On the Names of Thracia and Eastern Macedonia - Nade Proeva

СУ „Св. Климент Охридски“ исторически факултет Национален археологически институт с музей Българска академия на науките

Сборник в чест на професор Петър Делев

KRATISTOS Сборник в чест на професор Петър Делев

София 2017

Сборник в чест на професор Петър Делев

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On the Names of Thracia and Eastern Macedonia Nade Proeva In 2014, two books important to the study of Thracian topics, one by Professor Petar Delev and the other by Romanian-French researcher Dan Dana, were published. In the course of writing a review of Dana’s book on the burning issue of Thracian names, I began to reflect on the author’s expressed interpretations and tacit hypotheses and assumptions. This reflection coincided with an invitation to make a contribution in honour of my colleague Professor Petar Delev to whom is dedicated this volume. I hope, as did he in his book about the tribes of southwest Thrace, that my thoughts will contribute to the clarification of unresolved issues and initiate new researches.

The name Thracia has been used by ancient authors with different meanings: geographical, ethnic, political, even cultural. Herodotus wrote: „…the Thracians bear many names, according to the region they lived, but they all have the same customs, except the Gethae, the Thrausi and those who dwell above the Crestonians (Her. 5.3.2). In the earliest times, the entire region north of the Hellas was contained under the name Thrace: the European areas north of Hellas, coastal Macedonia and Chalcidice peninsula until the Scythians to the northeast (Steph.

Byz., s.v. Skythai; cf. Amm., xxvii, 4, § 3). In this sense, Thrace denoted a general geographical meaning.

The mythological sources may also be considered. The myth recorded by Andrôn of Halicarnassus, 4th century BC, says that Ocean had four daughters whose names designated the continents: Asia, Libya, Europe and Thrace (Andrôn, Tzetz. Ad Lycophr. 894; FGrHist 10 F 7).

Thrace was the name of a continent, which does not actually exist. This reflects the understanding of the world at that time. Here, we have the mythological geography.

Like many other ancient names, the etymology of the name Thrace, written by Greek authors mostly as Thraces (others forms in Detschew 1957, 204), is unclear because the root language is unknown. A myth tells us that Tereine, daughter of Strymon and Ares gave birth to Thrassa (Conon, Narr. 4; Apollod. Bibl.

2.12.2; Anton. Lib. Metam. 21). In Homer’s epic, the words „threih“ or „thraih“ commonly refers to slaves and traders without any precise ethnic meaning (Fraser 2010, 134). No eponymous tribe is witnessed. The first epigraphic appearance to five Thracian slaves is an inscription dated to the year 414 BC (IG I 3.421, ll. 33-49).

To some authors, the name is obviously preGreek, and means „land,“ or „continent“ (ancient Greek word for land is „eperios”), given by the navigators when they sailed from south to north. According to others (Mure 1850, 153), the name derives from the adjective trachus, eia, u, meaning rugged, mountainous terrain, corresponding to main part of the Thracian area.

That the noun Thrace denoted „land, cost“ can be seen from Hecataeus who writes that the Darsioi were a tribe of Thrace (Hec., ap.

Steph. Byz., s.v. Darsioi: ethnon Thrakion). The phrase „tribe of Thrace“ differs from the expression „Thracian tribe,“ translated and understood

by Mullerii as gens Thracie, (C. et M. Muller 1841, Hecatei fragmenta 130, 175). The Darsioi were emended into the Daorsioi, according to the reports of all other authors (Daorsioi, Polyb. 32.18.2; Daorsei, Liv. 45.26.14; Daorizoi/Daorzioi, Strabon, 7.315; Daoursioi, Ptol.

2.16.8; etc.). Nonetheless, the name appears on coins as Daorsoi (Marić 1973a, 237-256). The Daorsoi lived on the left bank of the river Neretva to the Adriatic coast in Dalmatia. According to all other data, the Daorsioi distinguished themselves among the groups of Illyrian tribes

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and the known onomastic material belongs to the southern „namespace“ (Namengebiet) of Illyria (Katičić 1963, 255-292). The thesis that they were a Thracian tribe that inhabited the Balkan peninsula before the Illyrians (Patsch 1907, 169-174) has been rightly rejected (Marić 1973, 115-117, 121-122; Papazoglou 1974, 5973), but no explanation of this „unusual“ data of Hecataeus is forthcoming. Another ancient writer, Apollodorus also used the term Thrakes for Histri (Apoll. ap. Steph. Byz. FHG I, fr. 119, p. 451; FHG II B, 321, p. 118). This example may seem less indicative and weaker, because it is possible that Apollodorus made a mistake: i.e. that the author could have mistaken Istri (Histri, Istroi) living on the peninsula of Histria Istria (in Croatia) with residents of the town Istrie on Istros/Ister/Histros/Hister, nowday Danube).

