CONQUER-
THE CASE STUDY OF BURKINA FASO
WORLD HUNGER
Source: book and original author
CONQUERING WORLD HUNGER
D edi cated to the nex t gener ation of Bur k ina F as o, a country that has been activ ely fighting agains t and sl ow l y ov er coming hunger and pov er ty s ince the B urki na be r ev olution (19 8 3 - 1 9 8 7 ) , one of the m ost profound r ev olutions in Afr ica’s his tor y agains t the propertied ex ploiter s at home and abr oad.
Typefaces used Univers: Light/ Light Oblique/ Roman/ Light Condensed Oblique/ Light Ultra Condensed/ Condensed/ Condensed Oblique/ Bold Condensed/ Bold Condensed Oblique. Rockwell: Regular/ Italic/ Bold/ Bold Italic. Letter Gothic Standard: Medium/ Bold.
The editor’s commentaries in the main body of text are in green univers 57 condensed typeface as used in this sentence.
30
12
1 2 3
AN INTRODUCTION TO HUNGER
KNOW THY ENEMY FIRST
1
THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION
19
BURKINABE ECONOMY IN RECOVERY
39
THE WAR TACTIC
CONQUERABLE
TA B LE OF CONT E N T S
6
1
AN INTRODUCTION TO HUNGER
WORLD HUNGER AS STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE THE CAUSE OF HUNGER Hunger in the US
THE CAUSE OF POVERTY
4
8 9 10
Flawed market system
11
Concentration of power and wealth
14
PREVENTIVE SOLUTIONS Promoting self-reliance &
16 16
empowerment Food aid?
18
KNOW The earth’s productive capacities are more than sufficient to provide adequate nutrition for every person, so it cannot be argued that
malnutrition is somehow necessary and inevitable.
THY Sahel savanna in SW Burkina Faso, near Gbomblora on the road from Gaoua to BatiĂŠ: Gbomblora is a department or commune of Poni Province in southern Burkina Faso.
WORLD HUNGER AS STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE Malnutrition is surely one of the most curable
means of survival, from clear water to qualified
of diseases. The earth’s productive capacities
medical assistance, are concentrated among the
are more than sufficient to provide adequate
upper classes, the majority of the population
nutrition for every person, so it cannot be
has life expectancies lower than necessary.
argued that malnutrition is somehow necessary
In Johan Galtung’s conception of structural
and inevitable. Since malnutrition generally means
violence, the basic idea is that there is such a
the suffering of unnecessary and avoidable injury
concept as “premature death.” This we know, because
or death, it can be viewed as resulting from a
we know that with some changes in social structure,
form of violence. The violence of hunger is slow
in general and health structure in particular,
and indirect, in contrast to the sort of direct
life expectancy can be improved considerably. More
violence suffered during revolutions and inter-
particularly, it may be possible to give to the
national wars. It is due not so much to specific
whole population the life expectancy of the class
actions of individual persons as to the social
enjoying appropriate health standards, that is, the
structure in which individuals are embedded.
“upper classes.” The laevel enjoyed by them would
Tord Hoivik explains the concept of structural
be an indicator of the potential possibility to
violence in these terms (see figure 1 ): The defi-
“stay alive” in that society; for all but the upper
nition of structural violence is based on the
classes that would be above the actual possibility
gap between actual and potential conditions. . .
to stay alive. The difference when avoidable, is
We take violence to mean the loss of life from
structural violence. Premature deaths are attribut-
external and avoidable causes. Direct violence
able not only to malnutrition but also to a host of
has the form of acts directed against specific
other factors including, particularly, sanitation
individuals. . . . In structural violence, the
and health care services. However, it seems reason-
loss of life is caused by social conditions. . .
able to estimate that malnutrition accounts for
. We can recognize structural violence only at
at least half of all structural violence. This is
the collective level, when we observe survival
especially apparent when we consider that sound nu-
rates that are too low relative to the resources
trition can greatly increase an individual’s toler-
available. The cause of structural violence lies
ance for poor sanitation or health care conditions.
in the social structure itself. When a society’s
figure 1
TORD HOIVIK’S CONCEPT OF STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE
5
POTENTIAL CONDITION:
FLAWED SOCIAL STRUCTURE
ACTUAL CONDITION: Structural violences such as premature death. Premature death is attributed to Malnutrition, sanitation, healthcare services.
We can recognize structural violence only at the collective level, when we observe survival rates that are too low relative to the resources available.
The cause of structural violence lies in the social structure itself.
Otherwise cited, the contents in the section, ‘World Hunger as Structural Violence,’ are adapted from Thomas Sankara Speaks: The Burkina Faso Revolution, 1983-1987, (New York: Pathfinder publisher, 2007)
AN INTRODUCTION TO HUNGER
more than sufficient resources to provide adequate nutrition for every person.
KNOW THY ENEMY FIRST
Source: compiled by the editor.
8, 611, 428 During the most deadly of wars,
World War II,
overall casualty rate was 8,611,428 deaths per year.
DEATHS PER YEAR
20, 000, 000 These numbers show very
clearly that historically hunger has been far more
devastating than warfare. There is no escaping the conclusion that hunger
around the world constitutes a slow and silent holocaust.
Malnutrition
causes an estimated 10 to 20 million deaths each year.
DEATHS PER YEAR
THE CAUSE OF HUNGER figure 2
PERSPECTIVE ON THE ROLE OF POPULATION GROWTH
CONVENTIONAL VIEW
Population growth
Poverty
Hunger
Hunger
BETTER VIEW
Poverty Population growth
Ever since Malthus, poverty and malnutrition have
there is a fixed amount of food and that with more
been “explained” with vague references to overpopu-
people there necessarily must be less for each per-
lation. In The Good Earth, Pearl Buck showed how
son. When there is another mouth to feed there is
the highly populated China of the 1920s suffered
also another pair of hands to produce. The crucial
through extraordinary famine. With an even larger
question of whether consumption outruns production
population now, however, modern China knows very
depends on many factors that go beyond simple body
little malnutrition. If the difficulty is not the
counts. If population really is such an impor-
absolute size of the populations of nations, is
tant factor in explaining hunger and malnutrition,
the issue really population density? On the whole,
someone ought to say just how it is important. In
Latin America is rather sparsely populated, but
saying that population growth is not the primary
still it knows extreme and extensive malnutrition.
cause of hunger I do not mean to suggest that popu-
Is the issue population growth rates? Many contem-
lation growth is not a problem. Perhaps the best
porary analysts are greatly concerned with popula-
understanding is that presented by William Murdoch:
tion growth rates and what their consequences will
“Rapid population growth and inadequate food sup-
be in the next few decades, but these rates hardly
ply have a common origin and a joint explanation,”
account for the extensive malnutrition that is suf-
or in other words, “rapid population growth does
fered now. In every region except Africa, overall
not cause the food problem—they share common
food production has been increasing at a faster
causes.” These common causes are poverty and
rate than population growth. People are producers
inequality (see figure 2 ).
as well as consumers. It cannot be assumed that
Thomas Robert Malthus (1766-1834) Malthus was an English scholar, influential in political economy and demography. He thought that the dangers of population growth would preclude endless progress towards a Utopian society: “The power of population is indefinitely greater than the power in the earth to produce subsistence for man.”
The sources of hunger seem to be well known. By
Surely, the major cause of hunger and malnutrition
most accounts the major factors behind food short-
everywhere is poverty—it is the primary cause, but
ages are overpopulation, rising affluence, igno-
obviously not the only cause. There are varieties
rance, weather disturbances, arid the shortage of
of middle- and upper-class malnutrition, as shown
resources such as land, water, energy, and fertil-
by common obesity, heart disease, and other ail-
izer. These conventional explanations are often
ments, but really widespread malnutrition—chronic
accepted rather thoughtlessly. How well do these
under nutrition—generally comes from not having
factors explain hunger in the United States? The
enough money to obtain adequate-food; If you have
problem in this country is certainly not one
money you eat well, no matter how fast the popula-
of having too large a population (demand) in
tion around you is growing and no matter how short
relation to the total amount of land or water
the supplies of energy or land or fertilizer. Money
or energy resources (supply). The nation devotes
is a good defense even against natural calamities.
an enormous amount of money to schooling, so it
Famine in the African Sahel is sometimes explained
would be hard to see how education could be a major
by reference to local drought, but if the American
factor. Although not the highest in the world, the
Midwest suffered through comparable weather dis-
agricultural productivity of the United States,
turbances, American consumers would suffer no more
measured on a per acre basis, is quite good. These
than minor inconvenience. If there is a shortage in
explanations offered to account for hunger else-
U.S. grain supplies, the most serious effects are
where just don’t work for the United States.
likely to be felt in the Soviet Union or in Asia,
The problem clearly is not one of total quantities but one of distribution. Why does this maldistribution exist? Why is it that with more than adequate per capita food supplies there is still extensive malnutrition in the United States?
not in the United States itself. It is the rules
of the marketplace that decide who gets what to eat. In our Basic economics courses that seemed a rather sound system, but there it was implicitly assumed that everyone had about the same amount of money, and that the main differences
The problem in the United States may not be as
among us were differences in tastes. The fact
serious as it is elsewhere, but it is important
is that we have enormously, different capacities
when we face the challenge of explaining hunger.
to bid for goods in the market place.
