menon saw more than 100 people participating including the Malayali diaspora in Australia.

Big participation from other communities and cinema lovers gave the Zoom event a big boost to the popularity of the International Film Festival of India -2020 in its virtual presentation.

For more info- iffm.com. au

south asia 26 South Asia Timestimes

sports

august - september 2020

Cricket Australia launches next innings of female participation

Australia celebrate after winning the ICC Women’s T20 Cricket World Cup Final match between India & Australia at the MCG, March 8, 2020. Photo-ICC

By SAT Sports Desk

M

ELBOURNE, 8 September 2020: Giving further boost to women’s cricket, Cricket Australia has launched its new female participation strategy titled ‘The Next Innings: Accelerating Female Participation’.

During the ICC Women’s

T20 World Cup Final in March 2020, thousands of women and girls watched their heroes claim the trophy in front of a record-breaking crowd of 86,174 at the MCG. This was the culmination of years of hard work and a strong partnership with the Commonwealth Bank through the Growing Cricket for Girls Fund, which has committed $15 million to

enabling grassroots female participation initiatives over the past three years.

Registered participation among women and girls has grown 61 per cent in four years from 47,831 to 76,413 Australia-wide.

Following the release of Australian Cricket’s Press for Progress report, The Next Innings aims to build on the momentum, with

continued support from the Commonwealth Bank who also share this commitment to grow the women's game.

The Next Innings outlines the unique challenges of expanding participation among women and girls over the next four years, as well as the work being done to support the clubs who are nurturing the current and future generations of

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players, coaches, officials and administrators.

In conjunction with external researchers, 12 key insights were gained that will help Australian Cricket continue to meet the challenges of growing participation among girls, increasing the pool of female coaches and creating positive club environments.

Belinda Clark, Cricket Australia Executive General Manager of Community Cricket, says: “We’re really excited to launch The Next Innings: Accelerating Female Participation strategy. We have seen tremendous female growth in the game.”

“It was important for us in this next phase of strategy to understand the barriers to female participation. Female role models that are close to home matter, so with ongoing participation growth, we need to see the number of women coaches, volunteers and administrators also grow.”

In addition, Cricket Australia's investment in female participation has been further reinforced, providing a funding pool for the clubs that have lead the way in providing opportunities for women and girls so that they can help drive the next steps by implementing The Next Innings strategy.

Source- Cricket Australia, 8 September 2020.

southSouth asia times 27 Asia Times

sports

august - september 2020

Beyond the boundary: ICC Women's T20 World Cup 2020 documentary worldwide on Netflix

Radha Yadav of India (L) celebrates after dismissing Alyssa Healy of Australia during the ICC Women's T20 Cricket World Cup Final match between India and Australia at the MCG on March 08, 2020.

By SAT Sports Desk

M

ELBOURNE, 9 September 2020: Beyond the boundary documentary celebrates the 17-day tournament, which saw the emergence of new heroes in theCricket fans get a chance to relive all the action, excitement, and emotion from the ICC Women’s T20 World Cup 2020 as Beyond the Boundary, a retrospective documentary, available worldwide on Netflix.

The documentary celebrates the 17-day tournament, which saw the emergence of new heroes in the women’s game as more cricket fans than ever before switched on. It also witnessed records being set in terms of crowds, broadcast viewership and digital engagement.

ICC Chief Executive Manu Sawhney says: “We are immensely proud of Beyond the Boundary and we are delighted to partner with Netflix as part of our longterm commitment to growing

the visibility of the women’s game and ensuring it has a global platform.

“The film captures all the action and drama from the tournament, which set new benchmarks for not just women’s cricket but all women’s sport and gives fans around the world the chance to relive one of the greatest ICC events we have ever staged.”

With absorbing visuals, commentary, and interviews in the build-up to and during

the event, the documentary is the first piece of ICC original content to be carried by a streaming service. It captures the progress of the teams and the emotions of players as they discuss preparing for such a big event and turning points in different matches.

The views of commentators and administrators, celebration of the crowds, behind-thescenes, and dressing room footage, as well as pop star

Katy Perry’s appearances are all featured in the film.

The film is made available on the platform with subtitles in English, Thai, French, Japanese, Malay, Indonesian, Korean, Dutch, and Hindi.

The documentary is part of the 100% Cricket project launched by the International Cricket Council (ICC) hours before the ICC Women’s T20 World Cup final, played on International Women’s Day in front of a record 86,174 spectators at the Melbourne

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Cricket Ground.

Myleeta Aga, Director, Content - SEA and Australia says: "The ICC Women's T20 World Cup 2020 was a landmark event not just for cricket, but for all women's sport, breaking viewing and attendance records. I'm sure that Netflix members will love the new perspective that Beyond the Boundary brings to this unforgettable tournament."

