S E R B I A N A C A D E M Y OF S C I E N C E S A N D A R T S M A C E D O N I A N A C A D E M Y OF S C I E N C E S A N D A R T S S A S A S p ecial E dition s
Homage to
MILUTIN GARAŠANIN E d ito rs-in - C h ie f N ikola
Tasić
CVETAN
G R OZDANOV
B E L G R A D E 2006
Nade Proeva
THE ENGELA NES / ENCHELEIS AND THE GOLDEN MASK FROM THE TREBENIŠTE CULTURE*
ne of the topics that Professor M. Garašanin had
Encheleis (even by a same author, the most prominent
reviewed near the end of his long scholarly cur-
being Hammond, see below), I felt that it would be ap-
riculum was the problem of the golden funerary masks
propriate to scrutinize once more all the interpretations
from the Trebenište culture, which, at the present state of
proposed, on account of several different types of sourc
the problem1, can be positively attributed to the tribe of
es (instead of only one, as it has usually been done so
the Engelanes / Encheleis.
far3). I would also aim at presenting a synthetic account,
O
While delving into this academic conundrum, and faced with numerous interprétations of the purpose
chiefly devoted to the ethnicity of the Engelanes, but also touching upon the problem of the funerary masks.
of these masks, professor Garašanin has opted for the
The Engelanes / Encheleis, the oldest attested tribe
explanation that these funerary masks were primarily
in north-western ancient Macedonia, dwelled near the
used to emphasize the grade and status, i.e. that they
present-day Ohrid. In the nearly same territorial span
belonged to the Enchelean chieftains.2 One must, how-
- from the Ohrid region in the south, up to Polog in the
ever, not forget that professor Garašanin was mainly
north - but much later, beginning from the second century
aiming at proving the correctness of his interprétation
BC, our extant ancient sources mention the Dassaretae. The
on the masks' symbolism of status; therefore, his arti
question of their ethnic stock has often absorbed fellow
cle fell short of discussion on the ethnie background of
scholars, resulting in several differing theories on their
the tribes that had employed this ritual. Moreover, he
ethnicity: thus, there are theories advocating Illyrian
hastily noted but one out of many interprétations of the
origin4, a Macedonian3, a "later-Illyrised autochthonous
origin of the Engelanes / Encheleis and thus gave the impression that this interpretation had been widely accepted by scholars worldwide; unfortunately, there was no mention of other, often vastly divergent, opinions.
3 Thus, archaeologists are mainly commenting archaeological finds, using the written sources only as a support of their interpretations; the classical philologists and the historians, on the other hand, com
Bearing in mind that this academic question remains
ment exclusively the written sources. This practice is very well il-
open, as well as the fact that there still are many diver
lustrated by the lengthy article of R. Katičić, who managed to col-
gent interpretations of the ethnicity of the Engelanes /
lect and present the totality of ancient and Byzantine sources on the Boeotian and the "Illyrian" Encheleis, but without taking stance on their origin; Cf. R. Katičić, "Enhelejci", Godišnjak CBI XV/13 (1977), 5-80: Zusamenfassung: Die Encheieer, 81-82.
1 Trebenište culture is a term coined by V. Lahtov (Das Problem der
4 It seems superfluous to remark that this position is, almost without
Trebeniš te-kultur, Ohrid 1965, Zusamenfassung pp. 179-208); his
exception, advocated by Albanian scholars, as well as various schol-
analysis, however, inciuded almost the entire territory of ancient
ars - especially linguists - from the nineteenth and early twentieth
M acedonia. On the other hand, R . VASIĆ (The early iron age groups in
century. On older works, see A. Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier
Yugoslavia, Beograd, 1975.. Summary pp. 121-142, p. 110—111 ) speaks
I, Wien 1957, p. 135, s.v. Encheieai, p. 110,. s.v. Dassaretae; on the
in more precise terms, limiting the term to the cultural group dwell-
kingdom of the Encheleis, see P. Cabanes, Les Illyriens de Bardyllis à
ing around the present-day Ohrid.
Genthios, 1V-II siècle avant J.-C., Paris 1988, 50. From contemporary
1 M. Garašanin, "Zur Deutung der Masken in reichen grabern aus
scholarship advocating Illyrian origin of the Engelanes, see N. G. L.
Mazedonien", Godišnjak CBI 28 (1991-7), 59-65 (Zusamenfassung
Hammond, A history o f M acedonia I, Oxford 1972, 422. J. R. WACE & A. M. Woodward, ABSA 18 (1909), 167: Fr. Geyer,
66 - 68 ).
5A.
2 N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, Oxford 1967, p. 439.
in PW/RE XIV (1938), s.v. M acedonia, col. 638-771, col. 653 Dassare-
HOMAGE TO MILUTIN GARAŠANIN
561
N AD E P R O E V A
tribe"b, an Epirote7, or a Brygian tribe8; some scholars tend
ritory of the Engelanes / Encheleis centuries later. In fact,
to see a tribe of "later-Illyrised Epirote" origin9, others speak
a "properties transfer" of a kind took place, similar to
of "profoundly Illyrised Boeotian settlers"10, and so forth.
the one mentioned above: the historians and the archae-
The list appears to be endless.
ologists transferred the alleged origin of the Dassaretai
Until the 1950s, the interpretation advocating the Il-
to the Engelanes / Encheleis, although F. Papazoglou
lyrian origin of the Encheleis and the Dassaretai gained
herself never equated the Engelanes and the Illyrians.12
the widest acceptance11; this interpretation stood well
On the other hand, N. G. L. Hammond, drawing
until scholars, faced with many allegedly impenetrable
much from Strabo's work (itself based of Hecataeus' Ges
problems of a similar kind, began to pay doser attention
periodos, including a description of the Adriatic coast)
to the epigraphic and archaeological evidence. Owing
argued in favour of Epirote ethnicity.13 However, it is
much to the authority of F. Papazoglou, Yugoslav schol
worthwhile noting that, while Hecataeus does indeed
ars have almost unanimously opted for the Illyrian ori
list the tribes in the interior, he neither mentions Epirus,
gin of the Dassaretai, the tribe that had inherited the ter-
nor speaks of Epirote tribes; in fact, we could hardly find a Greek author predating the fourth century BC, who would know of "Epirus" as a toponym. Further-
tis; N. Proeva, "Enchéléens - Dassarètes - Illyriens, sources littérai
more, until that time, neither were the Epirote tribes
res, épigraphiques et archéologiques", in lllyrie méridionale et l'Epire
called "Epirote" in particular. Hecataeus happens to be
dans l ’antiquité II, Clermont-Ferrand 1990, Paris 1993,193 sqq. 6 F. Papazoglou, "L'organisation politique des Illyriens à l'époque
the main source - or, at least, one of the main sources
de leur indépendance", in A. Benac (éd.), Sur les Illyriens à l'époque
- for Strabo's work; but it is Strabo, not Hecataeus, who
antique V/2, Sarajevo 1967, 26: "Certains sources les distinguent [sc.