Otherwise cited, the contents in the section, ‘The Cause of Hunger,’ are adapted from Thomas Sankara Speaks: The Burkina Faso Revolution, 1983-1987, (New York: Pathfinder publisher, 2007).
AN INTRODUCTION TO HUNGER
Hunger in the US
9 KNOW THY ENEMY FIRST
These common causes are poverty and inequality.
“
“
Rapid population growth does not cause the food problem— they share common causes.
THE CAUSE OF POVERTY There is widespread agreement that hunger is caused
to poverty, and thus to widespread malnutrition
primarily by poverty; unfortunately, however, most
and hunger. It is obvious that the market system
accounts leave it at that.. We really should not
prevents people from getting adequate food if they
leave the question, satisfied with that explana-
are poor. It is not so obvious that the market also
tion. We should go on and try to account for pov-
helps to make them and keep them poor. The differ-
erty itself. Large or rapidly growing populations
ences in our wealth levels are not accidental,
do not adequately explain the incidence of poverty
nor are they given by nature. They are certainly
any more than they explain the incidence of hunger.
not due simply to differences in our intelli-
Some observers, recognizing that the problem in the
gence or in our motivation to work. Many among
United States is not one of insufficient resources,
those who work the hardest are paid the least.
point to the unscrupulous activities of individuals
In her text on Nutrition and the World Food Crisis,
in government or industry, or to bungling, lazi-
Mary Caliendo says that “faulty marketing systems
ness, and ignorance either among bureaucrats or
are prevalent in many developing nations. Systems
among the victims of hunger. While the charges may
for marketing and the institutions, infrastruc-
be true, hunger in America does not need scoundrels
tures, and modes of operation are often ineffi-
or incompetents to explain it. Just like the vague
cient.” This may sound similar to what I am saying,
references to ecological limits, those charges do
but it is really very different. Caliendo’s view is
not provide an adequate explanation. I agree with
that a defective market system can lead to poverty
Frances Moore Lappe and Joseph Collins, authors
and malnutrition. In contrast, I am saying that the
of Food First, who argue that hunger and poverty
ordinary, normally operating market system leads to
are primarily due to the concentration of control
poverty and malnutrition. Caliendo says that “many
over resources in just a few hands. But why does
parts of the social body suffer when the marketing
this concentration of control exist and persist? In
system breaks down,” but I say that the social body
my judgment, it is the ordinary, normal work-
suffers when the marketing system operates as it is
ing of the prevailing market system that leads
supposed to operate.
Flawed market system In the economist’s theoretical free market based
economists theorize about, prices are deter-
on pure competition, prices are determined by
mined entirely by supply-demand relationships,
costs—that is, by the amounts of capital and labor
but these prices can be understood as resulting
expended in production. In the real world, however,
from a sort of implicit negotiation process. The
prices are determined by the “reciprocal demands of
major point of unreality in the idealized free
the exchanging parties.” In other words, it is the
market is the assumption that all buyers and
parties’ relative bargaining powers that deter-
sellers are of equal bargaining power. Even if
mine the terms of exchange. The poor have little
it were possible to start a market economy with
bargaining power. By “market system” or “market
parties of equal bargaining power, it would not
economy” I mean any social system in which economic
stay that way. The account is somehow overlooked
outcomes are determined primarily by freely nego-
by many economists, but the way in which the market
tiated transactions between independent parties,
system concentrates power in the hands of some and
uncoerced by government or other regulations. In
impoverishes others is very simple. The elementary
a pure or totally free market of the sort that
transaction of the market system is the bargain,
The market system explains
the existence of poverty, and it explains the endless re-creation of poverty. 11 depends on the quality of one’s alternatives. Some
Asymmetrical exchange feeds on itself, making
people (or companies, or countries) are stronger
the situation more and more asymmetrical.
than others.’ They have better options. Those who
By circular causation with cumulative
have greater bargaining strength tend to gain more
effects, a country superior in productivity
out of each transaction than those who have lesser
and income will tend to become more superior,
bargaining strength. Thus, over repeated transac-
while a country on an inferior level will
tions, stronger parties will systematically enlarge
tend to be held down at that level or even
their advantages over weaker parties. Bargainers
to deteriorate further—as long as matters are
do not move to an equilibrium at which the benefits
left to the free unfolding of market forces.
are equally distributed, but instead move apart,
By circular causation with cumulative effects, a country superior in productivity and income will tend to become more superior, while a country on an inferior level will tend to be held down at that level or even to deteriorate further— as long as matters are left to the free unfolding of market forces.
AN INTRODUCTION TO HUNGER
with the gap between them steadily widening.
KNOW THY ENEMY FIRST
the negotiated exchange. One’s bargaining strength
THE FREE MARKET ALLO
CHI
WS
“ feed their
the big winners to
PETS BETTER THAN feed their
“
the losers can
LDREN. Many products imported to serve as pet food in rich countries could have been used for direct human consumption in poor countries.We know
this food is in very great demand by the fact that much of the pet food sold in the United States is actually eaten by people who cannot afford any better. An educated guess has it that one-third of the pet food purchased in slums is eaten by humans, and “pet foods constitute a significant part of the diet of at least 225,000 American households, affecting some 1 million persons.”
Concentration of power and wealth Many observers attribute high food prices and hun-
concentration . . . “ and that “only the biggest
ger and malnutrition to the concentrated power and
firms can proliferate new products and monopolize
activities of the giant food conglomerates and mul-
supermarket space.” But we should continue to ask
tinational corporations such as Unilever, General
why? Big firms have a great deal of power, but why
Foods, Ralston Purina, and H. J. Heinz. I think
did they get big in the first place? Large corpora-
they are right. But suppose we go further and ask
tions are partly a cause in the system, but they
how these conglomerates came to be formed. Again,
can also be seen as effects. In my view, the steady
no conspiracies, no white-collar crimes are needed
concentration of power in a few large corporations
to explain it. The tendency toward concentration
is a natural and predictable effect of the working
of power is a natural consequence of the normal
of the economic system. The source of the problems
working of the market system. The FAO also has
does not lie in the corporations themselves but
said there is a need to press to root causes: The
in the underlying economic system that creates and
causes of inadequate nutrition are many and closely
recreates them (see figure 3 ). Carol Foreman, shortly
interrelated, including ecological, sanitary and
before becoming assistant secretary in the U.S.
cultural constraints, but the principal cause is
Department of Agriculture, said that the problem
poverty. This, in turn, results from socio-economic
“is increased economic concentration in those seg-
development patterns which in most of the poorer
ments of the food industry that sell to or buy from
countries have been characterized by a high degree
farms . . . “ and suggested that “the solution is
of concentration of power, wealth and incomes in
to restore true free enterprise to the food indus-
the hands of relatively small elites of national or
try.” Free enterprise can be highly productive and
foreign individuals or groups.
can yield a fair distribution of benefits—so long
Where did that concentration come from? In
as there are many small producers working primarily
many poor countries inequality has its roots
for themselves. The difficulty is that such a free
in their colonial history. However, if the source
enterprise system will not remain free. Foreman,
were those historical events alone, their
with others, fails to see that the market system
effects could be expected to diminish over time.
itself produces the concentration she wants
It is quite obvious that the effects of histori-
abolished. Such systems are not stable; over
cal colonialism are being sustained and even
time they would not tend toward equity for all
amplified through an ongoing social structure,
at some middling level.
a neocolonialism. The core of that structure is the market relationship.
Instead, it is inherent in the structure and dynamics of the market system that it produces
A flier on the U.S. food industry from Lappe and
concentrations of power at one end and impover-
Collins’ Institute for Food and Development Policy
ishment at the other, squeezing out the middle.
(IFDP) poses the question, “Why growing concentra-
That squeeze leaves many people hungry.
tion?” It answers that “advertising contributes to
How do we solve the poverty issue, thus hunger?
figure 3
MAJOR & MINOR CAUSE OF HUNGER
15 KNOW THY ENEMY FIRST
LARGE CIRCLES: major casual factors leading to hunger. SMALLER CIRCLES: causes judged to be relatively minor.
Over population
Wealth
Concentration of power & wealth
Market system
Poverty
Inadequate resources
Corruption Greed
AN INTRODUCTION TO HUNGER
Colonial history
Ignorance
Otherwise cited, the contents in the section, ‘The Cause of Poverty,’ are adapted from Thomas Sankara Speaks: The Burkina Faso Revolution, 1983-1987, (New York: Pathfinder publisher, 2007).
Hunger
PREVENTIVE SOLUTIONS Promoting self-reliance & empowerment If one accepts the central argument of this study—
to the purported beneficiaries. Which of these
that the major cause of poverty and hunger is the
labels applies depends not only on the general type
normal working of the market system, both within
Extension programs designed to help farm-
and among nations—then remedies would require either replacement of the market system with some other system (such as a planned economy) or adaptation of the market system (with interventions such as welfare programs). The core of the analysis offered here is not simply that the market system is flawed but, more precisely, that poverty and hunger result from unequal power relationships that are an inherent part of that system.
