OVCPD Memorandum curtails UP vendors’ livelihood in time for UPCAT GIANA LARRAURI
Yesterday, October 3, 2019, the office
vendors to be able to conduct operations
kiosks are far from the testing centers
Diliman such as lantern parade, UP fair,
of the Vice Chancellor for Planning
inside the UP Diliman campus. This
S. Barona. In an interview with Narry Hernandez,
to cause disturbance, which puts a big
graduation, and etc., they are allowed
and Development (OVCPD) issued a
puts members of the Samahan ng mga
current president of SMUPC and long
question on the rationale given by CSO
to sell in their own areas. Hernandez
memorandum on the suspension of
Manininda sa U.P. Campus (SMUPC) at a
time tenant of the Main Library kiosk, said
regarding vendors causing the traffic.
emphasized
vending operations scheduled on the
disadvantage, especially those who will
that the organization strongly denounce
day of the UP College Admission Test for
have to go through much inconvenience
the issuance of the memorandum by
ito
2001, Hernandez together with Ma’am
2019 (UPCAT). Only three of the several
just to transfer at the permitted areas.
Dr. Raquel Florendo of the OVCPD a few
iniimplement pero mahigit na apat
Edna Sinoy, former president of the
that
this
part
of
the
guidelines was never revised. Back in “Pangalawang
taon
na
nila
available areas in UP Diliman was
Similar to the scenario last year, as
days before the scheduled entrance
na dekada na kami nagtitinda dito sa
SMUPC, and the UP students have been
permitted by the office for the vendors to
released by the Philippine Collegian,
examination. This is due to the reason
unibersidad at never naging cause ng
involved in drafting the composition of
hold their operations.
the Office of Admissions as the UPCAT
that this goes against the University
traffic ang mga manininda. Never. Wala
the university guidelines.
On October 5-6, 2019 the three areas
administrator, directed that vendors
Guidelines passed by the university in
pa yan sa history”, Hernandez remarked.
SMUPC stands by the fact that
only allowed for vending operations are
near the Main Library, Vinzons hall, as
the early 2000s, which up until now was
SMUPC is also concerned for UPCAT
memorandums affecting the livelihoods
at the following:
well as those near and inside the exam
never revised.
takers who will be in need of immediate
of UP’s sectors should be properly
1.) UP Department of Military Service
venues are prohibited from conducting
Unfortunately, Hernandez added that
access to food, especially those coming
consulted to all constituents and duly
and Tactics Complex (DMST) - field and
operations during the UPCAT 2018. The
majority of the vendors have already
from relatively far provincial areas.
notified before its issuance. “Hindi iyong
parking portion near flag pole
Office of Admissions argued that this
picked and prepared the goods that they
Examinees would need to take the State
isa, dalawa, tatlo [lang] kasi hindi naman
2.) Tennis court area - outside area
order is only for the security and safety of
will sell during the weekend. Issuing the
university’s entrance test fully prepared.
nila malalaman ang ibang mga concern
3.) Tennis court area - existing food
students during the exam.
suspension a few days before the UPCAT
If one is in need of access to food stalls,
ng ibang mga manininda diba. Sana
further placed SMUPC at a greater
the least that they would do is to go to the
ganoon ang kanilang ginawa.”
income loss.
three designated vending areas far from
stalls inside the tennis court With the influx of several aspiring
The article further notes that allowing the
operation
of
vendors
causes
UPCAT takers coming from the third
increased traffic congestion around the
Hernandez also pointed out that
batch of K-12 graduates, comes the timely
testing area premises, as suggested by
UP vendors in general are located in
In the University Guidelines, whenever
issuance of a memorandum limiting
the Chief Security Officer (CSO) Atty. John
various areas of UP Diliman. In fact,
there are special occasions held in UP
Photo from UP Insider
their own testing centers.
Campus Militarization: A Threat to Academic Freedom VHEA MAE BRUCE
Last August 20, 2019, the UP Day of Walkout
express what they believe in. This is the
which is completely contrary to what the
and Action was held at the University of
essence of academic freedom. Academic
Senate Committee Report No. 10 seeks to
the Philippines, Diliman to express dissent
freedom is like the blood of the university.”
accomplish today.
almost entirely on the school. Academic Freedom in education has always been a critical and irreplaceable
against Campus Militarization. The protest
The Senate Committee Report No. 10
Recently, November 17, in celebration
component in fostering democracy and a
action was joined by an estimated 5000
highlights the value of the youth in nation-
of 1st National Students’ Day PH, at the
critically engaged citizenry. No one can ever
human rights defenders and activists; which
building as it carries a vital role with
University of the Philippines – Diliman,
control the learning that is being taught
began with a Snake Rally at around 9 AM and
involvement in public and civic affairs
posters
in school as well as practices towards
was followed by a lightning protest at the
conveyed in 1987 Constitution, Article II,
scattered around red-tagging legitimate
AS Steps. These critics of the government
Section 13.
youth organizations as members of CPP-
continued marching to Liwasang Bonifacio where the mobilization formally ended. Assigning
state
forces
inside
Hence, neglecting the cry and voice of masses.
black
propagandas
were
NPA-NDF.
the youth is abandoning the needs of the the
of
intellectual freedom. The government needs to take into account that academic freedom is
Prior to this, Interior Secretary Eduardo
being able to teach or communicate
Ano claimed that, “the youth camp along
ideas or facts without being targeted
vicinity of schools is in accordance with the
Last November 8, 2019 Black Friday
with the other activities are being used
for repression. Everyone is free to
intentions of Committee Report No. 10. This
Protest, Chancellor Michael Tan stood firm
by Communist-led front organizations
express opinions without fear
provided clearance to the military in order to
in his belief that: “Ang UP ay sanctuary.
as venue to agitate, deceive, and recruit
from institutional censorship
infiltrate campuses along with the following
Santuwaryo
the youth into joining the communist
or
objectives: mandatory ROTC and drug
mamamayan… hindi tayo papayag sa mga
movement.”
campuses
testing, campus security, and the facilitation
disciplinary case na binaliktad nila. Tuloy
Blatant
of NSTP Programs to orient student
ang ating militanteng pakikibaka.” The youth,
organizations and profiling critics violates
implementing
masses against left-leaning organizations.
student masses, along with the critics of
the democratic rights and human rights.
programs
The highlight of the report is to impose
the government are among the pillars of
According to Article 19 of the Universal
constituents mainly the
legislative and administrative actions upon
deliberative and critical combatants in
Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in
students, faculty, staff,
universities if the school’s authority is
society.
1948, states that: Everyone has the right
and representatives
The University of the Philippines is
to freedom of opinion and expression; this
--
an autonomous institution mandated by
right includes freedom to hold opinions
transgress
During the Senate budget hearing of the
Republic Act No. 9500 (UP Charter of 2008).
without interference and to receive and
infringe
Commission on Higher Education (CHED)
The intrusion of Philippine National Police
impart information through any media and
administrations will of
with state universities and colleges (SUCs)
(PNP) and Armed Forces of the Philippines
regardless of frontiers.
power.
held last September 19, 2019, UP President
(AFP) inside campus premises is a violation
Danilo Concepcion responded to Senator
to 1989 Agreement of UP and Department
government crackdowns that ruled
Dela Rosa’s query about his awareness on
of National Defense (DND). This conveys
over by tyrannical and corrupt
Defend
the alleged recruitment conducted by the
that there should not be any state forces
politicians resulting to the root of
Freedom.
Communist Party of the Philippines - New
inside the university as it was accorded to
putridity of political body.
People’s Army (CPP-NPA) in UP campuses.
the UP Community. In fact, the agreement
President Concepcion then firmly stated
recognizes the right to free speech and right
trying to hold a high hand over
that, “We cannot penalize them for what
to assemble. Consequently, its objective
the country’s education.
they believe in. In fact,
states to protect the students, faculty,
They think they know
we encourage
and staff, from unwarranted intervention
better than anyone else,
PNP-AFP;
when in fact, their power
proven guilty of indoctrinating the youth to be part of communist-terrorist groups.
them t o
tayo
from
ng
the
makabayang
attacks
to
legitimize
discipline. in
Militarizing order
to
facilitate school activities and mandatory
among
its
completely and school
Youth resistance is a response to
The current government is
is
based
Hands off the youth! Academic
Ang Pagtapal sa “Luma” ng Bagong Pintura MAKI MERCOLITA ART PROTEST: Graffiti at panawagan ng Panday Sining sa bagong pinturang pader ng Lagusnilad underpass sa Maynila Photo from Panday Sining
Mabilis ang mga pangyayari na humantong sa kahirapan at kamatayan ng mamamayan sa tatlong taon ng administrasyong Duterte. Batid ito ng milyonmilyong manggagawa na pinangakuan ng nasabing rehimen na magiging regular sa kanilang unang taon sa trabaho. “Tulad ng pagwawakas ng ilegal na droga sa loob ng anim na buwan ang kontraktuwalisasyon,” ito ang mga direktang sinambit ng pamahalaan na nagbigay pag-asa sa mga mangagawa at mamamayan. Subalit kamakailan lamang ay naipalabas ang Department Order (DO) No. 174. Ito ang ordinansa na hindi nagpapawalang-bisa sa kontraktuwalisasyon, kundi nagbabawal lamang sa “labor only contracting scheme” na nakapaloob na noon pa sa Labor Code ng Pilipinas bilang ilegal na iskema ng mga kompanya. Ang pakanang ito ay nagbunsod pa ng lalong kahirapan sa mga manggagawa. Dagdag pa rito, nariyan din ang pagtaas ng presyo ng mga pangunahing bilihin dulot ng Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) Law na mabilis na ipinasa ng mga mambabatas—sa halip na ang pagtaas ng sahod na panawagan ng mga manggagawa ang pagtuunan ng pansin at pagbuwag
sa kontraktuwal na paggawa. Kung tutuusin, hindi kontraktuwalisasyon at taas presyo ang winakasan ng administrasyong Duterte. Pinatunayan ito ng bilang mga maralitang napaslang sa ilalim ng ‘oplan tokhang’ at ng mga katutubo at magsasakang pinatay sa ilalim ng kontra-insurhensiya ng pamahalaan. Tampok ang suliranin ng mamamayan sa sining biswal ng “Panday Sining” isang organisasyong kalipunan ng mga Artista ng Bayan na nagsususlong ng sining na malaya at mapagpalaya. Sa kanilang panawagang “Sahod, Itaas! Presyo, Ibaba!” na nakasulat sa bagong pinturang pader ng Lagusnilad underpass, nais ng mga Artista ng Bayan na basagin ang ilusyon ng kagandahan at kaunlarang inilalarawan ng pader at rehimen. Sapagkat sa kabila ng bagong kulay nito ay hindi naman nararamdaman sa aktuwal na danas ng mga manininda, drayber ng kuliglig, maralita ng Maynila, at ng buong bansa ang kaunlarang ipinahihiwatig nito. Ikinagalit ni Mayor Isko Moreno ang ginawang ito ng Panday Sining, at nagbanta pang ipapadila ito sa kanila kung uulitin. Ngunit iginiit ng mga Artista ng Bayan na dapat harapin ng Mayor ang isinulat na isyu sa halip ang pader na kinulayan. Dahil kahit dumugin si Mayor ng midya buong araw dahil sa
operation” ay ang kahirang mga nag-
kanyang ginagaw a n g “cleaning mananatili pang nilikha daang rehi-
men sa kumunidad ng Maynila at buong bansa. Noong Sabado, ika-30 ng Nobyembre, araw ng rebolusyonaryong si Gat Andres Bonifacio, ay hinuli ng mga pulis ang apat na miyembro ng Panday Sining. Dulot nito, gamit ang pader ay muling ipinabatid ng mga Artista ng Bayan ang kanilang tindig sa mga isyu na nakaaapekto sa ating bayan. Subalit, hindi ito kinatigan ng Manila Police District at katunayan sinipa at sinaktan pa ng ilang pulis ang miyembro nito matapos mahuli. Sa ngayon, pinalaya na ang menor de edad habang nakapiit pa rin ang tatlong miyembro nito sa prisinto sa Maynila. Ang pagkakapiit na ito ng mga miyembro ng Panday Sining ay walang pagbabagong dulot sa buhay ng mga Pilipino, dahil gaya ng mga lumang pader ang kahirapan at kamatayan nating lahat sa ganitong klaseng lipunan ay tinatapalan ng pintura at dekorasyon ng estado para itago ang katotohanan. Ang luma sa bagong pintura ay nananatiling luma, gaya ng kontraktuwalisasyon sa DO 174 na ang dulo pa rin ay kahirapan at kontraktwal na paggawa. Gaya ng libong pinatay ng estado na bagaman ay walang patid na dadasalan ay inhustisya pa rin ang kahahatungan. Nais ng estado na makalimutan natin ang mababang sahod, mataas na presyo ng bilihin, mga
pinatay na maralita, katutubo, at magsasaka sa pamamagitan ng bagong kulay na pader. Nais nilang maging batayan ng kaunlaran ng aping mamamayan ang bagong kulay ng pader sa halip ang mga batayang pangangailangan nito sa pang-araw-araw. Walang mali sa pag-aasam ng kalinisan, ngunit kung ang kalinisang ito ay pagtanggal at pagtago ng katotohanan, marapat na mag-aklas ang bayan. Hindi matutumbasan ng bagong pintura ang kumakalam na sikmura ng mamamayan gaano man katingkad ang kulay nito. Ang paghahangad ng pagbabago at pag-unlad sa lipunan ay dapat nararanasan nating lahat hindi nakikita, at lalong hindi ng iilan--ito ang hamon sa Mayor ng Maynila at pamahalaan. Isang bagay ang tiyak sa nangyaring panghuhuli: Marahil, naikulong ng estado ang mga artista ng bayan gamit ang kapangyarihan, ngunit hindi ang mga panawagang isiniwalat ng sining at panitikan, lalo ang masidhing pakikibaka ng mamamayan.
