Future Christchurch V4.1 Responding to Agrarian Roots by Studio Christchurch

FUTURE CHRISTCHURCH V4.1 building resilience: responding to agrarian roots Yvonne Mak

building resilience: responding to agrarian roots CHRISTCHURCH INDUSTRIAL CORRIDOR

Yvonne Mak

Thesis completed in part fulfilment of requirements for the Master of Architecture (Professional) degree at the University of Auckland, 2013.

And I hear, from your voice, the invisible reasons which make cities live, through which perhaps, once dead, they will come to life again. Italo Calvino

acknowledgements Thank you to my supervisors Camia Young and Chris Barton, for constantly challenging me throughout the year. This thesis would not have been possible without your immeasurable support, encouragement and dedication. Your enthusiasm continues to be an inspiration. I would also like to thank those in the back bay of studio, for your cherished conversation and companionship during those long hours.

abstract In the aftermath of the devastating succession of earthquakes in Christchurch in 2010 and 2011, a new landscape can be proposed in light of the city’s reconstruction. This landscape seeks to integrate the seemingly opposing impulses of creating innovation and fostering a resilience born from the city’s own inherent qualities. The recognition of perspectives from local cultures highlights the agrarian roots of Christchurch – but while New Zealand has a world class reputation built on the production of high quality primary produce, its agricultural sector is an industry of intensive labour in relation to production output. Nevertheless, agriculture remains fundamental to Christchurch’s economy; and with a history so deeply rooted in New Zealand traditions, opportunities for an incorporation of an innovation culture with the primary sector will be key to developing resilience when considering its role in Christchurch’s economic future. With a relatively low level of support for long term investment in Research and Development (R&D) and a lack of cross-scale linkages being a significant barrier towards cultivating this innovation, this thesis focuses on constructing a platform for synergetic dialogues between industries and institutions. In illustration of this proposition, a collection of small, local industries more reflective of Christchurch’s cultures are interwoven into landscape synonymous to the ideals of resilience and innovation in a reconstructed city.

contents Abstract 7 Introduction 11

1.0 Beginning with Narratives 1.1 The Poetics of Disaster 17 1.2 Here is Christchurch 25 Endnotes 29 2.0 The Local Narrative

2.1 From Maori to British Colonial Perspectives 31 2.2 Christchurch Historical Context (Early Industry) 33 Endnotes 39

3.0 Arguing for the Local

3.1 Industrial Theories: Geographic Proximity 43 3.2 Of Integral Elements & Connectivity 49 3.3 The Knowledge vs. Material Economies 53 Endnotes 57

4.0 Urban Strategy

5.0 Architectural Strategy

5.1 An Industrial Typology 5.2 Elemental Sketches 5.3 The Winery 5.4 The Apple Orchard 5.5 The Apiary 5.6 The Eel Farm 5.7 The Urban Market 5.8 The Industrial Corridor: Elevations Endnotes

101 106 115 125 135 145 155 159 163

6.0 Reflections 165 Bibliography

177

Appendix A: Comparative Statistics on GDP and Contributions to R&D 183 Appendix B: Comparative Statistics Relating to Key Industries

193

4.1 Economic Argument: NZ Context 61 4.2 Economic Argument: By Industry 65 4.3 Site/Un-site: Along the Rail Corridor 71 4.4 Methodologies 82 4.4.1 Urban Proposition 84 Endnotes 97 11

introduction

One of the critical issues that this thesis responds to is how the uniqueness of Christchurch’s local agricultural industries can be placed when considering today’s ideals of an innovative economy. This is taken through a perspective of regional resilience, and how the ideas revolving around the concepts of innovation and resilience can be stitched together to create a new landscape. It is an exploration into the portrayal of this landscape, and the linkages it would harness between the strong base of New Zealand’s material economies and the contemporary understanding of the knowledge, or creative economies. In the context of Christchurch’s industrial development, the main freight line running along its central industrial corridor affords a means by which trade distribution is accommodated. Fed from routes reaching across the length of the South Island, the Main North and Main South Railway lines intersect at Addington in Christchurch, linking its rural hinterland with the city centre. Given the advantage of geographic proximity, this corridor presents an opportunity to revive the connection between a very disjointed urban and rural fabric, where suburban development and sprawl have continued to push distances between resources of production and places of consumption. The provision of educational and research facilities aligned with this route of new agricultural sectors seeks to facilitate the integration of innovative advancements with traditional practices.

The rail lines and their associated industrial typologies have in themselves a strong symbolisation of the historical traces of trade and manufacturing development in Christchurch. They are a reference to the layers of culture and age-old practices upon which the city has been built. As such they demonstrate a certain pertinence as a backbone in conceiving the merging of two very different ideals of tradition and advancement. Placing the strength of Canterbury’s agricultural output alongside Research and Development strategies could stimulate a substantial economic transformation at a national scale, as well as promote both significant local and export opportunities. In the spirit of Jane Jacobs,1 this proposal would essentially recreate the industrial tract into a lively variety of specific and vital architectures. These small scale insertions then have the ability to forge new connections and networks, fostering a growth of local cultures in a diverse landscape. However, there have been barriers to this method of thinking. Historically, New Zealand’s economic development has been dependent upon the agricultural industry’s exports and revenues, with the primary sector accounting for 7.1% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and over 50% of its current total exports.2 The agricultural, fishing and forestry industries in the Canterbury region alone have increased their GDP by 2.7% over the past decade.3 Although these statistics point towards a sector which still 13

contributes largely to our economy, these primary industries have a bleak outlook regarding support for advancement in New Zealand’s economic future.4 With specific consideration towards facilitating an increase in the country’s GDP to meet at least the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) average in post-earthquake Christchurch, the Christchurch Central Recovery Plan outlines strategies aligned towards a focus on innovation.5 This innovation would ostensibly arise through developing knowledge-based industries exemplified by those within the information, communications and technology (ICT) sector or the high value manufacturing and services (HVMS) sector. As opposed to criticism raised concerning the economic opportunities surrounding primary output,6 these growing R&D intensive industries are characterised by high levels of output with lower labour intensities. Still, when the notion of innovation is put forward, the importance of the local trades on which a city’s economic history is deeply embedded must be understood; HVMS and R&D sectors need not be kept distinct from the agricultural perspectives rich in Christchurch’s industrial development. Reports compiled by the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment highlight a change occurring in New Zealand’s economy. The emergence of sectors including high-technology manufacturing and information technology are beginning to sit alongside the more traditional sectors of food and beverage, forestry and tourism.7 Unfortunately, 14

many of those high value sectors currently exhibit a strong reliance on international employment.8 There is in this scenario a danger of creating a city of narratives so fractured that these economy-boosting industries become almost a checklist of capacities irrelevant to those who have given Christchurch its solidarity, where it can only be experienced through its latest accomplishments. Just as Richard Sennett observed the complex relationships between craftsmanship and an engagement in conscious knowledge,9 recognizing that the economic history of a region nurtures its unique knowledge economy offers value to the craft engrained in earlier material practices. While the concept of innovation is typically tied with formal R&D organisations, many significant examples in New Zealand are derived from individuals and small scale firms, reinforcing the national culture and identity as encompassing a rugged individualism: Bill Hamilton was a selftaught engineer who invented the jet boat, and Bill Gallagher was a Waikato farmer who invented the electric fence. It must be noted that Hamilton had the advantage of a strong educational background, and although Gallagher’s implementation was based on American inventions, he went on to head the Gallagher Group which now holds over 500 patents. This romanticism is heartening – New Zealand undoubtedly has the history and cultural resources necessary for innovation even within its smaller scales of operation. A second issue, which has made its way to the forefront of

much of the discourse on the Christchurch rebuild, is the idea of building a resilient city, one able to absorb and flexibly respond to disturbances, accommodating change such that its system is not fundamentally altered. Such a city would support industries rooted to the local economy by fostering regional resilience. This trait is highlighted by the strength of a skilled and innovative workforce without a reliance on any single industry, linked by networks of research and training institutions. These networks facilitate the place competitiveness that would enable a locality such as Christchurch an economic standing in the global environment. With strategies aimed at R&D, the aggregate effect of merging technological and research advancements with both primary and high value manufacturing and services sectors involved in urban development could provide the transition for Christchurch away from a reliance on the primary sector and into an integrated high value economy. Using the economic strengths inherent to Christchurch and the Canterbury region will also help in restoring and developing local displaced businesses and employment opportunities. The architectural proposition offered in illustration of these principles uses as case studies a winery, an apiary, an apple orchard and an eel aquaculture farm, with a central city farmerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s market to provide the retailing of such commodities. With a focus on smaller-sized industries aimed primarily towards local production, emphasis has been removed from established

corporate multinationals. These smaller scale businesses are placed in relation to a wider, socially cohesive network of shared local materials, local labour and local transport. Considered in conjunction with this network will be opportunities for innovation by taking advantage of the geographic proximities of Crown Research Institutes, independent research organisations, and tertiary institutions. As a holistic integration of agriculture, architecture, and social networks, this proposal paints a semblance of the co-creative cycles of permaculture, a landscape where industries and institutions form cross-scale networks of trade and communication. Together, this would establish a new, resilient landscape supported by the philosophies inherent to those perspectives inseparable from our history. This thesis is part of a larger urban strategy initiative, a collaboration of work within Future Christchurch V4.0 which as a whole encapsulates a hyperlocal approach to the city â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a city reflecting the importance of recognizing locally-sensitive approaches to rebuilding Christchurch. In this volume, aspects of housing, education, transportation and technological advancement will also be explored. It is in part a response to the issues raised by Prototype City: Future Christchurch V3.0, which develops urban and architectural strategies based on catalysts for economic growth.

1.0窶ッeginning with narratives

Fig. 1.1â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Warsaw, Staszic Palace (PaĹ&#x201A;ac Staszica) at Nowy Swiat rebuilt in original neoclassicist form.

1.1 poetics of disaster/symbolism in reconstruction

In some ways, the notion of a “resilient city” conjures up a societal stance of denial. There is a hazy boundary between economic opportunism and nostalgic idealism. When one considers resilience as a post-disaster recovery response, as that of the Canterbury earthquakes, this recovery entails not only a physical reconstruction of the built environment, but also that of an interpretive one, encompassing psychological, emotional and symbolic frameworks. Rebuilding a city undeniably demands repair of a myriad of severed social connections embedded in homes, schools, places of recreation, workplaces and other institutions. The re-use of or reference to pre-disaster physical constructs can be a means by which these connections can be restored,11 and this symbolism in reconstruction has been demonstrated through many examples of reconstructed cities. The haste with which the historic core of Warsaw was rebuilt after its destruction during World War II, and its completion in 196112 suggest a distinctly strong symbolization of Poland’s cultural and historical identity. The Old Town and other historic areas also carried an emotional symbolism embedded in the resistance efforts of 1944.13 While a visitor might today be innately aware of the reconstructed and recreated nature of the site, it nevertheless impresses an underlying

poignancy surrounding the importance of restoring what was lost. However, the deliberations around the reconstructed and the recreated must be addressed. Certainly the historic core was not restored to an exact replica of its previous state, but rather was edited according to the political and ideological priorities of the doctrines observed by Socialist Realism.14 Modernised renaissance and neo-classicist styles prior to the 1830s were considered more reflective of a “Polish” identity, while styles such as art nouveau or baroque, dating from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, were referenced to capitalism and a domination of Poland by foreign powers.15 The buildings were thus shaped to provide for the needs of the present, where different architectural styles conveyed different values and associations. However, under the dominance of post-war Soviet communism, an exhibition in Warsaw’s National Museum opened in May 1945 by the Office for the Rebuilding of the Capital (BOS). Entitled “Warsaw Accuses”, artworks survived from famous buildings were presented; yet the showcasing of these items only served to highlight those objects which could not be saved, laying blame and responsibility upon Nazi Germany.16 Targeted towards Polish and international audiences, the exhibition supported Stalin’s position and addressed anti-German sentiments, but did not offer any true acknowledgment of the fate of Warsaw’s Jews.17 While the Jewish 19

Fig. 1.2. Picasso’s Guernica was an effort by the artist to publicise the event – as an antifascist sentiment, he instructed that Guernica not be returned to Spain until it had recognised a stable democratic government; as per his wishes, it

was returned from New York’s MoMA in 1981, three years after the formation of Spanish democracy.