Thus it follows that true preventive solutions to the problem require altering power relationships through either disengagement of the weak from the strong or enhancement of the power of the weak relative to the strong—or through some combination of the two.
ers figure out their own answers to their own problems generally are much more empowering than programs designed simply to deliver fixed answers worked out in some remote laboratory. Direct feeding programs carried on over an extended period of time are likely to be weakening to the recipients, destroying their incentive to provide for themselves. of program but also on the concrete contextual circumstances under which it is carried out. In short-term emergency situations, however, direct feeding programs ‘can be strengthening in that they can help people to “get back on their feet” so that they can resume providing for themselves. Food aid, whether in domestic welfare programs or interna-
Strategies of increasing self-reliance are strate-
tional assistance programs, typically is symptom-
gies of disengagement a. With increasing self-reli-
atic, curative relief.
ance those who do not like prevailing rules of the
Are curative nutrition intervention programs
game—set up by others to serve the interest of oth-
appropriate under oppressive social condi-
ers—opt out and set up their own alternative rules.
tions? To put the dilemma starkly, if a man is
Strategies of empowerment are designed to enhance
lying under a crushing weight, do you administer
the capacities of the weak to deal with the strong
balms to soothe him and thus make life under that
so that, over time, the distinction fades away and
weight more tolerable? Under what conditions is it
they instead deal with each other on an equitable
appropriate to help people adapt to systems that
basis. b. These two strategies are closely intercon-
themselves should be substantially changed? Escape
nected because, as argued earlier, the major de-
from the dilemma may come from asking in what ways
terminant of one’s bargaining power is how well off
is it right to make the intolerable more tolerable?
one would be in the absence of agreement with the
In my view, the answer lies in learning to make the
other party. The better off one would be if there
distinction between interventions that strengthen
were no agreement, the more demanding one can be in
and interventions that weaken. Any remedial program
negotiating the terms of any proposed agreement.
that increases dependence on a bad system should
Thus increasing one’s self-reliance can be seen not
not be sustained. Programs should be devised that
simply as an end in itself but as a means of em-
move away from, rather than reinforce, that system.
powerment, allowing one to face others with greater
To revert to the highway
bargaining strength.
highway congestion is not more highways, but rather
All nutrition interventions, as all development
other more congenial alternatives such as bicycle
programs are either strengthening or weakening
paths. The solution to the hunger problem does
analogy, the solution to
True preventive solutions to the problem: a. Strategies of increasing selfreliance are strategies of disengagement. b. Strategies of empowerment are designed to enhance the capacities of the weak to deal with the strong so that, over time, the distinction fades away and they instead deal with each other on an equitable basis. During the Burkina Faso revolution (1983-1987 ), Thomas Sankara successfully employed a combination of the first and the second strategies to overcome the poverty and hunger in his nation. More on this in the following chapter.
17 the essence of the market system, but rather it
offered. Increasing self-reliance increases
lies in alternatives to the market system. The
one’s capacity to say no. That is, in the
problem of hunger will not be solved by increasing
exchange relationship, one’s bargaining power
dependency on market mechanisms but by finding ways
depends on the quality of one’s alternatives.
to enhance the power of those who are chronically
If you depend totally on the local market for your
undernourished.
food supplies, you must accept the prices presented
Developed countries regularly promote the idea
to you. However, if you can provide for yourself
of a world of interdependence. We are led to
in other ways, you can press for better terms in
understand interdependence as meaning cooperation—
the market. Even if you do not actually use those
healthy interactions in trade and other sectors
alternatives, the fact that they are available in
that work to the benefit of all involved parties.
the background increases your bargaining power.
But interdependence can also mean dominance.
Thus the increasing capacity for self-reliance
While those at the top of the world like to
improves the quality of your relationships in
think of interdependence as essentially symmetrical, reflecting horizontal connections,
the marketplace.
many others see it as vertical, with
The achievement of increasing (not necessarily
themselves at the bottom. Many fear that
total) self-reliance is not the end in itself, but
strengthening interdependence means
only a stage in the transition to the achievement
strengthening the grip of the rich on the poor.
of healthy, equitable, cooperative relationships.
In a situation of asymmetrical interdependence—
A high level of self-reliance is essential if in-
that is, dominance—the interacting parties
teractions are to be symmetrical rather than of the
are very unequal, so that interaction
dominant submissive kind that leads to exploita-
between them can lead to the more powerful
tion. We should not arrest development at the stage
party’s benefiting substantially more than
of isolated self-sufficiency because we need one
the weaker party. The result is exploitation,
another, materially and psychologically. We become
not cooperation.
less than human if we do not interact. Nations,
When one finds oneself on the wrong end of a structure of dominance, one remedy is to detach from it. More specifically, if it is primarily the market system that creates and recreates poverty, the poor would be well advised to disconnect
AN INTRODUCTION TO HUNGER
it would not have to accept whatever terms were
KNOW THY ENEMY FIRST
not lie in promoting growth and trade that are
For decades, many African nations have been the weaker side of the asymmetrical interdependence– in servitude to European countries’ colonial subjection.
too, need to exchange resources and services, and they are mutually enriched through interaction. We need one another, but on the basis of equality and mutual respect, and not on the basis of subservience of one to the other.
from that system as much as possible. Increasing
As argued earlier, one of the major sources
independence can be achieved by increasing self-
of inequities is the phenomenon of displaced
reliance, and thus reducing one’s vulnerability
decision-making. People suffer because they bear
to exploitation by others. However, it should be
the consequences of decisions made by others in
understood that the goal of self-reliance is not
the service of others’ interests. The problems
autarky, isolated self-sufficiency. After self-
that arise out of the disjunction between produc-
reliance is achieved, interaction with others
ers’ interests and consumers’ interests vanishes
should be resumed. But then, since the individual
when the producer and the consumer are the same.
or nation would not depend on those interactions,
This is the essential political rationale for
Refer to author’s note on page 50.
subsistence food production. Increasing self-
national, state, county, village, family,
reliance in food means increasing emphasis
or individual levels. In general, the
on local production for local consumption.
shorter the exchange loops, the less likely
This approach may be applied at the regional
that there will be extreme concentrations
level (for example, Southeast Asia) or the
either of wealth or of poverty.
Promoting self-reliance & empowerment Food aid typically is not based on any sort of
for precisely that purpose. Large-scale programs
systematic analysis of the sources of malnutrition.
such as the development of high yielding
It does not address the causes. Food aid can be
varieties (HYV) of grains may be undertaken for
ineffective or, worse, it can be counter-productive
similar reasons. The “Green Revolution,” according
through its diminishing local incentives to
to Susan George, was, in fact, an alternative
produce food.
to agrarian reform, which implies redistribution
There is another more serious sense in which
of power; it was a means of increasing food
food aid can be counterproductive. If the presently
production without upsetting entrenched interests.”
prevailing social system is judged to be
It may be that food aid and welfare programs
fundamentally unjust, and if food aid and other
are kept just at that minimum level required
ameliorative programs are what permit the system
to give people a continuing stake in the system
to continue, then in the long term those
and make them resist temptations to take more
ameliorative programs block needed changes. Band-
radical measures. In making them more tolerable,
Aids can get in the way of radical surgery.
cures may tend to perpetuate problems.
Indeed, ameliorative measures may be undertaken
Otherwise cited, the contents in the section, ‘Preventive Solutions,’ are adapted from Thomas Sankara Speaks: The Burkina Faso Revolution, 1983-1987, (New York: Pathfinder publisher, 2007).
2
THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION
BURKINA FASO
22
1898-1960 THE COLONIAL ERA
28
1983-1987 THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION
32
Changes & progresses made
34
THE -Thomas Sankara, the leader of the revolution7
“
“
I bring you fraternal greetings from a country whose seven million children, women, and men refuse
to die of ignorance, hunger, and thirst any longer. Thomas Sankara, the leader of the Burkinabe revolution
T
WAR
TACTIC
BURKINA FASO Burkina Faso – also known by its short-form name
high temperatures, 5–47 degrees Celsius (41–116.6
Burkina – is a landlocked country in west Africa.
°F). Water shortages are often a problem, espe-
Burkina Faso is divided into thirteen regions (see
cially in the north of the country.
figure 4 ), forty-five provinces, and 301 departments.
Burkina Faso was populated between 14,000 and 5000
The country’s capital is Ouagadougou in Centre
BC by hunter-gatherers in the country’s northwest-
region. Its size is 274,200 square kilometers
ern region. Farm settlements appeared between 3600
(105,900 sq mi) with an estimated population of
and 2600 BC. What is now central Burkina Faso was
more than 15,757,000. Formerly called the Repub-
principally composed of Mossi kingdoms. After a de-
lic of Upper Volta, it was renamed on 4 August
cade of intense rivalry and competition between the
1984, by President Thomas Sankara, to mean “the
British and the French, waged through treaty-making
land of upright people” in Mòoré and Dioula, the
expeditions under military or civilian explorers,
major native languages of the country. The inhab-
the Mossi kingdom of Ouagadougou was defeated by
itants of Burkina Faso are known as Burkinabè.