Kids These Days: Standing Up Against Climate Change SEAN APOSTOL
Despite the light afternoon rain, hundreds of climate protesters thronged together at the College of Science amphitheater in an attempt to form the world’s largest human earth formation. Little children and students of all ages propped up square pieces of blue and green cardboard, the circular shield of the Earth sheltering them from the rain. Their protest joined thousands of others across the globe in demanding urgent action on climate change as part of the Global Climate Strike, a movement inspired by 16-year-old Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg. Thunberg had had a long childhood interest in climate change, but her life as an environmental activist only began last year. She started cutting classes in ninth grade to protest in front of the Swedish parliament, demanding a national reduction in carbon emissions. As a child standing up to world leaders, Greta inspired a global audience and became the face of an international movement. But the irony of her fame is not lost on her: at the United Nations Climate Action Summit, she addressed world leaders in an emotional and impassioned speech. “This is all wrong. I shouldn’t be here. I should be back in school on the other side of the ocean. Yet, you all come to us young people for hope. How dare you!” As adults higher up flounder for solutions, it is the youth leading the fight against climate change. Their generation is slated to experience the brunt of the centuries-long build up of global heating, a catastrophe born
of fatal human decisions. But not all humans are equally responsible. BIG BUSINESS, BIG WARMING According to the 2017 Carbon Majors Report, just 100 companies are responsible for more than 70 percent of greenhouse gas emissions. Since the industrial revolution kicked into full gear, production reliant on fossil fuels has spurred a rapid increase in carbon emissions, pushing global temperatures to unprecedented heights. It’ll be a little more than a decade before time runs out to rein in the rise of global average temperatures to 1.5 degrees above pre-industrial levels. Beyond that, if global average temperatures climb to 2 degrees, the implications on the planet and life itself will be disastrous and the effects irreversible. The consequences will not be felt equally: the brunt of it will rest on the shoulders of poor developing countries and coastal communities. This is especially true for the Philippines, ranked as the third most vulnerable country to climate change and facing the enormous threat of sea-level rise— three times higher than the global average—along with more intense droughts, spells of El Nino, and other extreme weather events in the already typhoon-prone country.
DEFENDING THE ENVIRONMENT: LESS FUN IN THE PHILIPPINES Despite this, the government has turned a deaf ear to local environmental activists and instead silences all dissent. In contrast to the international fanfare that has greeted Thunberg, being an activist is less fun in the Philippines. What brings global applause to Thunberg abroad could spell a potential death sentence closer to home. According to a much-publicized report from Global Witness, the Philippines has dethroned Brazil as the deadliest place for environmental activists, with thirty killed in the past year alone. Corruption and the intermingling of political and business interests combine to pose a double threat to local habitats and their inhabitants, especially their defenders. Environmental activists throughout the archipelago campaigning for climate justice also incorporate the struggle for land rights of indigenous peoples, pushing against mining and agribusiness interests that encroach on their ancestral domains. Indigenous communities are crucial for curbing the climate crisis: the intimate relationship between the land and their culture makes them the environment’s natural custodians.
Yet, they face persistent threats on their land. Mining and agro-industrial companies are flattening mountains in Pantaron and disrupting Lumad communities, militarising surrounding areas to intimidate opposition. The imposition of martial law in Mindanao has only worsened the situation. Children are not spared in the crossfire as the present administration has been bombing Lumad schools and branding indigenous communities as insurgents in justification, forcing hundreds to flee their homes for safer refuge. Indeed, spearheading the march on the day of the protest were displaced Lumad children bearing placards denouncing the pillage of their land: Save Pantaron! Stop the plunder of our ancestral lands! Cancel all mining and logging companies! Save the Earth! Stand for climate justice! CHILDREN’S VOICES MATTER Despite international inaction on combatting the climate crisis and intensified hostilities against environmental defenders, the youth remain undaunted. Climate change is not a stranger knocking on our doorstep. It has broken through the windows and is burning the house down.
The question is no longer about whether climate change is here, because it is here and it is real. The crucial question now is how to best mitigate an impending climate disaster to ensure a future for this generation’s children and the generations to come. After assembling the giant earth formation, students unfurled a red banner that read in bright white letters: There is no Planet B. A small child in a gray windbreaker held a placard up in the rain: Children’s voices matter. It’s now or never. Though the planet is hurtling towards an uncertain future, the kids won’t take this sitting down.
The University of the Philippines Arboretum, also known as UP Arboretum, is a rainforest located in the northern part of the UP Diliman campus in Quezon City, Philippines. Covering about 22 hectares of the abovementioned 493-hectare academic institution, the UP Arboretum supports a diverse collection of tall, broad-leaved trees and wildlife. In an online article published by UP Diliman entitled The UP Arboretum, the UP Arboretum, following its establishment under the Reforestation Administration (RA) of the now non-existent Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources (DANR) in 1948, served as a place where young plants and trees were grown in nearby localities. On August 15, 1962, the authority to administer justice to the nursery was officially transferred from the RA to UP Diliman. Since then, its operation has increased in extent from a nursery to a storehouse of endangered, endemic, and exotic plant species. It little by little evolved into a man-made forest. As years passed by, in accordance to the same article, the UP Arboretum expanded from being a mere habitat to tropical plant species and wildlife to a community inhabited by people, which is now known to be Pook Arboretum. Pook Arboretum currently consists of five blocks of residential areas with over more than 5000 dwellers. In opposition to this established community in the aforesaid area, an alarming warning is being continually posed in the area. In an article
released by Tinig ng Plaridel, last December 2018, the residents of the Pook Arboretum were threatened with displacement as notice of the planned construction of Diliman’s Philippine General Hospital (PGH) in their area sent to them by the officials. This immediately made the residents apprehensive because most of them had nowhere to go if in case they would be forced out from that place. In an interview conducted with Susan, one of the residents there, she said that this notice of displacement had started years ago but it was not continuous and consistent. There were times when this warning of evicting them from the area was intense and highly talked-about, and times when this was not clearly visible or attracting enough attention. “Noon pa ay mayroon nang pagbabanta, pero wala pang harassment. Noong empleyado pa ang asawa ko, hindi pa masidhi noon. Nagsimula lamang itong harassment noong 2017,” Susan added when asked about the onset of their reception of notice of displacement from their community. When asked about the area to be covered by the said displacement, the respondent said that it would extend over the whole area of the UP Arboretum. She pointed out that this planned displacement of the residents in the area has already begun in blocks 2 and 4, as there already were cyclone wire barriers that have been erected since January 2019 and illegal tree-cutting in the botanical garden.
According to the same article by Tinig ng Plaridel, although the UP Arboretum has been recognized and named as a Priority Protection Zone (PPZ) since 2003 and a Protected Forest Area in the Land Use Plan of UP Diliman since 2012, respectively, it has continued to have threatened species due to project constructions that are not anymore academically related. Susan, on behalf of the other occupants, voiced out her issues regarding the long meters of cyclone wires. She said that there was no gate that was made for them to come and go. Some barriers were even made with no gaps or holes putting the residents at risk. “Delikado ito, dahil paano na lang sa panahon ng kalamidad, kung magka-sunog o di kaya’y emergency?”, said Susan. For this reason, Susan said that they were forced to dig to create at least a two-feet gap between the barrier and the soil so that they could at least go to and from their houses. Susan also asserted that no form of aid was given to them by the officials. It was only them, other than the critics of the government such as mga iskolar ng bayan, ALSA Diliman (Alyansa ng mga Samahan sa Diliman) and other youth groups, who were fighting for their rights of settlement in the area because according to her, the officials were insisting that they had no strong and substantial evidence that they had the right to occupy the land. It is for this cause that the officials were not extending a helping hand to them.
“Kami lang ang gumagalaw. Kung kani-kanino na kami lumapit. Nag-rally kami noong may Board of Regents pa. Ipinakita namin na mayroong Arboretum community, ngunit walang nangyari, Noong panahon ng kampanya para sa eleksyon, pinangakuan kami ni Mayor Joy Belmonte na walang demolisyon na mangyayari. Aniya, ‘no demolition hangga’t walang relokasyon’, pero natuloy pa rin demolisyon,” said Susan. Having expressed the absence of the authority in listening to their agonies, Susan asked for help from the human rights defenders to help them bring their concerns to those in power. She said that she was in no way against the UP Master Development Plan (UP MDP) for as long as this development would benefit all the people. In the case of building the medical facility in their area, residents’ safety, historical significance, conformity to green advocacy, and most importantly, relocation issues must all be equally taken into consideration. “Mayroong mahigit 1000 bahay at 5000-6000 na tao dito sa Pook Arboretum. Inilalapit namin sa may katungkulan na bigyan kami ng relokasyon dito sa lupa na ito kasi malaki ang lupa ng UP,” Susan said. Then again Susan raised her concern that if UP is able to provide a place to live in for the indigenous peoples, then why cannot they be given the same? Some of them have been keepers of the forest for a long time, and if they really are to be displaced, she be-
lieved that they should be given a permanent relocation. The UP Arboretum has served to be not only a botanical garden for academic purposes, but a huge part of it has also become a home to several organisms. This is the reason why settlers in the said community simply cannot leave the place. Whether or not there is a legitimate document of the people’s housings there, considering that those people have served to be caretakers of the forest for multitude of decades without receiving anything in return from the UP administration, it is still crucial to let them have settlements that are either within Pook Arboretum or any place where they can live permanently if displacement cannot really be prevented. The proposed building of PGH at the UP Arboretum may offer excellent health services to a larger number of people, but the residents who have been there since it was built must never be neglected. They must be consulted regarding this matter to assess if this will truly benefit them or not. They must be one of those belonging to UP’s top priorities in times of issues like these. Note: The name” Susan” is only a pseudonym, as the interviewee wished to hide her true identity for safety and security concerns.
