A Macedonian Bronze Juglet from Zagora, Andros - Stavros A. Paspalas

Stavros A. Paspalas

A “Macedonian Bronze” Juglet from Zagora, Andros he islands of the Cyclades may not immediately come to mind when first considering the relationship between Macedonia and the central and southern Aegean during the eighth and seventh centuries B.C., but as we shall see there is relevant material from that quarter that deserves to be better known. Towards that end this paper focuses on a find excavated at Zagora on Andros and which points northwards, very probably to specifically “Macedonian” origins. I hope that the inclusion of this brief study in the present volume will meet with the approval of our honorand, a scholar native to Andros who has devoted so much of his research efforts both to Andros and to early Macedonia (among much else).

The find in question is a bronze juglet (Figs 1-2), probably best —or at least canonically— identified on the basis of parallels to be discussed below as a pendant1. The jug is badly corroded, and was discovered in a number of pieces. It has been restored and is currently on display in the Archaeological Museum, Chora, Andros. The jug’s major losses are two relatively large sections approximately at its body’s point of maximum diameter, and its handle, of which only the lower attachment is preserved. As preserved the handle attachment suggests that the handle may have been approximately rectangular or square in section. The rim is severely abraded, but a small part of its original surface shows that when

T

Fig. 1. Bronze juglet from Zagora (Andros) excavations, inv. no. 1790 (©Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens, photo: B. Miller).

complete the vessel had a cut-away rim. As conserved the jug is 3,9 cm in height, and weighs 23,8 g. In the Guide to the Zagora exhibition our piece is described as a “miniature bronze jug”, and its provenance is given as “From the temple”2. The jug can be described as possessing a biconical body,

* I gratefully acknowledge the assistance granted by the Shelby White and Leon Levy Program for Archaeological Publications which enabled the research that —in part— resulted in this paper.

1. Zagora excavations inventory number 1790. Excavated in 1971 during the third field season of the Archaeological Society at Athens’ excavations directed by Professor A. Cambitoglou (University of Sydney). I thank Professor Alexander Cambitoglou for permission to publish this juglet. For two pendant juglets, of a different form to that from Zagora, still suspended from the base atop which stands a bronze horse, from Asproula in western Macedonia, see Karametrou-Menteside 1999, 147, fig. 35. For the wider use of various pendants of the “Macedonian bronzes” category as embellishments suspended from women’s belts: Zimmermann 1999, figs on pp. 54-55; Savvopoulou 2007, 611-613; Chrysostomou 2011, 581.

2. Cambitoglou 1981, 91 no. 287; it is tentatively dated to the eighth century.

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528 from which its flaring neck rises. The neck terminates in a cut-away rim that rises from the upper handle attachment towards the spout. A faintly defined base can be distinguished; in its current state of preservation it may be described as discoid in form with tapering edges. On the evidence provided by parallel pieces the handle would have been upswung; as on most parallels the height of the handle probably would not have surpassed that of the spout.

Two horizontal encircling incised lines can be discerned at the neck-shoulder transition.

The jug was excavated in the antechamber of the temple, which is situated close to the eastern ridge of the highest area of the site. The construction of the temple proper has been dated by its excavators, on the basis of the pottery found in its foundation trench, to the second quarter of the sixth century, long after the inhabitants of Zagora left their settlement in c. 7003. The area, in which the temple was built, however, appears to have been a centre of cultic activity at least from the Late Geometric I period, when the levelling fill in this area was laid. This phase was followed by two distinct, successive, floors both of which are Late Geometric II in date. The latest of these is dated as “latest LGII”. The excavators argued that all activity in this sacred area during these early phases took place in the open. The altar, which must have been the focus of cultic rituals and which was incorporated into the later temple, appears to rest on the lower Late Geometric II floor

Stavros A. Paspalas

which is dated to the last quarter of the eighth century4.

Although there does not appear to have been a resident population at Zagora after c. 700 a small number of seventh-century objects found in the sanctuary area, primarily in the trench directly to the south of the (later) temple, provide evidence that the open-air sanctuary was still remembered and honoured prior to the construction of the temple. Objects excavated in the sanctuary deposits clearly datable to the sixth and fifth centuries testify to the fact that the temple continued to be an important focal point for at least some Andrians, and their attendance at the temple may well have served the purpose of confirming their links (real or imagined) with Zagora and so establishing their right of access to any productive resources in the area and to any cultural capital the abandoned settlement may have possessed5. The sanctuary at Zagora during the archaic and early classical periods must now be examined in light of what are in all likelihood the remains of a sanctuary at Stavropeda approximately 3.5 km to the northeast, at which finds dated as early as the seventh century have been noted and collected6.