Committee was still able to commission monuments to the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising under Communist authorities’ efforts to suppress its memory, these conditions devastated any opportunity of reconciliation between the parallel yet divergent tragedies of the Polish and Jewish Varsovians.18 Consequently it was a filtered version of Warsaw that was reconstructed, with almost all physical traces related to its Jewish history destroyed, with the exception of the Ghetto Fighters monument. It is only more recently and in the early stages of the 21st century that the relationship between Jewish and Polish memories are being unearthed, with examples such as the opening of the Museum of the History of Polish Jews in April 2013, in time for the 70th anniversary of the Warsaw ghetto uprising.19 The question is raised as to whether the Christchurch blueprint, imposed in such a haste by the government so that reconstruction work might commence, might be considered as building a filtered version of the city. There begins to be an intimation here of a realm of resilience beyond that encapsulated purely by the physical and the emotional, and captures an essence instead more attuned to the cultural. Cultural resilience suggests a perseverance of customs and norms, and the ability of the symbolism of these to survive and evolve. Gernika, a small town in Biscay in the Basque region of northern Spain, was before 1937 a symbolism of democracy and autonomy.21 When General Francisco Franco of the National Forces ordered the demolition of the town, the attacks were aimed at key civilian centres, in particular the open-air

market and other main downtown areas. Then followed the extraordinary circumstances in which Franco himself initiated the city’s rebuild after he assumed dictatorship of Spain in 1939.22 However, cultural suppression and a denial of emotional healing ensued from the politics of Gernika’s recovery: the rebuild was influenced by his political supporters, and became devoid of any commemorative efforts. Basque religious figures were persecuted, properties of known nationalists confiscated, and even communicating in the Basque language became illegal – scant opportunities were afforded for cultural expression.23 It is in the clandestine acts of the citizens that enabled their culture to endure: annual commemorations of the attack at a collective grave, services held in secret at the Church of Santa Maria, illegal schools which continued the Basque language and education24 – until Franco’s death in 1975 allowed the first prospects of reconciliation between Gernika and Spain.25 The question of the importance of maintaining traditional values, associations and also practices becomes part of the struggle in rebuilding a city. The tradition of Christchurch is undoubtedly embedded in a history of living off the land and agrarian traditions, stemming from early Maori perspectives which told of hunting over the Canterbury plains. After British settlement, family-sized and owned farms were established for local food production, with distribution out to the ports taking advantage of the existing Main North and Main South railway lines. The knowledge and traditional practices which come with such small scale operations are passed down from generation to generation. This establishes a relationship 21

Fig. 1.3. Responding to America’s imposed surtaxes on locally produced Roquefort cheese, an angry group of local farmers marched to the site of a McDonald’s under

construction in Millau and dismantled it, piling the pieces onto the back of their tractors and driving it through the town to the cheers of supporters.

between the individual, their materials and their craft, anchoring them into a landscape composed from just such practices.26

are all expected to participate in events requiring a knowledge of farm practices and produce – the exhibition itself a long-held tradition.32

The significance given to tradition, whatever the economic consequence, is demonstrated by the efforts of José Bové, a sheep farmer and activist in Aveyron, France. In 1999, the World Trade Organisation backed the United States government in imposing a heavy surtax on certain European “luxury products” in retaliation to Europe’s refusal to import hormone-induced American beef.28 One of those items taxed was Roquefort cheese –which Bové produced on his farm. Infuriated by such measures, he took a stand for French cultural identity and the symbolic value of French traditional food by destroying a McDonald’s which was under construction in the town of Millau, whose sheep supply the milk for Roquefort.29 Rather than being labelled as another resentful reactionary, Bové was lauded as a leader of the anti-globalisation movement.

There is, then, the undoubted debate as to how much significance should be given to these aspects of a region’s identity when that region must be reconstructed. For Christchurch, at least, certainly not everybody would respond to an agrarian culture. One point of conflict could be to whom this agrarian culture belonged, especially when taking into perspective that the practice of farming in Canterbury is very much that of a British colonial one, introduced to the region in the 1840s.

The explanation could perhaps be attributed to an attachment to the land or an idealised way of rural life in France – but foremost would be the protection of the region’s historically established culinary traditions. Naomi Klein, a Canadian journalist and activist, reported Bové’s actions as representing an “attack against an agricultural model that sees food purely as an industrial commodity rather than the centrepiece of national culture and family life.”30 Even Paris, the most densely populated city in France, contains more family-owned cheese shops, bakeries and butchers than larger chain supermarkets.31 It is here that the Salon de l’agriculture, an annual agricultural exhibition, is held where farmers, locals and politicians

However, even prior to British settlement, Maori had long been utilising the land in a very similar fashion, making a living out of local resources and taking advantage of the soils and waterways over the plains and the Port Hills. More recently, some of Ngai Tahu’s corporate aspirations in their partnership with Lincoln University has also strengthened their agricultural ties into Cantabrian culture. In April 2013, a memorandum was signed marking the establishment of Whenua Kura, an initiative directed at increased support for skills development in agricultural practices for local Maori.33 Dr Andrew West, Lincoln University’s Vice-Chancellor, spoke of the partnership as an opportunity: “The values around stewardship of the land while undertaking primary production are key to the teaching at Lincoln University. Food production is going to be a major driver globally and the potential impact on our natural resources will only increase. Being able to apply stewardship 23

values to efficient and effective agriculture is essential. These values are important for Ngai Tahu and are fundamental to Lincoln University’s position as New Zealand’s specialist land-based university.”34 Alongside the established locals of Christchurch, the more recent flux of people in and out of the city after the earthquakes raises a concern as to whom the reconstruction of the city would be for. At one level, the image of Canterbury is still very much that of a low-lying farming district with plenty of fertile soils over the plains. With 75% of Canterbury land dedicated to agricultural activity, agriculture, tourism and manufacturing are still the region’s primary export earners.35 At a local level, this may have the capacity to change when considering the rebuild from a purely economic recovery standpoint, where development is focused towards high-growth industries. But alongside the key sectors of information and communications technology, construction, and knowledge intensive manufacturing, the agribusiness sectors have continued to deserve a mention in the Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Authority (CERA)’s economic recovery plan. The question of focus then begins to consider how this recovered landscape would operate, and how it would be presented to those to whom Christchurch “belonged”.

Fig. 1.4. Frank Auerbach’s Shell Building Site from the Thames, 1959, oil on board.

1.2 here is Christchurch

By exploring the qualities of a city which might lend some influence to how it might be depicted, it is argued that perhaps a reflection of the inhabitants themselves shape its aesthetic more so than any physical edifice. Although architectural vernaculars begin to emerge from regional styles, the manifestation of place and identity is placed upon the individual, and memories imprinted on a city must take place in reference to the social interactions associated with those architectures. In essence, encapsulating the traditions of a region are those who continue its practices. E. B. White, an American writer who contributed to The New Yorker shortly after it was founded in 1925, wrote an essay in 1949 entitled Here is New York. Describing stark contrasts between solitude and multiplicity, riches and squalor, and permanence and transience, the city is given a range of personifications which together make up the whole: “There are roughly three New Yorks. There is, first, the New York of the man or woman who was born here, who takes the city for granted and accepts its size and its turbulence as natural and inevitable. Second, there is the New York of the commuter – the city that is devoured by locusts each day and spat out each night. Third, there is the New York of the person who was born somewhere else and came to New York in quest of something. […] Commuters give the city its tidal restlessness; natives give it solidarity and continuity; but the settlers give it passion.”37

This treatment could be made of any city: a sum of inter-related parts. Those natives, commuters, and settlers of New York could translate effortlessly, although at a much smaller scale and perhaps with altered significance, into the natives, commuters and settlers of Christchurch. First, the Christchurch for whom the city has always been home, who have grown up through the transition from farm life to suburban homes and fenced gardens. Second, the Christchurch of those who have seen the city as a means of providing occupation, whether permanently in its labour force or temporarily stationed as part of the rebuild efforts. The third Christchurch belongs to the tourist, who has associated the city with some idealistic means of representation perhaps aligned to the “Garden City”, similar to the clean green image that New Zealand presents to the international traveller. Except a fourth Christchurch may be suggested in light of the reconstruction: that which may belong to the new or returned. Three years on from the 2010 earthquake, Christchurch has been described as a city divided – a city composed of the fractured identities of “the angry, the disillusioned, the untouched and the hopeful.”38 The angry are those who suffered the most loss in the earthquakes and still harbour a sense of uncertainty and frustration at the future. The 27

Fig. 1.5. Italo Calvino’s Invisible Cities, with an excerpt describing the city of Zaira, of Cities and Memory.

disillusioned are those anxious at the slow progress of the rebuild, feeling their opinions and suggestions side-lined in a perceived loss of democracy. The untouched are those whose homes and businesses escaped generally undamaged, but who may nevertheless be distressed from a “survivor’s guilt” of having emerged unscathed. And lastly, the hopeful are those who see the opportunity in being able to rebuild the city anew. This Christchurch could present for these a restoration of a paradise lost, the potential for a new and evolved landscape, or, hopefully, one that encapsulates an essence of both. In a similar manner of visualisation to Italo Calvino’s Invisible Cities, the articulation of landscape is told through a series of architectural insertions. These express Christchurch’s industrial narratives by integrating historical perspectives within the context of a rebuilt urban fabric, thus recreating its existing industrial corridor. Invisible Cities is framed as a series of conversations between Kublai Khan and Marco Polo. It tells of the travels of Marco Polo and his descriptions to the Khan of the 55 different cities he encounters on his journeys. However, as they don’t speak the same language, Polo uses various objects taken from his places of travel to illustrate his stories. The implication is that each person understands the other through their own interpretation of what the other is saying.

a society embracing the opportunism of innovation. In this inevitable cycle of demolition and construction, the city becomes in itself a palimpsest of former and existing forms.39 In gestures similar to Frank Auerbach’s artistic inclinations to continually create and obliterate images as layers upon layers,40 former traces indelibly linger in a city and this recognition and expression of commonplace traditions and activities are the very same which create a rich tapestry of heritage and place. In a city that must rebuild for diversity, for economic revival, and for renewed social constructs, the elements that make up the process of reconstruction should then reflect the layers of narratives built up of all the Christchurchs of the now divided city. This creation of a new landscape becomes reconfigured from the familiar, being built up corresponding to those same narrative qualities.