uses the terms "Epirus" and "Epirote tribes". To trans
the Encheleis] des "Illyriens", ce qui permet peut-être de supposer
fer Strabo's terminology back into the times of Hecat
qu'il s'agit d'une population préillyrienne, assimilée aux Illyriens proprements dits."; Eadem, "Les royaumes d'Illyrie et de Dardanie",
aeus - who explicitly speaks of Chaones and Molossoi
in Les Illyriens et les Albanais, colloques scientifiques XXXIX/10, Beo
- would be, in the mildest of terms, a very questionable
grad, 1988, 178, n. 20: "...tandis que les Enchéléens n'étaient pas,
practice.
selon toute apparence, des Illyriens.'' 7 N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, 458. 8 W. Pająkowski, "W er waren Illyrii proprie dicti und wo siedelte
As usual in ancient times, Greek authors have adapted the name of the tribe to the Ionian dialect; the Enge
man sie an?", Godišnjak CBI XVIII/16 (1980), 124-128, claims that
lanes thus became the Encheleis, a name subsequently
the Engelanes are a part of the Illyrii proprie dicti (p. 136), while the
adopted by modern scholars. A passage by Stephanus of
Dassaretai are Brygian, page 127.
Byzantium, himself quoting Mnaseas, testifies that "the
9 N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, 466: "...the Enchelei themselves had a Greek name, but were probably Illyricized."; M. B. Hatzopoulos,
Engelanes and the Encheleis are the same tribe", con-
"Lim ites d'expansion macédonienne en lllyrie", in lllyrie méridio
firming that the usual form is, in fact, an adaptation of
nale et l'Epire dans l ’antiquité, vol. I, Clermont-Ferrand 1984, Paris
the original name. Indeed, the concordance of ancient
1987, 82, n. 15 accepts the opinion of Hammond, A history o f Mac-
Macedonian g and ancient Greek ch being common lin-
edonia I, 94 on the Chaonian, i.e. Greek origin of the Dexari, identi-
guistic knowledge, we can safely assume that "Engel
fied with the Dassaretae, later also including the Engelanes. Note, however, that the article of M. Hatzopoulos unfortunately includes
anes" was the autochthonous, Macedonian form, thus
geographical inaccuracies and arbitrary claims, e.g., the author
being the more correct usage. By adopting this usage, we
equates the northern frontier of Lyncestis with the Greek-Yugoslav
will be able to make a clear difference between the En
[i.e. Macedonian] border (page 82, note 15) although it is common knowledge that Heracleia Lyncestis is located in close vicinity of the modern-day Bitola, in the Republic of M acedonia; the author also
gelanes and the Boeotian Encheleis. This is, also, a very important due for investigating the ethnic stock of the
locates the Paeonian city of Audaristos (or Eudaristos) in Pelagonia
tribe. Furthermore, our earliest extant written sources
(page 84); the fort of Sarnuntum, in Dardania (?) is equated without
never include the Engelanes among the Illyrian tribes;
justification with the city / oronym Sarnous and located in the vicin ity of Debrešte, near the present-day Prilep, although it is clear that Sarnuntum laid on the Via Egnatia, etc.
12 See above, note 6. It is notable that the majority of Bulgarian
10 N. Theodosiev, "The dead with golden faces. II: Other evidence
scholars quote the opinions of F. Papazoglou and M. Garašanin on
and connections", Oxford Journal o f Archaeology 19.2 (2000), 178; on
this problem quite differently from the way the authors expressed
the same page, the author dismisses the theory of V. Sokolovska
themselves, even attributing an opinion of Thracian origin to M.
("W ho was buried in the Trebeništa cem etery", 1997, p. 25, in
Garašanin; the latest example of this practice being Thracia 11, Ser-
Macedonian) that the Boeotian Encheleis migrated to Illyria.
dicae 1995, p. 201, notes 46 & 47.
11 A. Philippson, PW/RE IV/2 (1901), s.v. Dasaretis, col. 2221-2222;
13 N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, 458: (c) The description of the Interior
Id., PW/RE V/2 (1905) s.v. Encheleis, col. 2549.
of Epirus, sqq.
562
H O M A G E TO MI LU TI N G A R A Š A N I N
T H E E N G E L A N E S / E N C H E L E I S A N D T HE G O L D E N MA S K .
on the contrary, they are always mentioned apart from
of Euripides23 on the attack of a mixed barbarian army
the Illyrians.
on Delphi; this mixed barbarian army are, obviously, the
The first ancient author to explicitly mention the
Illyrian and Enchelean armies mentioned by his con-
Encheleis / Engelanes was Hecataeus, the sixth cen
temporary Herodotus, who explicitly states that "as for
tury BC author of a now lost periegesis (Periodos Ges);
the oracle... I am well assured (oida) that it did not mean
the same piece of information - that they neighboured
them, but the Illyrians and the Enchelean host."24
the Chaonian Dexari - was also noted in the Ethnica of
The Encheleis / Engelanes are usually categorised as
Stephanus of Byzantium.14 Indeed, the Chaones dwelled
Illyrian from the second half of the fourth century BC
near the northern frontier of Epirus; this is, however, the
- the first author being Pseudo-Skylax25 - a time that c o
only known occurrence of the term Dexari.
