Synchronizing Strategy

Strategic Vision vol. 8, no. 43 (November, 2019)

Taipei must be proactive in taking advantage of US Indo-Pacific Strategy

Shao-cheng Sun

President Tsai Ing-wen greets a group of military officers from among Taiwan’s allies at the Presidential Office Building in Taipei.

photo: ROC Presidential Office

The US department of Defense (DoD) released the “Indo-Pacific Strategy Report” (IPSR) on June 1, 2019. The report outlines four major sections: the US vision and principles for the Indo-Pacific region, US regional strategic challenges, US national interests and defense strategy, and US influence to achieve and sustain its objectives. While the IPSR highlights major points in the development of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) concept, uncertainties remain concerning how well US policies will translate from rhetoric to reality.

The “Indo-Pacific” concept first emerged as a regional strategic framework in US politics in 2010 when then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton emphasized the importance of the Indo-Pacific basin to global trade. The approach was reinforced in 2016 with the release of Japan’s foreign policy strategy of a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” to further promote the rule of law, freedom of navigation, and free trade. Now the US strategy combines military and economic aims to contain China’s military expansion. In 2019, the US DoD released IPSR that outlines the following major concepts.

US Marines fire an M777 howitzer during Exercise Koolendong, a live-fire bilateral drill to increase interoperability between the two Quad members.

photo: Nicholas Filca

In terms of vision and principles, American leaders recognize that if the United States wants to hold its superpower status they have to continue to lead in Indo-Pacific affairs. In 2017, US President Donald Trump announced the US vision for Indo-Pacific at the APEC Summit. He called for respect for national sovereignty, peaceful resolution of disputes, reciprocal fair trade, and adherence to international rules. Acting Secretary of Defense Pat Shanahan highlights that the Indo-Pacific is the DoD’s priority theater. All nations should enjoy access to international waters and cyber domains. With US military dominance, the DoD has increased its military presence in the region to meet US interests.

Strategic challenges

On the issue of strategic challenges, the Indo-Pacific is confronted with an assertive China that is willing to challenge the status quo. China has militarized the South China Sea in a way that violates a 2015 pledge by China’s Chairman Xi Jinping to not pursue militarization of the Spratlys. The PLA has increased patrols around and near Taiwan using bomber, fighter, and surveillance aircraft to threaten the democratic island. The traditional US approach was to look for areas to accommodate with Beijing and avoid confrontation. However, in recent years Chinese leaders has focused on building a powerful nation that challenges US leadership. The United States, in turn, has thus taken a more aggressive approach against China. Now, Trump’s security team is more willing to challenge China. The trade war and military confrontation in the South China Sea serve as good examples. In terms of national interests and defense strategy, the US DoD is working to support enduring national interests, as articulated in the National Security Strategy, which includes: protecting the American people; promoting prosperity through fair economic relationships; preserving peace through strength by rebuilding the military; and advancing US influence by leading in multilateral organizations. The DoD is developing a more innovating Joint Force and is increasing collaboration with allies and partners.

Maintenance crew members load munitions onto an F-16 at Misawa Air Base, Japan.

photo: China Shock

The Trump security apparatus has laid out the following strategies. First, bolster close ties with allies. The United States has strengthened close ties with Japan and South Korea. The United States also engages powers from outside the region, like the European Union. Second, build the free and open Indo-Pacific architecture. The Quad (consisting of Australia, India, Japan, and the United States) provides an important overarching informal network. Third, promote economic freedom. The United States has to encourage economic liberalization across all sectors—goods, services, and investment. Finally, make the US military present. The only step that will impress China is the United States pushing more capability into the theater.

On the issue of regional objectives, those of the Indo-Pacific Strategy translate into the pursuit of preparedness, partnerships, and promoting a networked region. In the area of preparedness, the DoD is undertaking a range of efforts to enhance joint force preparedness. Initiatives include investments in advanced training facilities to present a realistic training environment, investments in air force and naval aviation to achieve an 80 percent fighter readiness goal, and investments in missile defense systems interoperable with allied systems in Japan and Australia.

Crucial partnerships

The DoD’s preparations focus on realistic training and military investment to confront China’s assertive military buildup. As for the dimension of partnerships, alliances and partnerships are crucial to US strategy. Increasing interoperability involves ensuring US military hardware and software can integrate with allies and partners. Strengthened alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand; partnerships with Singapore, Taiwan, etc.

With regard to Taiwan, Washington is pursuing a strong partnership with Taipei to ensure that it remains secure, free from coercion, and can engage with Beijing on its own terms. The DoD will continue providing Taiwan with defense articles and services to enable Taipei to maintain a sufficient self-defense capability. The US partnership with regional countries is wide ranging, adopting a more forceful policy to restrict China’s aggressive development.

Third, promoting a networked region. Shared security continues to rest on a growing network of alliances and close partnerships. For example, since its inception in 1995, the Daniel K. Inouye Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies (DKI APCSS) in Hawaii has promoted a networked region based on US interests through its executive education programs, and a network of more than 12,000 alumni.