The ideology of such a landscape is seen as a repository of the values and meanings we attach to places over time, that nurture our existence in a set of collective memories. The grassroots and locally-specific cultures of Christchurch therefore influence, as a supportive element in events of disaster, the combination of nostalgia in rebuilding a resilient heritage, and 29

Endnotes. 1. Jane Jacobs, The Economy of Cities (New York: Random House, 1969). 2. “Gross Domestic Product: March 2013 Quarter.” Statistics New Zealand, http://www.stats.govt.nz (accessed March 22, 2013). 3. Ibid. 4. Alexander Haryowiseno, Future Christchurch: Innovation Economy (Master’s Thesis): University of Auckland, 2013)., 23-28. 5. Christchurch Central Development Unit., Christchurch Central Recovery Plan: Te Mahere ‘Maraka Otautahi’ (Christchurch, N.Z.: Christchurch Central Development Unit, 2012). 6. Haryowiseno, Future Christchurch: Innovation Economy, 23-28. 7. Ben Chapman-Smith, “ICT Sector Expanding, Skilled Workers Missing,” The New Zealand Herald, Tuesday July 16, 2013. 8. Ibid. 9. Richard Sennett, The Craftsman (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008). 10. “Warsaw, Poland, Staszic Palace.” made available under an Attribution-Noncommercial-ShareAlike 2.0 license, http://www.flickr.com/photos/photolibrarian/5844165290/ (accessed June 21, 2013). 11. Lawrence J. Vale and Thomas J. Campanella, The Resilient City: How Modern Cities Recover from Disaster (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 347. 12. Ibid., 138. 13. Ibid. 14. Duane Mezga, “Political Factors in the Reconstruction of Warsaw’s Old Town,” Urban Design Studies 4 (1998), 41. 15. Ibid. 16. Travis Currit, “Return from Death/Burying the Dead: Polish-Jewish Memories and the Rebuilding of Warsaw” (MA Seminar Paper, University of Washington), 29. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid., 30-34. 19. Nicholas Kulish, “Polish Museum Repairs a Tie to a Jewish Past,” The New York Times, April 18, 2013. 20. “Picasso, Guernica.” made available under an Attribution-Noncommercial-ShareAlike 2.0 license, http:// www.flickr.com/photos/ (accessed June 21, 2013). 21. Robert P. Clark, The Basques: The Franco Years and Beyond (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1979), 70. 22. Max Morgan Witts and Gordon Thomas, Guernica and the Crucible of World War II (New York: Stein and Day, 1975), 288. 23. Clark, The Basques: The Franco Years and Beyond, 81. 24. Ibid., 137.

25. Ibid., 156. 26. Sennett, The Craftsman. 27. “Resistance: Demontage Du Macdonald De Millau En 1999.” http://aurka.canalblog.com/ archives/2007/07/08/5476473.html (accessed September 2, 2013). 28. W. Northcutt, “Jose Bove Vs. McDonald’s: The Making of a National Hero in the French AntiGlobalization Movement,” Proceedings: Western Society for French History 31 (2006), 326-345. 29. Ibid. 30. Naomi Klein, Fences and Windows: Dispatches from the Front Lines of the Globalization Debate (New York: Picador, 2002), 67. 31. Daniel Bell and Avner De-Shalit, The Spirit of Cities: Why the Identity of a City Matters in a Global Age (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2011), 236. 32. Ibid. 33. “Ngai Tahu Partners with Lincoln University for Canterbury Agricultural Development.” Te Runanga o Ngai Tahu, http://www.ngaitahuproperty.co.nz/news/lincoln.php (accessed August 12, 2013). 34. Ibid. 35. Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Authority, “Economic Recovery Programme for Greater Christchurch Te Whakaara Tahua: A Foundation for Economic Recovery and Growth in Greater Christchurch.” (Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Authority, 2012.) 36. “Shell Building Site from the Thames.” http://arttattler.com/archivefrankauerbach.html (accessed July 12, 2013). 37. E. B. White, Here is New York (New York: Harper, 1949)., 1. 38. Olivia Carville and Anna Turner, “The Tribes that Bind Christchurch,” The Press, 2013. 39. Ken Taylor, Landscape and Memory: Cultural Landscapes, Intangible Values and some Thoughts on Asia (The Australian National University: Research School of Humanities, 2008)., 4. 40. Mark Crinson, Urban Memory: History and Amnesia in the Modern City (London: Routledge, 2005)., 4-5.

2.0窶フhe local narrative

Fig. 2.1.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; The first house on the Canterbury Plains, erected at Riccarton by the late John Deans ca 1890. In 1843 the Deans brothers built this

Fig. 2.2.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; A Northwood family of flaxcutters, 1913. Flax was a major income earner, and was used in

house using wooden pegs as nails were not available. Primitive as the structure was, the work was sufficiently sound to keep the building

rope making and gum digging.

standing until some time in the late 1890s when it was taken down, as by then it was considered unsafe.

2.1 from Maori to British colonial perspectives

The Canterbury plains were built up from the outwash gravel from eroding glaciers in the Southern Alps,3 where to the north the glacier-fed Waimakariri flows as one of its major rivers. An assortment of shingle deposits by the river comprises most of what Christchurch is built on today, and the swamplands are drained by the spring-fed Heathcote and Avon rivers into an estuary.4 Fresh water fish such as eels were harboured by the rivers, where flounder and shellfish became plentiful in the estuary. Flax, raupo, patches of kanuka and cabbage trees, and other swampland plants of shrubby vegetation and grasslands covered the plains.5 This was Nga-pakihi-whakatekateka-o-Waitaha (the wetlands where Waitaha made fish spears from flax-stalks).6 Preceding the Canterbury Association settlers in 1850, waves of migration and settlement of Maori migrants saw multiple displacements of dominance before the mid nineteenth century saw the arrival of European settlers.7 First to settle were the Waitaha, who gathered food by the coast and estuary and built mahinga kai, or food-gathering places, assimilating the related knowledge and practices customary to their identity and way of life. They were followed by Ngati Mamoe in the 1500s and then Ngai Tahu in the mid-1700s, who subsequently assumed authority over the Canterbury region and wider South Island, driving the Ngati Mamoe south to Fiordland.8 From their arrival, the Maori used the area’s rich food and

plant ecologies. Putaringamotu (Riccarton) became a particularly valuable mahinga-kai, with its abundance of eels, fish and freshwater crayfish.9 These provided resources for the permanent and semi-permanent Maori settlements of the various iwi of Waitaha, Ngati Mamoe and particularly Ngai Tahu, who remained strongly associated with Christchurch’s history and traditions beyond a simply archaeological past.10 Otautahi, the Maori name for Christchurch, means “the place of Tautahi” and stems from the name of the Ngai Tahu chief Tautahi, who built the Tautaki pa at the site of the Barbadoes Street bridge.11 Flax traders, whalers and sealers frequented Christchurch prior to the 1830s, but it wasn’t until 1840 that the first attempt at settlement on the plains were made by whalers at the site of Putaringamotu.12 After this venture was abandoned, a sheep farm was established at the same location by William and John Deans in 1843, leased by Ngai Tahu on the condition that their settlement did not disturb Maori plantings. They became the earliest European settlers of Canterbury, selling produce in Akaroa and Wellington and exporting their wool as far as London.13 Riccarton House, using timber from the Riccarton Bush of lowland Kahikatea, was built for Jane Deans in 1855 near Deans Cottage.14 These buildings, along with the Deans’ brick farm buildings at the present site of the Christchurch Boys’ High School, still stand as a heritage of the former family farm. 35

Fig. 2.3. The Canterbury stock sale of Sir John Hall’s famous Merino flock was held at Hororata

on 21 February 1907.

Fig. 2.5. The Wood Brothers’ Flour Mill in Addington were established in 1890 – it was demolished

Fig. 2.6. The threshing gang pose for the camera, Moderate farm, Bennetts district, Canterbury,

after the Christchurch earthquakes in 2011.

1901.

Fig. 2.4. Milking Shed, ca 1900.

2.2 Christchurch historical context (early industry)

Farming constituted much of the region’s initial land use before subsequent residential development took place.19 In anecdotes and images found in historical archives, the lives of local farmers have been well documented. The first settlers arrived at Lyttelton Harbour in 1850, and in the ensuing years farming practices on the Canterbury plains took root: sheep farming and the wool market in particular provided an economic start, and in the 1870s Canterbury held over half of New Zealand’s total land for wheat production.20 Both pastoral farming and crop growing expanded, prosperity increased as a result of government subsidies and guaranteed minimum prices, and up until 1973, the productivity of farming in Canterbury presented a landscape of considerable prosperity.21

and the town’s milk supply was produced. The Marshlands region remains to this day primarily a market gardening area, with its exceptionally fertile soils. To the north, Coutt’s Island was situated on what was then the city’s rural fringe, where it became the origin of Canterbury’s wine industry in the late 1970s; its first vintage was introduced at St Helena Winery in 1983.25 Since then the wine industry has grown significantly, with regions such as Waipara Valley to the north and Burnham to the south specialising especially in Pinot Noir and Chardonnay.

However, a shift in terms of trade in the 1970s and 1980s coincided with the removal of subsidies, and left farming exposed to market forces in an open economy.22 This led to an increase in the amount of small holdings, and a rise in the significance of horticulture and the continued diversification of crop growing.23 Horticulture and orcharding became prevalent in the Port Hills, Heathcote, Horotane and Avoca regions, and these valleys still constitute a significant area of rural activity.24

Associated with the region’s primary production were industries supplementary to this: equipment suppliers, abattoirs, canning works and the like, all providing the manufacturing, handling and processing inputs needed for agricultural production. When it was discovered that meat could be frozen and exported to the other side of the world, the Belfast Freezing Works along Factory Road became Canterbury’s first purposebuilt facility (and New Zealand’s second) for freezing meat, with production commencing in 1883.26

Market gardens, greenhouses and dairy farms were also found on Christchurch’s rural fringes, where apples and other fruits were harvested

Similar such expansions to the industry were developed based on accessibility to the Lyttelton Port and main south railway lines,27 leading 37

Fig. 2.7. Mr James Turner “Ha-Ha” with Bert Gimblett and Jack Salt coming

Fig. 2.8. Modern beekeeping in Canterbury: a demonstration at Hundred-Hive

down the narrow track with their baskets of apricots at Hillwood, 1920.

Apiary.

to the consequent formation of a major manufacturing and industrial corridor from Heathcote at the eastern end to Islington at the western end, so that farm products could be brought in from Christchurch’s rural hinterland, then processed and handled along this route for distribution to the city centre as well as for export – the first Christchurch railway station opened in Ferrymead in 1863.30 Since then, this corridor has maintained an influence over the development of the surrounding suburban areas, particularly in Sydenham, where small industrial expansion in the second half of the 20th century resulted in the displacement of most residents north of Brougham Street.31 Although most of these businesses were typically small, family-sized industries, they made up the bulk of the industrial corridor, and Christchurch briefly became New Zealand’s main manufacturing centre in the late 19th to earth 20th centuries;32 although it no longer holds this status, this manufacturing background has nevertheless been integral to the city’s economy. Up until the 1950s, the main south railway lines included services between major centres, ports and the rural hinterland. Since then it has predominantly transported long-haul freight, with major distribution of goods covering timber, frozen meat, wool and manufactured goods. It was also more recently used to transport coal from the Stockton Mine and Spring Creek on the west coast to the Lyttelton Port, until Solid Energy’s decline in operations in late 2012.

Fig. 2.9. A large eel. This eel, which weighs 30lb, was caught by Miss S. Hames in the

Lower Selwyn district.