in cid es with the increased Greek interest in the Adriatic
From the fifth century BC onwards, the Engelanes
coast. At this time, the Illyrian State was in full vigour;
are gradually associated with the Phoenician legendary
having in mind that the Engelanes, fell under Illyrian
hero Cadmus and the Cadmeians. In the fifth century
authority every time the Illyrians were strong (or every
BC, Herodotus, mentions15 that Theban Cadmeians
time Macedonian central power debilitated), it is very
found a shelter with the Encheleis / Engelanes; again,
understandable that our sources began to list them as an
Diodorus Siculus, an author from the first century BC,
Illyrian tribe. The account of Herodotus, who spoke of
mentions that the Encheleis / Engelanes took the city
Cadmeians coming to shelter with the Encheleis / Enge
of Thebes, causing the Cadmeians to seek refuge with
lanes was conveniently altered by the times of Pausani-
the Illyrians.16 Apollodorus, writing in the first or sec
as, who informs us that the shelter had been given by the
ond century AD, informs that the Encheleis / Engelanes
Illyrians26; however, in a different passage, Pausanias
waged war against Illyrian tribes.17 Finally, in a passage
remarkably adds: "the Illyrians, who used to be called
concerning a Delphic oracle, Herodotus mentions the
Encheleis".27 In the same manner, Apollodorus' infor
Encheleis / Engelanes along with the Illyrians18, but does
mation on Cadmus helping to the Encheleis / Engelanes,
not claim that they are actually Illyrian. M. Suić argues
who at the time fought against the Illyrians, was consid-
that the reason behind Herodotus' differentiation is that
erably changed by the time of Stephanus of Byzantium,
the Greeks knew of the Encheleis / Engelanes before ac-
who speaks of help given to the Illyrians.2S Indeed, by
quainting themselves with the Illyrians.19 However, this
the time of Stephanus, the term lllyria practically devel-
argument must be dismissed, as in that case the gen
oped into an administrative term equalling Illyricum; it
eral ethnonym for the assumed group of related tribes
is understandable that, quoting Mnaseas, he adds that
would be Encheleis - the name of the first known tribe, as
the Engelanes were "a tribe in lllyria" - not "an Illyrian
usual in antiquity - and not Illyrioi.20 His interpretation
tribe".29
of the expression "the Illyrian and the Enchelean army"
As ancient evidence has shown, there is little doubt
as a hendiadyoin21 has been dismissed by R. Katičić, as
that the Engelanes are a separate tribe, which can nei
the passage mentioned above clearly indicates that they
ther be listed, nor treated as Illyrian. The only excep
fought against each other.22 There is, furthermore, a note
tion to this is Appian's Genealogy, referring to Encheleus
14 Hecat. apud Steph. Byz., s.v. Dexaroi, cf. K. Muller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum (FHC), Paris 1874, fr. 73; F. Jacoby, Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker (FGrHist), Berlin 1923, fr. 103. 15 Her. V, 61. Diod. XIX, 53.3-5. 17 Apoll. Bibl. V, 5.4.
23 Euripid. Bacchae, 1356. 24 Her. IX, 43. 25 Ps.-Scylax 24-25. 2h Paus. IX, 5.3. 27 Paus. IX, 5.13.
18 Her. V, 43.
28 Etym. Magn., s.v.
19 M. Suić, "Istočnojadranska obala u Pseudo-Skilakovu Periplu",
29 This generic term precedes Stephanus, as the ancient - especially
Rad JAZU 306 (1955), 145, a scholar article that, unfortunately, has
Greek - authors knew little of the ethnic stock of the tribes in the
no foreign language summary.
interior of the Balkans until the Roman occupatio n; one could even
20 Thus, the Romans named the Hellenes Graeci by the name of the
say that the interior of the Balkans presented a terra incognita. Note,
tribe Graikoi, which they first met when entering Greece. 21 M. Suić, "Illyrii proprie dicti", God. CB/XIII/11 (1974), 184: Résumé,
also, that Roman authors, with a much better knowledge of the inte-
194-196. Hammond, Epirus, 466 n.1 interprets this information by
ians in the narrowest sense", knowing that the province of Illyricum
Herodotus as enlisting the Encheleis among the Illyrians.
included tribes other than Illyrian. However, the wider administra
22 R. Katičić, "Die Encheleer", p. 22, n. 33, as well as p. 24.
tive term, Illyrians, was commonly accepted.
rior than the Greeks, coined the expression Illyrii proprie dicti, "Illyr-
H OM A G E TO MI LUTI N G A R A Š A N I N
563
NADE PROEVA
as a son of Illyrius - a genealogy that, as Appian himself
The Engelanes are mentioned for the last time in Poly
mentions, he liked the most30, and which was obviously
bius' account of Philip V's actions against Scerdilaidas of
used to validate the aggressive policy of the Roman re
the Illyrians, which took place in 217 BC in Dassaretia -
public by including barbarian tribes into Graeco-Roman
the author, obviously, being a contemporary of the events.
mythology.31
This piece of information gives credibility to Strabo, who
The Engelanes/Encheleis and the Illyrians were con
notes38 that that the Encheleis / Engelanes were also called
nected through mythological discourse: as per Apollo-
Dassaretae - a widely accepted emendation of the term
dorus, the Encheleis / Engelanes will triumph against the
Sessarethii, which actually stood in the text.39 Having this
Illyrians only if led by Cadmus32 - which eventually oc
in mind, some scholars identify the Dexari with the Das-
curred; subsequently, Cadmus was designated a ruler of
saretai40; this is dismissed by R. Katičić, on the grounds
the Illyrians, and it is at this point in his life that Harmonia
that the Chaonian tribes are never listed among Illyrian
gave birth to his son Illyrius. In a passage by Euripides, the
tribes.41 The last mention of the Dassaretae goes back to
god Bacchus foretells that Cadmus and Harmonia will be
the mid-first century AD: Pomponius Mela42 isolates them
transformed into serpents and transferred to the Elysian
from the tribes whom "proprie Illyrios vocant". This is
fields - the final resting place of the blessed - as Cadmus
an indication that the Dessaretai (and, subsequently, the
led a mixed barbarian army (presumably of Illyrians and
Engelanes) are not Illyrian, as well as a clue against some
Engelanes) into looting the sanctuary at Delphi.33 How
theories that the nucleus of the Illyrian state was situated
ever, by the second century BC (i.e. in the account of Philo
in the Ohrid region.43
of Byblos), the mix is gone: the myth of reptilic transfor
After the ancient writers included them among the
mation is linked only to the Illyrian tribes on the Adriatic
Illyrians in the widest sense - as they have done with
coast, as that is the location of Elysian Fields according
the legend of the graves of Cadmus and Harmonia
to Greek mythology. This indicates that, by that time, the
- the presumed location of the Engelanes was conven
difference between the Engelanes and the Illyrians was
iently moved to the west, towards the Adriatic - or,
lost - an obvious fact, considering Pausanias' account on
more precisely, between Epidamnus / Dyrrhachium and
the "Illyrians, called Encheleis"34, virtually unison with
Buthoe.44 As Greek knowledge of the world increased,
Herodotus' information on the Cadmeians who found
the west frontier of the world as they knew it moved
shelter with the Encheleis.35 The same goes with their
even more westwards; accordingly, westwards followed
graves, located at the banks of the Illyrian river. Apollon
the Underworld, as the World of the Deceased was lo
ius of Rhodes, in the third century BC, is the only author
cated where the Sun sets.45 Pseudo-Skylax46 was the first
that records both traditions: the graves are on the banks of the Illyrian river36, near the Encheleis / Engelanes.37
38 Strab. VII, 7.8. 39 N. G. L. Hammond, A history o f Macedonia 1,466-7, n. 2, dismisses the
30 Appian. III. IX, 2. 31 Illyrius is, thus, the son of Polyphemus the Cyclop and Galatea the
equation of the Encheleis and the Sesarethii (=Dessaretii, Dasaretae).