However, this is less likely given the fact that data of Apollodorus refer to the widest Illyrian and Adriatic context, as well as those of T. Livius. Namely when T. Livius writes about Kleonymos withdrawing to the northern Adriatic after the warfare in Italy in 302 BC, he enumerates, from the south to the north, Illyrii, Liburnii, Hstrii (Liv. 10.2).1 Apollodoros writes about Hylloi, the neighbouring Liburnii, inhabiting the coastal region of the northeastern Adriatic, between the rivers Arsia (Raša) and Titius (Krka), and Histrii „legomenoi Thrakes“. It seems that by this denomination Apollodorus indicates the Histrii living in the mountainous Istrian Peninsula in contrast to the Liburnii who lived on the lowland seashore and on the islands. These two examples evidenced that this designation has no obvious ethnic connotations, and should be translated as „Landers“, „(main)land tribe“ = (mainland tribe)“, or „coastal tribe“, i.e. a tribe living on the mainland, or on the coast. This interpretation can be emphasised by data from Herodotus (Her. 7.185) who describes the tribes living on the coast along the sea as „Thracians“ (more on this below).

The situation of Thrace resembles Illyria, in that Thrakes/Thracii is a collective denomination for many tribes. Thus, Thracian and Illyrian are both demonyms and ethnonyms. In order to 1

...Circumvectus inde Brundisii promunturium medioque sinu

Hadriatico ventis latus, cum laeva importuosa Italiae litora, dextra Illyrii Liburnique et Histri, gentes ferae et magna ex parte latrociniis maritimis infames, terrerent, penitus ad litora Venetorum pervenit.

clarify and facilitate research, it is wise to make a distinction between Thracii proprie dicti and Thracii vulgo dicti, i.e. between the Thracia stricto sensu and Thracia lato sensu, as it was the case with Illyrii proprie dicti – (Plin. Nat. Hist. 3.144) paraphrased for neighboring tribes in Illyriii vulgo dicti by D. Rendić – Miočević (1984, 67). The need for such a distinction was stressed by F. Papazogou who wrote: „Le fait que les auteurs anciens et modernes emploient souvent le nom de Thrakes pour désigner des tribus d’origines non-thrace (Péoniens, Edoniens, Bryges etc.) oblige parfois de discerner les « Thraces proprement dite » des autres.“ (Papazoglou 1989, 46, n. 67).2 The ancient authors, as well as their modern counterparts, traced the territory of Thrace totally differently depending on whether they referred to ethnic or political boundaries. At different times, the borders were not the same. The political borders especially varied due to wars, conquests and the seasonal movements of pastoral tribes. The discrepancy of the tribal territory given in the literary sources and the numismatic evidence from coins issued by some tribes reflects the changing of their economic and political power and the development of the tribes.

Researchers, consciously or not, especially in the past, but even today, impose contemporary political situations onto antiquity.

Early researchers used the name Thrace in the broadest sense, relying on general descriptions given by the ancient authors, who recorded the data from different periods. They stretched the territory of Thracia north even to the Carpathian Mountains, east to the river Dniester (Tyros), northwest to the river Tisa (Pathissum/ Tisia), west to the Vardar (Axios) and Moravia (Brongos), and south to the Aegean Sea and the northwestern part of Asia Minor – particularly, Bithynia (Bouzek, Graninger 2015, 13-14).

These borders of Thrace represent Thracia lato sensu. Given the geographical partition of the territory the historians have divided it into two major areas: northern and southern Thrace, separated grosso modo by the Balkan Mountains (Haemus ms.). Both entities have a completely 2 The fact that ancient and modern authors often used the name of Thracians to designate tribes of non-Thracian origins (Peonians, Edonians, Bryges, etc.) sometimes necessitates distinguishing those properly called Thracians from the others.