Fig. 2.9. Bishop’s corner, Armagh and Colombo Streets, 1867. E.B. & F.A. Bishop were wine merchants.

Fig. 2.10. Up-to-date farming in New Zealand: an Ivel agricultural motor at work on a South Canterbury farm, 1913.

Fig. 2.11.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; The works of the Canterbury Frozen Meat Company at Belfast 1885. Killing and freezing operations began here on

the 16 Feb 1883.

Fig. 2.12.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Loading frozen mutton on ship from railway wagon, ca 1900.

Endnotes. 1. “The First House on the Canterbury Plains,” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries. com (accessed July 21, 2013). 2. “The Flaxcutter, 1913,” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 3. “Geological Map of New Zealand.” http://data.gns.cri.nz/geoatlas/ (accessed March 25, 2013). 4. S. J. Owen, The Estuary: Where our Rivers Meet the Sea: Christchurch’s Avon-Heathcote Estuary and Brooklands Lagoon (Christchurch, N.Z.: Parks Unit, Christchurch City Council, 1992). 5. Ibid. 6. Jenny May et al., “Christchurch before 1850: Inner-City and Coastal Heritage Trails,” Christchurch City Council, http://resources.ccc.govt.nz/files/ChChBefore1850-publications.pdf (accessed July 12, 2013). 7. Wilson, Contextual Historical Overview for Christchurch City, 18. 8. May et al., Christchurch before 1850: Inner-City and Coastal Heritage Trails 9. Geoffrey Rice and Jean Sharfe, Christchurch Changing: An Illustrated History (Christchurch, N.Z.: Canterbury University Press, 1999), 10. 10. Wilson, Contextual Historical Overview for Christchurch City, 18. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid., 19. 13. “The Pioneering Deans Family.” http://christchurchcitylibraries.com/heritage/earlychristchurch/ deansfamily.asp (accessed June 17, 2013). 14. Ibid. 15. “Canterbury Stock Sale.” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 16. “Milking Shed.” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 17. “Woods Mill.” made available under an Attribution-Noncommercial-ShareAlike 2.0 license, http://www. flickr.com/photos/ (accessed July 21, 2013). 18. “Threshing Gang.” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 19. John Cookson and Graeme Dunstall, Southern Capital, Christchurch: Towards a City Biography, 18502000 (Christchurch, N.Z.: Canterbury University Press, 2000), 115-116. 20. Ibid. 21. Statistics New Zealand, “Historical Context: Rural New Zealand,” http://www.stats.govt.nz/browse_ for_stats/people_and_communities/geographic-areas/urban-rural-profile/historical-context.aspx (accessed March 22, 2013).

22. G. Cant, “Social and Community Wellbeing in Rural Canterbury 1945-2005,” Canterbury Regional Jubilee Symposium Proceedings (2004), 3. 23. Statistics New Zealand, Historical Context: Rural New Zealand 24. Wilson, Contextual Historical Overview for Christchurch City, 129. 25. Ibid., 129. 26. “Belfast Freezing Works.” http://www.ipenz.org.nz/heritage/itemdetail.cfm?itemid=2171 (accessed March 29, 2013). 27. Wilson, Contextual Historical Overview for Christchurch City, 137. 28. “Hillwood Orchard.” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 29. “Modern beekeeping.” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 30. Rice and Sharfe, Christchurch Changing: An Illustrated History 31. Wilson, Contextual Historical Overview for Christchurch City, 134-138. 32. Rice and Sharfe, Christchurch Changing: An Illustrated History 33. “A Large Eel.” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 34. “Bishop’s corner, Armagh and Colombo Streets, 1867.” Christchurch City Libraries, http:// christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 35. “Up-to-date farming in New Zealand.” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 36. “Canterbury Frozen Meat Company.” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013). 37. “Loading frozen mutton on ship.” Christchurch City Libraries, http://christchurchcitylibraries.com (accessed July 21, 2013).

3.0â&#x20AC;&#x192;arguing for the local

3.1 industrial theories: geographic proximity

In the labour market, there are inevitable uncertainties which confront industries and hinder their capacity to create innovation. When placed in the context of regionalism, a set of collective and dynamic processes which promote a synergetic integration of firms can be incorporated, reducing these uncertainties. Clive Lawson outlines a few of these processes as including collective information sharing between firms, collective learning processes through a regional labour market, and a general coordination of decision-making resulting from local associations, families and linkages.1 The expression of significance here is the suggestion of the “collective”, a cooperative network of familiar contacts consisting of regional suppliers and customers, all facilitated by the spatial proximity that a regional imperative would inform. This reiterates the importance attached to the concept of networking afforded to local trades. In itself, it becomes a learning mechanism by which trust can be built between industries and skills can be developed, enabling the foundation through which opportunities for innovation may arise. James Simmie argues that the consequence of proximity embeds economic activity in a social context which allows it to become also a social phenomenon.2 Such regionally specific social interactions begin to construct locally differentiated cultures – each region would thus develop a continually evolving set of collective processes which would come to

characterise different regions and different socio-economic capacities. Bear in mind the cultural distinctiveness arising from each locality must of course hang in balance with these collective processes – one is mutually dependent upon the other. It is in this sense that innovation may be brought about by the concept of regional resilience. This is in part reflected in the perspectives of Piore and Sabel, who argue, as a response to the saturation of mass markets, for flexible specialization of firms in meeting the demand for a constantly changing market.3 In these agglomerated “industrial districts”, populations of small, interacting businesses would engage both in competition and cooperation in a manner conducive to growth. Each firm’s success would be built on the development of products complementing its own specialization, and would thus benefit from social exchange with related producers.4 A criticism highlighted towards the nature of Piore and Sabel’s approach has been of their rationale of analysis, which borders on a somewhat behaviourist logic.5 The emergence and growth of innovation in the model epitomized by these industrial districts relies heavily on psychologistic frameworks, the language of which avoids empirical backing. What it does maintain, however, is a sense of openness and possibility. 47

The illustrative landscape painted in this thesis is not that of a district of flexibly-specialised industries, and aligns more with an urban acupuncturist approach, but nevertheless encapsulates the same principles of social construction as that raised by Piore and Sabel, as well as many other enthusiasts of the industrial district theory. Rather than engaging in exchanges with producers, the emphasis shifts towards similar exchanges on a knowledge and information front with broader institutions such as educational facilities and research institutes, supporting the growth of a highly skilled workforce. Similar ideas were developed towards the early 1990s by the Groupement Européen des Milieux Innovateurs (GREMI), a group of European economists from France, Italy, Switzerland and the UK. Eschewing Fordism and its functionalist logic represented by mass manufacturing systems, they assert that urban development is being dictated by a new territorial logic, based upon innovations realized through regionallyoriented social and industrial networks.6 They introduced the idea of the “innovative milieu”, the central approach of which is that a region’s socio-economic environment is developed through an interaction of small local industries, institutions and labour, sited in a geographic context.7 The association between the actors involved in each of these sectors, including the suppliers, subcontractors and customers, encourages regional learning through the collective learning process,8 a concept derived from the aggregate knowledge of individual institutions. When considering that since the 1900s, cities have evolved from being built by proximity to production advantages to being built by proximity to consumer advantages,

the suggestion that the socio-economic dynamics of industrial districts and innovative milieu in their regional agglomerations generate a market culture9 becomes a medium from which local industry can be addressed. In developing industries drawn from local resources, which are then placed within a predominantly local distribution line with the flexibility for export, proximity to production and proximity to consumer advantages can coexist as complementary networks. Aside from our reliance on Fonterra’s export revenue, New Zealand’s primary industries, agricultural and horticultural practices have been criticised and subsequently devalued as industries of intensive labour and low-impact output. These industries have provided relatively minimal returns and have placed the country in a state of reliance on one multi-nation corporation. The attribution of New Zealand’s decline in relative prosperity since the 1970s, relative to other OECD countries, was given to its economic and market orientation favouring such industries.10 Recent studies indicated that while New Zealand puts in approximately 15% more working hours as compared to the OECD average, it generates only 80% of the output achieved by the rest of its counterparts.11 Perhaps the issue here is one of a lack of diversification. But with arguments for a broader mix of traditional exports, increased high value manufacturing and ICT,12 where does this leave Christchurch’s agricultural businesses? Part of the reason for New Zealand’s lack of diversification is the natural endowment of the land to yield a comparative advantage in agricultural production. Another reason is the dominance of large business corporations which have the ability to influence a local economy. If the 49

Fig. 3.1.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map of urban growth development of Christchurch.

sector’s exposure ranged across a multitude of smaller business owners, this would correspond to a decrease in economic volatility.13 Parallel to this situation has been the consequence of suburban residential development, whereby the rural land area has slowly crept into the fringes of the city’s current political boundary. This has widened the distances between local production areas, their supporting research and manufacturing industries, and their consumers. The closest areas to the central city core still undertaking rural practices are predominantly the Marshlands region and the Heathcote and Avoca Valleys, although residential development has already been planned for part of Marshlands.

of economic return. While labour services have customarily belonged in a linear pathway in the production of finished commodities through manufacturing, a reciprocal relationship in this methodology could produce what James Simmie refers to as a “self-reinforcing circle”,14 which runs in parallel with the concepts contiguous to permaculture. Educational and research-based services would benefit manufacturing and services sectors, whose products, and subsequent information gained, would then be utilised in a feedback loop to further those same and expanded knowledge institutions. For the industrial corridor of Christchurch, this idea forms the possibility of creating a powerful innovation agglomeration.

As a means of preserving the industries which hold historical and symbolic referrals to Christchurch, those devalued sectors can be given a measure of resilience by setting them in a new context. By introducing principles of innovation economics into a city’s developmental strategy, these can be placed in a synergetic relationship with older industry sectors. This is of course pitted against the globalization movement – by reestablishing a scenario where small-scale farmers are provided access to local markets, local food systems would be given the opportunity to thrive. In this new setting of cultural revival and self-reliance, small-scale farmers, local business owners, educational and research institutions, and local consumers could all benefit from a platform of resilience in a landscape geared towards innovation. While this may not transform New Zealand’s primary sectors into the top grossing industries which might recover New Zealand’s OECD ranking in terms of GDP, it creates a responsive solution to long-standing industries which continue to provide associative influences beyond that

Connecting traditional practices in an urban setting generates the proximity demanded by Piore and Sabel’s theories of competitiveness and cooperation, and supporting their constant advancement through the networking of these businesses with educational and research facilities derives the aggregation of GREMI’s innovative milieu. In such a setting, the industrial types set up by Christchurch’s historical developments must coexist with these agrarian practices, promoting a mix of vital architectures along with their social and cultural constructions.

3.2 of integral elements & connectivity

As a response to the growing sense of disconnectedness in urban environments, Jane Jacobs wrote:

This kind of connected or integral urbanism investigates an application of permaculture where ecosystems are developed around emphasising an assembly of parts, which as a whole, practices sustainable and self-sufficient relationships.