Nymph (presumably meaning that Illyrius is Greek); his brothers are
41 R. Katičić, "Encheleer", p. 8. This identification was dismissed as
40 N. G. L. Hammond, A history o f Macedonia I, 94.
Celtus and Galatus; Illyrius' sons are eponymes of non-Illyrian tribes,
early as G.
not mentioned in the Macedonica - the fifth book, containing episodes
Leipzig 1877, p. 13.
from Illyrian history (i.e. the Roman-Illyrian wars). R. Katičić ("Die
42 Pomp. Mella II, 54-56.
Encheleer", p. 34) thinks that the genealogy was mainly tailored with respect to the notion of the original Roman province of Illyricum; also
43 The "Illyrians in the narrowest sense" dwelled on the coastline
M. Šašelj-Kos, "Mythological stories concerning Illyria and its name",
Katičić, "Illyrii proprie dicti", Živa Antika 13-14 (1964), p. 87-97.
Illyrie méridionale et l'Épire dans l'Antiquité, Acte du IV coll. Int. 2002
This was dismissed by F. Pa p a z o g l o u , Historia 14 (1965), p.177-179;
(2004), p. 502, gives an explanation on the unmentioned tribes in the province of Illyricum (p. 503). Therefore, the opinion of Hammond
the author reckons that they had to be closer to Macedonia, while
Z ip p e l ,
Die romische Herrschaft in Illyrien bis au f Augustus,
of the Adriatic, between the cities of Epidauros and Lissos, cf. R.
M. Suić ("Illyrii proprie dicti", Godišnjak CBI 12 (1975), p. 179-196,
(A History o f Macedonia I, p. 422) - that this genealogy goes back to the
supposes they inhabited southern Albania.
times of Greek colonisation - must be dismissed.
44 Virgil informs us that - at the time when Cadmus crossed the
32 Apoll. Bibl. V, 5.4.
frontier of Macedonia - Harmonia gave birth to Illyrius near the
33 Eurip. Bacchae 1330-1339.
Illyrian river (Aeneid, Scholia Vaticana, I, 243).
34 Paus. IX, 5.3.
45 In Greek mythology, the Underworld was usually connected with
35 Her. V, 61. 36 R. Katičić, "Illyricus fluius", Adriatica praehistorica et antiqua, Mis
the Adriatic coast, more specifically with the coastline of Epirus (the
cellanea G. Novak, Zagreb 1970, 385-392.
46 Ps.-Skylax, Periplous 24: "there lie the gravestones of Cadmus
37 Apolloni Rhodii Argonautica IV, 516-518.
and Harmonia."
564
HOMAGE TO MILUTIN GARAŠANIN
underground rivers Acheron and Cocytos, the Necromanteion).
THE E N G E L A N E S / E N C H E L E IS AND THE G O L D E N MASK.
ancient author to locate the gravestones of Cadmus and
only source putting forth a specific toponym - Cylices -
Harmonia in the interior, near the river Arion (obviously
for the graves; although there is no closer information on
the Drilon).47 Eratosthenes located them - vaguely, one
the location, it is safe to assume that we would be, once
might add - between the Drilon (the present-day Drim /
more, looking at the Drilon.50 This is favoured by a piece
Drin) and the Aous (the present-day Vojuša / Vijosë), riv
of evidence by Strabo, who locates the Encheleis / Enge-
ers far off in any case.48 In book XXII of his now-lost His
lanes near Lake Lychnidus (present day Lake Ohrid),
tory49 written in the third century BC, Philarchus is the
adding that this area includes sites from the legend of
47 On the different interpretations of the name of the river, see R.
50 M. Šašelj-Kos ("Fam ous Kylikes in Illyris", Historia XLII/2 (1993),
Katičić, "Encheleer", 40.
247-251) identifies this toponym with Procopius' Kilikai (De aedif.
48 These sources are analysed by R. Ka t i č i ć , "Encheleer" 38-44.
4.4) and presumes that the narrative follows a geographical ap
49 Apud Athen., Deipnosoph. 11.6, p. 462b; cf. Jacoby, FGrHist 2 A 81,
proach, thus locating it on the bank of Drilon river; such location is
fr. 39.
in accordance to the other data in the sources.
H O M A G E TO MI LU TI N G A R A Š A N I N
565
NADE PROEVA
Cadmus.51 Furthermore, an epigram written by Chris-
Pomponius Mela in 2.54-56.60 This corpus of evidence
todorus in the fifth or the sixth century AD celebrates
shows that the Engelanes, i.e. the Dassaretae, were a tribe
Cadmus as the founder of Lychnidus.52 The entirety of
neighbouring the Illyrii proprie dicti, a fact that facilitated
mythic evidence on Cadmus and Harmonia is notably
errors in judgement, and which perfectly explains their
connected to the stream of the Drilon from Lychnidus to
inclusion in the list of Illyrian tribes.
Buthoe - a hint at the area inhabited by the Engelanes.53
As we have seen, the extant written sources give
It is beyond doubt that an analysis of the numerous ac
credit to the observation that the tribes in question can
counts and mentions of the Engelanes/Encheleis in the
not be Illyrian; this can be verified and confirmed by
written sources would result in determining their geo
onomastic data. Onomastic researches in the western
graphic nucleus with a reasonable level of accuracy.
part of the Republic of Macedonia61 have resulted in a
The first to mention the Engelanes in terms of geog
fairly small number of proper Illyrian names (only four
raphy was Hecataeus, who locates them on the north
out of fifty names, found on inscriptions in the Ohrid /
western frontier of Epirus, near the Chaones; in the third
Struga region, were usually categorised as Illyrian; only
century BC, Apollonius of Rhodes notes that that they
two out of twenty on the inscriptions from the surround
dwell around the Ceraunian Mountains54, coinciding
ings of Kičevo and Polog).62 Moreover, a part of these
with the location of the gravestones of Cadmus and Har
personal names, previously thought Illyrian, appear to
monia.55 Pseudo-Skylax locates the Ceraunian Mountains
have numerous analogies in Asia
in Chaonia, on the Epirote border.56 On the other hand, Pseudo-Skymnos, in the late second century BC, puts the
Minor - a fact in favour of them being attributed to the Brygians63, a tribe attested as well in
Encheleis / Engelanes near the Brygians, them living in the
this part of Macedonia. Therefore, we may confi
interior near Dyrrhachium37, i.e. to the west of the Taulan-
dently assume that we are dealing with Brygian - i.e.
tii. Speaking of the events from 217 BC, Polybius notes
after the process of ethnogenesis had finally finished,
that Philip V conquered for the second time the Engela
with Macedonian tribes.64
nes near Lake Lychnidus58; this is confirmed by Strabo,
The archaeological evidence stays completely in line
who puts the Engelanes between the Brygians and the
with this interpretation. It is very important to stress that
upper-Macedonian Lyncestae, adding that the Engelanes
the material culture along the flow of the Devoll river in
are also called Sessaretae / Dessaretae.59 This piece of in
southern Albania, i.e. in the area inhabited by the Enge
formation clearly shows that the Engelanes dwelled north
lanes / Dassaretae, is thoroughly different from the Mati
of the Epirote border, towards the upper flow of Drilon
culture, north of the valley of Shkumbin river, in an Il
in the north - a bit of evidence completely adequate to
lyrian-inhabited area; the differences are noticeable ever
our knowledge of the territory of the Dassaretae. In time,
since the end of the Bronze Age, (the Maliq C -D group)
the name Dassaretae prevailed, as shown by the parallel
and much more in the Iron Age65; this culture has been
mentioning of both tribes (Dassaretae and Illyrians) by 60 N. Proeva, "Enchéléens - Dassarètes - Illyriens", p. 197. 51 Strab. VII, 7.8.