On the Names of Thracia and Eastern Macedonia

different terrains (from mountain to lowland), different climates (from Mediterranean to continental) and different geopolitical structures, therefore historians divided these two major areas into several smaller regions. The southern part of this broadly defined Thrace is Thracia stricto sensu: the lands west of the river Strymon (Struma) and Mt. Pirin – the natural border of the Chalcidice peninsula and east to Mt. Strandzа, i.e. the Black Sea coast. Because they had more information for the southern Thracia, i.e. Thracia stricto sensu, the name's number of regions was greater than for northern Thracia.

The names of regions used by modern authors represent absurd constructions forged from ancient and modern designations, such Turkish Thrace (Bithynia), and Greek Thrace (parts west of the Rhodope Mountains to the Axios/Vardar, including the Chalcidic Peninsula (Bouzek, Graninger, 2015 13-15). Geographical designations such as southwestern Aegean Thrace, though, are acceptable because they are closer to the denominations of Thucydides such as „coastal Thrace“ (Thuc. 2.29). Similarly improper labels which draw from modern terms (northern Greece for Lower Macedonia) have been criticized by L. Robert (Robert 1995, no. 410).

The territory embraced by the name Thracia also changed over time, depending primarily on political history, which in turn is largely determined by geography. Thus, Strabo wrote that from the time of Philip II, the border definitely is the river Nestos, which today is the Mesta (Strabo 7, pp. 323, 330; Ptol. 3.11). So Thracia stricto sensu or Thracia proprie dicti, was east of the river Nestos (Mesta) and Mt. Pirin, between the Rhodopes and Mt. Balkan (Haemus) to Propontis, as is clearly seen from the borders of the Roman province of Macedonia. This was not only the provincial border but also the ethnic border of Thracian tribes proprie dicti. It is well known that the Romans drew the boundaries of the provinces according to the existing ethnic borders, and that the Thracian possessions of Philip V and Perseus situated eastern of the river Nestos/Mesta had been separated from Macedonia and joined to the province of Thrace, when it was constituted.

The first geographic description of mountains, rivers, and the names of several tribes and cities are preserved in the fragments of Hecatae-

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us Milesius, 5th century BC (FGrHist I F146-183, cf. Mel. 2.2). The opinion of Jacoby that Hecataeus used the name Thrace in sense of Thracia lato sensu, while the ethnic Thracians were the population south of the river Istros (which is the modern Dunav), corresponding to Thracia stricto sensu, which in turn coincides with the boundaries of the Roman province of Thrace, is acceptable and close to the ancient notion of these names. From the 5th century BC, the name of Thrace was given a broad ethnic meaning (Her. 5.2-3) and was used for a large territory with fluctuating boundaries. So, for Herodotus (Her. 5.9), the northern border of Thrace was the Danube (the ancient river Istros). Strabo wrote that the Thracians (i.e. Thrace, evidently in the broadest sense, i.e. Thracia lato sensu), were numerous tribes (pant’ethne) between the Adriatic and the Black Sea (Strabo 2.4.8); elsewhere he described Thrace as extending from the other sea until Propontis and the Hellespont, where Thracian tribes lived mixed with Celts and Scythians (Strabo 7.5.1), thereby extending the borders north of the Danube and including among the Thracians tribes such as the Getae and the Mysi (Strabo 7.3.2; I, p. 6).

With the passage of time, the geographic horizons of Hellenes expanded, and the name Thrace gradually had been clarified to encompass areas north to the Istros (Strabo II, p. 129; Plin. Nat. Hist. 4.18; Mel. 2.2), east to Euxinos and the Bosphoros, south to the Propontis and the Hellespont, and west to the rivers Strymon/ Struma and Brongos/Morava (Ps.-Scylax 67; Ps.-Skymnos, 664-665). Elsewhere, however, Strabo wrote that: „... the entirety of Thrace is composed of twenty-two tribes’’ (Strabo, 7. fr. 48), which obviously refers to the Thracian tribes in the ethnic sense, because the originally geographic name was used as a common ethnic denomination (no eponymous tribe is witnessed). Contrary to this fact, Prof. Delev in his very helpful book collected data for fiftyfour tribes of the so-called Southwestern Thrace, ten of which were only mentioned once in the sources, with the names of two (Derrones and Orreskii) being known only by their coins (Delev 2014).