Suburban growth in the 1960s saw much of the housing developments turn its back to the canals, which themselves became dumping grounds and abandoned paths. However, in March 2008, the local newspaper published a column which described the proposition of celebrating historical infrastructure, and that the canals were unique qualities of the region which should be considered alongside urban living. “Canalscape” would offer a sense of place and identity through cultivating a respect for local heritage as well as highlighting the canals as a valuable water source.17 As an alternative to urban sprawl, these mixed-use developments would contain working, living and recreational spaces. The result would be a contribution to both economic and urban regeneration. After much input from contributing professionals and educational institutions, Canalscape has since been recognised by the mayor of Phoenix and many aspects of the project are moving towards implementation.18

In Metropolitan Phoenix, a distributed system of developments along the banks of it canals leverages existing assets, offering vital urban hubs with live-work settings and gathering places, which re-orientates urban design theory to bring together functions made separate during the modernist age. In such an arid landscape, the canals were originally established by Native Americans over 2000 years ago to support life, but were abandoned until a modern reconstruction in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.16

A parallel inflection of the qualities drawn by Canalscape is that of Ignasi de Sola-Morales’ urban acupuncture: the expression of small interventions which cultivate a catalytic ripple effect rather than attempt an overarching comprehensive master plan.19 This attitude of urban intervention has been approached via numerous instances:20 the redevelopment of Barcelona during the 1980s emphasized the application of projects rather than a planning scheme, creating a network of outdoor spaces contextual with its

“…we need all kinds of diversity, intricately mingled in mutual support… most city diversity is the creation of incredible numbers of different people and different organisations, with vastly differing ideas and purposes, planning and contriving outside the formal framework of public action.”15

surroundings. Bernard Tschumi’s folies at Parc de la Villette are intended as moments of events punctuating space and time, and Michael Gamble and Jude LeBlanc at the Georgia Institute of Technology describes their urban and suburban retrofitting strategies as “incremental urbanism”.21 These types of interventions characterise an attitude departing from the top-down master planning dominating much of the twentieth century. Stemming from much more localised influences, the idea revolves around creating opportunities for the growth of unprogrammed effects. The design of such flexible spaces allows for a dynamic flux of development based on time-driven processes, unconstrained by predetermined programming. This would allow for an adaptation to new conditions that a master plan may not have foreseen. The redesign of Lafayette Square Park in Oakland, California was an advocate for just such an integrated approach. Landscape architect Walter Hood chose to blend old and new constituents into a hybridised landscape to accommodate its diverse user communities. Rather than shifting the social landscape of the area through gentrification, this method of process sought to improve conditions for its current users while also making it accessible to others. Hood’s designs of public spaces have been described as being “rooted in the tangible past, enlivened by the public, and integral to the community.”22 It is in a similar fashion that bringing small agricultural practices into an urban setting would seek to restore connections between people, their associated landscape and the elements integral to these.

3.3 the knowledge vs. material economies Today’s current understanding of the knowledge economy is seen as one of a non-material nature, of abstract knowledge and the talent of the “creative classes”.23 According to sociologist Saskia Sassen, the relationship between cities’ older material economies and their knowledge economies needs to be recovered.24 As a key factor to innovation, knowledge is often a vague and uncertain concept with multiple means of interpretation. As far as systems of innovation are concerned when approached with a regional imperative, the expression of new knowledge comprises much more than simply an association of firms with a linkage to R&D. In a local innovation system, Simmie argues that geographic proximity of interlinked institutions is a major contributor in facilitating a personal knowledge transfer between workers.25 Industries and their trade associations, business consultancies and research partners all participate in overlapping local mechanisms of exchange, such as trade shows, conferences and other social activities. In this network of diverse relationships, the mutual dependence of these two economies provides for opportunities towards innovation. Especially when knowledge economies can only reflect the knowledge of a particular region, it becomes imperative that they are able to lend significantly to advancing traditional industries. Moreover, it is the smaller, regionallydefined industries which provide a larger variation in production, which base themselves on networks of multiple contractor links, and support direct contact with customers. Unlike the mass manufacturing undertaken by larger conglomerates, an application of small agriculturally-focused

businesses within the current industrial corridor of Christchurch would better reflect the uniqueness of the city’s economic and cultural character, which holds particular significance for a city with so rich a hold on its historical practices. Although there may be a challenge in linking local farmers to higher value sector chains, the importance of markets of traditional produce cannot be overlooked. The recognition that it is these aspects of a place’s history which cultivates its specialized knowledge economies returns value to its older material economies – agriculture, manufacturing, mining – and the craft embedded within those practices. The knowledge economy must therefore stem from creative classes which are in turn fed from the knowledge embedded in these same material practices of the older economies. Each city would thus reflect their own regional specificity through a specialized knowledge economy. Christchurch’s positioning in local markets supports this use of its existing local resources and historical trading base. When aligning the rebuild strategies with economic recovery, switching into a knowledge economy would provide support for its agricultural trade. In a typical model of economic development whereby branches of multinational corporations are incentivised into a city, these corporations hold no roots in the local economy and local community.26 This makes it easier for these same 57

corporations to abandon the area based on global economic fluctuations, where this might be contrasted to the stronger ties given to regional industries. By Simmie’s logic, where these regional industries are strengthened by ties into a network composed of their supportive trade associations, so too would innovative practices be encouraged. An example of unplanned innovation in a small-scale manufacturing industry is given by Jane Jacob’s description of the Minnesota Mining and Manufacturing Company.27 This company was represented by a few local employees engaged in the digging, crushing, sorting and selling of sand. In order to increase their customer base to include carpenters and other woodworkers, the proprietors decided to stick some of this sorted sand onto paper, producing sandpaper. This invention was not a new one, and unfortunately their product was not as effective as they had hoped. In an effort to improve this, 3M, as the company has come to be recognized, began to experiment with new types of adhesives and this work led to the production of a much more profitable masking tape and a whole additional family of products. If 3M had been a small sand manufacturing department in a large metal-casting business, it would have rendered the need for experimentation irrelevant. Those new products, which helped the much more regionally specific company to expand their sales to carpenters, would have been of no use in the metal working company.

by methods of innovation. Although there may be a paradox observed in the rhetoric of regional competitiveness in its emphasis on the importance of qualities and assets unique to a region, which nevertheless results in standardised practices, the notion of resilience offers a perspective rooted in different theories, namely ones backed by social cohesion as well as economic efficiency. This process of creative experimentation could be exhibited in many different pathways if given the opportunity. In the end, it is the fostering of the diversity and spontaneity of inherent regional industries that lend weight to an economy’s strength – a fostering which engages entrepreneurial skills and encourages unplanned and unpredictable episodes of innovation.

This network of overlapping market bases and associations also provides for regional competitiveness, lending further to the notion of resilience backed 59

Endnotes. 1. Clive Lawson, Territorial Clustering and High-Technology Innovation: From Industrial Districts to Innovative Milieux (Cambridge: ESRC Centre for Business Research, University of Cambridge, 1997)., 15. 2. James Simmie, Innovative Cities (London: Spon Press, 2001)., 24. 3. Michael J. Piore and Charles F. Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilities for Prosperity (New York: Basic Books, 1984). 4. Ibid., 31. 5. Ash Amin and Kevin Robins, “The Re-Emergence of Regional Economies? the Mythical Geography of Flexible Accumulation,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 8, no. 1 (1990), 7-34. 6. Ibid., 10. 7. Simmie, Innovative Cities, 24. 8. Mark Lorenzen and Nicolai Juul Foss, Knowledge and Coordination between Firms: The Role of Institutions and Regional Innovation Systems. (Copenhagen: Copenhagen Business School: Department of Industrial Economics & Strategy, 2001). 9. Alex Deffner, Dimitrios Konstadakopulos and Yannis Psycharis, “Culture and Regional Economic Development in Europe: Cultural, Political and Social Perspectives” University of Thessaly Press, 2003). 10. Haryowiseno, Future Christchurch: Innovation Economy, 23-28. 11. Statistics New Zealand, “Innovation in New Zealand: 2011,” Statistics New Zealand, (accessed June 12, 2013). 12. Paul Brislen, “Paul Brislen: End Unhealthy Reliance on Dairy Giant,” The New Zealand Herald, August 7, 2013. 13. Gareth Kiernan, “Economic Diversification - at what Cost?” Infometrics, http://www.infometrics.co.nz/ Forecasting/10142/9999/Economic%20diversification%20-%20at%20what%20cost (accessed September 5, 2013). 14. Simmie, Innovative Cities, 30. 15. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961). 16. Nan Ellin, “Canalscape: Practising Integral Urbanism in Metropolitan Phoenix,” Journal of Urban Design 15, no. 4 (2010), 599-610. 17. Ibid., 603. 18. Ibid., 607. 19. Solà-Morales i Rubió, Manuel de, Kenneth Frampton and Hans Ibelings, A Matter of Things (Rotterdam: Distributed Art Pub Incorporated, 2008). 20. Nan Ellin, Integral Urbanism (New York: Routledge, 2006)., 124. 21. Ellen Dunham-Jones and June Williamson, Retrofitting Suburbia: Urban Design Solutions for Redesigning Suburbs (Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, 2009).

22. Ellin, Integral Urbanism, 97. 23. Stephen Arthur Goldsmith and Lynne Elizabeth, What we See : Advancing the Observations of Jane Jacobs (Oakland, CA: New Village Press, 2010)., 263. 24. Ibid. 25. Simmie, Innovative Cities, 37. 26. Goldsmith and Elizabeth, What we See : Advancing the Observations of Jane Jacobs, 278. 27. Jacobs, The Economy of Cities, 52-53.

4.0窶ブrban strategy

4.1 economic argument: NZ context

On the 30th July 2012, a 100-day blueprint plan for the Christchurch CBD rebuild was released to the public by the Christchurch Central Development Unit (CCDU). This was incorporated into the Christchurch Central Recovery Plan developed by CERA. Highlighted alongside other precinct developments and anchor projects is the Innovation Precinct, located on the south-east corner of the Green Frame. The purpose of the Innovation Precinct aims to “facilitate the establishment of a technologybased industry and research precinct within the central city, attracting new business and employment opportunities in high-value industry sectors.”1 Given particular significance in the description of the businesses expected to be integrated within the Innovation Precinct are those associated with the information, communications and technology sectors. However, the recovery plan continues to mention the hope of collaboration with the skills and knowledge established at the University of Canterbury and Lincoln University. Collaboration is also anticipated with the seven Crown Research Institutes that have facilities in the region, including those with a specialisation in the fields of agriculture, plant and food research, land management and industrial research.2 In conjunction with the Christchurch Central Recovery Plan, CERA’s Economic Recovery Programme for Greater Christchurch provides an overview of twenty key economic recovery projects. Within this list

is mentioned regional clustering opportunities as exemplified by the Enterprise Precinct and Innovation Campus (EPIC) already established within the Innovation Precinct, and the Land Innovation Cluster for agritechnology.3 In considering the industrial types that might be used in illustration of the landscape painted by this thesis, it could be noted that larger, pastoral practices such as dairy, beef and wool farming are perhaps more indicative of the traditional farming scene of the Canterbury plains. Indeed, these industries hold the majority of land use dedicated to agricultural practices, and are the primary contributors to the region’s export economy. However, in celebration of cultures reflective of New Zealand’s rugged individualism, the four chosen industries reference the changing agricultural landscape since the 1980s, and the subsequent growth of horticultural and orcharding practices. These small to medium sized industries were also considered to be more easily incorporated as an initial acupunctural catalyst into the urban fabric and industrial corridor. The selection of case studies chosen therefore had the intention of lending some sense of economic viability within the scheme of the CCDU’s blueprint. Statistics New Zealand quarterly and annually publishes several reports 65

prepared by The Ministry for Primary Industries (see Appendix A). Gross Domestic Product by production group showed that agriculture, forestry and fishing was the 5th largest by percentage contributor to New Zealandâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s total production GDP, with primary industries contributing a total of 7.2% in the year ending 2012.4 Out of the principle agricultural products accounting for the 2012 agricultural sales, dairy produced the most revenue at 45.1% of total gross revenue, with fruit, sheep meat and cattle following at roughly 10-11%.5 International comparisons were made of the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s contributions to R&D as a percentage of GDP in contrast with other countries within the OECD (Appendix A). This can be used as an indicator of how much prioritization is given to high-impact sectors, as they often produce a linear relationship.6 Countries which spend more on R&D therefore typically generate more GDP per capita. Currently New Zealand exhibits a relatively low level of overall expenditure on R&D as a percentage of GDP (1.27% in comparison with the OECD average of 2.38%, as of 2012), although both government and business contributions to R&D are expected to grow.7