French colonial forces and became a French protec-
Burkina Faso has a primarily tropical climate with
torate in 1896. The eastern region and the western
two very distinct seasons. In the rainy season, the
region, where a standoff against the forces of the
country receives between 600 and 900 millimeters
powerful ruler Samori Ture complicated the situ-
(23.6 and 35.4 in) of rainfall; in the dry season,
ation, came under French occupation in 1897. By
the harmattan – a hot dry wind from the Sahara –
1898, the majority of the territory corresponding
blows. Three climatic zones can be defined: the
to Burkina Faso today was nominally conquered. The
Sahel, the Sudan-Sahel, and the Sudan-Guinea. The
French and British convention of 14 June 1898 ended
Sahel in the north typically receives less than 600
the scramble between the two colonial powers and
millimeters (23.6 in) of rainfall per year and has
drew the borders between the countries’ colonies.
Peaks of Fabedougou, a village in the Bérégadougou Department of Comoé Province in south-western Burkina Faso. Source: Burkinabé government inforoute communale.
Waterfalls at Karfiguela, a village in the Banfora Department of Comoé Province in south-western Burkina Faso.
23 THE WAR TACTIC THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION Lake Dourtenga, in Dourtenga, departement of Dourtenga, province of Koulpélogo. 1999
1
Typical street scene in Quagadougou, Burkina Faso. Source: United Nations square-by GNU licence by Helge Fahrnberger
figure 4
THIRTEEN REGIONS OF BURKINA FASO
12 Sahel
11 Nord
3 Centre-Nord
10 Boucle du Mouhoun
1
2
Centre
6 CentreOuest
9
PlateauCentral
5 Centre-Sud
Hauts-Bassins
13 Est
4 Centre-Est
7 Sud-Ouest
8 Cascades
4
Primary school in Dourtenga. 2008
25 THE WAR TACTIC
1
An aerial view of Ouagadougou
THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION
4
In the village of Dourtenga, departement of Dourtenga, province of KoulpĂŠlogo. February 2004
13
A village pump in BF,08 the ree nursery is situated next to the water pump in the village to make watering. Balga of Est. February 2010
8
On the French side, a war of conquest against lo-
was established on 1 March 1919. This move was a
cal communities and political powers continued for
result of French fears of the recurrence of armed
about five years. In 1904, the largely pacified
uprising along with economic considerations, and to
territories of the Volta basin were integrated
bolster its administration, the colonial government
into the Upper Senegal and Niger colony of French
separated the present territory of Burkina Faso
West Africa as part of the reorganization of the
from Upper Senegal and Niger. The new colony was
French West African colonial empire. Between 1915
named Haute Volta. The colony was later dismantled
and 1916, the districts in the western part of
on 5 September 1932, being split up between the
what is now Burkina Faso and the bordering eastern
Côte d’Ivoire, French Sudan and Niger. The decision
fringe of Mali became the stage of one of the most
to split the colony was reversed during the intense
important armed oppositions to colonial government,
anti-colonial agitation that followed the end of
known as the Volta-Bani War. The French government
World War II. On 4 September 1947, the colony was
finally suppressed the movement. French Upper Volta
revived as a part of the French Union, with its
Market in Banfora, the capital of the Comoe province. 2006
27 THE WAR TACTIC THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION
9
Central Market in BoboDioulasso, the second largest city after Oagadougou. 2006
previous boundaries. In 1955, under impact of co-
given by Fidel Castro during the Havana Declaration
lonial revolution happening around the world, rep-
of 1979 is to ensure “the national independence,
resentatives from 29 countries of Africa and Asia
sovereignty, territorial integrity and security of
held conference in Bandung, Indonesia. A revision
non-aligned countries” in their “struggle against
in the organization of French Overseas Territories
imperialism, colonialism, neocolonialism, racism,
began with the passage of the Basic Law (Loi Cadre)
and all forms of foreign aggression, occupation,
of 23 July 1956. This act was followed by reorgani-
domination, interference or hegemony as well as
zational measures approved by the French parliament
against great power and bloc politics.” In 1983,
early in 1957 to ensure a large degree of self-
in the midst of political turmoils, Thomas Sankara
government for individual territories. Upper Volta
led a popular uprising in Burkina Faso, then
became an autonomous republic in the French com-
Upper Volta, which initiated one of the most
munity on 11 December 1958. Full independence from
profound revolutions in Afria’s history against
France was received in 1960.
the propertied exploiters at home and abroad.
After gaining independence in 1960, the country
The revolution lasted for four years and ended in
underwent many governmental changes until arriving
1987 when Blaise Compaoré betrayed his long-time
at its current form, a semi-presidential repub-
friend and ally Thomas Sankara seized power in a
lic. In 1961, it joined nonaligned movement. The
coup d’état with French help. Compaoré has been
purpose of the organization as stated in the speech
the president since, reelected for three times.
Otherwise cited, the contents in the section, ‘Burkina Faso,’ are adapted from “Burkina Faso.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation.
COLONIAL ECONOMIC POLICY acted as a
DRA
both in terms of
TAXATION & EXPLOITATION of local assets and in terms of
MIGRATION. The French tax burden destroyed the foundations of the economic system in which it operated while simultaneously providing the colonial administration with the means to establish a new economy. The French improved transport and communication infrastructures and introduced cotton around 1900. But with the introduction of cotton came the disruption of traditional cultures, compounding drought and in turn causing famines and epidemics in 1908 and 1914.
AIN
Because of its limited natural resources and
With the creation of the colony of Upper Volta,
harsh climate, Upper Volta was relegated to the
Governor Hessling undertook several economic
back burner of French colonial economic devel-
development projects. Construction boomed in
opment. Until about World War I, the French
Ouagadougou to support the new administration:
were merely a drain on the local economy. Wary
Roads, government buildings, schools, a hospi-
of the potential budgetary consequences of
tal, and a football stadium were built in the
its colonial advances, France had passed a
new capital. The commercial production of cot-
law in 1900 requiring that colonial govern-
ton was also encouraged. But, the exploitation
ments be supported by the colonized. For
of Voltaic labor continued, forcing “thousands
local administrators, this meant taxing the
of Mossi and other Voltaics [to flee] Ouagadou-
indigenous. Taxation was carried to such an ex-
gou and the labor recruiters in the countryside
treme in Burkina that it turned into a system-
and [migrate] to the Gold Coast” during the
atic expropriation of the assets of Africans.
Hessling years. Increases in taxation contin-
Taxes were first collected in seeds, livestock,
ued as well. The culture of rubber, unsuccess-
and cowries and later in French francs. Louis
ful earlier in the century, was resumed in the
Tauxier reviews the consequences of this level
late 1920s, and ground nuts were introduced. In
of taxation: “The Mossi were compelled to re-
1930, however, the worldwide recession reached
sort to trade in order to obtain the French
Upper Volta, and prices for its commodities
money they did not have.... To meet this dif-
collapsed. A drought compounded the crisis in
ficult situation the Mossi now organize small
1931. Deprived of many of their assets and
caravans in the villages, and send the young
weakened by emigration, Voltaics fared poorly
men . . . to sell cattle, sheep, goats, asses,
in the slump that eventually turned into a full
horses, and bolts of cotton. They bring back
fledged famine. The administration took stock
with them either French money or kola nuts.”
of the economic failure of Upper Volta and the
For lack of administrative resources and income
heavy emigration—which betrayed its comparative
data, the French resorted to a head tax, ir-
labor advantage—and partitioned the colony.
respective of wealth and income, and to an
The partition of Upper Volta marked a return to
ad valorem tax on trading caravans that passed
exploitation at the expense of development. The
through the colony.
main economic reason behind the partition was
By forcing people to sell their assets, the French tax burden destroyed the foundations of the economic system in which it operated while simultaneously providing the colonial administration with the means to establish a new economy. The French improved transport and communication infrastructures and introduced cotton around 1900. But with the introduction of cotton came the disruption of traditional cultures, compounding drought and in turn causing famines and epidemics in 1908 and 1914. The French did little to help the Voltaics.
the French attempt to redirect the migration of workers away from the Gold Coast and toward its own colonies. Cote d’lvoire benefited from Voltaic labor in agriculture (mostly in coffee and cocoa plantations and in the timber industry) and for its infrastructure projects (the port of Abidjan, the railway to Bobo-Dioulasso). Sudan put Voltaics to work on agriculture projects around the Niger River and on the railway between Bamako and Dakar. Although most of these projects had used Voltaic labor before 1933, the colony’s partition increased the flow
FR OM 18 9 8 –19 6 0
THE COLONIAL ERA
weakened by emigration, Voltaics fared poorly in the slump that eventually turned into a
full-fledged famine.
of workers and facilitated their administra-
available, and irrigation works were begun
tion by the French. Meanwhile, Upper Volta’s
(including the first studies for the future
development remained neglected and hampered by
Sourou Valley scheme), but cash-crop production
the depletion of its labor force. In the period
remained at low levels, with annual sales of no
that followed World War II and the re-creation
more than 4,000 tons of cotton seed. Livestock
of Upper Volta, the French renewed their ear-
production, in contrast, increased substantial-
lier emphasis on general infrastructure and
ly, making Upper Volta the first West African
agricultural development. By 1954 the railroad
producer of meat. The 1950s witnessed the be-
from Abidjan reached Ouagadougou. Emigration
ginning of the industrial exploitation of Pou-
continued, however, as employment prospects in
ra’s gold and the setting up of the Service des
Cote d’lvoire and Ghana still exceeded those
Mines. The first studies for the exploitation
in Upper Volta. Agricultural credit was made
of Tambao’s manganese were also undertaken.