61 Due to the lack of an epigraphical corpus from the Albanian part
52A n th . Palat. VII, 697.
of Enchelean territory, this statistic is based on the inscriptions from
53 Pliny (NH III, 139) is alone in testifying that the Encheleis / Enge
the western part of the Republic of Macedonia.
lanes were a Liburnian tribe, which is opposed to every other piece
b2 A list of the names in N. Proeva, "Enchéléens - Dassarètes - Il
of information about them, thus being an obvious error. Supported
lyriens", p. 198-9.
by Katičić, "Encheleer", p. 61.
63 F. Papazoglou, "Structures ethniques et sociales dans les régions
54 Scholia in Apollonium Rhodium vetera IV, 507.
centrales des Balkans à la lumière des études onomastiques", Actes
55 Their gravestones are also located near this mountain by Dionisius
du VIIe congrès international d'épigraphie grecque et latine, Bucarești-
Periegetes (second century A.D.) in his Description o f the Oecumene;
Paris 1977, p. 151-169.
also, see the twelfth-century commentary of Eustathius of Thessal-
64 On these problems, see N. Proeva, "Enchéléens - Dassarètes - Il
onica, containing data also adopted by Avian and Priscian in the
lyriens", p. 197-8, as well as Les études sur les anciens Macédoniens
fourth century A.D. (C. Muller, Geographi Graeci minores II, p. 127).
(Résumé, pp. 269-278), Skopje 1997, ch. VI.
56 Ps.-Skylax 26.
65M . Garašanin, "Formation et origins des Illyriens", in M . Garašanin
57 Ps.-Skymnos, Perieg. 437-438; cf. PW/RE III A, s.v. Bryges, col.
(éd.), Les Illyriens et les Albanais, XXXIX/10, Beograd 1988, p. 104-5.
672-675.
Thus, on page 131 the author argues that, considering these facts,
58 Polyb. V, 108.
the Illyrian stock of the population in this area is at least formally
59 Strab. VII, 7.8.
questionable.
566
H O M A G E TO MI LUTi N G A R A Š A N I N
THE E N G E L A N E S / E N C H E L E I S AN D THE G O L D E N MASK.
tagged Boubousti-Tren.66 Although professor Garašanin
"princely" graves stimulated a special interest among re
had noted the different material cultures south and
searchers. Going back to the sixth and fifth centuries BC,
north of the Shkumbin river in an admirable manner, he
these princely graves hid a rich inventory in funerary ob
was mislead by the widely accepted opinion that the ar
jects - black-figured vases, golden and silver jewellery, sil
eas south of the river were inhabited by the Illyrii proprie
ver vessels, bronze craters, bronze weapons, as well as five
dicti and went on to explain the distinctions by influenc
masks, bracelets and sandal soles made of gold foil. Many
es from the Greek world.67 A. Benac, on the other hand,
questions that emerged since the discovery of these rich
gives more attention to the fine matte-painted pottery of
graves have already been elucidated, the major ones being
the so-called "Devoll style", found from the watershed
the identity of the deceased and the origin of the objects;
of the Devoll river, by Korce, around Lake Ohrid, at Bou-
however, there is an ongoing discussion on the origin of
bousti in the upper Haliacmon basin (Orestis): as this
the specific burial customs involving golden masks. It has
type of pottery is atypical of the Illyrian culture, Benac
been cleared out that the bronze vessels - although not
associates it with the Dassaretai.6S The Bronze Age mate
used in Greece until Hellenistic times73 due to the different
rial culture from southern Albania was usually attribut
social system of poleis, opposed to barbarian kingdoms -
ed to the Greeks69, as Boubousti-Tren was to Illyrians.70
were actually made in Corinth (e.g. the craters from grave
However, both the Maliq C -D and the Boubousti-Tren
no. 8, ornate with a frieze of horsemen or cows), Corinthian
cultural groups have close relations in the material cul
colonies in the north-west or on Chalcidice (where a spe
ture of Pelagonia71, while differing from material culture
cific, "Chalcidicean" style emerged, especially pertaining
in Illyrian areas - the boundary between the two cultural
to bronze vessels), or the colonies in southern Italy.74 On
entities being on the Shkumbin river. This is another sol
the other hand, the silver rhythons and skyphoi, aimed at
id piece of evidence that the ancient tribes that dwelled
local aristocracy, were of Ionian-Persian style75; this, once
around Lake Ohrid (known in earlier time by the name
again, sheds light on the relations between Macedonia
of Engelanes / Encheleis, later as Dassaretai) cannot be
and the Eastern Mediterranean, but also confirms an early
classed as belonging to the group of Illyrian tribes.
practice of adoption and imitation of the imported vessels
Another site deserving a mention is the necropo
by local artisans.76 The composite style jewellery, mainly
lis between the villages of Trebenište and Gorenci. It is
in filigree, is a product of Chalcidicean artisans, but it was
contemporary with our written sources, being in active
tailored bearing in mind the lifestyles and likings of the
use from the seventh, until the fourth or even third cen
local population (e.g., the ring-headed pins with stylised
tury BC. So far, archaeologists have discovered a total
palmette ornaments, similar to the ornaments on Philip II's
of fifty-six graves72; however, the thirteen rich, so-called
sarcophagus; the pins with stylised opium poppy berries - papaver somniferus, etc). Due to the lack of analogies for the custom of covering
66 W. A. Heurtley, Prehistoric Macedonia, Cambridge, 1939, cat. nos.
the face of the deceased with a gold mask, the gold-plat
4 5 9 ^ 6 7 ; M. Korkuti, "L'agglomération préhistorique de Tren", Iliria I (1972), p. 38- 4 2.
ing of the bare parts of the body, as well a lack of analogies
67 M. Garašanin, op. cit., p. 131. 68 "Le culte des morts dans la région illyrienne a l'époque préhistori que", in A. Benac (éd.), Culture spirituelle des Illyriens, symp. HercegNovi 1982, Sarajevo, 1984, p. 146-7, résumé p. 150-152.
to the findings in particular, scholars in the past have usu ally tended to attribute this necropolis to the Illyrians.77 However, in the early 1990's, archaeologists discovered a sixth-century BC necropolis at Sindos (Tekelievo)7S near
69 W. A. Heurtley, Annual BSA XXVIII (1926-7), p. 191; N. G. L. H a m mond,
Macedonia I, p. 405-407.