4.2 economic argument: by industry

Appendix B discloses a compilation of graphs and figures which highlight the trends and projected growths of the industries chosen as case studies by this thesis. The research strategy outlined by the New Zealand Winegrowers Annual Report 2013 focuses on pests and diseases, managing costs and profitability, sustainability, expanding quality wine markets, and technology transfers.8 According to this report as well as statistics recorded by the Ministry for Primary Industries, the total value of wine exports increased by 22% from 2009 to a total value of $1.2 billion, making it New Zealand’s largest horticultural export by volume.9 Accounting for 33.9% of all horticultural export revenue, the top ten markets for New Zealand’s wine include Australia (31%), the European Union (31%), and the United States (23%).10 The Ministry for Primary Industries continues their report to hypothesize an encouraging medium-term outlook for New Zealand’s wine industry, with the coordination of market development activities and new initiatives in promoting wine sustainability credentials.11 A similar promising outlook for the New Zealand apple and pear sector is also expected, with a growing proportion of new varieties planted and the increased potential for ongoing market expansion in Asia, and an indication of good future demand from markets in Europe and the Middle East.12 As a result of ongoing production of different apple and pear varieties and further expansion into higher paying markets, current export

prices remain stable, and a projected forecast anticipates improvement over the next 3 years. Contributing $386 million, or 11% of total horticultural export revenue in 2013, the top international markets for the New Zealand apple are the European Union (37%), Southeast Asia (18%) and the United States (11%).13 The Royal Gala, together with the Braeburn produce Jazz apples, one of the four major New Zealand exported varieties alongside the Braeburn and Royal Gala themselves, as well as the Fuji. Together, these make up over 75% of ENZA’s export volume,14 a significant player in the global pipfruit trading market – created through the merging of Turners and Growers with the New Zealand Apple and Pear Marketing Board in 2003. The medium-term outlook for the seafood sector, however, is relatively subdued, with only marginal increases predicted for the outlook period to 2016. Although New Zealand’s first eel farm was established in 1971, these had largely declined by the 1980s. This was attributed to reasons including a depression in export prices, poor economic conditions and a lack of knowledge of sustainably culturing New Zealand eels.15 However, recent increases in funding for eel farming have improved prospects for the industry. The Ministry of Science and Innovation are supporting NIWA’s Bream Bay Aquaculture Park in providing advancements in farming protocols, and developments into weaning and tank recirculation 69

systems hope to improve survival rates.16 The Mahurangi Technical Institute’s Warkworth aquaculture research facility has also entered into a partnership with the Manukau Institute of Technology so that information and resources can be shared.17 In the projected future, New Zealand seafood export prices are estimated to grow at a rate faster than that of volume, due to the constraints in businesses’ ability to improve the volume of sustainably harvested wild fish. With 90% of New Zealand’s commercial seafood production reaching international markets, the export earnings in the seafood market account for roughly 3.5% of total merchandise trade.18 Aquaculture accounts for 17% of these export earnings, composed of lower volume species at higher values.19 The United States is New Zealand’s top export market for aquaculture (24% of aquaculture export value), with the European Union (15%), Australia (15%) and Japan (10%) following closely behind.20 For the seafood sector, innovation has the potential to had value to the seafood market by encouraging more sustainable fishing practices and developing new products to premium markets. The Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (MBIE) is a major investor in Seafood Innovations Ltd, a research corporation promoting industry-initiated R&D projects.21 Apiculture is the last case study taken by this thesis. Another growing industry, the New Zealand honey crop over the 2011-2012 production year increased by 10% relative to the previous year, producing a total of 10,385 tonnes of honey.22 The Honey Marketing Authority was formed in 1955, and was effectually New Zealand’s sole honey exporter until around 1980,

when the growth of private individuals and companies began exporting honey and honey products.23 Income and revenue constraints mainly come from limited access to manuka sources or a lack of crops requiring pollination. However, world shortages of high quality honey and the growing consumption of honey and honey products, particularly in China and India, meant increased prices paid to beekeepers for most lines of honey during 2012.24 Other sources of revenue from apiculture practices include pollination services, the sales of live bees, and the marketing of pollen, propolis and beeswax, with the major export destination for live bee shipments being Canada.25 According to the Federated Farmers bees industry group chairman John Hartnell, beekeepers contribute to aprroximately five billion dollars of New Zealand’s GDP, through intensive pollination of crops and pasture.26 Generally, despite a relatively poor honey production season in the last year mainly due to decreased production in parts of the North Island, the apiculture industry is forecasted to remain in a good light. Manuka honey in particular continues to attract premium prices, with many bee products processing and export companies either implementing their own manuka plantations or entering into crop sharing arrangements. However, the risk of pests and diseases such as the varroa mite remains high, and the industry’s close relationship with the horticultural industry means a wider base of concern – this remains a major focus of research and development efforts.27 71

The advantage of the agglomeration of these industries is made apparent by a whimsical tale told by economist James Meade in 1952.28 He describes a beekeeper who is neighbours with an apple orchardist. While making his honey, his bees also pollinate the apple crops, providing a spill-over benefit. Since he is paying out full production costs while not being able to reap all the benefits, this produces an inefficient outcome â&#x20AC;&#x201C; what is referred to by economists as market failure. Usually, the solution, as pointed out by Meade, is to have the state tax the apple growers, and then use the revenue to subsidise the beekeepers. However, this theory was dismissed by a second economist Steven Cheung in 1973.29 Studying orchards and beekeepers in Washington State, he found that the apple growers and the beekeepers regularly contracted the othersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; services, thereby internalizing what in Meadeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s model necessitated government intervention.

Fig. 4.1.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Concept sketch of industries along the Christchurch industrial corridor.

4.3窶ピite / unsite: along the rail corridor

Fig. 4.2.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Construction of Christchurch Railway Station, Moorhouse Ave, ca. 1953.

Fig. 4.3.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; On the Midland (Christchurch to Greymouth) Railway Works. This photograph shows the centre pier of the

viaduct over Staircase Gully.

Fig. 4.4.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Tram line construction works at the High St/Manchester St/Lichfield St intersection, 2013.

Fig. 4.5.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Railway tracks along the Main South Rail line, Addington, 2013.

(Left) Fig. 4.6.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; A depiction of the Woolston Tannery in 1901.

(Right) Fig. 4.7.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; The Woolston Tannery in 2012, before commencement of its retail

redevelopment programme.

4.4â&#x20AC;&#x192;methodologies

With the expansion of residential developments out from the CBD, current agricultural practices have been pushed to the fringes of Christchurch. Shown highlighted in red, this is a map of the current land area within the Christchurch political boundary used for agricultural practices. The Port Hills region has been shown in a lighter gradient due to a decreased viability in supporting agricultural practices as a result of soil types. The Marshlands region in the north-east, as well as the Heathcote, Horotane and Avoca regions in the south-east have retained prevalent activities of horticulture and orcharding.

Fig. 4.8.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Map of current land area within Christchurch used for agricultural practices.

4.4.1â&#x20AC;&#x192;urban proposition The urban proposition began with the idea to take the existing agricultural land use as shown in Fig.4.9., and allow for a permeation and extension of these practices from the city periphery into the central industrial corridor whereby local distribution as well as eventual distribution out to the ports could be achieved. In a series of mapping exercises, different soil types were recorded alongside their corresponding suitability for the growing of various crops. These were then correlated with industry types holding a significance in traditional Cantabrian practices. Because the principal industries consisted, in the context of Christchurch, predominantly of large pastoral practices such as dairy and wool farming, the selection of small to medium sized practices took into consideration the potential of practices to hold an economic viability in producing highvalue produce while still retaining regional and national relevance.

Fig. 4.9.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Proposition showing permeation and extension of current agricultural land use.

E LI N

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IN MA

SOUTH RAIL LINE

LYTTELTON PORT

AGRICULTURALLY VIABLE LAND USE / CHRISTCHURCH REGION

PROPOSITION 1 _ PERMEATION / EXTENSION

Fig. 4.10.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Deep sandy loam.

Fig. 4.11.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Deep silt loam.

Fig. 4.12.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Site maps and associated locations along the Christchurch industrial corridor.

From this exercise, the four different industry types chosen to illustrate the proposed landscape were sited along the Main South Rail line and inserted into the existing industrial tract:

the framework of urban acupuncture could largely apply to any geographic location where the contextual traces and layers merely shift in reference, these sites pay particularity to the context of this corridor.

The winery is in Wigram, on the edge of industrial development and opposite the Canterbury Agricultural park south-east of the site. The apple orchard is on Deans Ave., taking the site of the original Canterbury Sale Yards in Addington, facing Hagley Park. The apiary in Waltham has been placed adjacent to the rail line, across Ensors Rd from the CPIT Trades Innovation Institute. The eel aquaculture farm is in Woolston, across the Heathcote River from The Tannery, a new retail development on the site of the historic tannery dating back to 1874 - the largest primary industry site of its type left in Christchurch.

The selecting of these small to medium sized industries was performed through consideration of those with properties of being either inherent to Christchurch or at the very least to the national landscape. Each industry is also in a position of growing economic viability, pushing the potentiality of high value product from each trade. Seeking to promote urban and economic revitalization, this approach focuses on placing Christchurch’s unique cultural assets on the map of economic advantage. Their site and opportunities for interaction between themselves and with their associated industries highlights the strength that the agglomeration of such businesses is afforded. Each industry engages amongst themselves in a dynamic, serendipitous landscape of self-reinforcing supportive networks, such as in the opportunities of the bee-keepers at the apiary to lease their hives to the apple orchardists, who in turn share their grafting knowledge with the winemakers.

It is hoped that with the rail corridor linking these industries, trades will converge within a central city farmers’ marketplace from where their commodities can be locally traded. Rather than reflecting the typical approach of a master plan, these small interventions are intended, in an urban acupuncturist approach, to foster a catalytic effect on the growth of similar industries and their associated networks. Each architectural intervention has incorporated facilities amalgamating both traditional and innovative practices. In siting them along the Main South Rail line, references to the industrial typologies associated with the architectures of the railway become in themselves a demonstration of the merging of two very different ideals of tradition and advancement. Though

The values of process, dynamism, ambiguity and serendipity are all qualities that have been exhibited in various guises. Like Henri Lefebvre’s arguments for defining space as social constructions and the processes of its production,34 or Robert Venturi’s manifesto for messy vitality over obvious unity,35 Nan Ellin’s theories of integral urbanism advocates for vulnerability.36 This implies an approach that is context-based and selfreflective rather than object-centred, allowing equal value to both subjective 97

as well as scientific knowledge, and qualitative as well as quantitative methods. The strategy of this integral landscape is in support of various literatures which have attempted the quest of seeking a city’s “authenticity”. Ellin proposes that this existential question cannot be given a singular answer. She takes precedence from The Velveteen Rabbit, a story which, although aimed at children, addresses just such this question. In this story of two toys in a nursery, the Rabbit asks the Skin Horse how a toy became real, whereby the Skin Horse replies:

In Calvino’s city of Thekla,38 one of the cities of the sky described by Marco Polo to Kublai Khan, the scaffoldings, the metal armatures, and the wooden planks all symbolise a continued construction of a landscape such that destruction cannot begin. Knowing that more than just the physicality of the buildings are at stake should the city crumble, the inhabitants never cease their work. Eventually the traveller understands that the blueprints they follow are not fixed, but rather are reflected by the constellations of the stars. This city, as with Christchurch, or indeed as with any city, can be seen as being constantly in a cycle of renewal.