Otherwise cited, the contents in the section, ‘The Colonial Era,’ are adapted from Burkina Faso: Unsteady Statehood in West Africa, (Colorado: Westview, 1996).
THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION
1931. Deprived of many of their assets and
31 THE WAR TACTIC
…the exploitation of Voltaic labor continued, forcing “thousands of Mossi and other Voltaics [to flee] Ouagadougou and the labor recruiters in the countryside and [migrate] to the Gold Coast” during the Hessling years. Increases in taxation continued as well. The culture of rubber, unsuccessful earlier in the century, was resumed in the late 1920s, and groundnuts were introduced. In 1930, however, the worldwide recession reached Upper Volta, and prices for its commodities collapsed. A drought compounded the crisis in
F ROM 19 8 3 -19 87
THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION The leader of the revolution, Thomas Sankara, was
Sankara was appointed prime minister in January
born in December 1949 in Yako in the center of the
1983 in the wake of a coup that made Jean-Baptiste
country. When Sankara was getting his training in
Ouedraogo the president of the country. Sankara
Madagascar as a soldier, tens of thousands of work-
used that platform to urge the people of Upper
ers and students organized mass demonstrations and
Volta and elsewhere in Africa to advance their
strikes in 1972 that toppled the government. The
interests against the propertied exploiters at
scope and character of the popular mobilization had
home and abroad. This uncompromising course led to
a deep impact on him. It was also in Madagascar
growing conflict with proimperialist forces in the
that Sankara first became acquainted with Marxism,
government. In May Ouedraogo had Sankara and some
through study groups and discussions with students
of his supporters arrested. But, in face of street
from France who had been part of the May 1968 pre-
protests by thousands, Ouedraogo transferred San-
revolutionary upsurge there. During a subsequent
kara from prison to house arrest. In the following
stay in France in the late 1970s, taking training
months, social tensions deepened across the
as a paratrooper, Sankara scoured bookstores for
country, heading toward a political showdown.
revolutionary literature, studying, among other
On August 4, 1983, some 250 soldiers led by Captain
things, works by communist leaders Karl Marx and
Blaise Compaore marched from an insurgent military
V.I. Lenin. A lieutenant in Upper Volta’s army,
base in Po to the capital of Ouagadougou. The
Sankara came to prominence as a military leader
regime of Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo was overthrown
during a border conflict with Mali in December
in a popular uprising. Sankara became president
1974 and January 1975, a war he later denounced as
of the new National Council of the Revolution.
“useless and unjust.” Over the next several years,
Over the next four years the popular revolutionary
Thomas Sankara linked up with other junior
government under Sankara’s leadership organized
officers and soldiers dissatisfied with the
the peasants, workers, and young people to carry
oppressive conditions in Upper Volta perpetuated by the imperialist rulers in Paris and elsewhere, with the support of landlords, businessmen, tribal chieftans, and politicians at home.
out deep-going economic and social measures that curtailed the rights and prerogatives of the region’s landed aristocracy and wealthy merchants. They joined with working people the world over to oppose imperialist domination. Mass organizations
Jailed briefly in 1982 after resigning a government
of peasants, craftsmen, workers, youth, women,
post to protest the regime’s repressive policies,
and elders were initiated.
33 THE WAR TACTIC THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION
Rally on Orodara during revolution.
people,
NOT a conquered people,
“
“
The democratic and popular revolution needs a convinced
not a people simply enduring their fate. Thomas Sankara
3
200 volunteers build irrigation dam near Puahigouya, September 1984, with women carrying stones over half a mile to men working at site. Between 1983 and 1987, 32 dams were built, compared to 20 in previous 23 years.
3
Changes & progresses made
to the fruits of their labors as productive farmers. government launched tree-planting and
irrigation projects to increase productivity and stop the advance of the desert in the Sahel region in the north of the country.
4 . The
prices peasants received from the government
for basic food crops were increased.
Upper volta, 1979. A peasant cultivates milet using backbreaking short-handled hoe.
“
The revolution gives birth to
A NEW PEASANT – serious, aware of his responsibilities, turning to the future by arming himself with new technology.
“
3 . The
Tomato harvest, Sourou valley, 1986.
nationalized the land to guarantee rural
toilers—some 90 percent of the population—access
As a result of the creation of a dam
2 . It
and irrigation system, people were
labor services to village chiefs.
mobilized in this northern valley to
broad popular support, the government
abolished tribute payments and compulsory
channel the river.
1 . With
Thomas Sankara
figure 5
BURKINA FASO AT THE TIME OF THE REVOLUTION
35 THE WAR TACTIC
7,964,705 (1985) 90% in rural areas
NONAGRICULTURAL WORKERS
40,000 government 20,000 industrial handicrafts & manufacturing 10,000 construction
SURFACE AREA
105,869 sq. mi./ 274,200 sq. km
CAPITAL
Ouagadougou
AVERAGE YEARLY INCOME
US$150 (1981)
CURRENCY
CFA franc During 1983-1987, this fluctuated between 300 and 500 to the US dollar
NATIONAL BUDGET
58 billion CFA francs (1985)
MAIN PRODUCTION & EXPORT GOODS
Cotton, hides and skins, live stocks, shea nut products, gold
ETHNIC GROUPS
Over 60, among them: Mossi Peul Gourmantche Curunsi Bissa Samo Lobi Senufo Marka Bobo
LANGUAGES SPOKEN
Official language: French Over 60 spoken, among them: Moore Diula Fulfulde
THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION
POPULATION
53.0% 7.8% 7.0% 6.0% 3.0% 2.0% 2.5% 2.2% 1.7% 1.6%
53.0% 8.8% 6.6%
ILLITERACY
92% 98% in rural areas
HEALTH
Life expectancy
43.8 years (1980)
Infant mortality rate
208 per 1,000 live births (1981)
Maternal mortality rate
601 per 100,000 live births (1985)
Doctors Nurses Midwives Assistant midwives
1 for every 37,494 (1988) 1 for every 12,366 (1988) 1 for every 28,397 (1988) 1 for every 31,267 (1988)
Refer to number 5 on the next page to see the improvement of the situation during the revolution.
These are still elements of an ideal in life that millions of Burkinabe have not yet achieved. Thomas Sankara
5 . It
organized massive immunization campaigns,
1 0 . Led
by Sankara, the Burkinabe Revolution charted
and made basic health care services available
a course of internationalist solidarity with
to millions. By 1985 infant mortality had
those fighting oppression and exploitation in
fallen from 208 for every 1,000 live births at the beginning of the decade to 145, and the accelerated spread of parasite-induced river blindness had been curbed.
6 . In
a country where illiteracy was 92 percent—and
even higher in the countryside—literacy campaigns in its indigenous languages were initiated.
7 . Steps
were taken to combat the age-old subjuga-
Africa and worldwide.
a . Sankara
championed the fight of the people of
Western Sahara against the occupation of their country by Morocco and helped lead a successful fight to admit the Saharawi representatives to the Organization of African Unity.
b . He
actively organized support, in Africa and
beyond, for the struggle against the apartheid
tion of women, who were encouraged to organize
regime in South Africa and for the Palestinians’
to fight for their emancipation.
fight to reestablish their homeland.
8 . The
government funded public works to build roads,
schools, and housing.
9 . Trusting
“
“
Safe drinking water, three meals a day, a clinic, a school, and a simple plow.
in the justice of the working class
and peasantry, it set up popular revolutionary
c . Sankara
campaigned for cancellation of the onerous
debt imposed on semicolonial countries by imperialist governments and banks.
d . He
spoke in New York City’s Harlem to demonstrate
courts to try former leaders and high officials
support for African-Americans’ fight against
accused of corruption.
racist oppression and for other struggles by working people in the United States.
54
Ceremony on August 4, 1986, in Bobo-Dioulasso, Houet province, celebrating third anniversary of revolution. Banner says, “Vaccinated children,” part of the revolution’s primary health campaigns.
8
Construction of housing complex, Ouagadougou, 1987.
37 THE WAR TACTIC THE BURKINABE REVOLUTION
84
Revolutionary government launched “Battle for the Railroad” in early 1985, aiming to link Ougadougou with north. Here, volunteer government employees lay track, March 1985.
64
A literacy class in Kamboincé, March 1986. To combat 92 percent illiteracy rate, the revolution initiated campaign to teach reading and writing in main languages spoken in country.
Thomas Sankara
Meeting of a Committee for Defense of the Revolution in Ouagadougou neighborhood, August 1985. The CDRs aimed to mobilize workers, farmers, and youth to work together to build a new society.