“The 100% Cricket project is an authentic platform that aims to change perceptions, create heroes and excitement, building on the success of the ICC Women’s T20 World Cup 2020 and leading into the ICC Women’s Cricket World Cup 2022 in New Zealand. The campaign aims to increase the visibility and engagement of women’s cricket during and outside ICC tournaments, positioning women’s cricket as a viable sustainable commercial platform and reinforce ICC’s position at the forefront of the global women’s sport movement,” says an ICC media release.

South Asia Times south asia community 30 South Asia Timestimes

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contd from previous page Sri Lanka Consulate Suite 536, No 1 Queens Road, Melbourne VIC 3004 Telephone: +61 3 9290 4200 Fax: +61 3 9867 4873 Email:mail@slcgmel.org Web: http://www.slcgmel.org

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Powerplay in paradise: SinoIndian tussle in the Maldives CONTD. FROM PG 18 Hence they appear to be out to clip India’s wings.

Obviously, the way to go about it is to try and reduce India’s regional and global influence. India obviously resists Chinese attempts to do so. The inevitable result is conflict, as of now confined to borders or Line of Actual Control (LAC), as it is called, in the Himalayan mountain heights. This is complemented by tussle for control of the seas south of the border as well. This strategic competition is not just confined to the military sphere. There is also an economic battleground. In this China’s great weapon is the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), linking scores of nations along land and sea- routes to China through mega infrastructural projects.

The Maldives, located at a strategic point in the Indian ocean, therefore, could not be immune to this Sino -China rivalry at worst, and competition at best.

The Maldives, whose size precluded it, or did not require for it to play a major role in the international arena, was always close to India in the past. But that was before the transformations in the global power-paradigm with the rise of China and the onset of a major SinoIndian rivalry. As was to be expected this became a factor in the domestic

politics of the Maldives.

Former President Abdullah Yameen leaned towards China. There was a course correction in 2018 when the current President Ibrahim Mohammed Solih seemed to return to the Indian fold.

In the meantime, China had already scored a few points by committing US $ 200 million to build the China Maldives Friendship Bridge. This would link the capital Male with the airport island, Hulhule.

At the same time there was a clutch of Chinese investments. These included plans for constructing an airport runway and housing projects.

India has now responded with a massive offer of its own. It comes under an umbrella called the Greater Male Connectivity project.

The idea is to link Male with three other islands: Villingli, Thilafushi and Gulhifalhu.

This will be done through a bridge, a causeway and an embankment. There will also be a port constructed in Gulhifalhu. For these purposes India would advance a loan and a line of credit worth approximately US $ 500 million. The most important component would be the 6.7 km long bridge, the construction of which is now scheduled to begin later this year. The main problem with Indian commitments, in the Maldives, as elsewhere in the region, is in the area of implementation.

Disbursement of funds is

often painfully slow, and the progress with infrastructural construction even more so. But for now, the government of the Maldives was happy, and President Solih described the deal as a “landmark moment in Maldives-India cooperation”.

It is likely that like many other nations in the region, the Maldives will endeavour to navigate carefully between the two powerful protagonists, China and India, and try to reap some benefits from their mutual jostling for position.

It is probably in order to delve a little into the background of intra-mural South Asian politics in this context. When the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC), the product of a Bangladeshi initiative, was still active, it provided a structural fence around the subcontinental countries, grouping them together, stressing commonalities. But India-Pakistan rivalry has now stalled the activities of the forum. People-to-people contacts within the SAARC framework ceased, as also any public predilection for cooperation. India has encouraged formation of sub-regional bodies in its stead, but Indian preponderance in these has curbed the enthusiasm of others. The smaller South Asian States psychologically feel freer to invite outside actors like China into their midst. So, the state of

India has now responded with a massive offer of its own. It comes under an umbrella called the Greater Male Connectivity project. The idea is to link Male with three other islands: Villingli, Thilafushi and Gulhifalhu.

This will be done through a bridge, a causeway and an embankment. comatose that afflicts SAARC has actually encouraged smaller South Asian countries to seek external linkages to enhance their capability to deal with India, which will, nevertheless, always remain a major factor in their policies.

Secondly, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)continue to turn more and more towards the fundamentalist

www.southasiatimes.com.au - 0421 677 082

values of Hindutva to cement their support among the Hindu powerbase, in opposition to the other major community in India, the Muslims, it is likely to impact on their co-religionists of the subcontinent negatively.

This includes Muslimmajority countries of South Asia. Here the Maldives assumes a special significance as the Maldivians take their faith seriously, and the government, can ill- afford to ignore this fact in the long run. This is emerging as a major structural problem in BJP-led India’s regional external policy.

So tiny Maldives may be entering a new phase in its policies where powerplay of large global actors will have a role that might grow bigger with time. Its future, as that of many other countries in comparable milieu will be shaped by how deftly it is able to handle this evolving situation.

Dr Iftekhar Ahmed Chowdhury is Principal Research Fellow at the Institute of South Asia Studies, National University of Singapore. He is a former Foreign Advisor (Foreign Minister) of Bangladesh and President of Cosmos Foundation Bangladesh.

The views addressed in the article are his own. He can be reached at: isasiac @nus. edu.sg This story was originally published by Dhaka Courier.