Ancient authors, especially poets who spoken in an archaizing manner, frequently used the name Thrace in its earliest and widest sense,

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referring to the eastern part of Macedonia until the end of antiquity. It is evident from a passage of Strabo that Olympus, Pieris and Leibethron were primordial Thrace, now counted as Macedonia (Strabo 7. fr 21, fr. 20; Strabo 9.410, 471).

The use by ancient authors of the name Thrace in archaizing manner for the north Aegean coast led to the interpretation that these tribes were Thracian and has prompted modern historians to introduce the term „eastern Macedonia,“ which is not found in any ancient source. Thus, for example, Strabo, when describing that part of Macedonia, writes that the Macedonian country, not the state – nota bene, stretches from Thessalonike to Strymon and even to Nestos (Strabo 7.7.4). But he also uses the name Thrace in the ancient manner for the tribes who lived from Olympus to Strymon/Struma (Strabo, 7.11).

It should be underlined that Herodotus, in the fourth book which describes the Scythians, regularly compares the Scythians to their neighbouring Thracians and did not mention at all Macedonia or the Macedonians, writing that Scythia lies just above Thrace (Her. 4.99). In this way, Herodotus clearly refers to a geographic and ethnic Thrace. In the fifth book, though, when he describes the route through the north Aegean coast by which Xerxes passed with his army, Herodotus uses the term Thrace for Macedonian part of the Aegean coast. Here, again, Herodotus invokes an archaic style with the primordial, earliest, and widest extent of his geographical meanings for the land (Her. 7.108-116).

The location of ethnic Thrace is sufficiently clear from the description of the retreat of the Persian army led by Artabazus, who after the Battle of the Plataeae, passed through Thessaly, Macedonia with the great haste and then went to Thrace (Her. 9.89). When Herodotus describes the operations of Mardonius in 492 BC as occurring in „this Thrace“, he writes that afterwards all nations were conquered until Macedonia, which was also subordinated.

While camping in Macedonia Mardonius was attacked by a Thracian tribe Bryges, but he left that area, meaning Macedonia, after he subdued them (Her. 4.44-45). This description clearly shows that the designation of Thracian applied to the Bryges is a geographic rather than ethnic denomination. And again, when enumerating the ships and soldiers led by Xerxes in 480

BC, Herodotus first mentions the Hellenes from Thrace and from the islands opposite them, then separately by their names: Thracians, Paeones, Eordi, Bottiaei, the Chacidian people, Bryges, Pieres, Macedones (as a tribal eponym) and then Perrhaebi, Enianes, Dolopes, Magnetes, Achaei (Phtiotae) and Thracians living on the coast (Her. 7.185). The order of enumeration from the east (Thracians) to the west (Thessalian tribes) finishes with those „Thracians“ living on (Thessalian) coast, again showing that the label Thracian applies geographically rather than ethnically. It was known to Herodotus’ audience that the tribes living on the Greek cost along the sea are not Thracians. In this sense, it is worth mentioning another Herodotus data (7.20) concerning the migration of Mysoi and Teucroi into Europe through Bosporus and conquering all of the Thrace by pressing forward to the Ionian Sea and reaching southwards to river Peneus. Elsewhere Herodotus wrote that the chariot left by Xerxes to Paeones was given to the Thracians who lived around the source of the river Strymon (Her. 8.115), which springs from Mt. Skombros (the modern Mt. Vitoša, that is actually Thrace).

Thucydides uses the designation of the Thracian coast for the western coast of Chalcidice when writing about the actions of the year 432 BC by Athens against Perdicca (Thuc. 1.57, 59, 60) and when mentioning the Chalcideans on Thracian coast in the attack of Sitalkes, the king of Thracian Odrysae in 429 BC against Perdiccas (Thuc. 2.95). Thucydides also mentions the Thracian coast in the operations of Brasidas at Chalcidice (Thrace) in 424 BC (Thuc. 4.82, 102) and in the attack by Athens on Metone in 416 BC (Thuc. 6.7), but he writes Thrace when he describes the interior of the Pangaeus mines (Thuc. 4.105) and Polles, king of the Odomanti (Thuc. 5.6). When writing about army of Brasidas at Amphipolis in 423 BC, Thucydides lists 1500 Thracian mercenaries separately from the Edoni (Thuc. 5.6). Thucydides places the Thracians between Mt. Balkan and Mt. Rhodope separately from Paeonian tribes that were on the border of the state of Odrysae (Thuc. 2.96).