In August 1987, speaking in Burkina Faso on the an-
military coup serving the interests of those—
niversary of the revolutionary uprising four years
at home and abroad—whose property and class
earlier, Sankara emphasized that, “The democratic
domination were threatened by this deep-going
and popular revolution needs a convinced people,
revolutionary mobilization. Sankara and twelve
not a conquered people—a convinced people, not
of his aides and bodyguards were assassinated
a submissive people passively enduring their
and the revolutionary government destroyed.
fate.” Growing numbers of workers, peasants, and
Thomas Sankara has himself become a symbol
youth issuing from the ranks of such a people were
for millions of workers, peasants, and youth
becoming involved in social and political life in Burkina Faso, setting an example that was already reverberating throughout Central West Africa—far beyond the borders of that landlocked country. On October 15, 1987, Capt. Blaise Compaore led a
throughout Africa especially, who recognize in the Burkinabe Revolution—and in its continuing political heritage—a source of political ideas and inspiration for the battles for genuine liberation on the continent.
Otherwise cited, the contents in the section, ‘The Burkinabe Revolution,’ are adapted from Thomas Sankara Speaks: The Burkina Faso Revolution, 1983-1987, (New York: Pathfinder publisher, 2007).
“
“
We have built schools, clinics, roads, dams, enlarged our fields, done reforestation, and provided housing. Each Burkinabe feels that wielding power is now his business.
3
BUKINABE ECONOMY IN RECOVERY
THE ONGOING BATTLE FOR SELF-SUFFICIENCY
42
Economic growth amid poverty
42
Food Crops
42
Evolving Patterns of Livestock Production
46
UNDERSTANDING BURKINA’S PERFORMANCE
48
A Small Country with Large Ambitions
50
CONQUE Despite its poverty and limited size, Burkina’s economy is somewhat better balanced and has been growing on average faster than that of many of its wealthier neighbors. In the 1980s alone Burkina’s real gross domestic product (GDP) grew at an average of 4.2 percent a year.
ER-ABLE Children of Dourtenga, a village of Dourtenga, province of KoulpĂŠlogo. February 2004
Economic growth amid poverty With a per capita gross national product (GNP)
Since independence, and despite the progressive
between $200 and $300, Burkina is among the poorest
diversification of its output, Burkina has in fact
countries on earth. It is also a small economy in
remained an agricultural economy, providing a
absolute size, its GNP less than half of 1 per-
livelihood for the majority of the population but
cent of that of the United States in 1992. Relying
also constraining the country’s development within
mostly on the production of cereals for local con-
the erratic limits of land and weather. Indeed, the
sumption and exports of gold and cotton, it has few
performance of the agricultural sector had been
other resources than its work force, employed at
mostly disappointing until the mid 1980s. It began
about 90 percent in an agricultural sector highly
the 1960s with low productivity, little integration
dependent on erratic rainfalls. Yet despite its
with other sectors, and few modern inputs. Most of
poverty and limited size, Burkina’s economy is
the cultivable land was fallow or uncultivated, and
somewhat better balanced and has been growing on
the system functioned in near autarky, with on farm
average faster than that of many of its wealth-
consumption the rule and farmers purchasing few ag-
ier neighbors. In the 1980s alone Burkina’s real
ricultural products. Although production grew over
gross domestic product (GDP) grew at an aver-
time, its average annual increase of 2.2 percent
age of 4.2 percent a year. Minus a 2.6 percent
from 1965 to 1986 remained below population growth.
annual population growth rate, Burkina actu-
The situation changed in the 1980s. According to
ally recorded annual per capita growth of 1.6
the World Bank, the agricultural sector grew by
percent, a remarkable performance not only for
4.3 per their importance has been growing. Live-
West Africa but by overall sub-Saharan African
stock, used primarily for exports and as a store
standards. Although these statistics hide a bumpy
of wealth, consists of nearly 3 million cattle,
business cycle with dramatic year-to-year fluctua-
9.5 million sheep and goats, and more than 22
tions, data from the early 1990s suggest a continu-
million poultry.
ation and possible improvement of this performance.
Food crops Burkina’s main food crops are rain-fed millet
1.418 million tons, with a substantial upward trend
and sorghum, whose short cycles and resistance to
from 1985 onward (see figure 6 ). The steady upward
drought are well adapted to the region’s brief and
trend in output continued in the early 1990s to
erratic rainy seasons. These two cereals are used
reach more than 2 million tons. Recent productiv-
in the preparation of to—a puree that, accompanied
ity increases are in marked contrast to the first
by vegetable sauce and occasional meat or fish,
two decades of independence, when productivity
is the basis of most meals—and dob, the tradi-
was estimated to have improved by only 25 percent
tional sorghum beer. Output of millet and sorghum
overall.
has grown steadily since before independence,
The production of rice has not experienced the
despite competition for land from cash crops,
same record of growth. Average annual production
which has restricted the area given over to
amounted to 17,000 tons in 1948-1957 and 33,000
millet and sorghum and shortened the length of
tons both in 1961-1964 and 1977-1981. From 1960 to
fallow, especially in the Mossi plateau. Produc-
1980 the yield per hectare increased by only about
tion averaged 560,000 tons in 1948-1957, 800,000
15 percent. Furthermore, unlike millet and sorghum,
tons in 1961-1964, and 1 million tons in 1977-1981.
rice stagnated in the 1980s, with an average pro-
From 1981 to 1991 the average annual output was
duction slightly below 33,000 tons for the period
INDEPENDENCE – POST R EVO LUTION
THE ONGOING BATTLE FOR SELF-SUFFICIENCY
43 of Asian rice. Output growth seemed, however,
equal to 111 on average between 1960 and 1965 had
to have resumed at the end of the decade:
plunged to 91 between 1975 and 1980, and a World
The average production for 1988-1991 amounted
Bank index of per capita food production fell from
to 43,500 tons.
100 in 1965-1967 to 84 in 1975, dragging the daily
Maize is grown primarily by households on land that
caloric intake per head down to 93 percent of need
surrounds their compounds and is usually consid-
at the end of the 1970s. The situation stabilized
ered an adjuvant cereal. Its production, too, has
and actually improved following the 1983-1984
grown steadily since the early 1980s, climbing
drought. Given available data, I estimate that the
from 98,000 tons in 1980 to 296,000 tons in 1991.
rainfall index averaged 93 between 1980 and 1989,
Yams, sweet potatoes, cassava, and other fruits and
and the World Bank contends that the food pro-
vegetables are usually grown on small individual
duction index improved by 20 percent since 1980.
plots, and production estimates are unreliable and
This comes as no surprise in view of recent output
hard to come by.
figures. Total cereal production reached 2 million
Despite the progress and modernization of the last decade, Burkina’s cereal sector remains inwardlooking, subsistence-based, and technologically backward. Only a small fraction of output is marketed, and there is little exchange with other
tons for the first time in 1988, more than twice its 1980 volume. In the 1991-1992 campaign a record harvest of 2.2 million tons was reached, and in 1993-1994 a new peak was again achieved at 2.5 million tons.
sectors of the economy, both in terms of output
Nevertheless, in good as in bad years, the
sales and input purchases. There even seems to be
overall food production picture hides
little exchange within villages, for most compounds
substantial regional differences. The regions
consume what they themselves have produced. lac-
of Yatenga, Ouagadougou, and the north are
queline Sherman showed that in the Mossi region of
usually in deficit, while the west and southwest
Manga, “a relatively market-oriented area, fami-
experience frequent surpluses, and the east
lies sell an average of only about 11 percent of
and southeast hover around self-sufficiency.
the sorghum, millet and rice they grow [and] buy
Unfortunately, poor infrastructure often
grain equivalent to about 6 percent of what they
prevents the redistribution of excess output;
produce.� In addition, technological development,
as a result, the government has to resort
which has affected the cash-crop sector, has by-
to food aid and food imports.
passed most cereal farmers who still use the daba,
Food aid, most of it in the form of cereals,
the traditional hoe, as their only tool. This lack
increased from around 28,000 tons per year (2.5
of market integration and technological progress
percent of domestic production) in the mid-1970s
increases the vulnerability of cereal farmers,
to 73,000 tons a year (4.6 percent of domestic
who end up excessively dependent on their own
production) in the mid-1980s before contracting
local conditions and crops.
to 44,000 tons (2 percent of domestic production)
The overall climatic deterioration from inde-
in the early 1990s. The high level of aid of the
pendence to the mid-1980s no doubt accounted
mid-1980s, in the wake of the drought of 1983-1984,
in part for the relatively poor performance of
illustrates how food inflows tend to continue even
agriculture over the same period. A study by the
during surplus years, as donor reaction typically
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Develop-
lags behind the actual drought situation. Food
BURKINABE ECONOMY IN RECOVERY
ment (OECD) reckons that a national rainfall index
CONQUERABLE
1981-1991, forcing Burkina to remain an importer
Faced with uncertain weather and crops,
Burkina’s farmers have developed strategies of income diversification and risk prevention. imports follow the same pattern: They increased
preceding harvest, when shortages are most severe.
by 37 percent, from CFAFr 32,051 in 1984 to CFAFr
Reardon and his colleagues found the following
43,921 in 1985, although the latter year witnessed
distribution of sources of income for Sahelian and
a good harvest. Food aid is either freely
Sudanian households, respectively: agriculture 23
distributed (with the potentially perverse
percent and 56 percent; livestock 22 percent and
consequence of depressing the local market
6.3 percent; local nonfarming income (crafts,
prices and acting as a disincentive for farmers)
services such as dob brewing, and commerce) 25
or sold at subsidized or full-market prices.