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august - september 2020

MOVIE NUGGETS

Manoj Bajpayee begins dubbing for spy-thriller 'The Family Man 2'

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ew Delhi [India], September 12 (ANI): Fans of action series 'The Family Man' have a reason to rejoice as the lead actor of the show Manoj Bajpayee has started working on the dubbing of its second season.

Bajpayee took to Instagram on Saturday and shared a picture of himself from the dubbing scenes of the show, dropping hints that the show might be out soon. The picture features the 'Gangs of

Wasseypur' actor standing in front of the dubbing set-up in a dark room with a script in his hand.

Without revealing much about when the show will be out, the 'Gangs of Wasseypur' actor wrote, "Dubbing for @familymanamazon 2 with the pink headphone."

The Amazon Prime Videobased show 'The Family Man' revolves around the story of a middle-class man who serves as a world-class spy for an intelligence agency. (ANI)

Shaban aAzmi expresses sorrow over Swami Agnivesh's demise

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New Delhi [India], September 12 (ANI): As a social activist and former Haryana MLA Swami Agnivesh breathed his last on Friday, veteran actor ShabanaAzmi expressed sorrow over his demise.

The 'Masoom' actor took to Twitter to condole the demise of the 80-year-old social activist.

"Very saddened by the passing

away of #Swami Agnivesh due to multi-organ failure," she tweeted.

"Influenced by Liberation Theology he worked to rescue and rehabilitate bonded labourers and was a force to reckon with in the eighties. RIP," she added.

Agnivesh passed away on Friday at the Institute of Liver and Biliary Sciences in Delhi. He was suffering from liver cirrhosis and was critically ill.

We had a blast on the sets, thanks to safety measures: 'Bunty AurBabli 2' team

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New Delhi [India], September 12 (ANI): The star-studded cast of 'Bunty AurBabli 2' -- Saif Ali Khan, Rani Mukerji, SiddhantChaturvedi and debutant Sharvari, have wrapped the shooting of the movie and the team has praised the stringent safety measures taken

by Yash Raj Films to make it a safe shooting experience.

The team wrapped up the movie shoot in style by shooting a fun, entertaining song at the YRF Studios. Given that the shoot was happening in the middle of the coronavirus pandemic, YRF ensured that all safety measures were followed. Director of the flick, Varun V. Sharma explained that the team took "all possible steps" to ensure a safe shooting environment and that they are "happy to report that nothing untoward happened on the sets of 'Bunty AurBabli 2' (BB2).

"The entire crew, including all actors, underwent coronavirus tests before the shoot and then the crew was quarantined in hotels so that they are safe and don't contract the virus. The actors underwent home quarantine and didn't meet anyone during the shoot. So, we operated with the highest possible safety measures.

I'm thankful that it all went well because this will give confidence to the entire film industry to return to shoot," the director added.

The production house also ensured that all necessary health check-ups were done for everyone, medical staff were present on the sets and the team also told the entire cast and crew to follow quarantine procedures before the shoot so that the sets became a safe shooting zone for everyone.

Actor Saif Ali Khan also thanked the YRF for the "stringent safety" measures taken and noted the team had a blast on the set.

"These are highly sensitive times and actors, producers, crew, everyone will have to be extra cautious because there is a risk element. It felt safer than at home.

When the entire team came to the

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set, we were sure that the virus isn't going to harm us and it's a hugely relieving feeling. The BB2 team was meeting after so many months and we had the best time chilling, bonding and shooting with each other," the 50-year-old actor added.

'Bunty AurBabli 2' will introduce an incredibly fresh pair as the new talented conmen -- the 'Gully Boy' fame SiddhantChaturvedi will feature as the new Bunty, whereas the character of Babli will be played

by Sharvari, a young talent YRF discovered two years ago.

Talking about the shooting, Mukerji said: "We shot this sequence in the pandemic and we were made to feel extremely comfortable on the sets because YRF took all the necessary precautions before the shoot commenced. So, we were all sure that none of the crew members, including the actors, had the virus.

We had an amazing time shooting with each other. It brought back so many memories of us shooting before the pandemic and the entire team brought it all to the dance floor."

The film, in an exciting casting coup, also reunites Saif Ali Khan and Rani Mukerji and will present them as the original Bunty AurBabli in the film!

Siddhant explained: "We had such a fun shooting experience before the pandemic and then we couldn't shoot or meet each other.

I'm glad that we could have a safe, fun shoot because of the steps incorporated by YRF. This team is really special and we had the best time shooting and wrapping BB2."

While Sharvari further elaborated: "I was really looking forward to meeting the entire BB2 team again. BB2 is my first film and the team of my debut film will always hold a very special place in my heart."

Produced by Aditya Chopra, 'Bunty AurBabli 2' is an out and out entertainer, which is being directed by debutant Varun V. Sharma, who worked as an Assistant Director in YRF's biggest blockbusters 'Sultan' and 'Tiger Zinda Hai'.