The boundary of the Thracian state was Strymon, where the free Paeones lived. Plutarch calls the residents of the city Halaistra on the border of Mygdonia and Bottiaea Macedoni-

On the Names of Thracia and Eastern Macedonia

ans (Plut. Alex. 49), despite the fact that this part of Macedonia was not yet included in the Macedonian kingdom. This sense of, the data in the epigraphic sources, can be illustrated by few examples. On the inscription from Delphi (4th century BC), a proxenos from Macedonia named Polydamas, who was a resident of Arethousa, is designated as Macedonian (nota bene) and not described as coming from Macedonia; in another inscription, Euainetos from (ex = εφ) Amphipolis is described as a Macedonian, as is Dionysus Dionysiou from Thessaloniki, 2nd century BC. (Perdrizet 1897, 107 no 4-Aretusa, 110, no 6-Amphipolis, 116 no 3-Thessalonike). The stele from Delos with a decree of the Macedonian Bokros, son of Admetos (end of 3rd century BC) also deserves mention: it was tellingly voted that he be given a crown and two statues, one in Delos, the other in his native city of Thessalonike. The stele was also inscribed with the response from the city of origin in acceptance of the proposition, i.e. that they had enacted the same honours for him (Dürrbach 1886, 124 -132).

This floating use of the term Thrace was supported by the migrations or periodical resettlements of the population even in classical times. A nice example can be found in the „Thracian“ from Crestonia who was king of Bisaltes – indicating that Crestonia is a broader term for related tribes. This king, not wanting to be a slave of Xerxes, withdrew to the closest Rhodope Mountains, punished his six sons for disobeying him by joining Xerxes by putting out their eyes after their return (Her. 8.116). Herodotus relates a remote migration of the population of the Struma valley, called Strymonites, to Asia Minor (Her. 7.75), where they were named Bithyni. It is not necessary to recall the similarity of the onomastic designations between these two areas (Papazoglou 1979, 163; Robert, 1963).

The geographical designation had an archaized meaning, which, among other things, has caused modern authors to formulate the panThracian thesis according to which the entire south Balkan Peninsula was inhabited by Thracians. Using the original names, i.e. those listed in the sources, and keeping in mind the time to which the data refers, the information is less contradictory and ambiguous than it appears at

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first sight. It should also be borne in mind that this so-called Eastern Macedonia or Western Thracian area, west of Nestos to Axios did not have any place name ending with -bria or -para, (Duridanov 1968, 268; 1975 map on p. 114). This omission is a clear sign of the ethnicity of the tribes in this part of Macedonia. More recently, thanks to progress in modern studies, the ethnic and political territory of Thrace has been rightly narrowed, although some modern authors still confound numerous tribes, including the tribes west of the river Nestos (the modern Mesta) in so-called Southwestern Thrace or Eastern Macedonia under the common name Thrace, regardless of their ethnic origins. No evidence proves that they really were all branches of a common stock. In this way, modern studies still equate the name Thrace from ancient sources with Thracians. It is necessary to distinguish between Thrace in the widest sense, i.e. in a geographical, archaized meaning of the word which refers the districts on the northern Aegean coastline, and Thrace in the ethnic sense. As noted before, Thracia stricto sensu or Thracia proprie dicti actually denotes the region to the east of the river Mesta (formerly, Nestos) and Rhodopes and south of the Balkan/Haemus. Even authors who do not adhere to the pan-Thracian theory use the terms such as „Eastern Macedonia“ (Papazoglou 1979, this terms is systematically applied in Bulletin Epigraphique), „southwestern Thrace“ (Delev 2014) or „Western Thrace“ (Dana 2014). It should be noted that when P. Delev uses this denomination, he declares that he employs it „provisionally“ (Delev 2014, 17, 471). Despite his precaution about „interdisciplinary investigations“ (Delev 2014, 472), the phrase can be accepted partially, only in regard to archaeological data. An unprejudiced review of the onomastic data without intention to confirm a pre-established theses yields less debatable and contradictory attributions. A remnant of the pan-Thracian theory is particularly visible in D. Dana who interprets the epichoriс names from western Macedonia, attested in Macedonian context, as Thracian (Dana 2014, LХХVIII).