Stavropeda (as its modern name —that may be translated as “plain at the crossroads”— suggests) sits at a point within the wider area where natural paths, including some leading to the fertile Chora valley meet7. The area around Stavropeda itself is also agri-

3. For the date of the construction of the temple: Cambitoglou 1981, 84; Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 170-171. For the excavation and architectural character of the temple: Zapheiropoulos 1960, 249; Cambitoglou et al. 1971, 20-21, 32; Cambitoglou 1981, 83-84; Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 161-171; Kampitoglou 1972, 255-257, 264-269.

4. For an exposition of these phases: Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 165-169 and 170. Held 1988, esp. 361-362 argued that an earlier, Geometric-period, temple preceded the later one and that the feature identified by the excavators as an altar was a statue base.

5. For the suggestion that sanctuaries may have acted as tags of ownership of natural resources see Forsén 2008, 252 and 256 (though the argument there is for the polis of Tegea as a whole as regards the sanctuary at Mavriki and the Doliana quarries). Note that ibid. 254-255 and 257 suggests that the sanctuary at Mytikas Palaiopyrgou, approximately 1 km east of the acropolis of Arcadian Orchomenos, was established in the seventh century on the remains of a settlement that may have been the Mycenaean predecessor of Orchomenos. Closer to Zagora, note too that the temple at Koukounaries, Paros, was maintained and visited long after the abandonment of the settlement: Schilardi 1988, 44-47. The same holds true for the temple of Athena at Emborio, Chios: Boardman 1967, xi.

6. Paschales 1925, 593-594; Paschales 1933, 65; Peck 1934, 67-68; Televantou 2009, 78-80.

7. Prior to the late 1920s the only carriageable road on the island ran from Chora to the bay of Chalkolimionas, on the west coast approximately three km north of Zagora and so must have traversed Stavropeda: Moustakas 1924, 25. The carriageable road northwards postdates the appearance of “Stavropeda” as a toponym. The modern, at least, road continues northwestwards from Stavropeda in the direction of the asty of ancient Andros, modern Palaiopolis. For gates in the eastern wall of the asty and cemeteries along the routes that passed through them eastwards: Tiverios 1993, 216 and 218;

A “Macedonian Bronze” Juglet from Zagora, Andros

culturally exploitable8. In the current state of our knowledge it is still too early to posit how heavy the traffic through the area of Stavropeda would have been or how much activity took place in this part of the island during the period of concern here, but undoubtedly some of those who passed this way could have turned westwards towards the sanctuary at Zagora, and entered the once thriving settlement through the gate, re-furbished probably in the sixth century, of the old fortification wall9. The possibility, though, that some of Zagora’s visitors may have come from the sea cannot be ruled out.

The bronze juglet presented here was found in the eastern section of the temple’s ante-chamber, in a deposit that lay between the fallen schist roof slabs and the powdery floor overlay of the room which, in turn, rested on the hard floor packing. These same stratigraphic features had previously been identified in the cella10. While the southern part of this section had been disturbed during the excavations of Dr N. Zapheiropoulos in this section of the temple, the northern part —in which the juglet was found beneath a roof slab— had not11. It and the other material that lay on the temple’s floor had been sealed by the collapse of the roof12. Most of the material on the cella floor dates to the sixth and fifth cen-

529 turies, but some residual material dating as far back as the Late Geometric period was also found13.

The best parallels for the Zagora bronze juglet with its cut-away rim are found in the category of relatively small metal objects conventionally known as “Macedonian bronzes”. (The term should be placed in inverted commas in order to indicate its conventional nature as used by modern researchers, and so avoid any mistakenly exclusive ethnic assumptions that may otherwise be associated with the designation.) This category is largely, though by no means exclusively, comprised of various forms of pendants, including jugs (which do not require suspension holes as their handle would have served this purpose well)14. As has been repeatedly noted the form of these small bronze jugs with cut-away neck finds ready parallels in functional ceramic versions of the shape in the pottery repertoire of the northwestern Aegean and its hinterland15. Owing to the fact that some forms within the “Macedonian bronzes” repertoire are closely paralleled by a number of pieces made in central, and even southern, Greece, as well as to regions well into the Balkans the definition of some aspects of the category is not particularly tight16. Similarly, opinions differ as to the precise chronological span to which these bronzes date. J. Bouzek would place their origins early in the eighth