Arboretum Residents at the Risk of Getting Displaced YANNIE ARRELANO
DIGGING DEEP: Residents of UP Arboretum had to dug at least a two-feet-gap because there was no gate provided for them, putting their safety more at risk.
Homewrecker: How Development Plans are Displacing UP Communities ALEEZA ABINUMAN
UP has always been more than just a place of academics. When UP first moved to Diliman, buildings once used by the military were made into classrooms and laboratories. Not long after that, a community was created as establishments such as churches, shops, eateries, and various living spaces were formed. It seemed like a world apart from the world outside, almost a city on its own. The more years that passed, the more this world grew. Students, teachers, families, and people from different areas have found a home in UP Diliman. In the exhibit currently housed in the Bulwagan ng Dangal, there are memorabilia dating as far as 1946, such as certificates of residence in Krus na Ligas (then called Cruz na Ligas), which showed that some were born in the vicinity even before it was claimed as part of the UP lot area. Photos of the residents show them posing in front of their new homes, or them partaking in the movements during that time, or them participating in activities managed by the University. These people and their families have been around longer than most of us have been alive, and they have witnessed the changes in the University over decades. Generations have now thrived in these areas, and they face a very real and very immediate threat. The UP Administration has expressed interest in developing these areas, saying that this is in order for UP to become a “world-class university”. In fact, beautifying the campus has not just been recently happening. Incidents of certain buildings or areas that have been burned, demolished, or closed off has been going on for years, and the way that these were addressed seemed of the bare minimum at best. Shop owners have been shooed away, and villages have been covered up whenever “important” guests would come. Again and again, there have been attempts to erase such significant parts of our identity, such as the food kiosks that have fed many a student and a teacher and even our own shopping center, as if these were all shameful.
Residents of Pook Malinis, one of the communities within the campus, have expressed their dissent against the threats of demolition that have been looming over them. Blue guards have come to their homes and reminded them of this, threatening that they have a week to prepare to leave. Some have already had their homes demolished, without actual prior demolition notice. Residents of other areas, such as Krus na Ligas, also expressed their disdain at such practices. A woman who runs a carinderia in the area said that there were once plans to claim and develop the barangay. She knows that if that were to happen again, many people will lose their livelihood. On the other side, a man who owns a sari-sari store said that if they had plans to develop Krus na Ligas, it would be fine if they considered what the residents wanted and where they would go if ever they were to be displaced. Many of the plans set by the UP Administration fail to address these concerns, even promoting higher-end shops and expensive buildings in the place of these communities. If it’s not broken, why fix it? Commercialization of the campus has started to make UP into something it shouldn’t be: a place where profit-hungry and exceedingly proud individuals are overriding many of the daily operations of the University. Academic buildings are rebuilt and yet not maintained, small businesses or sellers are not given importance, and actual problems are swept aside without another thought. Many of the changes done may only benefit a small amount of people for a small amount of time, when long-term solutions can be put into place.
DEMOCRATIC SPACE: Students fought and called for democratic spaces as organization tambayans in Vinzons were closed down due to projects of the Master Development Plan.
Atlas: How Society Makes Us Sick MELLISSA PRIETO The decline in mental health no longer succeeds in shocking us. With today’s climate, we are bound to know at least one person struggling with mental health issues. In some cases, that person may be our colleagues, our friends, or our family members; in some, ourselves. With the widening reach of mental health awareness, it seems that the majority of the people are not only aware of the problem— they share it as well. On one hand, this increasing awareness has led to the reduction of stigma and an influx of campaigns intended to combat these struggles. In celebration of Mental Health Month, there had been various initiatives in the University of the Philippines such as forums and workshops dedicated to tackling mental health. Guidelines on mental health and psychosocial support were even disseminated. There seems to be a general consensus that there exists a problem, thus the numerous programs to tackle it. The open recognition of this problem has led to efforts in removing the stigma attached to mental illness, which in turn have tremendously helped us feel accepted. There still floats the question, however, of whether these efforts are enough to truly address the mental health problem. While these initiatives may have helped some of us, a closer look is warranted. Can mental health advocacy account for the culture in certain organizations that sanctions them to conduct mentally taxing activities at the expense of the applicants? Can workshops truly reform how we respond to sensitive situations, and how we treat others as a whole? Are several university-led initiatives enough to pave a way for a healthier educational system? Do they make up for a university environment conducive to burnout and breakdowns? Must we satisfy ourselves with catching our breath only after every semester ends? On the other hand, no matter how seemingly normalized the mental health crisis is, it is not normal. It should not be. It will always b e an alarming issue that we should ap-
proach with a sense of urgency. According to the Department of Health (DOH), 3.3 million Filipinos suffer from depressive disorders. This increase in the number of cases should not be an indicator that dwindling mental health is a normal phenomenon. Rather, this indicates that the problem is worsening than ever, and passive acceptance in the face of a worsening mental health crisis is not the correct response. It is easy to see why we tend to approach mental health issues as isolated cases. This is because it feels isolating. It sometimes feels as if the entire world has conspired to victimize you, to render you voiceless even when—especially when the voices in your head are damningly deafening. When it feels that the enemy is only out to get you, it is hard not to think that the burden is on your shoulders alone. Add the fact that for years, the narrative had been centered on biological explanations. Too often, we have relied on accounts of brain chemistry and inherited traits. We explain away mental health concerns through chemical imbalance in the brain or by tracing our blood relatives. By doing so, we tend to focus more on the individual and their immediate surroundings, and fail to see the larger society that these people belong in. True enough, we cannot simply strike off biological and genetic considerations. However, to focus on that and that alone is greatly reductionist. It would be ignorant of the social dimension to this crisis. Our mental health issues feel separate from that of the world, and this is not merely incidental. It is almost as if we have to choose between saving the world and saving ourselves, but the idea that the two are irreconcilable could not be further from the truth. By detaching us from the rest of society as we busy ourselves in struggling to get by, we are made to overlook the system that does not only intensify this crisis but produce it as well. FEUDAL ROOTS OF THE MENTAL HEALTH CRISIS The Philippine society continues to b e semi-co-
lonial and semi-feudal. It is semi-colonial as the national sovereignty of the Filipino people and Philippine independence are still violated and unachieved due to the dominance of U.S. imperialism. Feudalism in the Philippines, on the other hand, is manifested in the agricultural system wherein farmers do not own their land and instead work for the landlords who possess the upper hand in determining rent rates and crop prices. The Philippines’ semi-feudal character then is intensified by the encroachment of U.S. monopoly capitalism on local feudalism, and the latter’s subordination to it. What is worthy to note here is that the semi-colonial, semi-feudal society we have does not only explain away issues on a national scale. It also exacerbates issues that feel individualized by design such as mental health. Furthermore, this society is, to put it plainly, making us sick. Feudal traits have penetrated our lives, much like a plague. The mode of production has always determined the emerging culture. As such, the feudal mode of production gave rise to the asymmetric and oppressive dynamics between the landlords and the peasants. This has extended to feudal traits that continue to permeate our culture throughout the subsequent years. In a society that constantly hails blind obedience as a virtue, we are easily rendered helpless. We must submit to our parents by virtue of becoming their children. We must answer to teachers by virtue of becoming their students. We must follow the state by virtue of becoming
their constituents. All of these, although unspoken, require a certain degree of docility from us. Thus, we have been taught to keep our mouths shut long before we have learned how to speak. These traits are not mere abstractions but have been concretized in a multitude of feudal practices that we still hold today. The colonial design of the education system was borne out of the feudal view that education is not a right but a privilege. The abuse of women had sprung from the feudal notion that women are subservient to men. They are seen as incapable and undeserving of any work other than those in the domestic realm, stripped of any position of authority. Worse, women are relegated to being treated as mere properties. The seemingly hopeless future that awaits the youth is rooted in this as well, with the ruling class and their instruments hindering us from using our skills to serve the nation. Instead, they are forced to leave school early and thrust into jobs overseas with low wages, made to serve imperialist countries such as the United States and China. Perhaps what’s worse is that this line of thinking has compelled some students to do the same. Instead of struggling to get them off, we simply compare the size of our shackles. We have opted to decorate the boxes that detain us, tailored to what is expected of us. What made this imposition of the said traits successful is how we as a society have effectively internalized these to the point that it feels “natural.” To answer to a “superior” is customary. To go through a series of grueling tasks is a time-honored proof of commitment. To grind through a week with the expectation of doing it all over again is merely routine. Hence, to burst out crying during midterms week is “relatable.” To deprive yourself of sleep for two days straight is simply a “must” in col-
lege. To question your worth during an application process exists as part of the experience. We have unwittingly maintained the social order that keeps us prisoners, an order that have thrived off our ignorance of it. This may seem disheartening. After all, if our society systematically holds us all hostages, what chance do we have? But there is a reason that we have been taught to treat these cases as individualized, as isolated. There is a reason we are made to feel alone and alienated. I daresay it is because they fear us. They fear what we can do collectively. They have purposely estranged us and drew us apart, because there is only so much we can do alone. Together, however, we are powerful. To recognize the presence of an oppressive system in place bent on victimizing us is indeed terrifying. But if I may be so bold, I believe it is also empowering to know that we have a common enemy to take down. To know that we are not alone in our struggle, that although we feel the weight of the world on our shoulders, we know that we have people carrying it with us. We are part of a community that shall not let it crush us. Together, we will dismantle the chains that hold us back. Together, we will prove that they are right to fear us.
HELL WEEK: Students rushing deadlines in the USC-organized Kapihan at the DLRC Photo from USC UP Diliman Twitter Account
MORE THAN STRENGTH ALEEZA ABINUMAN
SAVE OUR SCHOOLS: Standing firm as one community, the Lumad along with UP students called out the Duterte administration to stop the Martial Law in Mindanao along with the ongoing attacks in their communities.