70 N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, p. 313, as well as several Albanian schol ars: M. Korkuti, p. 63 in Les Illyriens et la genèse des Albanais, Tirana 1971; Zh. A n d rea , "La civilisation des tumuli du bassin du Korçe et sa place
73 C. Rolley, Les bronzes grecs, Fribourg 1983, p.132. /4 C. Rolley, op. cit., p. 142; R. Va s i Ć , "Greek Bronze Vessels found in
dans les Balkans du Sud-Est", Studia Albanica IX/2 (1972), p. 196 calls it a
Yugoslavia", Živa antika 33.2 (19S3), p. 188-9.
"southern Illyrian" group; F. Prendi, "Un aperçu sur la civilisation de la première période du fer en Albanie", Iliria 3 (1975), p. 128.
/5 Lj. Popovic, "La vessele d'argent de la nécropole de Trebenište (résumé)", Živa antika 8 (1953), p. 154.
71 M. Garašanin, op. cit., p. 116-117. On the material culture in Pel
76 B. Barr-Sharrar, "Eastern Influence on the Toreutic art of Macedo
agonia, see the account of R. Vasić, "Pelagonija" in S. Gabrovec (ed.)
nia", Ancient Macedonia IV, Thessaloniki 1986, p. 79-81.
Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja, Sarajevo, 1987, p. 712-72-723.
/7 A practice recently dismissed by Bulgarian researchers, attribut
' 2 A summary of the excavations and of older works in R. Vasic,
ing the necropolis to the Thracians; L. Konova, "The necropolis from
"Ohridska oblast", in S. Gabrovec (ed.) Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja, Sarajevo, 1987, p. 724-733.
Trebenište - studies and problems", Thracia 11 (1995), p.197, 201-201. /fi ΣΙΝΔΟΣ, Κατάλογος της έκθεσης, Αοχ. Μουσ. Θεσσαλονίκης, Athènes 1985.
H O M A G E TO MI LUTI N G A R A Š A N I N
567
NADE PROEVA
Salonica. The graves, as well as the funerary inventory,
in the Mati culture, which is Illyrian beyond any doubt,
bear an explicit resemblance to the ones from the ne
compared to the Kuçi i Zi (Korce) in the lower basin of
cropolis at Trebenište / Gorenci near Ohrid, in the habitat
the Devoll river, attributed to the Engelanes.85
of the Engelanes. The necropolis at Sindos is located in
Thus, if we agree that the religious and cultural traits
Amphaxitis, a strip of land inhabited by Paeonian tribes,
in a tribe have a key role in determining its ethnic stock,
themselves impossible to characterise as Illyrian.79 Con
the Engelanes cannot be defined as an Illyrian tribe, as
cerning the fact that the material culture, as well as the
shown by the analysis of the written sources and the
funerary ritual, is nearly indistinguishable from the one
onomastic data.
in Gorenci / Trebenište, it becomes clear that the tribes
The discovery of the first two golden masks at Gor
discussed in this article share identical cultural and reli
enci / Trebenište had not only been of key significance
gious traits; this is of utmost importance, as the Sindos
but also astounding; however, it made scholars face a
necropolis, located in the heart of ancient Macedonia,
new brainteaser.86 Until that time, no golden masks
can by no means be categorised as Illyrian.
were discovered at any of the classical sites attributed
This observation is supported by other archaeologi
to autochthonous Balkan tribes or peoples (be it Greeks,
cal findings. The discovery of a Macedonian-type tomb80
Thracians87, Illyrians or other). Moreover, it was a con
from the third century BC in the village of Dolno Selce
ventional practice - with but a few exceptions - to add
near Pogradec, on the Albanian side of Lake Ohrid81,
the Macedonians to the list of Greek tribes; thus, there
yielded a military bronze clasp with the iconography of
was no option left but to attribute the masks unearthed
an equestrian with Macedonian weapons killing a bar
to their eastern neighbours - the Illyrians, although their
barian, presumably a Celt.82 The clasps discovered in Il
boundaries - mainly due to insufficient sources and lack
lyrian areas83, compared to the one discovered in Dolno
of research - were not yet determined with a satisfying
Selce, remarkably differs by the trapezoidal form, the
level of accuracy. However, the traits of the funerary cult
artistic style, the clearly discernible horror vacui alien to
present at Sindos are neither Illyrian88, nor Greek89; in
Macedonian art, as well as by the depicted weaponry.
fact, they are highly important for the definition of the
As for the three rectangular clasps from the Gostilj ne
material culture of the dwellers of Trebenište and its sur
cropolis near Lake Skadar (Scutari), on the territory of
roundings - and not less for determining their ethnic
the Illyrian Labeati - A. Jovanović interprets them to be
stock.
a result of pure Macedonian propaganda, aimed at at
It is a notable fact that, so far, no funerary golden
tracting the Illyrians into an anti-Roman coalition.84 The
masks have been discovered on classical Greek territory.
difference in the ornaments and the clothing - a reflec
The sole fortuitous finding of a golden mask of Boeotian
tion of the social system in the Iron Age - can be noticed
origin, lacking any contextual data and very doubtful in
79 V. Sokolovska (see note 10), tries to define the Engelanes and the
85 B. Teržan, "Die Tracht als kennzeichnendes element der altereeisen-
Dassaretae as Paeonians; this attempt, however, provoked neither
zeitlichen gesellschaftsgruppen zwischen Drim und Devoll", zusamen-
reaction nor support. Note that the book in question bristles with
fassung, in A. Benac (éd.), Culture spirituelle des Illyriens, p. 211.
contradictions unworthy of comment, as well as with a selective
86 Some even spoke of foreigners - Celtic warriors buried with the
(not to say ignorant) approach to scholar literature.
spoils from Delphi, cf. B. Čajkanović, RIEB II (1936), p. 137-148.
80 This is the only Macedonian-type grave on Albanian territory
87 The golden mask - phiale discovered in 2004 near Šipka weighs
- a very notable fact, bearing in mind that except in Macedonia,
673 grams; it is, however, of a completely different type and obvi
Macedonian-type graves can be found only in areas that fell under
ously made with a different purpose in mind. In order to give an
Macedonian political domination.
interpretation of this discovery, one has to wait for the complete
81 N. Ceka, "Les tombes monumentales de la Basse Selce", lliria IV
publication. At this time, only the field report is available: G. Kitov,
(1976), p. 367-369.
"Rich grave in Svetitsa tumulus" (summary, p. 426), in Studia Ar-
82 D. Rendić-Miočević, "L'art des Illyriens à l'époque antique” (Résumé
chaeologica Universitatis Serdicensis, suppl. IV (2005), p. 422-3.
pp. 78-80), in A. Benac (éd.), Culture spirituelle des Illyriens, p. 76.