Palaiokrassa-Kopitsa 1996, 214-215 and 233-234; Palaiokrassa-Kopitsa 2007, 31 and 40. While one may posit that these routes could have continued along the island’s western coast in the direction of Stravopeda and Zagora it must be noted that Palaiokrassa 1993, 126 writes that the tomb-lined roads led to the coast. Note too that before the advent of the modern road system both Christian Brandis (1842, 387) and Ludwig Ross (1843, 23) appear to have reached Palaiopolis from the Chora valley (Messaria) via Menites and the high ground north of Stavropeda. Of course, both had the set purpose to reach the antiquities of Palaiopolis and not to explore the path/road system as used by those who worked the land.

8. For other antiquities in the immediate vicinity that testify to significant activity in the area: Televantou 1996, 53 fig. 27; Televantou 1994, 678 and 686; Televantou 2009, 79, esp. 79-80 fn. 5 for late antique finds convincingly associated with agricultural installations.

9. For the gateway: Kampitoglou 1972, 257, 269-272; Kampitoglou 1974, 175-179; Cambitoglou 1981, 23; Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 54-62.

10. For the powdery level above the hard floor packing in the cella: Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 166.

11. For Dr Zapheiropoulos’ excavations: Zapheiropoulos 1960.

12. Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 168 and 170.

13. Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 168, pls 261c and 262a. So too was a “Siphnian” cup (Cambitoglou 1981, 85 no. 261), a vessel type that dates back into the seventh century and is well represented in the sanctuary, elsewhere on Andros and at the northern Andrian colony of Argilos; and another in the temple’s floor packing (inv. 1798, unpublished). Both have an offset rim which appears to ally them more closely to seventh- rather than sixth-century examples of the type, for which see Perreault – Bonias 2006, 51-52 pl. II 2-29; Perreault – Bonias 2010, 230 figs 156-157a; Bonias et al. 2012.

14. See above fn. 1.

15. E.g. Bouzek 1974, 38; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 225.

16. For the possibility that some types were imitated in southern Italy and Sicily: Bouzek 1997, 111.

530 century17, while K. Kilian and I. Kilian-Dirlmeier would lower their starting date to a point closer to the end of that century18. It appears that by the late sixth century these bronzes were effectively no longer produced in any great numbers, though some examples have been found in early fifth-century contexts.

The area in which they were manufactured probably encompassed the Axios/Vardar river valley, and some good way to the west and east, including regions of the Chalkidike19. While the Paionians have most recently been associated with their manufacture it cannot be stated with certainty that the group’s output was restricted to one tribal entity alone20. To date Emathia and Pieria, where the Macedonians per se were resident for most of the period during which the bronzes were produced, have offered relatively little material21. Nonetheless, it should be noted that the discovery —in late eighth-/early seventh-century contexts— of moulds for the manufacture of beads of a type included in the “Macedonian bronzes” repertoire has recently been reported from Methone22. This settlement, with its important Eu-

Stavros A. Paspalas

boian —and wider— associations, was an important manufacturing and trading centre in the eighth century and into the seventh, and more relevant material may come to light. On the basis of currently published material, though, it is not possible to determine how large a range of types included in the “Macedonian bronze” category are attested to at Methone.

A large number of bronze juglet types were produced in the northern Aegean area and neighbouring regions23. The Zagora juglet is best paralleled by pieces of the “Macedonian bronzes” category.

Nonetheless, the precise categorization of our juglet is not a straightforward matter owing to its poor state of preservation, particularly that of its rim. If one were to employ Bouzek’s scheme then it would be placed in his Group B given that is has a broad biconical body and its neck is not sharply offset from its shoulder (a feature of his Group A pieces)24.

However, the Zagora bronze differs from most of Bouzek’s Group B pieces in that its body’s maximum diameter is at a significantly higher point than that

17. Bouzek writes of the “canonical” Macedonian bronzes category so as to distinguish it from other bronze output from the wider region of similar and earlier date: Bouzek 1997, 110. For his dating Bouzek 2006, 97-99 (revising upwards the date suggested in Bouzek 1974, 166).