Destabilizing force

As China’s power grows, it is perceived by many countries in the region as a potentially destabilizing force. Even as China seeks to reassure countries about its peaceful aspirations, mistrust is growing. As a result of their perceptions of Chinese ambitions, regional powers are enhancing their security ties with the United States. Chinese scholars believe that the Trump administration is attempting to hedge against China’s foreign and security policy behavior. Chinese leaders think it is imperative for China to counter what they see as US bullying, which they perceive as evident in the new strategy.

US President Donald Trump speaks to his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping during the 2017 APEC Summit in Vietnam.

photo: White House

China will likely intensify its pressure campaign against Taiwan. Whatever the triggering event, China could choose a variety of responses. On the diplomatic front, China could decrease Taiwan’s diplomatic space by targeting Taiwan’s remaining diplomatic allies. On the economic front, Beijing could further halt Chinese tourists from visiting Taiwan. On the military front, China could display military power in an attempt to intimidate Taiwan by holding major military exercises. On the societal front, China could increase its use of media channels or social media platforms to send coercive rhetoric and influence the island’s elections in favor of pro-China candidates. As the United States and China remain deadlocked in a deepening dispute over trade, Taiwan’s strategic value has increased. The Trump administration’s move to include Taiwan on a list of countries appears aimed at confronting China. As a result, policymakers in Taipei should undertake a number of initiatives to ensure that Taiwan’s national interests are furthered. First, Taipei should strengthen relations with Washington. Since the Pentagon is seeking to integrate with allies and partners, the ROC security and military apparatus should actively engage with their US counterparts with incentives by establishing the mechanism of intelligence sharing and security cooperation. The ROC government could provide information about China’s intentions and activities in the East China Sea and the South China Sea, as well as on China’s ongoing cyber-attacks. Taipei could also request that Washington support Taiwan’s deterrence posture. This support could include strengthening reserve forces and developing innovative defense strategies that could help Taiwan mitigate its vulnerabilities and to ensure regional peace and stability. Second, Taipei would be well advised to expand its military education exchange: As China’s economic and military rapid grow, there are an increasing number of American cadets, military personnel, and security-related officials interested in studying Chinese politics, security, technology, culture, and language. What better place to find this expertise than in Taiwan, especially since Taiwan and China share a similar culture and speak the same language, The ROC military academy and National Defense University could provide allied students with comprehensive military and security-related courses (from one to four years). They could learn more about China’s ideology, security, and military in-depth from Asian and Taiwanese perspectives. Since these courses are aimed at the long-term goal, it could also nurture good relations between future leaders of both countries.

International support

Third, Taiwan would benefit from bolstering its international support. Just as the United States depends on allies and partners, Taiwan also needs friends from the international community. Taiwan should vigorously seek regional security dialogues with the major powers in Asia, such as Japan, South Korea, Australia, and India. These partnerships could be an important supporter for Taiwan in case of military conflict in the Taiwan Strait.

A US Marine with Marine Rotational Force – Darwin (MRF-D), fires his weapon at Kangaroo Flats Training Area, Northern Territory, Australia, July 25, 2019.

photo: Jordan Gilbert

Meanwhile, Taiwan could further improve its security relations with the Philippines, Malaysia, Vietnam, Thailand, and Singapore in dealing with Chinese military threat, disease epidemics, cyber security, and terrorism. The United States could also facilitate Taiwan’s efforts to deepen strategic dialogues and exchanges with regional countries to garner more international support.

US Marines arrive at RAAF Base Darwin, Australia. The increase in personnel is evidence of the US commitment to the Australia-US alliance.

photo: Jordan Gilbert

Fourth, Taiwan should establish an Asia-Pacific security center like the DKI APCSS. This US security center has built a network among national security establishments throughout the Asia-Pacific. The beneficial result is fostering relationships among future leaders and decision-makers. Since Taiwan is situated in an important strategic location in the Indo-Pacific, Taiwan can establish a similar function center and invite fellows from the regional countries to build partner capacity and strengthen security networks.

Such a center could provide a platform where military personnel, police officers, academic scholars, and diplomats can exchange ideas and brainstorm solutions to the urgent crises in the region. Under the leadership of the Ministry of National Defense, this security center can merge faculty and resources from National Defense University, the Institute for National Defense and Security, security think tanks, and civilian universities. This security center would be aimed at equipping security-related fellows with knowledge of current and future security issues in the Asia-Pacific region and develop their close working ties with their counterparts in Taiwan.

Since President Trump took office, the United States and Taiwan security relations have become more robust. There are things Taiwan can do to further enhance bilateral security relations. For one, Taipei can strengthen relations with Washington by establishing a mechanism for intelligence sharing, expanding military education exchange by providing security-related courses, bolster Taiwan’s international support by deepening strategic dialogues within regional countries, and establish a security center by merging and internationalizing its domestic academic resources.

Dr. Shao-cheng Sun is an assistant professor at The Citadel specializing in China’s security, East Asian affairs, and cross-strait relations. He can be reached for comment at ssun@citadel.edu