“It takes a long time. That’s why it doesn’t often happen to people who break easily, or have sharp edges, or who have to be carefully kept. Generally, by the time you are Real, most of your hair has been loved off, and your eyes drop out and you get loose in the joints and very shabby. But these things don’t matter at all, because once you are Real you can’t be ugly, except to people who don’t understand.”37

Like the Skin Horse, a city becomes and stays real through ongoing and accumulated meaningful connections, rather than through cosmetic fixes or demolishing and rebuilding large swaths of the existing urban fabric. By means of emphasizing relationships rather than objects, and complementarity rather than opposition, these approaches and the landscapes they create become a generation of process rather than product.

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Endnotes. 1. Christchurch Central Development Unit, Christchurch Central Recovery Plan, 73. 2. Ibid. 3. Canterbury Earthquake Recovery Authority, Economic Recovery Programme for Greater Christchurch Te Whakaara Tahua: A Foundation for Economic Recovery and Growth in Greater Christchurch, 30. 4. “Gross Domestic Product: March 2013 Quarter.” 5. Ibid. 6. Haryowiseno, Future Christchurch: Innovation Economy, 25. 7. Research and Development in New Zealand: 2012 (Statistics New Zealand, 2013)., 33-34. 8. NZ Winegrowers Annual Report 2013 (New Zealand Winegrowers, 2013)., 10-12. 9. Ibid., 21. 10. Situation and Outlook for Primary Industries 2013 (Ministry for Primary Industries, 2013)., 34. 11. Ibid., 25. 12. Ibid., 41. 13. Ibid., 34. 14. “About ENZA.” www.enza.co.nz (accessed September 2, 2013). 15. “Tuna Aquaculture - New Zealand.” http://www.niwa.co.nz (accessed June 15, 2013). 16. Ibid. 17. “Eels are Making A Mint.” http://www.stuff.co.nz/business/farming/7816686/Eels-are-making-a-mint (accessed September 9, 2013). 18. Situation and Outlook for Primary Industries 2013, 49. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid., 48. 21. Ibid., 52. 22. Apiculture Report 2012 (Ministry for Primary Industries, 2012)., 1. 23. “Story: Beekeeping.” http://www.teara.govt.nz/en/beekeeping/page-7 (accessed August 15, 2013). 24. Apiculture Report 2012, 3. 25. Ibid., 5. 26. “Bees’ Immunity Weakened by Varroa Mite.” http://www.stuff.co.nz/business/farming/cropping/8769272/ Bees-immunity-weakened-by-varroa-mite (accessed July 15, 2013). 27. Apiculture Report 2012, 9. 28. “Of Honey Bees and Apple Orchards.” http://www.the-idea-shop.com/article/18/of-honey-bees-andapple-orchards (accessed July 29, 2013). 29. Ibid. 30. “Construction of Christchurch Railway Station, Moorhouse Ave.” http://christchurchcitylibraries.com/

(accessed June 17, 2013). 31. “On the Midland Railway Works.” http://christchurchcitylibraries.com/ (accessed June 17, 2013). 32. “The Tannery of the Past.” http://thetannery.co.nz/about-us/the-tannery-of-the-past/ (accessed August 5, 2013). 33. “Christchurch’s New ‘Historic’ Boutique Shopping Emporium nearly Full.” http://thetannery.co.nz/thetannery/christchurchs-new-historic-boutique-shopping-emporium-nearly-full/ (accessed August 5, 2013). 34. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1991)., 26. 35. Robert Venturi, Complexity and Contradiciton in Architecture (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 2011)., 22. 36. Ellin, Integral Urbanism, 119. 37. Margery Williams, The Velveteen Rabbit (New York: Marshall Cavendish Corporation, 2011)., 12-13. 38. Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1974)., 127.

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5.0â&#x20AC;&#x192;architectural strategy

Fig. 5.1.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Plates: Winding Towers, Bernd and Hilla Becher, 1967.

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5.1 an industrial typology

Visual methodologies in recording landscapes have often taken many different approaches to representation. However, artists’ depictions of industrial landscapes are not always valued for their romanticism, or as an appropriate expression of an idealistic aesthetic. Most were rendered as grim scenes of giant machines symbolising toil and labour, instead of the promise of lucrative opportunity and a flourishing economy. Still, the brutalist technicality of these buildings down through the centuries has nevertheless defined the face of cities and the countryside in its day. Bernd and Hilla Becher, a collaborative German duo best recognised for their extensive photographic series of industrial typologies, views the formal repertoire of industrial architecture as playing a decisive role in shaping domains of cultural heritage. Their photographic plates displayed buildings and equipment presenting the qualities of both functional orientation and site definition. Seen as an inquiry into ambiguous landscapes, the Bechers’ solo exhibition at the Kunsthalle Düsseldorf in 1969 summarises a particular alien quality of industry. In the words of Karl Ruhrberg, the curator of the exhibition and author of various works on contemporary art, “these are entities that rise up from their surroundings like anonymous sculptures or anonymous structures, that define their environment’s appearance and have become like a second form of nature: organs of technical existence… [Bernd and Hilla Becher] were thinking

neither about aesthetics nor solely about function, but about the aim they were serving.”2 The Bechers’ work, when reflected against these ideas of anonymity, pursues a maxim of representing things as they are. Their reproduction of basic and typical traits thus intends to portray those objects’ narrative qualities as lying within the objects themselves, as long as they are given an opportunity to speak in a manner appropriate to them. This field of preservation of industrialized form arose from England in the 1950s, where conservational efforts meant the listing of worthy buildings.3 The effects of globalisation, deindustrialisation, industrial relocation and economic reconversion over the past decades have had profound effects on traditional industrial areas, producing obsolete industrial facilities and the various impacts generated from them. Where possible, these buildings were imbued with another function, while its original substance and elements of form remained unaltered. In such a manner, the Woolston tannery buildings adjacent to the Main South rail line in Christchurch were refurbished into The Tannery, a mixed retail complex which now holds over 50 businesses. While its function has ultimately been repurposed, the preservation of the formal representation of its industrial typology has allowed the site to be recognised as a 105

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significant allusion to Christchurchâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s industrial development. The rail corridor here begins to bear relevance to the significance of site for each of the architectural insertions. Pragmatically, there is the advantage of accessibility, allowing the distribution of goods and the creation of cohesive network linkages. As a symbolic means of referencing historical narratives through an anonymity of form, the design aesthetic applied here endeavours to allow industrial typologies to complement agrarian typologies, in a landscape where they must learn to coexist.

(Left) Fig. 5.2.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Plates: Gravel Plants, Bernd and Hilla Becher.

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(Left) Fig. 5.3. Post-earthquake landcape of reconstruction, Christchurch CBD, 2013. (Right) Fig. 5.4. Crane, Christchurch reconstruction, 2013.

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5.2â&#x20AC;&#x192;elemental sketches

site. Pre-disturbance: it is a site representative of the in-between, reposing amongst the natural and the manufactured. The current condition of place is at once separate from the urban, as much as it is in a state of coexistence. Post-disturbance: this sense of place is shifted through the imposition of ideological circumstance, oppositional to the condition of disturbance. The coexistence of elements derives an incremental integration. object. Elements are incremental in nature and derive a landscape of integrated parts.

(Right) Fig. 5.5.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; From the sketchbook pages: shifting landscapes.

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These sketches narrate an architectural conjecture of preservation and transition, of significance and manipulation.

(Right) Fig. 5.6.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; From the sketchbook pages: conditions of sky and ground.

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The manipulation of the object embodies multiple stages of interpretation â&#x20AC;&#x201C; this becomes an exploration into the resilient qualities of that object and how alterable they are while maintaining the essence of their being.

(Right) Fig. 5.7.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; From the sketchbook pages: reposing.

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This investigation of resilient traces becomes integral to the design process, and is used to establish a new normality grown from a pre-existing state. It is a study of elements, of themselves and within a whole, which together constructs a new urban landscape of traditional and hybridised narratives.

(Right) Fig. 5.8.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; From the sketchbook pages: transition â&#x20AC;&#x201C; cyclic states.

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Fig. 5.9.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; The winery site.

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Fig. 5.10.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Winery, exterior render.

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For each industry, a traditional calendar was created of annual activity, and this was hybridised with a secondary calendar which was aligned with opportunities for innovation. In the traditional wine calendar, harvest typically begins in February, after optimum levels of sugar and acidity have been reached. The growers harvest by hand, and the day begins before dawn. Then comes the sorting, crushing and pressing before the must of the grapes is fermented. This is done along with their skins for the making of reds such as Pinot Noir, for the next three weeks. Wines are blended, filtered and barrelled or bottled for ageing over the next 24-48 months. Opportunities for collaboration align with the height of the harvest season, where facilities can cater for educational programs running at the Centre for Viticulture and Oenology at Lincoln University. In the research lab of the winery complex, experimentation occurs with the research of disease and pest control systems, irrigation technology, and the adjustment of blends of different grape varieties. The vineyard and vine library are stocked through collaboration with contracted grape growers around the region. On site, the two hectares of vineyard is dedicated to different vine varieties. These varieties provide prospects for advancing the markets of reds and blends. As for the other industries, the facilities providing for traditional practices are oriented towards the sunâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s position during their associated harvest period, as a response towards acknowledging their distinctive practices. As the programming for the research and development units of the complexes remain the same for each industry, they maintain a consistent north-south orientation on each site. 126

(Right) Fig. 5.11.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; View from the winery.

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5.4窶フhe apple orchard

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Fig. 5.12.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Hagley Park, opposite the orchard.

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Fig. 5.13.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Apple orchard, exterior render.

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At the apple orchard, fruiting begins when summer is underway and flower clusters begin to be replaced by young apples. The orchardist must engage in some light summer pruning to thin new growth and maintain tree shape, before the harvest season begins in mid February. Although these seasons will shift slightly for different apple varieties, this calendar focuses on the year of the Royal Gala, as this is one of the major New Zealand apple exports. It is also extensively used in the development of new apple varieties such as the Jazz. This orchard, on the site of the old Canterbury Sale Yard, pays tribute to William and John Deans, who became the earliest European settlers in Canterbury. Again, a two hectare orchard site provides for grafting opportunities for cross-hybridising different apple varieties.

(Right) Fig. 5.14.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; The proposed apple orchards sit on the site of the old Canterbury sale yards.

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Fig. 5.15.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; View from the apiary.

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Fig. 5.16.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Apiary, exterior render.