Although D. Dana in his book on Thracian names (Dana 2014) is very critical toward authors, especially Bulgarians (for their uncritical attitude in defining Thracian names as well as their ideologically coloured interpretations), he

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himself includes the names of so-called Eastern Macedonia, i.e. southwest Thrace, in his west Thracian group (Dana 2014, map nо. 4 оn p.

LXXVI). This group comprises several microregions from three different provinces, two of them (Macedonia and Thracia) belonging to the supposed „eastern Greek“ cultural zone and one (south of Moesia Superior, Dana 2014, LXXV) belonging to the „western Latin“ cultural zone, but they have been categorized together: the Aegean part east of the Struma and Mt. Pirin (that is Thracia proprie dicti) belonged to the Roman province of Thrace; the area of ​​Nikopolis ad Nestos to the Serdika on the north, and the so-called Eastern Macedonia this one joined by the Romans to the province of Macedonia, not to Thrace, certainly not without reason (Proeva 2015, 67-71). The Romans created provinces which respected the ethnic boundaries of the conquered peoples, except in specific occasions.

One such exception is the western part of Macedonia, where they actually included southern Illyrians (Illyrii proprie dicti) because only they of Illyrians vulgo dicti belonged to an eastern portion of the so-called Greek cultural sphere.

In this way, the Romans avoided barriers along the Via Egnatia, the shortest connection between Italy and Asia Minor. Nonetheless, roman administrators did not do this with the last section of the road in ethnic Thrace which ran east of the river Nestos (the modern Mesta), although it was part of the so-called Greek cultural sphere, the same as Macedonia. They left ethnic Thrace in the motherland. Moreover, the number of „Thracian names“ in this too broadly defined area (also criticized by Hặlmagi, 2015, 259-271) is very small and understandable for a border area. Not only that, most of these names, as argued by F. Papazoglou, share one radical, whereas in Thrace names with this radical are part of composite, two radical Thracian names (Papazoglou 1974, 69). As F. Papazoglou rightly notes: „Le fait que les auteurs anciens parlent des Bryges ou des Péoniens comme de Thraces n’est pas une raison suffisante pour ne pas mettre à la base des études onomastiques et linguistiques une distinction complète et conséquemment appliquée entre les Thraces et les autres peuples de la soi-disant «famille thrace».

La notion même de θρακη, θρακεω, dans l’antiquité mériterait d’être examinée sous cet angle.

En tous cas, indépendamment de la parenté pré-

sume ou établie entre le thrace et le mysien, le thrace et le phrygien, etc., le classement à part des restes de ces langues, dans la mesure ou les matériel le permet, me parait indispensable“ (Papazoglou, 1974, 70, n. 55).3 In the beginning of their studies, the linguists (Tomaschek 1983, Detchew 1976) put all the names from this widely defined territory in one category, but later they have made distinctions particularly between the Phrygians, Paeonians, Daco-Mysians, and Thrace (Georgiev 1971, 155-70; Georgiev 1977, Duridanov 1968, 268; Duridanov 1976).

Unusual and rare names in this part of Macedonia are interpreted as Thracian, even though they are not witnessed in Thracia proprie dicti, that is the territory between the Balkan and the Rhodope Mountains, east of the river Mesta. We find the same attitude towards the gods interpreted as Thracian although not attested in Thrace, as it is the case of theos suregethes found in Philippi but not in Thrace (Pilhofer 2000, no. 133). Thracian names occur in the contact areas of Macedonia and Thrace because of the immigration due to trade or other economic reasons and the gradual infiltration in the mining zone as it was Pangaeus mons. Thus, many of the inscriptions with Thracian names found in the Jewish cemetery of Thessalonike, are actually in secondary use, introduced from Philippi (Brélaz 2014, appendice 2), where there were Thracian settlers, a fact which is understandable for a bordering city with a strong mining economy and an important strategic location as a station on the Via Egnatia.