Resilience is a word that is often heard now. Resilience amidst calamities, resilience against abuse. The resilient Filipino people. Often, it’s used because it means more than just strength. It’s getting back up, it’s moving forward despite every barrier, every setback there is. No matter what is thrown at a person, no matter how many times they’re knocked down, they will pick themselves up and go on. Resilience is not just resistance, it is healing. A prime example would be the Lumad people. The Lumad are a group of non-Islamized indigenous people from Mindanao. According to a report from Rappler, they compose around 61% of the indigenous peoples in the Philippines and are 18% of the country’s population based on data from Save Our Schools Network. For more than a year now, they have constantly been featured in many news reports and articles, due to several incidents of mistreatment, misplacements, and killings. There are laws that protect them, but the Lumad people still experience poverty and human rights violations under the current government. Some of the many human rights violations against them are done against the Lumad schools. Accord-
ing to a report from Rappler, around 90% of Lumad children have no access to education due to poverty or the closing of many Lumad schools based on data from Save Our Schools Network. Many students are affected by military activity in their schools, as there is the threat of suspension, destruction of school property, and the indiscriminate firing of faculty members. There have been incidents of students and teachers being shot by unknown assailants, the cases still unsolved or abandoned to this day. Despite all of this, Lumad people have never shown that they will give up. Time and again, they’ve stood back up, and they’ve continued their fight towards securing their rights. As long as they are alive, the fire of the Lumad people will live on. This can be seen in the way that they continue to strive for the education of the children. Last March, a Bakwit school was hosted in UP Diliman, one of many makeshift schools around Metro Manila for the Lumad people. These schools are often run by volunteer teachers, and have students of various ages originating from different tribes. Having such schools far from home proves to be a challenge. Firstly, the amount of teachers is limited,
which results to them having to teach several subjects at once. They’re also not just educators, but also organizers, officers, and parental figures for these children. Every day, their amount of tasks are endless, but they persevere. Another challenge they face is having to adjust to how things are in more urban areas. The children talked about how different things are in Metro Manila, with them having to pay for everything, like water and food and other commodities they have access to in their previous residences. Often, they also say how much they miss being back at home. There is the understanding of the current state of affairs there, but there is so much hope that they can reclaim their land, their homes. One more thing they face constantly is discrimination and harassment from various people. Teacher Rose Hayahay, one of the volunteer teachers who taught at the Bakwit school in UP Diliman, said that it hurt to be constantly redtagged or viewed as part of the NPA, which endangers their lives. Even in their protests, they make sure to apologize for any inconvenience they have caused for others, and they make sure that what they are saying is always factual and well-re-
searched. They are merely indigenous peoples robbed of their homes, safety, and many of their rights. Despite this, the students maintain their cheery disposition. Many of them are happy to have been given the opportunity to study, and they don’t waste that chance. In the Bakwit schools, they are taught their rights, and how to calmly handle situations with the authorities. The older generations have had problems with being unable to read and write, which resulted to complications in giving the rights to the ancestral lands. So now, the students strive to be able to make sure that they use their education wisely, especially to help their own communities. Even as it becomes more apparent that the government and the military are against them, they never let it keep knocking them down. At every given opportunity, these students extend their hands to help others, selflessly offering whatever they can share. They are driven by their passion to learn and their innate longing to be able to serve the people. Teacher Rose recalls the time when she and the students went to the National Museum. Seeing the street children near the museum, the students got off the jeepney they
were riding to go to them, immediately striking a conversation and patiently teaching them some of the things they’ve learned. The students then told the accompanying teachers that they wanted to take the children back to Mindanao, where they will have shelter and food. Of course, it would have been difficult, given the presence of Martial Law in the area, but the children were hopeful that they will be able to take back what was theirs and give homes to the children. It’s in moments like these, with people like these, that it is important to note that with being steadfast in the face of adversity, one must also remain warm and kind towards others. The world is already a cold, cruel place in itself, and a little hope, any hand ready to help, can improve everything immensely. It takes more than just strength to brave what the Lumad peoples have been through and still come out of it smiling and hopeful. As with the Lumad peoples, and these students, resilience is more than just standing up against the oppressors. It is maintaining hope, and never letting the light in them die, no matter what happens.
ANG PAG-AARUGA NG INANG BAYAN Ang matinding pandarahas ng rehimeng Duterte sa kaniyang mga kritiko ay humantong sa isang antas na lampas pa sa nagdaang taon. Epidemya ito kung ituring dahil sa mabilis na pagtaas ng bilang ng paglabag sa karapatang pantao sa loob lamang ng ilang buwan. Puspusan pa rin ang paghahabi at paghahanap ng dahilan ng pamahalaan upang makapasok sa mga pamantasan gaya ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas (UP) at Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP) dahil sa presensya ng masidhing paglaban. Ang epidemya ng pandarahas ay kumitil na sa maraming buhay at kung magpapatuloy ay malaon na nating malaman ang katotohanan. Iniugnay ang Committee Report #10 nina Senador Ronald Dela Rosa at ng kaniyang mga kaalyado sa batayang ang mga paaralan ay nagsisilbing pangalawang tahanan ng kabataan, kaya dapat umano itong pagbantayan ng pamahalaan. Kung tutuusin, hindi ito pangkaraniwang pagbabantay, obhetibo ng report na alamin at kuhanin ang mga miyembro ng bawat organisasyon sa pamantasan. Kung hindi mapatatahimik ang mga nakikipaglaban, kakailanganing pasukin ang kalooban ng mga mamamayan sa pagpresenta na ang mga pamantasan ay hindi nararapat sumuporta sa pag-aaklas, pagiging kritiko, at pakikipaglaban. Ang paggamit sa damdamin ng mga magulang ay nagpapakita lamang kung paanong pilit na iniiwasan ng estado ang pagpupuna sa kaniya ng mamamayan. Kailangang pat-
uloy na mamulat ang bayan kung ano ang tunay na dahilan kung bakit mas dumarami at mas lumalakas ang sigaw ngayon ng paglaban. Hindi ito sa kadahilanang ang kabataan ay sumusuway sa kaniyang mga magulang, kundi ang kabataan ay pumipiling makipaglaban para sa mga karapatan at sa nararapat. Ang pagtatangkang pagpasok sa opisina ng Philippine Collegian noong Nobyembre 16, 2019 para sa paggawa ng sinasabing “surveillance” ay malinaw na hudyat ng hindi pagiging ligtas ng mga kritiko ng gobyerno sa loob ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas. Ang mga publikasyon na walang takot sa pagpiling paglalahad ng mga kahuwaran ng administrasyon ay pilit pa ring iginagapos at pinatatahimik. Ang pagpapaskil ng mga karatulang “Persona Non Grata” sa UP at tahasang pag-“redtag” sa mga mag-aaral nito sa araw mismo ng National Students’ Day ay pagtapak sa pagkakakilanlan ng mga iskolar ng bayan. Kabalintunaan na naman ang ipinakita ng estado matapos itong lagdaan ni Duterte sa pagkilala sa napakahalagang kontribusyon ng student activism sa demokrasya ng Pilipinas. Kung ganito lamang ang “pag-aaruga” ng estado sa kabataan, ay dapat lang na higit na maging kritikal ang bawat isa sa ihinahain nito sa kanyang mamamayan. Kasabay ng pagtatangkang salakayin ang karapatan ng UP sa malayang pagaaral, ay ang nais na pagkuha ng mga puwersa ng estado sa impormasyon ng kaguruan. Ang Commission on Higher Ed-
ucation (CHED) at Department of Education (DepEd) ay kailangang magpataw ng parusa sa mga guro at kawani na mahuhuling may kinalaman sa mga rali. Sa layuning panghihimasok sa mga pamantasan, bahagi ng imbistigasyon ang bawat kurikulum na ginagamit ng mga guro bilang gabay ng pagtuturo, na ayon sa kapulisan ay nakabalangkas sa paglaban. Ito ay nagpapakita ng pagkontrol di lamang sa kabataan, kundi maging sa mamamayan kahit na labag pa ito sa kanilang mga karapatan. Ang mga paaralang Lumad na ipinasara ng gobyerno ay ilan lamang sa maraming dahilan kung bakit masidhi ang pagtutol ng mga mag-aaral sa tangkang pagpasok ng pulis at militar sa kampus. Makailang ulit isinaad sa kalatas ng mga lider-estudyante na ang dapat harapin ng gobyerno ay suliranin ng mamamayan, gaya ng malawakang palit-lupa, kontraktuwalisasyon, mataas na presyo ng bilihin, demolisyon, batas militar at marami pang iba. Ito ay patunay na hindi natin kailangan ang mga mamumunong wala namang alam sa pag-aaruga ng inang bayan. Hindi pa rin hinarap ng pamahalaan ang mga isyu na dapat pagtuunan ng pansin sa maraming pagkakataon. Sa katunayan, kinaltasan pa ang pondo sa edukasyon at pangkalusugan sa 2020 budget na tahasang makaaapekto sa mamamayan. Sa pagtalikod ng pamahalaan sa isyu ng bayan, nangangahulugang hindi pag-aalala ang hangarin ng Committee Report #10, kundi pagpapatahimik ng nagngangalit na tinig ng aping mamamayan, na nagpupuny-
agi sa isang lipunang ang namamayani ay karapatan at kalayaan. Ang maglaan ng napakalaking pondo para sa pagsulong ng militar, lalong-lalo na ang P188.6 billion sa Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) sa taong 2020, ay nagbigay daan upang maglunsad ng mga programa ang AFP na “National Security Concern Awareness” sa mga aralin ng NSTP, upang tahasang mang-redtag ng mga lider-estudyante. Malinaw na ang motibo ng nasabing report ay lagyan ng tabing ang umaalingangaw na paniniwala at paninindigan ng bawat kritiko ng gobyerno, sa pamamagitan ng pag-usig sa mga lider-estudyanteng tumitindig at lumalaban para sa karapatan. Sa kabila ng kabiguan ng pamahalaan ay hindi ito tumitigil sa pag-iisip ng paraan, kahit pa humantong sa karahasan ang kanilang nais. Kung tutuusin, kabalintunaan ang pag-aalala ng pamahalaan sa kabataan. Patunay rito ang kaso ni Carl Arnaiz na mag-aaral ng UP na pinaslang sa ilalim ng Oplan Tokhang noong si Senador Dela Rosa ay Police General pa lamang. Kung talagang ang paaralan ang pangalawang tahanan at nararapat na ilayo ang kabataan sa pagiging kritiko ng gobyerno, bakit kung sino pa ang nararapat magbigay proteksiyon sa kaniyang kapuwa ay siya pang pumapatay sa karapatan ng kaniyang mamamayan? Kung talagang ang masasabi lang ay “shit happens”, hindi ba ito repleksiyon ng kawalan ng respeto at pagsisisi ng kapulisan sa kanilang walang-awang pagpatay? O hindi
kaya’y ang paglikha sa Committee Report #10 ay maaaring paraan ng pamahalaan upang bawasan ang mga kritikong handa silang paslangin? Sa panahong talamak ang kawalan ng katarungan, pambabastos sa karapatang pantao, at patuloy na mababang pagtrato sa kahalagahan ng mamamayan, ang kailangan ng lahat ay tapat at makabayang pamamahala sa ating bayan. Hindi natin kailangan ang huwad na pagmamahal ng estado, na ang tanging layunin ay lokohin at pagtakpan ang katotohanan sa mamamayan. Ang pag-aaruga ng inang bayan ay hindi dapat manggaling sa mga namumunong naluklok nang walang sapat na kaalaman. Ang pag-aaruga ng inang bayan ay hindi dapat pagkitil sa kahalagahan at karapatan ng kaniyang mga anak. Ang pag-aaruga ng inang bayan ay hindi pagpaslang sa mga pagkakataong siya rin ay dapat isalba ng kabataan. Matapos mabigo ang tangkang pagpasok ng kapulisan at militar sa UP dahil sa masidhing pagtutol noong Agosto, muli ay magsasama-sama ang mag-aaral para sa panibagong walkout na magaganap bukas, Nobyembre 21, 2019. Hindi titigil ang kabataan sa paglaban. Hindi mapatatahimik ng estado ang sigaw ng bawat mamamayan. Sa panahong mas umiigting ang pagtapak sa karapatan ng bawat isa, patuloy pa rin ang pakikisama at paglaban para sa nararapat.