18. Kilian 1975a, 99-101; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 4. See further the comments of Rolley 1985, 292-295 and Rolley 1999, 374. Mitrevski 1997, 258 would date them no earlier than the seventh century; Krstevski – Sokolovska 1997-1999, 86 also place the earliest examples in the first half of the seventh century. Pabst 2011, 39 fn.162 notes the appearance c. 800 of new forms of pendants and beads that have been included by Bouzek and Kilian-Dirlmeier in the “Macedonian bronzes” category.

19. Bouzek 1974, 166-168; Bouzek 1997, 112; Petrova 1999, 51-53; Zimmermann 1999, 32-35; Savvopoulou 2004, 315 fig. 13; Bouzek 2006, 108; Savvopoulou 2007, 615. Examples, including jugs, have been found considerably to the west in the area of Kozane, eg.: Touratsoglou 1973-1974, 720 fig. 4; Karametrou-Menteside 1990, 355, pl. 158ε; Karametrou-Menteside 2011, 281-282, 284-287, 291-292; and in the wider region of Pella: Chrysostomou 1999, 269-270, drawings 4 and 5; Chrysostomou 2011, 581. A number of bronzes, including juglets, are said to have been found at Amphipolis to the east: Foltiny 1964, esp. 91, 95-97 pl. 6, 1, 3 and 9 for juglets. For a recent discussion on “Macedonian bronzes” that focuses particularly on the later phases of the category see Misaelidou-Despotidou 2011.

20. For the use of the term “Paionian Bronzes”: Mitrevski 1997, 258. For the term “Macedonian-Paeonian”: Krstevski – Sokolovska 1997-1999, 86-87. For the view that this category of bronzes, or —at least— some of its constituent pieces were produced more widely: Bouzek 1997, 112; Zimmermann 1999, 32-35.

21. Though note: the pendant from Vergina (Aigai) from a late grave probably datable to the seventh century (Andronikos 1969, 256 fig. 92, pl. 83 Iα); Phaklares 1987, 928-929 drawing 5 and p. 932; and the recently illustrated pendants from the same site dated from the tenth to the eighth century: Kottaridi 2011, 99 fig. 87, 241 nos 130-136, 138-139. Note too the later, sixth-century, bronze necklace from the same site: Kottaridi 2011, 108 fig. 99, 250 no. 403.

22. Besios 2003, 449 (where it is suggested that Methone was a distribution point for “Macedonian bronzes” —inverted commas added— to central and southern Greece); Besios et al. 2004, 369 (for the Late Geometric context); Kotsonas 2012, 229. Gimatzidis 2011a, 102 writes that moulds for the casting of “jug-stoppers” and other pendant types are included among the material excavated at Methone. Note too the bronze jewellery found in a sixth-century tomb from Pydna’s north cemetery: Besios 2010, 102 with photograph.

23. See, for example, Vickers 1977, 27-30 and the works cited here by Bouzek and Kilian-Dirlmeier.

24. Bouzek 1974, 42 (Group B), 41 (Group A).

A “Macedonian Bronze” Juglet from Zagora, Andros

of most of the pieces of that group. Kilian-Dirlmeier based her classification system on whether a juglet’s rim was sloping and so formed a beak-like profile (Group A) or if the rim was horizontal for its greater part before it was sharply cut-away as it approached the handle (Group B)25. As the rim of our juglet is so abraded it is difficult to be certain of its original form. Nonetheless, the angle at which the cut-away rim meets the handle can be most profitably compared with pieces placed by Kilian-Dirlmeier in her Group B, and —indeed— the form of our jug’s body, and its base, is well paralleled by two of these pieces, one from Gevgelija, in the middle reaches of the Axios/Vardar river valley, and the other reported as having been found at Potidaia26. Bouzek dated the closest parallels of the Zagora juglet at the latest to the first half of the seventh century27, while Kilian-Dirlmeier dated good parallels to the IIB phase of the Macedonian Iron Age a period that largely covers the second half of the seventh century and into the sixth28.

Other, and frequently later, “Macedonian bronze” juglet types are known, but they are usually slimmer in form and are regularly characterized by a sharp carination point set relatively low on their body29.

Furthermore, there is little possibility that the juglet

531 excavated at Zagora was manufactured in Thessaly, a region where bronzes allied to those conventionally referred to as “Macedonian” were also produced.

Thessalian juglets are usually characterized by their far slimmer shape30, and the rare example with a fuller form that has been found in Thessaly has been identified as an import from areas that produced “Macedonian bronzes”31. There is little doubt that the Zagora juglet belongs to the category of “Macedonian bronzes”.