88 Dismissed by V. Popovic, "Sur l'origine des objets grecs ar
83 Dj. Basler, CZM XXIV, Sarajevo, 1969, tombe 30, p. 29, Pl. II (Gos
chaïques de la nécropole de Trebenište et le problème des masques
tilj necropolis); Z. M arić, GZM, XXVII/XXVIII, Sarajevo, 1972/72, p.
d'or" (résumé, p. 30), Starinar, XV-XVI, 1964/65, p. 26; the Illyrian
257/8, Pl. I (Ošanići near Stolac).
theory was also advocated by N. Vulic, Rev. Intern. Etudes Balkani
84 "Ein Beitrag zur Erforschung der Gürtelplatten vom illyrishen
ques, I (1934), p. 134.
Raum ", Godišnjak CBI XXVII/25 (1989), p. 123-130, zusamenfas-
89 Dismissed by V. Popovic, "Les masques funéraires de la nécropo
sung, 131-133.
le archaïque de Trebenište", Archaeologia Iugoslavica V (1964), p. 39.
568
H O M A G E TO H1LJT1N G ARAS AN IN
THE E N G E L A N E S / E N C H E L E I S AND THE G O L D E N MASK.
dating (now in the Ashmolean Museum), is insufficient
Chalcidice (incerto loco)99, Vergina100, as well as Gorenci /
to prove the Greek origin of the golden masks funerary
Trebenište (see map). The first two findings from Gorenci
custom - in spite of N. Theodosiev arguing that it was
/ Trebenište had been accidental. The masks were discov
adopted by the Engelanes after the alleged Boeotian-
ered in 1918, during military operations by the Bulgarian
Enchelean influx.90 Furthermore, we have the methodo
army, which occupied this part of Macedonia; hence, their
logical faux pas of correlating the masks of Trebenište
current location is the Archaeological Museum in Sofia.101
culture with the masks from Mycenae91, despite the
Serbian archaeologist N. Vulić proceeded with archaeo
enormous ethnic, cultural and chronological differences
logical excavations on the site from 1930 to 1934102; this
between them. The Mycenaean masks are older by no
yielded two more masks, currently in the National Mu
less than a millennium; furthermore, they are attributed
seum in Belgrade.103 In 2002 - eighty-four years after the
to the Achaeans, a people with a social system and cul
first findings - a team of excavators from the Museum of
ture vastly different from the classical population of the
Ohrid, led by archaeologist P. Kuzman, unearthed a rich
Peninsula, including the ancient Greeks.92
grave, containing another funerary mask, at the site of the
On the other hand, funerary masks or gold foliage
Samuilova fortress in Ohrid.104 Based on the fact that no
covering the eyes and the mouth of the deceased - a sort
funerary masks have been noted on Greek-inhabited terri
of "reduced" masks, actually - have numerous attesta
tory in Classical times, one can argue that the golden masks
tions on the entire territory of Macedonia - in Beranci
are not a trait of the Greek funerary cult. Another trait of
(Petilep) near Bitola93, Aiane94, Pella (still unpublished),
the Macedonian funerary ritual - the tripod for a posthu
around Gevgelija95; in the south, following the Vardar
mous feast - is also unknown to classical Greek practice,
valley (Mikro Karaburnu, Chaushica, Zejtinlik)96 down
using only a funerary bed, the kline. These two traits - the
to Sindos (Tekelievo) near Salonica97, Amphipolis98,
funerary masks and the tripod - speak loudly in favour of two different sets of funerary customs.105 The funerary rit ual being one of the most important elements of religious
90 N. Theodosiev, "The dead with golden faces: Dassaretian, Pela-
practice - itself, besides language, the most important el-
gonian, Mygdonian and Boeotian funeral masks", Oxford Journal o f Archaeology 17.3 (1998), 355-6. Beside the dated references on Pelagonian origin and onomastics - described, in a nineteenth-century fash ion, as Thraco-Illyrian (p. 348-9) - there are further inaccuracies, e.g.
99 P. Amandry, op. cit., p.
the village Beranci is rendered as Beranats (p. 348).
100 Sole of golden sandals, in a grave dating from
Pl. XIX-XX
91 The Mycenaean origin being convincingly dismissed by V. Po-
101 B. Filow-Schkorpil, Die Archaische Nekropole von Trebenishte am
3 5 -6 ,
9
(Trilophon or Mesimer). 47C M 60
BC.
pović, "Les masques...", Archlug V (1965), 36-38; the author argues
Ochrida-See, Berlin-Leipzig,
that the custom of using funerary masks in Mycenae was actually
102 After the division of Macedonia among the four independent
adopted from Egypt via Crete. This theory is still advocated by some
Balkan states, most of the Ohrid region fell to the lot of the Kingdom
scholars, e.g. Lj. Konova, "The necropolis from Trebenište - studies
of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes;
and problems", Thracia II (1995), pp. 195,198.
103 H. Вулић, "Један нов гроб код Требеништа", Гласник Скоп-
1927.
22
villages were given to Albania.
p.
92 A number of Bulgarians scholars (A. Fol, M. Tačeva-Hitova) claim that
ског научног друштва XI (1932),
several elements of the Mycenaean culture still existed as a consequence
Требеништа", Споменик САН LXXVII (1933), 87-96 (103); Id„
1 sqq; Id., "Н о ви гробови код
of the Mycenaean-type society, itself existing at least until the sixth cen
"Das neue Grab von Trebenischte", Arch. Anzeiger III/IV
tury BC (see Thracia 11 (1995), p. 195, n.) - a quite objectionable theory.
pp.
2 7 6 -2 7 9 ;
( 1 9 3 0 ),
Id., "Ein neues Grab bei Trebenischte", Jahreshefte d.
931. Mikulčić, "Pelagonien in lichte der archäologishen Funde", Sko-
Ost. Arch. Inst.
pje-Beograd 1966, zusamenfasung pp. 88-96, Pl. XII.
Trebenischte", Arch. Anzeiger
94 G. Karamitrou-Mentesidi, Aiani, Athens 1996, p. 37, im. 19.
archaïque de Trebenishte", Revue archéologique, 6e serie, 3 (1934), pp.
95 Three crumpled gold foils (two smaller and one larger, approx. 4
26-38, fig. 15, Pl. I, 1; B . Filov, "Le nouveau tombeau de Trebenište",
2 8 (1 9 3 2 ),
pp.
1 6 4 -1 8 6 , 1933,
pp.
fig.