Low voter turnouts signal CSSP’s lack of election urgency JOY ANNE DEL ROSARIO & C LARK DENMARK R E C I LE Over the last five years, the College of Social Sciences and Philosophy’s (CSSP) voter turnout has been steadily decreasing. The CSSP Student Council (SC) has seemingly lost its touch with reality, and the student body has begun to no longer recognize the urgency and importance of electing a responsive governing body. The last time the voter turnout for the CSSP SC elections significantly spiked was in the year 2015. With the voter turnout of 52.27% in 2014, this built up to a solid 60.45%. Since then the voter turnout has mostly declined, with a turnout of 57.69% last 2016, 57.8% in 2017, 50.06% previously in 2018, to a mere 46.05% this year 2019. The 60.45% voter turnout last 2015 dwarfs the 46.05% voter turnout just this April 2019—and these figures imply nothing short of ominous. Meanwhile, in order to fill the remaining positions in the council, special elections were held last September 10, 2019. It is unfortunate that out of the 1,960 registered voters in CSSP, only 504 voted, giving a disheartening voter turnout of 25.71%. CSSP holds the third highest voting population in the university, but only averages a voter turnout of 55%. This is a measly comparison to Asian Institute
of Tourism’s (AIT) average of 72%, even though AIT holds the lowest voter population in the university. Many people attribute this growing political apathy to the recent batches of freshmen, but this cannot be farther from the truth. Across the university, younger batches have been taking part in the activities of various organizations, alliances, and publications. It seems the underclassmen are ready to step up and assume bigger roles, but this is not manifested during elections. This shows a clear lack of resonance between the students and the council’s projects and policies. Unfortunately, the CSSP SC has yet to put in place mechanisms that can truly connect with the electorate. The council can pride itself with its responsiveness when issues arise, but their undoing will be because of their inability to compromise. The council has to act as more than just mere event organizers. Else, people will lose their interest, like they are now and have been for the past years. Less and less people care enough to vote, and only a select few care to run for council. Nothing promulgates apathy more than an apathetic governing body.
It seems the council has grown complacent with their hold on power, which can be attributed to the absence of any form of meaningful opposition. After the recent special elections, Buklod CSSP continues to dominate the CSSPSC, occupying 14 out of 18 seats. In order to inspire participation in the student body, the council must lead by example. It is their responsibility to initiate programs for the immediate benefit of their constituents and to conduct campaigns to prompt responsiveness and political engagement from the students of CSSP. As what former SINAG Editor-in-Chief Renee Louise Co said in her interview with Philippine Collegian, “Iba talaga ang power ng USC as an institution para makapaghamig ng students to care more sa politics. It is their job to lead effective mass campaigns para maging responsive ‘yung students at maging politically engaged ang kanilang constituents.” The students have to resonate with the platforms of council candidates and that is the CSSPSC’s responsibility. The students of CSSP should again feel that the council is a body of service towards its constituents and not just to a select few.
Return of Service: A Dubious Agreement IAN ABO R A ARE LLA NO
The University of the Philippines is the state university of the country that is committed to serve the underserved and assume its social accountability. As such, it is expected to be able to produce graduates who will perform and lead a distinctive leadership in the government, business, sciences, arts and the professions. UP graduates respond to nation’s needs while living up to the tradition of honor and excellence. They serve as catalysts for change in the service of the people. This mission is upheld by the UP system, which consists of seven constituent universities and one autonomous university, and 15 campuses that are scattered all over the country. The University of the Philippines – Manila, together with its extension campus in Palo, Leyte, the UP Manila School of Health Sciences (SHS), has been implementing the Return Service Agreement (RSA). It is the return service obligation among its graduates, in its pledge and responsibility to national development. The RSA program has begun in the academic year 2011-2012, as approved by the UP Board of Regents. It is implemented within the health colleges in the UP Manila campus: College of Allied Medical Professions (CAMP), College of Dentistry (CD), College of Medicine (CM), College of Nursing (CN), College of Pharmacy (CP), and College of Public Health (CPH). This also applies for the baccalaureate health sciences programs in UP Manila SHS, and will cover all Freshmen, shiftees, and transferees entering the university in the aforementioned academic year. It states that graduates under the agreement program must serve the country for a minimum of two years within five years after graduation. Graduates shall serve complementary to the roles of their defined health-related professions. The return service shall be an employment with government agencies and/or institutions, underserved towns and/or provinces, and non-government and cause-oriented organizations. However, if for any reason, the graduate has not complied with the RSA, he/she will pay double the expenditure of his/her
education at a current rate from the time he/she got accepted into his/her program, including interest.Looking at the objectives of the RSA, it may be deemed true that it is an effective tool to inculcate patriotism and great responsibility of service to the community. Nevertheless, in spite of its role in nation-building, some issues contest the policies of the abovementioned agreement program. First of which is the issue on service. If it is really geared towards being of service to the Filipino people, then why is there an inclusion of payment with interest if, in any case, the student cannot comply with the RSA? It is fathomed that the money that is used to provide these students with free education came from the pocket of the Filipino people by means of the tax. However, “service”, according to its definition, is a valuable action, deed, or effort performed to satisfy a need or to fulfill a demand. And the service that is being referred to in the RSA is the duty for the Filipino people. If someone is going to get penalized for not being able to pay the adequate monetary penalties, then the sense of action that should be carried out to bring a need to completion will not be met. Rather, it will seem like more of a business strategy, even though its absolute purpose is for the nation’s betterment. People put the blame on students who enroll in an academic program with RSA. They censure these students for not being certain if the role of the defined profession that they want to have in the future is related to that particular program with RSA. This leads to the second argument, which is the cases of UPM students who are under the RSA program. Many of the students from UP Manila have attested that they got into the program and have their RSA papers signed without having a clear understanding of the terms and conditions of the RSA policies. Some of the parts of the RSA papers that are not thoroughly explained are the terms of payment, penalty for breach of obligation, and the pre-termination and penalties. These are only being explained throughout their course of study in the uni-
versity when they are already under the program with RSA. In addition to this, looking at the curricula of the academic programs in UP Manila, it is noticeable that the First and Second Year subjects of the old curricula do not include the program’s major subjects. It is also included in the RSA papers that students who will incur 60 units or above will automatically be covered by the RSA. Indeed, since the design of the old curricula of every program does not have major courses yet in the First and Second Years, students get to decide if they are on the right track only on their Third Year, when they are already covered by the RSA. This is so because most of these students have surely incurred more than 60 units by this time, and they are left with no other choice but to stay in their program and push through it. This becomes a contributing factor to the students’ mental health difficulty, such as depression, which is timely and eminent among UP Manila students. Although there is a section in the RSA papers which states that pre-termination from any legal and financial liability may be allowed among students who are physically and mentally incapacitated of a permanent nature, some students, particularly those who are suffering from mental health problems, find it hard to open up, as it triggers their difficulty. This entailment of no penalty is only for those who are incapable, but what about those who are not? Should they continue traversing the path that does not bring them joy anymore just so they will not get penalized with the payback amount? The third argument is about its limitation t o the health colleges in the UP Manila campuses. This RSA is only implemented within the health-related B.S. programs, and not for the B.A. programs. They say that it is so because multiple health-related B.S. graduates of state universities would eventually go abroad and work there for good. Nevertheless, if the RSA’s aim is really to be of service for the Filipino people, then its inclusion should not only be
limited to the B.S. programs. In spite of the loopholes and lapses of the RSA, it is comprehensible that its purpose is meant to be committed to national development by means of serving the people. Nonetheless, we should also take into account the issues underlying this agreement. RSA may be of good purpose, but it should be strongly and carefully reviewed and revised at the same time. On monetary penalties, if in case a student cannot comply with the RSA, it would be best if both parties, the student and the college, would come up with a supplemental contract. It is a formal, legally binding agreement which states that the student s h a l l fulfill his/ her twoyear service a f t e r
graduation even without graduating from the program with RSA. This may take in the form of voluntarily offering one’s service to national institutions, therefore still abiding by the rule of RSA contracts on which the student is about to sign. In this case, the student would still be able to uphold the sense of service. RSA is in need of more attention. Conducting discussions about the reality of RSA must be strengthened, not only in UP Manila, but also in other UP units. Each student from across UP campuses must be well-aware of the struggles being faced by their fellow students, so as to build up and unify all those things we are fighting for. Forward movements which call for reviewing and revising the agreement may be taken into consideration. This, in any way, does not mean opposition to RSA. Everyone aspires for a genuine national development. Nevertheless, the society that will benefit from the service to
be rendered and the welfare of those who are affected must be carefully looked into.
The UP Diliman oblation dressed with it’s sablay in the season of commencement ceremonies of different colleges for the year 2019.
Bakit nga ba kailangan ipahinto ng UP (Data Protection Office) ang RUPP Website? EDWA R D O RNOP IA Nasa panahon na tayo kung saan napakadali na lamang magpadaloy o mag-pasa ng impormasyon dahil sa pag-usbong ng teknolohiya. Ang teknolohiyang ito ay naghatid sa atin ng laking ginhawa at gaan sa ating mga gawain. Isang hambawa nito ay ang pagkakaroon ng mga telepono na maaaring madala kahit saan man, makausap ang sino man kahit gaano ito kalayo. Nandyan din ang mga online website nagpapadali ng ating buhay mula sa pamimili ng mga gamit hanggang sa pagtuklas ng ano mang impormasyon kinakailangan.Kaya naman isang estudyante ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas ang sinamantala ito. Lumikha ang estudyanteng ito ng website na tinatawag na RUPP (Rate UP Professors) na kalaunan ay pinalitan at naging “Profs to pick. Isang presman na estudyante ang gu-
mawa ng website na ito noong taong 2014. Minaigi na lamang na hindi siya pangalanan para na rin kanyang hinihinging seguridad. Naisipan niya itong gawin noon upang magkaroon ng ideya sa mga pipiliing propesor sa CRS (Computerized Registration System). Mula roon ay naging popular ito at tinangkilik ng karamihan sa mga mag-aaral. Naging bentahe ito sa ilang mga estudyante upang makakuha ng “matataas” na grado at magkamit ng mga parangal. Sa katunayan, nang mas lalong dumami na ang humihiling ay isinama na rin ang paaralang De La Salle University, Taft sa naturang website. Umabot sa 6.5M ang dumalaw sa nasabing website simula noong ginawa ito hangggang sa inihinto. Ipagpalagay na nating pinaghalong estudyante, propesor at ibang “usiserong netizen” ang mga nasabing dumalaw.
Kung ating aalalahanin, ang RUPP ay naglalaman ng marka ng mga estudyante sa mga propesor. Kumbaga ay tila bang ang mga mag-aaral na ang nagbibigay ng kabuuang “grado” sa propesor upang malaman nila kung siya ba ay “karapatdapat” piliin na guro para sa semestre. Nahahati ito sa mga sumusunod: 1. Kung gaano ka-matulungin sa klase tulad ng pagbabahagi ng lektura (slides); 2.Kung gaano kadali ang kurso; at 3. Pamamaraan ng pagtuturo (pedagogy). Sa ibaba nito ay may nakalaan ring seksyon na maaaring mag-iwan ng komento. Kadalasan ay nagbabahagi ang mga estudyante rito ng kanilang mga karanasan sa klase o propesor. Nakatago ang pagkakakilanlan ng bawat isang nagbabahagi rito kaya’t marahil ay tinangkilik ito ng karamihan. Marami-rami na ang nalagpasan na
mga balakid ng website na ito. Ang ilang mga naituring na balakid ng lumikha ay tulad ng pagpapanatili nito, pagbabago ng mga kinakailangan upang mapabilis, at pagdadagdag ng espasyo para sa dami ng gumagamit. Minsan ay may mga propesor din na humihiling tanggalin ang kanilang pangalan na kanya namang agad na sinusunod. Ngunit nitong nakaraang Setyembre 10 lamang ay nakatanggap siya ng email mula sa Data Protection Office ng UP Diliman. Ito ay naglalaman ng pagpapahinto ng website o “cease & decease”. Ayun sa tagapaglikha bukas siyang ibalik ang naturang website kung pahihintulutan ito ng kinauukulan—na siyang mangyayari lamang kung magkakaroon ng diyalogo ang kinatawan ng estudyante at UP admin. Dagdag pa niya hangga’t hindi ito nangyayari ay mananatili itong hindi
magagamit. Kung susumahin karapatan ng admin ng unibersidad pahintuin ito dahil sa Republic Act No. 10173 o mas kilala bilang Data Privacy Act na naglalayong protektahan ang lahat ng klase ng impormasyon, maging pribado, personal o sensitibo. Ngunit may karapatan din naman ang mga estudyanten na magpahayag ng kanilang damdamin o saloobin sa ano man o kanino man. Kaya ang aking tanung para sa mga mambabasa ay sino ang mas mananaig? Ang karapatan ng mga propesor na itago ang kanilang impormasyon o karapatan ng estudyante na ibahagi ang kanilang saloobin at karanasan sa mga propesor?