Although “Macedonian bronzes” were predominantly distributed from western and across to central Macedonia, and —particularly— from the northwest Chalkidike northwestwards into the Axios/Vardar valley they were by no means solely restricted to this core area; they have been found, in admittedly relatively small numbers, far further afield though their identification may not always be straightforward32. Some of the earliest pieces identified as “Macedonian bronzes” that have been found far distant from home are those from the Italian peninsula33. A juglet was excavated in a Late Geometric II tomb on Pithekoussai, while another was found in a grave at Kyme (Cumae) on the Campanian coast opposite Pithekoussai34. The context date of the latter piece has been debated; Bouzek would place it

25. Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 221 pls 78-80. For further pieces that belong to Kilian-Dirlmeier’s Group B: Krstevski – Sokolovska 1997-1999, 75 fig. 16, dr. 12 (English summary p. 86).

26. Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 222-223 nos 1415 and 1444, pls 79-80. Candace Richards kindly brought to my attention a similar juglet, though with a lower point of gravity, excavated at Bylazora (on the upper Axios/Vardar) by E. Matthews and W. Neidinger (Texas Foundation for Archaeological and Historical Research): http:/tfahr.org/SN09_find.html.

27. Bouzek 1974, 38-39.

28. Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 225 (p. 4 for an explanation of her use of K. Kilian’s chronological scheme, for which see Kilian 1975a, 99-101 and Beilage I). Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 225 dates the earliest bronze juglets no earlier than the beginning of phase II of the Macedonian Iron Age, i.e. c. 700, which is the very lowest chronological limit assigned to the context of the juglets found at Pithekoussai and Kyme (Cumae) (see below).

29. Bouzek 1974, 44-45; Descamps-Lequime 2011, 173 no. 76/6 (c. 600); Chrysostomou 2011, 581 fig. 5.

30. Bouzek 1988, 55; Kilian-Dirlmeier 2002, 64 nos 975-980, pl. 63.

31. Admitedly, something of a circular argument. Kilian 1975b, 175 (where he refers to no. 65 but clearly means no.

64), pl. 80 no. 64, classified by Kilian-Dirlmeier as belonging to her Group B of “Macedonian bronzes” juglets: KilianDirlmeier 1979, 223 no. 1428, pl. 80.

32. For example, a juglet that was excavated at Perachora (Payne 1940, 183 no. 23, pl. 83) was rejected as a “Macedonian bronze” by Bouzek (1974, 45), while it was seen as a probable “Macedonian” import by Kilian-Dirlmeier (1979, 225). See Bouzek 2006, 108 for the late production of such bronzes in southeastern Albania.

33. Pingel 1980; Bouzek 2000.

34. Pithekoussai: Buchner – Ridgway 1993, 264 and 269 Tomb 208 no. 24, pl. CXXXVI and 91; Macnamara 2006, 270 fig. 1, 6. Kyme: Gabrici 1913, col. 227 fig. 75; Rescigno – Cuozzo 2008, 191 fig. 1 (I owe my knowledge of the latter reference to the kindness of Dr Francesca Mermati). Bouzek 2000, 363-364 suggests that they may have been worn as amulets by women from northern Greece.

532 prior to c. 720, Kilian-Dirlmeier c. 70035. A recent assessment of the date of the tomb places its context in the last quarter of the eighth century36. A second “Macedonian bronze”, a bird pendant, from a similarly dated grave context has also been published from Pithekoussai37. A partly preserved pyxis-shaped pendant, a form that is also common in the “Macedonian bronzes” repertoire, was found in a grave in the Monte Michele cemetery of Veii, and is dated on the grounds of context to the first quarter of the seventh century38. A grave at Megara Hyblaia that has been dated variously to c.630 or to c.600 and into the first half of the sixth century included further pieces39. Most of these early pieces from central Mediterranean sites have been interpreted as arriving at their final destinations with immigrants from the Aegean40, and even evincing a network that revolved around a largely Euboian axis which connected the northern Aegean with the Tyrrhenian Sea, though a more varied cast of actors is posited41.