percent and 14 percent; non local, nonfarm income
Faced with uncertain weather and crops, Burkina’s farmers have developed strategies of income diversification and risk prevention. Thomas Reardon, Peter Matlon, and Christopher Delgado have shown how rural people generate “purchasing power in non-cropping occupations,” later using that revenue to purchase food, especially during the season immediately
(including temporary migrants’ remittances) 22.6 percent and 16.8 percent; transfers from abroad 7.8 percent and 7.6 percent (of which 4.2 percent and 0.1 percent in food aid and 1.9 percent and 6.8 percent in remittances from permanent migrants). In other words, there is more than farming and herding to Burkina’s farmers and herders.
figure 6
CEREAL OUTPUT & COMMERCIAL PRODUCTION OF MAIN CASH CROPS Revolution
CONQUERABLE
Before revolution
45
Post revolution
GDP % GROWTH (CALENDAR YEAR) 9.8
6.1 4.8
4.4 2.2
1.7
1.3
1.2
0
-0.4
-1.2 -2.1
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
2,216 2,092 2,000
1,939
1,875
1,774 1,580 1,500
1,025
500
0
Rice (paddy) Maize
1,262
1,000
1,632
FOOD CROPS (THOUSANDS OF TONS)
Millet & Sorghum 1,188 1,094
1,130
BURKINABE ECONOMY IN RECOVERY
15.7
Evolving Patterns of Livestock Production Next to cotton, livestock is the second most
be pastured in their fields after the harvest, ob-
important agropastoral commodity. It was once
taining thereby natural fertilizer. For the Peuls,
Burkina’s major export but currently comes in third
the first advantage is ownership of the milk, which
place behind cotton and gold. Yet exports of live
they use as a source of food and as a source of
animals still account for between 4 percent and
income (Peul women sell milk and milk products such
10 percent of all export revenue. In addition,
as yogurt on local markets). By paying the Peuls
hides and skins contribute about 5 percent a year
in milk, the Mossi are guaranteed against misuse of
to total exports. The dwindling importance of
their cattle; the care of the livestock becomes as
livestock as an export has resulted from several
important for the herders as it is for the own-
factors, including the surge in cotton and gold
ers. The addition of the cattle from the Mossi to
output, the effects of drought on animal survival
the Peul herds induces decreasing marginal costs
rates (it takes two years to replenish a herd after
and thus represents little extra effort. The Peul
a drought), and the progressive sedentarization and
also benefit from the annual gifts (mostly food and
transformation of the formerly nomadic Peul herders
clothing), and the cash payments compensate for the
who traditionally managed livestock production.
additional work of selling a Mossi’s cow.
Recessions in the regional markets (such as Cote
Observers of Burkina’s rural life, however, have
d’lvoire and Ghana, where virtually all livestock
noticed that this pattern of herding has been
is exported on hoof) and competition from Latin
changing since the 1970s. Today the Mossi are
American (mainly Argentinian) meat and subsidized
more likely to let their own children herd their
European meat have also hurt Burkina’s livestock
cattle or to entrust it to other Mossi farmers who
industry.
have larger herds and more experience. The Mossi
Apart from being an export commodity, livestock
selection of their own family members and people
also serves as a form of saving and investment,
from the same ethnic group suggests that the Mossi
as it grows and reproduces, weather permitting.
have felt the need for additional monitoring. This
It is rarely eaten but rather sold in poor years
evolving pattern coincides with an increased
in order to purchase cereal. The traditional ar-
distrust between Mossi and Peuls. Mossi now
rangement for cattle herding has been for sedentary
complain about “the destruction of crops by cattle
farmers such as the Mossi, Bissa, and Gurmanche to
who accidentally enter into fields or gardens.”
entrust their cattle to the seminomadic Peul herd-
Although it is legally the responsibility of the
ers. In exchange, all the milk produced by the cows
herder to pay for the damage, “in fact, owners of
becomes the property of the Peuls, who also receive
cattle involved are expected to, and do make sig-
small annual gifts and cash payments when they han-
nificant contributions to such settlements.” This
dle the sale of an animal. The advantages to both
was not a problem until population pressure on
the Mossi and the Peuls are numerous. For both,
the Mossi plateau reduced the area available
there are the benefits of specialization (the Peuls
for grazing and transhumance and increasingly
are experienced herders and the Mossi able agricul-
sedentarized the Peuls, making the traditional
turalists whose labor force is better used farm-
herding contract less attractive for the Mossi.
ing). Contracting-out herding also allows the Mossi
If the Peuls are going to remain around the village
to keep the number of cattle they own secret “from
all year, the Mossi may as well have their chil-
both neighbors and government tax collectors.”
dren take care of the cattle. Since the children
Finally, the Mossi usually arrange for the herds to
share the family’s interest in keeping the crops
47 more carefully, limiting crop destruction. Another
that it has avoided white elephant development
reason the practice of Peul herding has changed may
projects —those heavy in capital requirements and
be related to the increase in droughts since the
poor in economic returns. Another reason is that
early 1970s and the resulting need for the Peuls
its low-income status has allowed it to benefit
to maintained a very moderate level of foreign
from a high level of grants and very concession-
debts, their burden on the economy remaining
al loans in its development aid. In the 1980s
quite bearable. Its average debt per capita in
grants made up an average of 77 percent of total
the 1980s amounted to $72 as against $403 for the
disbursed gross official development assistance.
rest of UMOA countries and $240 for Africa in gen-
The main bilateral donors and creditors are
eral (see Table 4.4). Its total external debt had
France (with an average annual disbursement of
reached $956 million or 35 percent of GNP in 1991,
$55.7 million), Germany ($27.8 million), the United
whereas many African countries have a level of
States ($26 million), the Netherlands ($24.1
indebtedness well over 100 percent of GNP.
million), and Italy ($14.1 million). Most disburse-
On average, in the second half of the 1980s debt servicing amounted to 8.5 percent of exports of goods and services, representing thus a limited toll on export revenue. One reason Burkina has
ments from multilateral agencies come from the World Bank ($18.6 million), the European Community ($16.9 million), and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) ($10.6 million).
Otherwise cited, the contents in the section, ‘The Ongoing Battle for Self-sufficiency,’ are adapted from Burkina Faso: Unsteady Statehood in West Africa, (Colorado: Westview, 1996).
BURKINABE ECONOMY IN RECOVERY
managed to keep a low level of indebtedness is
CONQUERABLE
safe, they are likelier to supervise the animals
UNDERSTANDING BURKINA’S PERFORMANCE In view of the economic burden in Burkina’s colo-
national attributes of hard work, probity,
nial past, its apparent cultural bias against sav-
and managerial competence.
ings, accumulation, division of labor, and technological innovation, its poor climate, few natural
In its 1989 economic memorandum on
resources, and landlocked situation, it seems a bit
Burkina, the World Bank was atypically
of a miracle after all that its economy has been
generous with praise: Wherever they may
performing relatively well—and certainly better and
come from, foreign missions visiting
more consistently than those of similar countries.
Burkina invariably report being favorably
It is the paradox of growth amid poverty. Some explanations for this are to be found in institutional constraints, which have prevented successive governments from going astray with their
impressed by the quality of public sector management, the competence of the officials in charge, the reliability of accounting
fiscal and monetary policies. Burkina’s participa-
documents, the regularity with which such
tion in the UMOA, the Franc Zone branch for West
documents are produced and, consequently,
Africa, has imposed a fiscal and monetary disci-
the speed with which an update of the current
pline that has benefited the country’s public fi-
situation can be obtained. Other character-
nances. Yet this variable cannot by itself account for Burkina’s record, as other UMOA countries, especially Senegal and Cote d’lvoire, have experi-
istics of Burkina are its sense of realism, its determination to avoid prolonged budget
enced dramatic economic imbalances.
deficits, and the government’s capacity to
Another possible factor lies in Burkina’s very
respond rapidly and decisively to threats
poverty. With few resources, there have been fewer
of financial slippage....
opportunities for mistakes and indebtedness. Cote d’lvoire had a more promising future than Burkina
These qualities of order and discipline are cer-
in the 1960s and 1970s because it had greater natu-
tainly exceptional assets . . . Burkina has managed
ral resources. In the 1990s, however, the “Ivorian
to avoid most of the major investment and manage-
miracle” has turned sour amid commodity price col-
ment errors which in many African countries have
lapse and foreign debt. In Burkina the impact of
led to large-scale disasters. Yet the problem with
the fall in the price of cotton in the 1980s was
using cultural explanations for economic perfor-
only as bad as the importance of cotton revenue—
mance is accounting for the origins of the cultural
quite weak in comparison to cocoa and coffee in
features in question.
Cote d’lvoire.