Land Assets Set for Commercialization Purposes VH E A MA E BRU CE Last August 30, 2019, Pres. Rodrigo Duterte signed RA 11454, which authorized the granting of 22.4 hectares of the residential area at Krus Na Ligas (KNL) to Quezon City Local Government. The law directly amended RA No. 9500, which is known as the University of the Philippines Charter of 2008. The objective of selling the alienated land, which measures 22.467 hectares is to transfer its ownership to the city government to remove the tag of QC residents as informal settlers at Importer Security Filing (ISF). It deliberately contradicts, counters, and opposes the Charter of 2008, which states that as the National University, the University of the Philippines (UP) is prohibited to sell a land. Therefore, it strips the public character of the university. However, why is this an oath to concern and at the same time considered alarming? By pragmatically reading the policies, one will not fully see the link among the interest in capital, speculated space, and actors of gentrification. The process of gentrifying urban poor communities is a clever tactic in order to manufacture spaces that will be available for profitable generation. KNL having informal settlers is a university issue because these settlers are part of the entire UP community. They play a big part of UP’s social and economic environment and people relations in the University. This comes into view that whether long-time residents of KNL or
not, each has the right to both the city and university spaces. If UP Administration will lose its authority to KNL Land, it will be directly vulnerable to conversion and privatization. This then mirrors the state of San Roque wherein Quezon City Local Government Unit (QCLGU) did not generate a resolution to stop the dispossession of informal communities. LAND TITLES “Ibebenta nga sa mga legitimate na nakatira dito sa Krus Na Ligas yung lupa, pero yung isyu doon eh, magkano ba? Kasi hindi naman lahat dito eh middle class na mga tao,” said by Linda, a native resident from KNL who was interviewed. In Section 3 of RA 11454, Technical Working Group (TWG) the legitimacy of the residence of the people within the area is based on the mandated years of living at KNL, that is 30 years, in order to be able to allot and sell land to them. Nevertheless, why does it need to reach a point that QC Local Government Unit (LGU) shall be the one to administer the land if UP can do it? “Simpleng ulam lang sa pangaraw-araw eh pinoproblema na, tapos kung idadagdag pa yung bayarin [sa bahay], hanggang sa di na kayang bayaran, pwedeng yan ang gamitin na paraan para ibenta yung lupa sa mga negosyante, hanggang sa dumami na sila tapos umalis na [yung dating] mga nakatira dito” Linda added. The fear for commercialization
The situation of everyday living in Krus Na Ligas. (Photo from PhilStar)
arises, as the rumor about land conversion spreads within the vicinity of Krus Na Ligas. Perhaps, a multi-secular and a more particular perspective should be manifested to evaluate this kind of policy. It should not be merely a sudden giving of away of trust to institutions that are tightly connected to the corporation—which only desires to earn money. However, why does it need to come to a point wherein residents must still buy the space they have already lived in? This also posits the question of whether or not every resident of KNL can afford to buy the land. Ironically most of the residents, especially those who are frustrated by UP’s failure to give up their right to the land, are sure of this. The community’s concern right now is to find out the range of payment on the size of each land. “Wala pang presyuhan. Wala pang Technical Working Group. Ngayon nga ang balak namin eh pumunta sa munisipyo para magtanong kung paano ba bumuo ng working group” said by Tonyo, a veteran barangay councilor in KNL. As the abovementioned act says, the process of forming a technical working group will only commence a year after the QC Local Government settled its payment to UP. Some residents claim to be clueless to the sanctions on what will happen if QC will not finish paying up the ‘fair price’ to the university due to the fear that
the President’s signature will expire. The problem that can be viewed with this policy is its nature of top-down approach, rather than being properly drafted and asserted by the community. Hence, each one should be vigilant and critical in all forms of government proceedings.
Remaining Land subject for other “purpose”
The Office of the Vice-Chancellor for Community Affairs focuses on land management as well as the advancement of plans that are and must be beneficial to all sectors handled by UP. The said platform asserts to be included in the community development plan of the entire university. This would include relocation or setting up of cheap and accessible housings for them, where there would be adequate employment and education. However, tracking down the university’s record for consenting enterprises to lease on its properties affects some of UP Communities. Tracing the university’s history of commercialization, the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) produced both the UP TechnoHub and UP Town Center (the old UPIS) that were charged of an acute case of eviction by the group of informal settlers. A warning was also issued to the UP vendors along the UP Fine Arts (FA) Building to leave their posts due to the on-going construction of a centralized food hub. The slow commercialization of UP engineering buildings were also evident by
the presence of advertisements around its area. To this date, UP implemented the Master Development Plan (UP MDP), which stated that the assets of the UP system were to be developed by the present and future administrations “to guide the development and to ensure the creation of the University of the Philippines which is socially responsible, functional, innovative and visionary” (UP MDP). UP sacrificing KNL’s 22.4 out of 42 hectares is the university’s primary step in order to relocate Village C within KNL’s remaining land. Thus, the Master Development Plan (MDP) will take effect and will continue to operate in other areas. Furthermore, given the fact that the involved area of the community is not part of the planning process, it affects the community in a disruptive manner. As a result, a drastic threat on their source of income and unsettled relocation are the fears of some of the residents. This clearly shows that UP is compromising the well-being of its own community to privatize land assets. ---
*The names “Linda” and “Tonyo” are only pseudonyms, as the interviewees wished to hide their true identity for safety and security concerns.
4.9.1
MA . ANTONETTE SALDANA
Tama na, ayaw ko na.
Mga salitang nagmamakaawang makalabas sa aking bibig sapagkat nakahahapo’t nakasasawa na. Hindi ka pa ba napapagod? Kasi pagod na pagod na ako, kaya tigilan na natin ito. Hinarap ko na lamang ang bundok ng labahin at muling hinagkan ng mga katagang “ihiwalay mo ang puti sa de color, baka mahawahan at mamantyahan” mula sa labi ng aking inang nagmistulang sirang plaka. Kasabay ng pag-ikot ng washing machine kung saan inilagay ko ang mga de color ay ang pag-inog ng mundo kung saan nakasalang ang komunidad ng LGBTQ+ sa mapanghusgang lipunan. Sinasabon. Binubudburan ng masasakit na salita hanggang maging mabula at maging dahilan ng pagluha. Kung minsan ay nagsisilbing lason at unti-unting pumapatay sa kumpyansa sa sarili. Kinukuskos. Ginagamitan ng mga kamay na bakal sa pag-aakalang ito ang lunas o kasagutan sa pagiging isang miyembro ng komunidad ng LGBTQ+. Dala ng pakpak ng balita mula Human Rights Campaign ang talang 44% ng mga lesbian at 61% ng mga bisexual women maging 26% ng mga gay at 37% ng mga bisexual men sa iba’t ibang bahagi ng Estados Unidos nakararanas ng panggagahas at pisikal na pananakit mas mataas sa kaso ng mga babae at lalaki. Pinapalu-palo. Kung hindi pa kuntento ay pahahalikin ang palu-palo sa katawan, paulit-ulit hanggang sa magkapunit-punit pati ang pagkatao, hanggang magkagutay-gutay, at kung minsan hanggang mawalan ng hininga tulad na lang ng sinapit ni Jennifer Laude noong 2014, Mhelody Polan Bruno, Setyembre taong kasalukuyan at iba pang tulad nila na bahagi ng komunidad ng LGBTQ+ na naging laman ng mga balita sa telebisyon a t
dyaryo tulad sa Rappler. Pagkatapos ay isasampay at mabibilad sa init ng mga matang mapanghusga na sa halip imulat ang mga ito sa katotohanan at tama ay napapapikit sa pagkasilaw. Sa halip na unawain ang kalagayan at dinaranas ng mga katulad nina Jennifer at Mhelody, at kondenahin ang mga ganitong karahasan ay minamaliit, hinuhusgahan at pinagtatawanan pa. Labahang makapangyarihan, labahing naging salamin At sa paghaplos ng hangin sa aking balat ay kasabay nito ang pagyakap ng katotohanan na hindi ito nakikita ng nakararami. Maiiwasan sana ang mga karahasang ganito kung ang bawat isa ay minumulat ang sarili at pinapalawak ang kamalayan sa mga ganitong sitwasyon at higit sa mga batas tulad ng Senate Bill No.1271 o Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity or Expression (SOGIE Bill) na sana ay magbibigay proteksyon sa mga bahagi ng LGBTQ+ at maging sa mga hindi miyembro nito. Ito ay sa ikabubuti ng lahat hindi lamang eksklusibo sa nasabing komunidad. Ang SOGIE Bill na nabibigyang maling pagtanaw sa kakulangan na rin ng kagustuhang ito ay basahin at intindihin maging kakulangan sa edu-
kasyon patungkol dito. Kabilang sa mga maling pagtingin ay ang nakapaloob rito na same sex marriage. Nakagugulo pa ang maling balita na sa birth certificate ay iiwang bakante ang sex o kasarian, at hihintaying nasa tamang edad na ang isang tao upang siya ang magdesisyon ng ilalagay dito, lingid sa kaalaman ng nakararami na nahihiwalay ang sex sa gender identity ng isang tao. Subalit, ang katotohanan ay ang bill na ito ay mas pinagtibay na bersyon lamang o kapalit ng Senate Bill 935. Ito ay upang maiwasan ang diskriminasyon sa mga paaralan o trabaho upang magkaroon ng pantay na karapatan ang lahat pagdating sa ganitong aspeto at hindi maging batayan ang kasarian sa pagtamasa ng kung ano ang nararapat. Ang isyung ito ay isang isyung panlipunan na kailangang solusyunan at hindi isyung patungkol lamang sa banyo. Kaya ang dapat lamang suportahan ito sapagkat ang nilalaban nila ay laban ng mga mamamayan. Laban para sa karapatan. Laban
sa karapatan: karapatan sa pag-aaral, trabaho, at maging sa ospital. Proteksyon mula sa mga pang-aabuso---berbal man o pisikal, pang-aalipusta at iba pa. Kung uunawain lamang at bubuksan ang isipan nang nakararami ay madali lamang makita ang kahalagahan nito sa lahat. Relihiyoso ba talaga o mapang-abuso? Nasobrahan sa pagkababad at nahilam sa mga natatamong karapatan na sana tinatamasa ng lahat ano man ang kasarian kung kaya nabulag sa dinaranas ng nakararami. Mas mapalad pa ang mga damit na pinahahalagahan samantalang ang mga LGBTQ+ pinagkakaitan ng karapatan at hinuhusgahan. Tama na, ayaw ko na. Gusto kong sumabog at sabihin ang mga salitang ito sapagkat nakahahapo at nakasasawa na. Hindi pa ba kayo napapagod? Hindi pa ba kayo napapagod sa pagbubulagbulagan sa katotohanang ang laban ng komunidad ng
LGBTQ+ ay laban ng lahat? Sila na nagbibigay kulay sa mundo. Sila na namamayagpag rin sa iba’t ibang larangan. Sila na ang tanging ginawa ay ipakita lamang ang tunay nilang kulay. Dahil, ako, pagod na pagod na akong makinig sa bawat musikang binubuo lamang ng bungkos ng mga salita nang pagiging ignorante. Sampay. Pagpupugay. Tagumpay. Matapos kong labhan ang mga damit ay sinampay ko ang mga ito. Nakahuhumaling pagmasdan sapagkat sa pagsayaw ng mga ito sa saliw ng hangin ng pagkakaisa, kasabay nito ang pagwagayway ng bandilang bahaghari. Ang mga sinampay na puti’t de color ay binigyang buhay ng Pride March ng komunidad ng LGBTQ+ kasama ang mga hindi man nabibilang sa kanila, ay sumusuporta pa rin bilang pagpupugay sa kanilang matatag na pagharap sa mapanghusgang lipunan at tapang na maging totoo sa mundong maraming huwad. Mamulat, makimartsa at sumamang lumaban para sa mga mamamayan dahil ang tagumpay nila ay tagumpay nating lahat. Sisikat ang bahaghari. Pagkakapan-
tay-pantay ang maghahari. Apat na salita. Siyam na pantig. Isang obra ng paglaban. Martsa para sa karapatan.