“Macedonian bronzes” have also been excavated closer to the areas where they have been found in greatest numbers. Bronzes have been identified as such from sanctuaries in central and southern Gree-

Stavros A. Paspalas

ce, as far south as Sparta42. A small number of “Macedonian bronzes”, and other northern Aegean bronzes, are also known from the Ephesian Artemision, including a “Macedonian bronze” juglet43 and other relatively isolated pieces from the northern Aegean have also been excavated at the Samian Heraion, the sanctuary of Athena at Lindos, and at the sanctuary of Athena at Emborio, Chios44. Closer to Andros bronzes, including a spectacle fibula, of the late eighth and early seventh century, that may well derive from Macedonia and Thessaly have been identified at the sanctuary at Hyria on Naxos45; similar fibulae were also excavated at the sanctuary of Apollo on the island of Despotiko, to the southwest of Antiparos46. A bronze bird pendant, dated to the second half of the eighth century, from the sanctuary located on the acropolis of Hagios Andreas on Siphnos may be a “Macedonian bronze”, though its full publication is required for confirmation on this point47. Closer yet to Zagora, a surface survey find, from Plakari in the Karystia in southern Euboia, collected from the surface of a modern road points northwards as noted by D. R. Keller, as it is a “Macedonian bronze” pendant in the form of a juglet that

35. Bouzek 1988, 48; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 225 with fn. 18. See too the discussion in Rolley 1985, 292-295.

36. Rescigno – Cuozzo 2008, 191.

37. Buchner – Ridgway 1993, 387 Tomb 329 no. 4, pl. 126; Felsch 2007, 73.

38. Martelli 1997, 207 fig. 1. Bouzek 2000, 367 suggests that this bronze may be an import from the western Balkans and that it probably reached Etruria via Picenum. For a recent survey of Picene-Etruscan links: Riva 2007, 94-99.

39. Bouzek 2000, 364 fig. 259 and 368 Grab 660 with a listing of other (later) relevant finds from Megara Hyblaia. Kilian 1975a, 100 (with pls 1 and 2, 1) dates the grave context to c. 600 or into the first third of the sixth century. Verger 2011a, 154-156 suggests that the terminal context date of these pieces could extend throughout the first half of the sixth century; Verger – Pernet 2013, 31-34 date the tomb to c. 600. Verger 2011b, esp. 25, 35, 64-66 raises the possibility that some Balkan bronze objects from the Thesmophorion at Gela may be from Macedonia.

40. Bouzek 2006, 107.

41. Gimatzidis 2011b, 962.

42. E.g.: Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 222 no. 1418, pl. 79; Margreiter 1988, 16 (Aigina, Sanctuary of Apollo); Strøm 1995, 67-68 and 87 (Argive Heraion); Rolley 1985, 289. Dr Susanne Bocher kindly brought to my attention the fact that the bronze juglets excavated at Olympia appear to be southern products that can be contrasted with those of a “Macedonian” pedigree: Philipp 1981, 359.

43. Klebinder-Gauß 2007, 211, 266 no. 793, pls 57 and 110.

44. The references are conveniently collected in Klebinder-Gauß 2007, 211.

45. Semantone-Bournia 2001-2002, 143-144, 147 and 151, pls 6β and 7β. Note that Gehrig 1964, 81 n. 1 refers to a juglet pendant in the Mykonos Archaeological Museum. Note too the head ornament (?) from Kythnos: Mazarakis Ainian 2010, 39-40.

46. Kourayos 2005, 118, pl. 26c. The bronze pendant of a bird sitting on a circular openwork base (Kourayos 2005, fig.

12; Kourayios 2009, 114 and 116) appears to be better paralleled by central Greek and Thessalian, rather than “Macedonian” pieces. These parallels may have circular or pyramidal bases: Kilian 1975b, 182-183; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 168-169 nos 990-999, pl. 54; Zimmermann, 1988, 39-40 fig. 1; Felsch 2007, 265-266 nos 164-170, pl. 21.

47. Televantou 2008, 102 fig. 156.

A “Macedonian Bronze” Juglet from Zagora, Andros

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Fig. 2. Bronze juglet from Zagora (Andros) excavations, inv. no. 1790 (©Australian Archaeological Institute at Athens, drawing: G. Neil).