The Burkinabe capacity for hard work may have its
Third, just as culture augured ill for the develop-
origins in the harshness of their environment,
ment potential of the peoples of Burkina, culture—
where subsistence and survival can never be taken
albeit another dimension of it—may hold part of
for granted. A possible explanation for its mana-
the answer of the paradox of growth amid pover-
gerial competence could be found in the Mossi’s
ty. There is no quantitative or systematic data to
experience with statehood and public account-
support this claim, but anecdotal evidence—starting
ability, which is a trademark of good gover-
with the colonial labor policy—abounds in favor of
nance. The checks and balances of the Mossi system
49 and the IMF did not disburse more than the first
administration over several centuries may have laid
tranche of its SAF. On 1 April 1993, however, it
the groundwork for today’s relatively efficient
approved a $67 million enhanced structural adjust-
and responsive public service and government. In a
ment facility (ESAF) for 1993-1995 to replace the
shorter-run perspective, the personal austerity
SAF on more generous terms.
have set powerful examples.
In view of Burkina’s performance, the question can be raised whether Burkina’s economy actually was
In addition, whether “democratic” or dictatorial,
in need of such structural adjustment. After all,
Burkina’s regimes have always entertained a measure
Burkina’s past record was in line with the IMF
of popular participation that has increased public
growth and inflation targets and the program rep-
accountability. Before committing to the struc-
resents a major increase in indebtedness. Indeed,
tural adjustment program with the World Bank, for
total gross foreign aid disbursements jumped from
example, the government brought together some 2,000
$354 million in 1990 to $447 million in 1991 and
delegates from political parties, trade unions,
$462 million in 1992. Although grants increased
and other social and professional groups (includ-
in a similar proportion to total disbursements
ing agricultural producers and traditional group-
(maintaining a grant-to-total-disbursement ratio
ings, such as churches and ethnic authorities)
of 75 percent for the 1990-1992 period), the abso-
in May 1990 to answer the question, “Does Burkina
lute value of loans rose quite significantly. Thus
need a structural adjustment program?” Delegates
overall indebtedness increased as a result of the
voted in favor of a program that would not reduce
adoption of the structural adjustment program. In
the overall wage bill, and the conference gave the
fact, the decision to accept a program arose from
government a mandate to continue negotiations with
pressure from three directions. First, the World
the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund
Bank and the IMF themselves put considerable pres-
(IMF) “while preserving the major gains of the
sure on most African governments to embark on these
people.” Negotiations led to the signature in March
flagship programs, and Burkina was no exception.
1991 of a structural adjustment facility (SAF)
Indeed, the authors of the 1989 economic memoran-
with the IMF for an amount of $31 million to be
dum, initiated by the bank, make no secret that it
disbursed in three installments, conditional upon
was written from the perspective of leading toward
program implementation, and in June it embarked
adjustment lending. Second, the Compaore govern-
on a World Bank-sponsored structural adjustment
ment’s more liberal fiscal policies had triggered
program worth $80 million. The SAF’s targets were
the problems of arrears accumulation. Finally,
a GDP rate of growth of 4 percent, an inflation
under the Sankara government the country had been
of no more than 4 percent, the elimination of all
relatively starved of foreign capital inflows, and
fiscal arrears, and a reduction in the current ac-
there was a domestic demand for money. It is not
count deficit. The World Bank program concentrated
necessarily an unreasonable contention that Burkina
on public resource management and private-sector
could have got rid of its arrears and reduced its
incentives. Although the growth and inflation tar-
fiscal and foreign imbalances without resorting to
gets of the SAF were met, the government did not
the mixed blessings of adjustment lending. But that
successfully address the issue of fiscal arrears,
is the topic of another book.
BURKINABE ECONOMY IN RECOVERY
and ethics of Presidents Lamizana and Sankara
CONQUERABLE
together with the practice of large-scale public
A Small Country with Large Ambitions The boldness and radicalism of Thomas Sankara’s
Ouedraogo’s dismissal of Prime Minister Sankara
foreign policy contributed much to putting his
and his arrest on 17 May had indeed coincided with
country on the map in the early 1980s. From a dull
the visit to Ouagadougou of President Mitter-
and marginal nation at the periphery of the world,
rand’s adviser for African affairs, Guy Penne, who
Burkina became the new child prodigy of anti-
departed the next day. Supporters of the CNR have
imperialism, Third World pride, and development.
ever since alleged that Penne came to encourage and
For the first time, it broke out of the francophone
supervise this forcible political transition. The
circle as Sankara traveled the world and caught the
CNR also frequently singled out the United States
attention of the media. Before he died, Sankara was
for its “imperialism,” its support of Israel, and
nearing the international status of Ghana’s Kwame
its failure to sanction South Africa for its system
Nkrumah, Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere, and Congo’s
of apartheid. Because it, too, considered itself a
Patrice Lumumba. His most important speeches had
liberation movement, the CNR strongly identified
been translated into English and published in the
with the PLO, leading to Burkina’s concern with the
United States.
Middle East crisis.
Although his domestic policies contributed to the
To spread his message, Sankara took to every
world’s renewed interest in Burkina, it was most
available international platform, not least the
of all his self-confident and provocative atti-
General Assembly of the United Nations, where his
tude in foreign affairs that drew attention. Yet
speech of October 1984 garnered him many Third
upon closer scrutiny, it appears that CNR foreign
World supporters. Although Sankara’s rhetoric
policy changed quite dramatically around the end of
made him popular among some, it alienated those
1985, moving away from bold statements of indepen-
he blasted. Official Development Assistance (ODA)
dence and velleities to export the revolution and
from France fell from $43.5 million in 1983 to
toward more pragmatic positions of cordial rela-
$26.8 million in 1985 and bounced back only when
tions with Western donors and regional conservative
the CNR became tamer and more cooperative in 1986
powers. This shift in foreign policy paralleled
and 1987. The United States also grew weary of
an alteration of the domestic dimensions of the
Burkina’s rhetoric and its somewhat provocative
revolution, characterized by Sankara’s attempt to
displays of friendship with Cuba and Libya.
open up his increasingly isolated regime. Sankara
Unfortunately for Burkina, the countries whose
on the World Scene only hours after his seizure
policies it endorsed (such as Libya, North Korea,
of power, Sankara proceeded to revolutionize his
Albania, and Yugoslavia) compensated little
country’s foreign relations. His first step was to
for the drop in assistance from Western donors.
accuse France of having sponsored both the CSP-2
Libya, most notably, repeatedly failed to deliver
regime and his imprisonment at the hands of his
on its promises of financial assistance.
army nemesis Some’ Yorian on 17 May 1983. President
Otherwise cited, the contents in the section, ‘Understanding Burkina’s Performance,’ are adapted from Burkina Faso: Unsteady Statehood in West Africa, (Colorado: Westview, 1996).
As cited on page 17: Increasing independence can be achieved by increasing self-reliance, and thus reducing one’s vulnerability to exploitation by others. However, it should be understood that the goal of self-reliance is not autarky, isolated self-sufficiency. After self-reliance is achieved, interaction with others should be resumed.
INDEPENDENCE was A V ICTORY over foreign oppression and exploitation. Thomas Sankara
“
“
For the popular masses,
A s w e studi ed the s ucces s ful gr oundwor k of B urki na Faso coping with the national lev el of hunger and po v er ty, we s hall als o not los e hope for the w orl d a s it s tands agains t wor ld hunger. C hi l dren of the nex t gener ation ar e waiting for us to take acti on. F ir s t s tep is to be attentiv e to the current si tuation. Educate y our s elf and the ones around you. Th en, s pr ead the good news that
hunger is vincible for the people who ceaselessly fight against it.
Primary sources Prairie, Michel, ed. Thomas Sankara Speaks: The Burkina Faso Revolution, 1983-1987. Second ed. New York: Pathfinder, 2007. Kent, George. The Political Economy of Hunger: The Silent Holocaust. New York: Praeger, 1984. Englebert, Pierre. Burkina Faso: Unsteady Statehood in West Africa. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1996. Nations of Modern World: Africa.
Photo sources Thomas Sankara. Bwak. “Thomas Sankara – the Leader Who Became a President and Remained a Leader.” Web. 15 Apr. 2012. p.20 <http://www.clubafrica.info/?p=30> Drought. S, Mohd. “Drought Facts.” www.giglig.com. 9 May 2011. Web. 15 Apr. 2012. p. 31 <http://www.giglig.com/environment/drought-facts> Various photos. “Burkina Faso.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation. Web. 15 Apr. 2012. p. 3, 22-27, 41 <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Burkina_Faso>
designed & edited by Soo Kim 2012 Copyright © All pieces reproduced in this issue are under prior copyright by the creators or by contractual arrangements with their clients. Manufactured in the United States of America/ printed in the Communication Design studio of Samfox School of Design & Visual Arts at Washington University in St. Louis. Every reasonable attempt has been made to identify owners of copyright. Direct all inquiries regarding the content of this book to: soogleit @ gmail.com Special thanks to George Kent, the author of The Political Economy of Hunger, one of the primary sources for this book, and also to Jean Ziegler, the author of La faim dans le monde expliquée à mon fils (world hunger explained to my son) for inspiring me to put this book together.
57
CONQUERING HUNGER
BURKINABE ECONOMY IN RECOVERY
THE SUCCESSFUL STORY OF BURKINA FASO, a country that has been actively fighting against and slowly overcoming hunger and poverty since the Burkinabe revolution ( 19 8 3 - 1 9 8 7 ), one of the most profound revolutions in Africaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s history against the propertied exploiters at home and abroad.