In celebration of PRIDE month and the freedom to love, with the theme of UP Pride 2019: Embracing Diversity towards Equality, various protestors campaigned for equality and non-discrimination towards gender identity and expression, as well as sexual orientation.
Mga batang Lumad na nais lamang makapag-aral ang pumapasan sa matinding alegasyon ng AFP at ni National Security Adviser Hermogenes Esperon Jr. matapos itong umapela sa DepEd upang maipasara ang 55 Lumad school na pagmamay-ari at pinapatakbo ng Salugpongan Ta’Tanu Igkanogon Community Learning Center (STTICLC). Nitong July 10, 2019 ay binaba ni DepEd Davao Region Officer in charge Evelyn R. Fetalvero, ang utos sa pagpapasara ng mga Lumad school. Ito ay nakabase sa di umanong matibay na ebidensya ni Esperon na nagtuturo ang nasabing mga eskwelahan ng mga kontra-gobyernong ideolohiya. Sa isinumiteng report ni Esperon ay nakasaad ang isang sinumpaang salaysay ng isang Melvin Loyod, kung saan sinabi niyang isa siya sa mga boluntaryong nagtuturo sa Salugpongan school sa Talaingod, Davao Del Norte. Sinasabi rin ni Melvin na kasama sa mga modyul ang mga “rally” kontra gobyerno at ang mismong kanta ng New People’s Army (NPA). Ito ang mga dahilan kung bakit sinuspende ni Fetalvero ang permit to operate ng Salugpongan schools kaya ito’y ipinasara. Ngunit gaano nga ba katotoo ang mga akusasyon ni Esperon? Nag-imbestiga man lang ba ang DepEd sa mga akusasyon ni Esperon na nagresulta sa pagpapasara ng mga Lumad schools? Ayon sa Save our Schools ay walang ginawang pormal na imbestigasyon ang DepEd sa mga paratang ni Esperon. Bilang Kagawaran ng Edukasyon, tungkulin nitong bigyan ng malayang edukasyon ang mga mamamayan ngunit kung ang mismong
nasabing ahensya ang isa sa mga susupil sa mga pangarap ng mga estudyante, wala na itong pinag-iba sa kasalukuyang administrasyon na pumapatay ng mga pangarap, hindi lamang ng mga kabataang mag-aaral kundi pati na rin ng kanyang mamamayan. Ang mga Lumad ay isa sa mga libu-libong Indigenous Peoples (IP) na patuloy na nagprepreserba sa kanilang kultura. Ang nasabing mga ipinasarang eskwelahan ang naging takbuhan nila sa pagkatutong hindi naibigay ng DepEd sa ilang dekada nitong pangako na aabutin ang lahat ng mga nasa kanayunan. Hindi lahat ay kayang makisalamuha sa ibang kultura, halimbawa na rito ang mga taga-patag at mga Lumad. May mga tradisyon ang mga Lumad na wala ang mga taga-patag; gagawa na agad ito ng isang h a rang s a
EDUKASYON PARA SA IILAN FRANC ABA
nayo
pagitan n g b a w a t indibidwal. Kaya naman itia n g
mga nasabing eskwelahan upang maiwasan ang nasabing mga kaganapan at matulungan ang mga IP. Sinasabing mayaman ang lupain ng mga IP kaya naman hindi na nakapagtataka na ginagamit ng estado ang kanyang pwersa para lamang makamkam ang kanilang lupain upang makapasok ang mga dayuhang korporasyon. Ginagamit ang mga paratang na pagtuturo ng mga kontra-gobyernong ideolohiya upang maging “smoke screen” at maayos na mailatag ang plano sa pagpapaalis sa mga IP sa kanilang sariling lupa. Para sa pambansang minorya katulad ng mga Lumad, ang lupa ay ang kanilang buhay. Para sa kanila, ang basehan ng kayamanan ay ang lupang kanilang pagmamay-ari at pwede nilang tamnan. Ito ang kayamanan na pwede nilang maipamana sa kanilang mga kaanak. Sa pagpasok ng mga pribadong korporasyon sa kanilang mayamang lupain sa pamamagitan ng mga marahas na paratang ng gobyerno, ipinapakita nito na pumapabor ang pamahalaan sa monopolyo sa lupa ng mga pribadong korporasyon. Ang monopolyo at p y u dali s -
mo sa lupa na nais ng mga pribadong korporasyon ang patuloy na nilalabanan ng mga Lumad at mga boluntaryong guro nito. Hindi na bago ang mga ganitong panggigipit ng estado sa mga IP para lamang makamkam ang kanilang mga lupain. Isang halimbawa ang mga Aeta sa Tarlac na kung saan tahasan silang pinapalayas sa kanilang lupang kinalakihan para lamang maitayo ang Clark Green City, isa sa mga pamosong proyekto ng Gobyerno bilang paghahanda sa darating na Southeast Asian (SEA) Games na gaganapin dito sa Pilipinas. Sa madaling sabi, Aeta ang naging dayuhan sa sarili nilang lupain, walang magawa kundi panuoring lamunin ng gobyernong walang paki sa mga nasa kanayunan maipatupad lamang ang kanilang sariling interes. Ang pangyayari sa mga Aeta ng Tarlac ay hindi nalalayo sa mga Lumad. Kung hindi man bukas ay baka sa isang araw ay gumising na lamang tayo na ang ating mga bundok at ang mga malalawak na lupain ay tabas na at nagatasan na ng mga dayuhang pangminang korporasyon sa tulong ng kasalukuyang administrasyon. Patuloy ang laban ng mga Lumad bagaman ang ilan sa kanilang paaralan ay opisyal nang ipinasara dahil hindi lamang natatapos ang pagkatuto sa apat na sulok ng klasrum. Hindi matatapos ang pag-aaral para sa mga Lumad dahil lamang hinadlangan ito ng isang kagawaran o tao, lalo nitong pagliliyabin ang mitya ng pagkatuto at dunong lupang mas lalong suruin ang bulok na lipunan at estadong nagpapahirap at mapagsamantala.
LUPA PARA SA DAYUHAN
“Hated in the Nation”: Black Mirror’s Dark Reflection of Twitter MELVIN MOTA
Twitter is a growing online community and since has evolved from a platform for people to express their mundane daily activities to an arena of the most controversial political takes. This evolution became the birth of a new culture that polices our beliefs and opinions on certain things — cancel culture. Defined as the dismissal of a person after doing something ‘problematic’, cancel culture was thrusted into popularity by the patronizing public as an alternative justice system. Ideally, cancelling is the general public’s way of expressing a call for justice against perpetrators of discrimination, hate, violence, and corruption, hence the term “court of public opinion”. This culture and the consequences of technology as a whole has been the subject of criticism of different forms of media, but one of the most popular and arguably one of the sharpest among those today is the anthology series Black Mirror. Black Mirror is an anthology social science fiction series created by Charlie Brooker. In every episode, Brooker exposes the dark side of technology and how it reveals the deeper undesirable traits of humanity through science fiction. Cancel culture was explored on its third season finale “Hated in the Nation”, where DCI Karin Parke (Kelly Macdonald) and her new partner Blue Coulson (Faye Marsay) investigate a series of mysterious deaths of people who have experienced targeted hate on social media such as journalist Jo Powers, who published an article that criticized a dis-
ability activist’s self-immolation, and rapper Tusk, who humiliated his kid fan on national television. Meanwhile, tech company Granular developed autonomous drone insects (ADIs) to address the world’s declining bee population. It was then revealed that the deaths were a result of an online hashtag #DeathTo, with the person having the highest popular vote being killed. This was masterminded by a man named Garrett Scholes, who hacked the Granular system and used the ADIs to kill the targets who won the hashtag. For its final reveal, Scholes’ real target was actually the participants of the hashtag and the ADIs killed all of the hundreds of thousands of them. DCI Parke was sent into a trial hearing and Blue, who was thought to be dead, was actually tracking Scholes and presumably killing him in the end. As mentioned earlier, cancel culture is a possible ideal alternative to the failings of the current slow justice system that we have. However, cancel culture in its current form is shown to be an extension of retributive justice — a form of justice idealized by philosopher Michael Davis, and which is characterized by lex talionis (“eye for an eye”) or giving a proportionate punishment towards a perpetrator of a wrongful act like imprisonment, capital punishment, and in the case of social media, digital exile or cancelling. This type of justice system fails to address a number of factors such as compensation for physical or psychological damages the victim experienced and ends with punishing the offender without addressing the possible deprivation the person experienced such as
education or rehabilitation. Ganging up online on a student that is also failed by a system of impunity is the worst course of action we can take as a community, especially when we do not target the system itself and pay attention to the reparations we can make to help such students. True justice must address these issues as the current state of “cancelling” fails to do so. People still wrongly feel this sense of achievement when in fact they achieved absolutely nothing because they did nothing to further their cause. An alternative which is psychologist Albert Eglash’s transitional or restorative justice aims to address the issues overlooked by retributive justice. It is characterized not only by fair consequence but also preemptive measures to avoid the incident in the future like psychological counselling or rehabilitation. Brooker seems to agree with this notion as he questions humanity’s capability to take on the role of giving justice, as humans do not have the ascendancy to do so. Moral and intellectual ascendancy is a condescending self-awareness of one’s knowledge and moralistic judgment. It intrinsically motivates a person due to self-confidence accompanied by it. In the episode, an elementary school teacher sent a cake with a hate message right outside the doorstep of Jo Powers, and Scholes formulated his whole plan to expose humanity’s egoistic ascendancy. Brooker seems to suggest that people tend to do ‘corrective’ actions because t h e y p e r ceive
themselves in a moral high ground and therefore have the right to do such things because others did something worse. Power dynamics also play a role as public figures like celebrities and politicians are targets of cancelling. It is however only as a retaliation of the marginalized due to actions made by the famous that are deemed to be inappropriate or against a certain minority. In the episode, the Chancellor of the Exchequer Tom Pickering is also a target of cancelling for cutting budgets for health care, an act that enrages the general public and putting him on top of the #DeathTo list. However it is worth noting that Twitter is an online platform, which in the Philippines is available mostly to highly urbanized areas with most of its users belonging to the middle and upper classes. In some cases, it is an avenue to echo the concerns of the lower classes such as boycotts and protests but on the other hand, it can also further alienate them. Some Filipinos online who have access to educational resources have called other uneducated voters ‘stupid’ for voting convicted plunderers such as Senator Bong Revilla without recognizing the implications of the class divide that contributes to such outcomes. An online platform also removes physical confrontations which leads to the lack of personal accountability. The episode clearly shows the increase of retaliation because of the lack of confrontations with the public’s continued use of the hashtag despite the news of people getting
actually killed because of it. In an interview with The Debrief, Brooker himself believes that people “should be more accountable to what they say” and sees that social media is “an amazing invention and really I suspect what needs to happen is that we just as a species get better at dealing with it”. Due to social media’s removal of personal confrontations, personal accountability is harder to achieve due to semi-anonymity, and the Internet’s sheer reach and speed. As Monica Lewinsky, a target of cancel culture in the 90s, stated in an interview with John Oliver on Last Week Tonight, “it is curious when people, given an alternate personality, turn into ‘monsters’.” Despite our avatars which hide our true identities and the alternate personas we project online, how we resort to targeted hate is not a reflection of who the target is and their actions but who we are as an individual and as a society. Brooker suggested in the episode that the cancelling of a person in the end is actually counterintuitive and having an inhumane means to an end is ultimately hypocritical. Cancelling in its current form does not help people failed by the system, give accountability to convicted plunderers that plague our society, and promote change in our justice system. It is fundamentally flawed and we should not see it as a definitive solution to our societal struggles.