Fig. 3. Bronze pendant from Plakari, Karystia, Southern Euboia (reproduced with the permission of Dr D. R. Keller).

sits atop a vertical shaft (Fig. 3)48. The type is known from a small number of other examples, most without a firm provenance. One, however, was found far to the north at Donja Dolina in northern Bosnia, in a grave placed within a phase dated to the late sixth century and into the fifth49. While Bouzek does not rule out such a late date for the type he readily acknowledges the possibility of an earlier one; KilianDirlmeier places it firmly within the seventh century50, a dating which corresponds better with the general developmental scheme of “Macedonian bronzes”. Some supporting evidence for such a date is offered by the Plakari piece. Although it was found on the surface of a modern road it, in all likelihood, had eroded out of a deposit that was exposed in the

road’s scarp. This deposit consisted of material that is to be associated with the sanctuary which was identified a few metres to the north, higher on the hillside’s slope51. The recent excavations conducted by the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam and the IA’ Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities have now excavated nearly all of this deposit which yielded over 28,000 fragments of Early Iron Age ceramics, hundreds of votive offerings and a great deal of bone. J. P. Crielaard has kindly informed me that this deposit —from whence the bronze derives it should be remembered— consists of material that had been deposited during the period of the sanctuary’s use though some items may have slipped from their original place of deposition52.

48. Keller 1985, 272-273 “jug-stopper”, fig. 40. I thank Dr D. R. Keller for granting me permission to reproduce the drawing of this piece in this paper. See note 22 above for a report of the excavation of moulds for the manufacture of “jugstoppers” (precise type or types not specified) at Methone, Pieria.

49. For the type see: Bouzek 1974, 85-86 no. J4, fig. 24, 5; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 221 Type C, 224 nos 1449-1452, pl.

81, 225 (where one piece is posited to be Thessalian); Blome 1990, 65 no. 108 (=Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 24 no. 1450). For the Donja Dolina pendant: Marić 1964, 41, pl. 15, 5; Bouzek 1974, 85 no. J5.

50. Bouzek 1974, 86; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1979, 225.

51. For an introduction to the site and a brief account of the excavations undertaken there in 1979: Chidiroglou 20032004, esp. 69-72, and now Cullen et al. 2013, 22. D. Keller identified this deposit as a pit or “apothetes” and cautiously raised the possibility that the pit may have had “funerary implications” largely on the basis that the parallels he cites for the “Macedonian bronze” were found in northern graves. I believe that the material should be associated with the sanctuary given that in central and southern Greece “Macedonian bronzes” are systematically found as votives in sanctuaries (see below); the northern funerary uses of these bronzes did not apply in these more southerly regions.

52. For the excavation see Crielaard et al. 2011/2012. For the finds from an earlier survey at the site dated to the eighth

534 Links between central and southern Aegean centres with the northern shores of the Aegean can be documented through other means long before the production date of the pendant picked up near Karystos or those found elsewhere from the central and southern Aegean53. Without rehearsing the full list of evidence, the early contacts evinced by Late Protogeometric ceramic material at Vergina may be mentioned54. Similarly, central Aegean, primarily Euboian and Athenian material, of earlier, Protogeometric, date has been found in sites on the Thermaic Gulf and the Chalkidike peninsula55. And contacts between various centres in the central Aegean and the northwestern Aegean continued in the following centuries and into the seventh56. The bronze juglet from Zagora is not a unique northern find in its wider region, and indeed, it like most “Macedonian bronzes” found in central and southern Greek lands had been deposited —no doubt as a votive— at a sanctuary57.

On the basis of stylistic analysis the Zagora juglet finds its best parallels among pieces which have been dated to the very end of the eighth century and into the seventh. Given its state of preservation, though, some leeway must be allowed as regards its exact classification. Nonetheless, it is sufficiently clear that it does not find close counterparts among the juglet types which have been dated into the sixth

Stavros A. Paspalas

and fifth centuries. However, its context —the floor of the temple’s ante-chamber— is dated, as is the floor of the cella, by its most recent contents to the late fifth century. If its suggested stylistic date holds it may be that this small votive, which was manufactured and possibly (though certainty cannot be achieved on this point) dedicated before the construction of the temple, had been offered as a votive at the open-air sanctuary, and unlike other early dedications it did not find its way into the temple’s floor packing nor into the area directly south of the ante-chamber in which many votives were excavated58. The juglet increases our evidence for the range of exotica that were offered at Zagora’s sanctuary.

Not only were orientalia such as a scarab offered along with seals from the Islands and East Greece59, but so was a “Macedonian bronze”, an object from a corner of the Aegean with which at least some Cycladic islanders, along with their Euboian and other neighbours, must have been familiar. Indeed, those settlements that were recognized in antiquity as Andrian foundations, established in the seventh century, are all located in the northern Aegean —although, admittedly, in the area of the eastern Chalkidike60.