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In the annual beekeeperâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s calendar, harvesting of honey typically occurs during the summer. Smoke is pumped into the hive to calm the bees, and the frames are uncapped and placed in the warm room, awaiting honey extraction. Propolis and royal jelly are also extracted during this time. As for the winery, seasonal tastings are held in the tasting room to allow local consumers the opportunity to try the different properties of the local flora. During times of nectar gathering by the bees from the early spring to just prior to harvest, the beekeepers engage in a leasing of hives and collaboration with growers such as our apple orchardist â&#x20AC;&#x201C; increasing productivity for all farmers involved in the trade. On site, the planting of manuka crops adjacent to the complex will eventually also mean a gradual gradation from multi-floral into manuka honey production. This will provide opportunities for off-shoot products such as the marketing of the UMF or anti-bacterial properties of manuka, and royal jelly. The neighbouring CPIT Trades Innovation Institute is the main vocational provider in Christchurch, who also work in collaboration with the University of Canterbury and Lincoln University.

(Right) Fig. 5.17.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; The route of the Main South Rail line, adjacent to the apiary.

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Fig. 5.18.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; The first bend downriver of the Heathcote, on the Woolston Loop.

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Fig. 5.19.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Eel aquaculture farm, exterior render.

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At the eel aquaculture farm, glass eel collection season begins in the darkening hours of the evening from December to June. They are given a salt water dip to remove any ectoparasites before being weaned and matured in the series of outdoor maturation ponds. To help stabilise the population of Ngai Tahu’s treasured longfin eels, considered taonga, this processing facility serves both a commercial and a research role. Those caught by the fyke nets at the fishing bridge are either tagged by researchers, bred for the development of eel aquaculture, or dried and smoked for sales at the central market. The practices of eel farming were not uncommon among Maori. Studying the eels’ life cycles, habitat and migration patterns allowed them to sustainably use the rivers as a food resource.7 Eeling would occur according to different environmental indicators such as lunar cycles, and the caught eels were preserved by line drying or smoking.8 These facilities have been sited in Ferrymead on the banks of the Heathcote River. The spawning grounds of New Zealand’s native eels are believed to lie in the deep ocean trenches near Tonga; once the eggs hatch, the larvae ride the oceanic currents back to New Zealand, where they turn into glass eels.9 The glass eels are carried by the tides and currents into coastal estuaries where they undergo further development into elvers, before maturing into adult eels.10

(Right) Fig. 5.20. On the Heathcote River from Cumnor Terrace, near the eel farm.

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(Right) Fig. 5.21.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; View from the central farmersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; trading market, High Street.

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5.8â&#x20AC;&#x192;the industrial corridor: elevations

(Overleaf) Fig. 5.22.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Elevations of proposed industries along the Main South Rail Line, Christchurch industrial corridor.

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Endnotes. 1. Armin Zweite, Bernd and Hilla Becher: Typologies (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2004)., 44. 2. Susanne Lange, Bernd and Hilla Becher: Life and Work (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2007)., 28. 3. Ibid., 29. 4. Zweite, Bernd and Hilla Becher: Typologies, 74. 5. “Addington Saleyards.” made available under an Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 license, http://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Addington_Saleyards_01.jpg (accessed August 26, 2013). 6. Mark JS Esslemont, “Heathcote River, First Bend Downriver on Woolston Loop,” http://wozamark. blogspot.co.nz/ (accessed August 26, 2013). 7. Joseph Potangaroa, Tuna Kuwharuwharu: The Longfin Eel (The Department of Conservation, 2010)., 10. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., 8. 10. Ibid. 11. Mark JS Esslemont, “Another Heathcote River Bend,” http://wozamark.blogspot.co.nz/ (accessed August 26, 2013).

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The constructed landscape of this thesis suggests a representation of a city which understands that societies are greater than the sum of their technological competencies. In the midst of a high-tech, fast-changing world, a sensitivity towards the ineffable and unquantifiable values of a home-grown society must be recognised. This thesis was written with the intention of offering a cohesion of industry, architecture and collective social integration, operating upon self-reinforcing cycles of trade and communication. Given the context of Christchurch, it is hoped to lend consideration towards an acknowledgement of the elements constituting a resilient landscape supported by innovation. The process of exploration into the multiple layers of references which inform the current industrial landscape has led to an exploration of specificities. In the endeavour to express such a breadth of associations and allusions that remain in a multiplicity of states, the formal design proposal reflects, at certain scales, a transcendence of site. However, this is not to be confused with a transcendence of context. Each architectural proposition was given a measure of regard towards its relationship with its placement within the history of Christchurch. This applied framework had the intention of fitting within the processes

of urban acupuncture as an illustration of integral urbanism. By refuting the notions of a master plan, geographic location unassertively plays the part of an instance, a means by which the constructed landscape can be realised. Although these integrations could invariably be layered onto any landscape if applied from perspectives of other regional industries, the perspective in the bearing of this thesis was taken from the inquiry of the rail corridor, as a symbolisation of industrial development and network linkages. It is in their collective expression that the proposition begins to exact the social, cultural and historical aspects of the city. Therefore it is as a collective that the land is given form and begins to become an affirmation of resilience. While the resulting aesthetic representation of form seems laid bare and unassuming, the reification of such values referred to by this thesis consequently defines the design as a thought process. The design methodology follows this progression. The wine, apple, honey and aquaculture industries are all in a position of economic growth, and all belong solidly to national cultures of significance. The ensuing mapping of soil types and site considerations were primarily an exercise in logistics, and became a necessary prelude to the drawings and calendars created for each trade. Meanwhile, materiality and aesthetics were considered from the standpoint of instantly recognisable industrial typologies that could inform the constructed landscape. Drifting in and out of specificities, a 171

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certain disengagement was kept from a full resolution of architectures. This development of the design methodology can be attributed to the interrogation of what was eventually emphasised – although composed of singular entities, the design itself is read as a narrative of parts that make up an integrated whole. The outcome of this has been a variability of articulation in the architecture, and this has contributed to a development of personal practice and design representation. Walter Benjamin described Paul Klee’s “Angelus Novus” with the following words: “This is how one pictures the angel of history. His face is turned toward the past. Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe which keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet. The angel would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole what has been smashed. But a storm is blowing from Paradise; it has got caught in his wings with such violence that the angel can no longer close them. The storm irresistibly propels him into the future to which his back is turned, while the pile of debris before him grows skyward. This storm is what we call progress.”1

Benjamin’s words embody a perspective bound in a temporal state of inbetween, in an analogous manner to which this thesis has addressed the landscape of Christchurch’s reconstruction. The attempt to bridge the disconnect between a city of progression and a city of historical integrity has produced elements that contend to very concrete principles, and elements that begin to substantiate more abstract realms. It is this navigation of temporal states that becomes the architectural composition – an interweaving of history, industry and their layers of significance to reflect a resilience of a city and those within it. There are many people still hanging on to Christchurch’s Gothic “Garden City” mix. Then there are another group of people who believe that with time, new memories can be created from contemporary buildings. Whatever is rebuilt, Christchurch needs to be a city that is grounded in the environment. This is what will provide traces back to its inherent identity, allow people a form of psychological ownership to the evolution of the city and facilitate the transition into a new Christchurch that people can still call Christchurch.

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Figure 6.1.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Final exhibition pin up, 29 October 2013.

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“Those who arrive at Thekla can see little of the city, beyond the plank fences, the sackcloth screens, the scaffolding, the metal armatures, the wooden catwalks hanging from ropes or supported by saw-horses, the ladders, the trestles. If you ask, ‘Why is Thekla’s construction taking such a long time?’ the inhabitants continue hoisting sacks, lowering leaded strings, moving long brushes up and down, as they answer, ‘So that its destruction cannot begin.’ And if asked whether they fear that, once the scaffolding is removed, the city may begin to crumble and fall to pieces, they add hastily, in a whisper, ‘Not only the city.’ If, dissatisfied with the answer, someone puts his eye to a crack in the fence, he sees cranes pulling up other cranes, scaffolding that embraces other scaffolding, beams that prop up other beams. ‘What meaning does your construction have?’ he asks. ‘What is the aim of a city under construction unless it is a city? Where is the plan you are following, the blueprint?’ ‘We will show it to you as soon as the working day is over; we cannot interrupt our work now,’ they answer. Work stops at sunset. Darkness falls over the building site. The sky is filled with stars. ‘There is the blueprint,’ they say.”2

177

178

Endnotes. 1. Walter Benjamin, Hannah Arendt and Harry Zohn, Illuminations (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1968)., 249. 2. Calvino, Invisible Cities, 127.

179

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Appendix A: comparative statistics on GDP & contributions to R&D

Figure 7.1.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Gross domestic product by industry.

188

Figure 7.2.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Agriculture, forestry and fishing activity.

189

Figure 7.3.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Gross domestic product by production group.

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Figure 7.4.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Gross agricultural production.

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Figure 7.5.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Gross expenditure on research and development.

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Figure 7.6.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Research and development expenditure by industry.

193

Figure 7.7.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Research and development expenditure as a proportion of GDP in OECD countires.

194

Endnotes. 1. Statistics New Zealand, â&#x20AC;&#x153;Gross Domestic Product: March 2013 Quarter,â&#x20AC;? http://www.stats.govt.nz (accessed March 22, 2013), 3. 2. Ibid., 5. 3. Statistics New Zealand, New Zealand Economic and Financial Overview 2013, 14. 4. Ibid., 17. 5. Research and Development in New Zealand: 2012, 11. 6. Ibid., 12. 7. Ibid., 33.

195

Appendix B: comparative statistics relating to key industries

Figure 8.1.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Excerpt from the NZ Winegrowers Annual Report.

198

Figure 8.2.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Wines by export value.

199

Figure 8.3.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Statistical summary of New Zealand wine .

200

Figure 8.4.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Apple and pear export volumes.

201

202

Figure 8.5.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Horticultural exports, markets and revenues.

Figure 8.6.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Seafood exports, markets and revenues.

203

Figure 8.7.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Seafood export volumes, prices and values.

204

Figure 8.8.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Honey export volumes, prices and values.

205

Figure 8.9.â&#x20AC;&#x201A; Returns for apiculture products.

206

Endnotes. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

NZ Winegrowers Annual Report 2013, 1,21. Ibid., 4. Ibid., 22. Situation and Outlook for Primary Industries 2013, 41. Ibid., 34. Ibid., 48. Ibid., 49. Apiculture Report 2012, 4. Ibid., 5.

207

In the aftermath of the devastating succession of earthquakes in Christchurch in 2010 and 2011, a new landscape can be proposed in light of the city’s reconstruction. This landscape seeks to integrate the seemingly opposing impulses of creating innovation and fostering a resilience born from the city’s own inherent qualities. The recognition of perspectives from local cultures highlights the agrarian roots of Christchurch – but while New Zealand has a world class reputation built on the production of high quality primary produce, its agricultural sector is an industry of intensive labour in relation to production output. Nevertheless, agriculture remains fundamental to Christchurch’s economy; and with a history so deeply rooted in New Zealand traditions, opportunities for an i¬¬¬ncorporation of an innovation culture with the primary sector will be key to developing resilience when considering its role in Christchurch’s economic future. With a relatively low level of support for long term investment in Research and Development (R&D) and a lack of cross-scale linkages being a significant barrier towards cultivating this innovation, this thesis focuses on constructing a platform for synergetic dialogues between industries and institutions. In illustration of this proposition, a collection of small, local industries more reflective of Christchurch’s cultures are interwoven into landscape synonymous to the ideals of resilience and innovation in a reconstructed city.