1;
Id., "Neue Graber bei
4 5 9 -4 8 6 ;
Id., "La nécropole
x 6 cm) were found on a poorly preserved skull in grave 4 at the site
IBAI VII (1932/33), Sofia (résumé); Id., "Nouvelles trouvailles de
of Bišov Javor, between the villages of Smokvica and Marvinci (Ido-
Trebenište", IBAI VIII
menai) on the right bank of the Vardar. I was acquainted with this
in the Belgrade Museum, see Lj. Popović, "Catalogue des objets
(1 9 3 4 ),
Sofia (résumé); on the finds currently
unpublished discovery by my colleague, Boban Huseinovski from
découverts près des Trebenište au Musée Nationale de Belgrade",
the Museum in Gevgelija. My sincere gratitude goes to him.
Antika I
96 P. Amandry, Collection H. Stathatos, les bijoux antiques, Strasbourg
Monténégro), Musée National - Belgrade, fasc.
1953, p. 39.
8 nos
97 This necropolis has also been published partially. From the total
104 Still unpublished, except for articles in the daily press.
(1 9 5 6 );
1 -3 ,
Pl.
11,
Lj. Popović, Corpus vasorum Antiquorum (Serbie et nos
1,
Belgrade,
2004,
Pl.
1 -2 .
number of 121 graves, a published catalogue presented representa
105 These traits of utmost importance were indicated by the promi
tive objects from only 36 graves; see the catalogue of the exhibition,
nent French scholar Claude Rolley after the discovery of the Sindos
ΣΙΝΔΟΣ, Athens 1985.
necropolis, cf. Cl. Rolley, "D u nouveau sur la Macédoine antique",
9S D. Lazaridis, Amphipolis, Athenai 1993, p. 73-75 (in Greek).
Archeologia 188 (1984), p. 37.
H OM A G E TO MI LU TI N GAR.AŠANIN
569
N A D E P R OE V A
ement for determining the ethnic stock of the tribes - it
of a certain custom is a methodologically unacceptable
becomes clear that the Engelanes were a tribe of Macedo
practice; even more, in this case, instead of helping to
nian origin.
the solution of the problem, it even worsens the situa
The purpose of the masks was funerary106; in more spe
tion.111 Therefore, it seems that the most logical - and,
cific terms, the funerary cult involved covering the deceased
accordingly, the most acceptable - interpretation is the
(especially the revealed parts of the body: the face, the
one of convergent customs, i.e. an independent, conver
palms, the feet, etc.) with masks, gloves, sandals, rhomboid
gent solution to a similar or an identical problem, occur
gold leaflets, with the apotropaeic capacity of gold in mind.
ring on territories or in habitats with minimum chance
Many interpretations on the origin of this practice have so
of contact. In ancient Egypt, golden masks covered the
far been put forth. V. Popović argues that the custom of fu
faces of the most powerful and the wealthiest members
nerary foliating was Egyptian, adopted in Mycenae - but
of the society - the deified pharaohs; in Macedonia - not
also in Macedonia - via Crete in the times of Cretan thalas-
only in the Ohrid region - gold covered the bodies of the
socracy (ninth to seventh century BC)107 and spreading in
most prominent members of the community, the local
the interior along the Via Egnatia. Concerning the adop
chieftains from the sixth and fifth centuries BC - before
tion of an Egyptian practice in Mycenae, this hypothesis is
the unification of the kingdom by the most powerful lo
convincing enough, having in mind the closely dated finds
cal dynasty, the Argeadai.
as well as the rarity of Mycenaean golden masks - possi bly no more than a highly fashionable trend, as the author has well noted.108 However, the hypothesis is unfitting to NADE PROEVA
the situation in Macedonia due to the enormous chrono
Faculty of Philosophy
logical gap and the continuously growing number of finds.
University of SS Cyril and Methodius
Not only are the funerary mask findings in Macedonia
nproeva@hotmail.com
the most numerous in the Balkan Peninsula, but the context of their discovery - the funerary ritual, the grave constructions, the funerary material - remains the same in every occasion, a fact that clearly points to the origin of this custom.109 We can conclude by stressing that making use of traits from communities remote in time and territory, thorn out of the context110, in order to give interpretation
& I. Mikulčić, The icon of king Dropion, M acedoniae Acta Archaeologica 11 (1987-89), 1990, pp. 103-109, summary p. 110) appeared among collectors in Skopje under suspicious circumstances; al though bought by collectors, it has never been set on show by the Archaeological Museum in Skopje because of subsequent informa
106 A signification of rank can certainly not be dismissed; it should
tion about a possible forgery. The experts from the Museum have
not, however, be given primary importance.
later come across and inspected an identical object in possession of
107 P. Amandry, op. cit. 36-40; V. Popović, in Starinar XV-XVI
the same collectors - a strong argument against the authenticity of
(1964/65), p.23-28; Id., Archlug V, 1964, p. 3 2 ^ 4 , in particular p. 38;
both "finds"; one should add the unintelligible lower part of the
R. Vasić, in Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja, p. 732.
inscription. Having all this in mind, the arguments of Theodosiev
108
y Popović, Archlug V, 1964, p.38.
(op. cit., p. 357) in favour of alleged Paeonian words have to be dis
109 N. Theodosiev dos not find this argument solid enough to at
missed as arbitrary.
tribute the necropolis to the Macedonians (N. Theodosiev, AOJ,
111 These improbable analogies have probably puzzled even the au
1998, p. 353); this is, in the mildest of terms, a curious position,
thor himself (N. Theodosiev), who does not seem to have a particu
probably aimed at proving the Thracian origin not only of the cus
lar, integrated opinion. Thus, concerning the masks from the Balkan
tom, but also of the tribes dwelling in Macedonia (p. 354). The au
Peninsula, he allows Celtic, Etruscan and Achaemenid influence
thor goes on to claim that non-Greek Pelasgians and Thracians were
(op. cit. p. 360). N. Theodosiev has written once more on this prob
assimilated by Boeotian newcomers, thus making the custom Thra
lem (OJA 19.2 (2000), pp. 175-210), concluding that these cultural
cian. Theodosiev goes even further in speculating that the Boeotian
traits "were not signs of specific ethnicity and particular tribal iden
mask, dating from the seventh or sixth century BC by his opinion,
tity... but testify to the strong interrelations and interaction between
could even belong to a Thracian aristocrat (p. 356).
ethnically different people, who inhabited these Northern Balkan
110 Thus, N. Theodosiev, OJA 17/3 (1998), pp. 345-364, using Etrus
lands in antiquity" (p. 204). The same opinion, although in a more
can, Celtic, Cretan, Mycenaean and Luristani examples, incompat
constrained manner, is expressed by Lj. Konova (Thracia 11 (1995),
ible analogies with votive golden panel applications, and, lastly, an
p. 202); the author formulates a new designation - "Thraco-Mac-
enormous time span going from Minoan to Roman times. An al
edonian" and "Thraco-Illyrian" - for the region of Trebenište, fol
leged mask, bearing an inscription of king Dropion (V. Sokolovska
lowing, however, a rather erroneous and surpassed denomination.
570
HOMAGE TO MILUTIN GARAŠANIN