Still from Black Mirror episode Hated in the Nation Photo from The Verge
DANAS SA SAKAHAN Si tatang ay masipag maghapon sa putikang lupa tanging pag-aani ang inaatupag sa sariling sakahan ay alila.
Sa laban ni tatang ay laban din ni Amo dinampot ang gatilyo’t Ipinutok sa kanyang sintido.
Palay ay napapalitan ng tingga sa pagmamatigas ni tatang. Korposyanong kalaban ang dahas ay pwersahan.
Agaw-buhay si tatang kasabay ng kanyang sakahan. Pinabayaan ang sakahan at ang huling hininga ni tatang.
Palay man ay malusog presyo’y tila nausog. Inutang ni tatang na puhunan luging kinalabasan. Korporasyon: Pangil na lihim kumakagat sa kahirapan ni tatang. Sakahan ang palit sa paluging inutang. Mala balo-balani ang lupa, naghahabol mga panginoong may lupa. Dugo’y katumbas Sa pananakop ay paspas.
Kakay Tolentino of Kalipunan ng mga Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas (KATRIBU) said, “Wala kaming makain kung inaagaw ang aming lupang ninuno.”
FRANC ABA
Dunong sa pagtatanim bitbit hanggang sa huling hinga bul-ul naging sagrado dahil sa dugong bumalot dito. Sa tinggang tumagos pagtumba ni tatang ang kapalit pagligo sa kanyang sariling dugo at pagdilig sa buhay niyang sakahan.
WORLD FOOD DAY: Philippine Network of Food Security Programme Inc. (PNFSP) along with progressive groups gathered in protest of the continuous experience of involuntary hunger in the Philippines.
on holy ground VON RYAN CALMA & GLORIA YSOBELLE EDDUBA
And I worshipped the ground the same way I worshipped my gods: with cracked dirt on my knees, with cracked dirt under my nails, and I can hear the wind precisely because it is damp on my cheek, and I know I can never hear it again, because however green the grass, however blue the skies, however yellow the husks of rice, I can never taste it again: because what is the growl of the stomach to a country too deaf for dying cries? And tell me, shout it to my face as I pray to the gods again, accuse me as I press down to struggle against gravity again, and whisper –– because however taxing the novenas, I have only knowledge of the seasons –– whisper the answer to the question: what more of my sweat and blood do you need for this hollowed ground?
With clasped hands I tremble as I kneel onto this holy ground, this holy ground where I once sprout out of, this holy ground that fed me, that kept me alive for as long as I can remember, onto this same holy ground I tremble for the moment I move, I show even the slightest semblance of fighting back, or even surrender, it’s all over. It’s all over the moment the sound of thunder is heard, or a bright flash is seen, so much different from those that I had prayed for, onto this holy ground I shall return, with no choice but to, as I fall lifelessly onto this hollowed ground that had provided me life, that I had worshipped for so long. I kiss the earth, as my blood runs through the soil, nourishing it the same way it had nourished me, never to break off from it ever again.
HUKAY NG BUHAY ANTONETTE SALDANA
Lubog na ang isang paa sa hukay. Kanino nga bang paa ang nasa hukay na ang isa? Sabi ng marami ay sa pulis at militar. Ngunit sa panahon ngayon ang sistemang umiiral ay nakabihis ng maskarang pangsagip sa mga kabataan at pangkaligtasan ng mga mamamayan. Sa likod ng maskarang ito ay kapahamakan at kamatayan. Ang maskarang ito rin ay nagbabahid ng pulang marka sa mga kritiko ng administrasyon; mga kritikal na grupong makabayan, estudyante, at maging mga guro. Sinusubukan din ng maskarang ito na makapasok sa mga unibersidad tulad ng Unibersidad ng Pilipinas (UP), may mapagbalat-kayong layunin na protektahan ang mga estudyante sa mga nanghihikayat na sumapi sa CPPNPA, at may mga propesor na bahagi nito. Ninanais din ng maskarang ito na imbestigahan at panagutin ang mga propesor na hinahayaang lumahok sa mga kilos-protesta ang mga estudyante maging ang grupong kinabibilangan ng mga propesor na ito. Liwanag. Kalasag. Matatag. Liwanag ang ibinibigay sa mga estudyante, hindi lamang sa mga kaalamang pang-akademiko, kung hindi pati na rin sa kamalayan sa mga kaganapan sa lipunang ginagalawan. Nagmimistulang kandila na
hindi nagdadalwang isip na ubusin ang sarili makapagbigay lamang ng liwanag at maimulat ang mga kabataan sa akademiko at reyalidad ng buhay. Kalasag ng mga kapwa guro na walang boses upang ipagtanggol ang sarili at ipaglaban ang mga karapatan. Kalasag ng mga estudyante na pilit kinikitil dahil sa pagiging kritikal sa suri ng pamamahala ng administrasyon sa bansa. Ang mga propesor na kritikal, gabay ng mga estudyante, at kasangga ng kapwa guro. Matatag ang paninindigan. Hindi alintana ang pulang marka tila inukit na sa kanilang pagkatao na nagiging dahilan upang mabahiran ng kasamaan ang kanilang mabuting hangarin na magmulat ng mga kabataan na may kakayahang tumindig at lumaban, para sa masang sinisiil ng gobyerno na siyang dapat nagbibigay proteksyon. Hindi natitinag sa mga banda sa buhay. Matatag ang kalooban na pagsabayin ang pagiging mabuting halimbawa at propesor sa mga kabataang nakakadaupang-palad. Sa kanang kamay bitbit ang aklat habang ang kaliwang kamao ay nakataas kasabay ang pagmamartsa upang isulong ang kanilang karapatan, maging karapatan ng mga minorya.
Sa kanilang pagmartsa kasama ang masa sa mga lansangan at pagbibigay kalayaan sa mga kabataan sa kani-kanilang pinaglalaban, ay minamasa naman at binabaligtad ito ng mga nasa itaas ng tatsulok upang makuha ang simpatya ng mga magulang. Sa ganitong kalagayan ng mga propesor na ginagampanan ang kanilang tungkulin bilang mga guro, at tungkulin bilang isang mamamayang kritikal na kakampi ng bayan ay binabaligtad pa at pinalalabas na kaaway. Liwanag ng karunungan. Kalasag sa mga kauniporme. Matatag na sandigan. Ilan na sa kanila ang kinitilan ng buhay kahit na inosente. Ngayon, kaninong paa ang nakalubog na ang isang paa sa hukay? Sa mga kapulisan at militar pa rin ba? Mas malalim na ang hukay na kinalalagyan ng mga paa ng kritikal na mamamayan. Isang paa pa nga lang ba ang nakalubog? Dahil sa mga kaganapan ngayon, tila malapit nang magpantay ang kanilang paa. Hinahanda na ang kanilang hukay sapagkat bawat pagsalungat nila sa agos ng mga panatiko at pasista, lalo itong lumalalim---ang hukay ng buhay.
SINAG was established in 1968 in a time when Philippine democracy was facing its biggest challenge since independence. The students of the College of Arts and Sciences deemed the need for an avenue to speak their critical minds and take a stand through an official student publication. Its name is portmanteau as SINing and AGham. Also meaning ‘a ray of light’ in Filipino, its name represents the paper as a source of light, especially in the dark times during which it was founded. While the dictatorship has fallen, the Philippines never left the darkness of social injustice and oppression. It was once SINAG’s motto: “Only those who wish to live in darkness are afraid of the light”, thus, SINAG continues to strive to provide light that we may one day live in the light of true freedom.
“LABAN KABATAAN, IPAGTANGGOL ANG KALAYAANG PANG-AKADEMIKO AT DEMOKRATIKONG KARAPATAN NG MAMAMAYAN! Makasaysayan ang papel ng mga pahayagan at midya sa pagsisiwalat ng mga isyu ng bayan. Sa karanasan ng mamamayang inaarmasan ng katotohanan at kaalaman ay may kakakayahang magpabagsak ng mga taong m a -
pagsamantala sa kapangyarihan. Ang lugar ng mga mamamahayag at manunulat ay hindi lang pang-pamantasan, kundi nakaugnay rin ito sa pakikipagtunggali ng mga magsasaka para sa lupa, ng mga manggagawa para sa sahod at kabuhayan, at iba pang aping mamamayan. Sa kasalukuyan, ang kalayaan ng mga mag-aaral na tumuklas at magulat ng naratibo ng bayan ay malaong hadlangan ng estado. Napipinto ngayon sa ilalim ng di-deklaradong batas militar ng r e h i m e n g Duterte ang S e n a t e Committee Report 10 na inihain ni Sen.
Ronald Dela Rosa at mga kaalyado nito sa senado. Kalakip ng panukala ang pagpapakitid sa akademikong kalayaan ng bawat pamantasan, partikular sa Unibersidad ng Pilipinas—obhetibo nitong hubugin ang kamalayan ng mamamayan na taliwas sa katotohanan, at kontrolin ito batay sa kagustuhan ng gobyerno. Mapaniil ang panukala, nais nitong tapatan ang kalayaang akademiko ng karahasan na magsisilbing tabing sa kanilang kasalanan sa taong bayan. Ang mga kaguruan, ipipiit dahil lamang itinuturo nila nang tama ang kasaysayan at paglaban ng bayan. Ang kurikulum ng pamantasan na nakaugat sa lipunan ay nais baguhin at ibatay sa kagustuhan ng pamahalaan, ang ating mga administrador na piniling pumanig sa inaapi’t pinagsasamtalahan ay isasadlak sa maling paratang. Ang mga publikasyon ay nais maging daluyan ng kasinungalingan na tanging pundasyon ng rehimen sa kasalukuyan. Mga lider, at mag-aaral na inuusig dahil lamang sa kanilang paniniwala at paninindigan. Sa kabila nito, hindi uurong ang pahayagan pang-kampus, kasama ng kabataan at mamamayan. Mananatiling kritikal at makama m -
SOLIDARITY STATEMENT UP Day of Walkout November 21, 2019
amayan ang pagsulat at pagsisiwalat ng pahayagan gaya ng ipinamalas ng “mosquito press” na bagaman marahas ay nakapanig pa rin ito sa katotohanan. Mananatili ang tindig ng aming pahayagan: “ang mga natatakot sa katotohanan ay ang mga taong nabubuhayan sa inhustisya at pananamantala.” Kaya naman patuloy ang paninindigan ng SINAG bilang opisyal na publikasyon ng Kolehiyo ng Agham Panlipunan at Pilosopiya, para sa kalayaan sa pamamahayag, karapatan, hustisya, at akademikong kalayaan na tanging dahilan kung bakit nabubuhay ang isang unibersidad. Depensahan ang K a l a y a a n g Pang-akademiko! Tutulan at Labanan ang Committee Report no. 10 Tuloy ang Laban, Tuloy ang Pakikibaka!