The Zagora juglet testifies, albeit modestly, to a series of extensive networks to which Andros had access and which involved peoples from various regions of the Aegean and beyond.

century: Keller 1985, 180-181 and Cullen et al. 2013, 22. It must, however, be noted that fifth- and fourth-century remains have been excavated further up the hill. If the report of the discovery of “jug-stopper” moulds (or even one) at Methone is substantiated (see above, note 22) then the earlier dating of the Plakari find is strengthened.

53. See now Mazarakis Ainian 2012 for the sea routes that linked the northern and central Aegean.

54. Popham – Sackett 1980, 360 (and 363 for possible Macedonian earrings in a Subprotogeometric II context at Lefkandi); Desborough 1980, 288 and 296. See further Tiverios 2008, 9. The suggested northern associations of a Middle Geometric II kantharos with high-swung handles from Tsikalario on Naxos are under re-examination: Charalampidou 2010-2012, 169 with fn. 73.

55. For contacts between these areas: Lemos 2002, 149-150, 183-184, 203-204, 207; Catling – Lemos 1990, 64-65, 94-95, pls 40 and 74; Papadopoulos 2005, 575-578 where (with pp. 585-589) evidence for even earlier contacts is also noted.

56. Lemos 2012. Tiverios 2008, 17-50; Gimatzidis 2010, 307-311; Gimatzidis 2011a, 101-102; Kotsonas 2012, 227-239, where activities of individuals from the central Aegean in the region —especially at Methone— during the eighth century and into the seventh are examined along with those of locals and individuals from other areas. See too Moschonesiote 2004, 280-281 for the central Aegean links of the late eighth- and early seventh-century the incised “pithamphorae” from Mende.

57. Kilian-Dirlmeier 1985.

58. Packing: e.g. seventh-century relief plaque of an armed female figure (Cambitoglou 1981, 91 no. 289, fig. 49). For the finds immediately to the south of the temple: Cambitoglou 1981, 82-83; Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 171-173.

59. Scarab: Cambitoglou 1981, 91 no. 296; Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 235, pls 291-292. Seals: Cambitoglou 1981, 91 nos 293-295, figs 52-54; Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 235, pls 287-290; Huber 2003, 93-96; Huber – Poplin 2009. For another scarab found in the fill of a domestic unit (H25) see: Cambitoglou et al. 1988, 235, pl. 293; Skon-Jedele 1994, 981 and 983.

60. Tiverios 2008, 52-64.

535

A “Macedonian Bronze” Juglet from Zagora, Andros

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A “Macedonian Bronze” Juglet from Zagora, Andros

Περίληψη

Μία «µακεδονική χάλκινη» προχοΐσκη από τη Ζαγορά Άνδρου Σταύρος A. Πασπαλάς Στο παρόν άρθρο παρουσιάζεται µια χάλκινη προχοΐσκη, που βρέθηκε στο ναό της Ζαγοράς στην Άνδρο και µπορεί να αποδοθεί σε µια κατηγορία χάλκινων αντικειµένων γνωστών µε τη συµβατική ονοµασία ως «µακεδονικά χαλκά». Ευρήµατα της κατηγορίας αυτής προέρχονταν αρχικά από το ΒΔ Αιγαίο και την ενδοχώρα του και, µολονότι γίνεται ακόµη συζήτηση για την ακριβή χρονολογική τους κατάταξη, η παρουσία τους στις Πιθηκούσσες στην κεντρική Μεσόγειο µαρτυρά ότι τα πιο πρώιµα δείγµατα µπορούν να χρονολογηθούν στον ύστερο 8ο αι. π.Χ. Η προχοΐσκη από τη Ζαγορά Άνδρου τεκµηριώνει τους δεσµούς ανάµεσα στην Άνδρο και την ακτή του ΒΔ Αιγαίου. Το εύρηµα αυτό δεν είναι µεµονωµένο στο κεντρικό και το νότιο Αιγαίο, καθώς και άλλα «µακεδονικά χαλκά» έχουν αποκαλυφθεί σε ιερά των περιοχών αυτών —σε αντιδιαστολή προς την πρωταρχική χρήση τους στο ΒΔ Αιγαίο, όπου συναντώνται κυρίως ως ταφικά κτερίσµατα. Η προχοΐσκη της Ζαγοράς, κατά πάσα πιθανότητα σε αναθηµατική χρήση, µε τη βόρεια καταγωγή της παίρνει τη θέση της ανάµεσα στα λιγοστά άλλα «εξωτικά» αντικείµενα που είχαν ανατεθεί στο συγκεκριµένο ανδριώτικο ιερό.