Thracian settlers appear in the other neighbouring provinces, too. In Dacia, Thracian names almost always refer to soldiers who were stationed there (Dana 2014, LXVII), while in Moesia Inferior they are Thracian colonists (Dana 2014, LXX). Some Thracian and even a part of pan-Thracian names such as Bithus, Kotys, Teres and Seuthes found in the so called Eastern Macedonia and Bithynia, which received tribal migrations from Strymon, should 3 The fact that the ancient authors speak of Bryges or Paeonians as Thracians is not sufficient reason not to place a complete distinction consequently applied among the Thracians and others of their people in the so-called „Thracian family“ at the base of onomastic and linguistic studies. The same notion of XXX merited examination from this angle in antiquity. In every case, independent of the presumed or proven parentage between the Thracian and the Mysian, the Thracian and the Phrygian, or any other, the classification, aside from the rest of these languages, in such measure as the material permits, seems to me essential).

On the Names of Thracia and Eastern Macedonia

be attributed to Thracian settlers. Nor should it be forgotten that epichoric names from Macedonia and Thrace spread throughout the Hellenistic Mediterranean, during and after the campaign of Alexander of Macedon. Thus, for example, in the time of Macedonian rule in Egypt, names which are missing from Thrace appear in Egypt, thereby indicating that the denomination of Thracian had been used with the archaized, geographical meaning (geographic origin), not in the ethnic sense. The Thracian character of these names is doubtful. In the current phase of study and with the present level of knowledge, the best results can be obtained if the names of the so-called east Macedonian/or southwest Thracian region are studied separately from those from Thracia proprie dicti. Namely, the method of Namengebiet or, namespace areas can help outline the onomastic boundaries of tribes and bordering, transitional areas. By the fragmentation of large areas (which is the essence of the method) rather than their expansion, the features of the area may be more clearly established and then the limits of transitional areas between tribes mentioned in ancient sources can be detailed with greater accuracy.

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Наде Проева

За имената на Тракия и Източна Македония Наде Проева резюме Настоящата статия разглежда различното значение на термина Тракия, използван от древните автори. Те, както и съвременните им колеги, представят територията на Тракия абсолютно различно, в зависимост от това дали описват етнически или политически граници. А границите се различават от единия източник до следващия. Античните автори употребяват съществителното Тракия често архаизиращо и в смисъл на неговия изначален, най-ранен и широк обхват като географско наименование. Този подход, наред с други, е причина съвременните автори да формулират пан-тракийската теза, според която цялата южна част на Балканския полуостров е населена от траки. Авторът на този текст посочва паралел с илирите (както „траки“, така и „илири“ са демоними и етноними) и предлага да се направи разлика между Thracii proprie dicti и Thracii vulgo dicti, т.е. между Thracia stricto sensu и Thracia lato sensu, както е случаят с Illyrii proprie dicti (Plin. Nat. Hist. 3.144) перифразирано в Illyrii vulgo dicti. Авторът дава примери за използването на това понятие, произхождащо от Балканския полуостров, като географско наименование, чието етимологическо значение е „земя или крайбрежие“. Това може да бъде видяно у Хекатей (Hec. ap. Steph. Byz., s.v. Darsioi: ethnon Thrakion; даорсите са обитавали левия бряг на р. Неретва до към Адриатиче-

ското крайбрежие на Далмация). Аполодор също използва термина Thrakes за Histri на полуострова Истрия (дн. в Хърватия). Тези два примера свидетелстват, че това наименование очевидно не е притежавало етнически конотации и би трябвало да е превеждано като „континенталци; племе, живеещо на континента; крайбрежно племе“, т.е. племе, живеещо на континента или на крайбрежието. Тази интерпретация може да бъде подкрепена от данните у Херодот (Her. 7.185), който описва тесалийските племена като „тези траки, живеещи на тесалийското крайбрежие край морето“. На херодотовата публика е било много добре известно, че тесалийците не са траки. Границите на Тракия са се променяли през различните епохи и, за да може да очертаем границите на племената, особено тези от граничните, преходни райони и разграничим Thracii proprie dicti от Thracii vulgo dicti, много полезен може да е методът на Namengebiet или зоната на пространството на името. Чрез фрагментацията на големи райони (което е и смисълът на този метод), отколкото чрез тяхното разширяване, характеристиките на районите могат да бъдат по-ясно определени, а от тук – границите на преходните райони между споменати в античните извори племена могат да бъдат детайлизирани с по-голяма точност.