REGIONAL OFFICE PROGRAM STATEMENT Andean Region and Southern Cone APRIL 2014
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Purpose and Background SOCIAL NEEDS DRIVING ACTION
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atin America, and the Andean Region and Southern Cone in particular, has entered a new phase in its development process, marked by the consolidation of electoral democracy and higher rates of growth than in the past. Democratic electoral processes until recently absent or questioned for their legitimacy now show indicators of stability both in terms of periodicity and transparency. Similarly, the region has achieved significant macroeconomic stability despite persistent adverse financial shocks and uncertainty in global markets. Higher rates of growth in the region have led to increased tax revenues, and social expenditure. In general terms, all of these factors together have contributed to an important reduction in poverty in the region. Whereas in 1999, 43% of the population in the region lived in poverty, by 2010 that figure was closer to 31%. In 2011 for example, the number of Colombians living at or below the national poverty line fell to 34.1%, compared to 45% in 2005. In Peru, the incidence of poverty has fallen to 27.8% in 2011, down from 42.4% in 2007. In Chile, rates of poverty remain relatively low for the region; in 2011, 14.4% of the population lived in poverty, compared to 13.7% in 2006 and 15.1% in 2009. Other countries in the region follow this downward trend. At the same time, this growth has implied the rise of new economic and social problems, as well as an increase in the ecological footprint of the region. Latin America remains the most unequal region in the world in terms of income disparity as the benefits of economic growth have been unevenly distributed, often further prejudicing disadvantaged groups. Despite efforts to reduce poverty, inequality remains the principal challenge for the region, affecting political, social, economic and cultural aspects of society and contributing to persistent disenchantment with democracy despite what might have been expected due to the extent of political reform and economic growth in the region. In the face of these key social needs, the Andean Region and Southern Cone (AR&SC) office seeks to build inclusive democracies, as well as inspire confidence in the ability of democratic processes and institutions to include historically marginalized groups. In particular, the office is focused on the problems of political, economic, social and cultural exclusion, especially affecting Afro-Descendent
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populations, indigenous peoples and those living in poverty in Colombia and Peru. While exclusion is manifest in multiple forms, the AR&SC office is focused on four key dimensions of the exclusion of disenfranchised groups in the region, in particular Afro-Descendent populations, indigenous peoples and those living in poverty: •
Absence or limited exercise of rights for these specific populations
•
Limited access to justice, basic social services, financial services and markets for these groups
•
Limited capacities (capabilities) of these groups to expand their opportunities to live with dignity and exercise their citizenship
•
Absence or limited recognition of these populations in the general society, and their limited participation in the decisions, processes and institutions that affect their lives
These overlapping dimensions of exclusion are reflected by several illustrative examples from the countries in which the AR&SC office focuses its work. However, any discussion of inequality in the region must consider the serious challenges imposed by the availability and quality of data for these target populations. Systematic shortfalls in inequality measurement, data collection and monitoring poverty across the region levy limitations against analysis and understanding of poverty, its determinants and its implications for social inclusion. As evidenced by the examples below, rigorous data is hard to come by, and where data does exist, it is often incomplete or at odds with realities on the ground. Throughout the region ethnic minority groups suffer from invisibility, often with no formal recognition of their existence or ethnically differentiated rights to protect these groups. Colombia’s 2005 census measured the Afro-Descendent population to be 10.6%, but the UNDP estimates that figure to be closer to 22%. Similarly, according to the Colombian government, the country’s population includes 1.4 million indigenous people in 87 communities, but the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) figures show 102 indigenous communities. REGIONAL OFFICE PROGRAM STATEMENT
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In Peru, the Afro-Descendent population was not counted in the 2007 census. In Chile, there is no constitutional recognition of indigenous people. Invisibility is also manifest by the lack of an intercultural approach and intercultural sensitivity by both government and society. Lacking adequate official information and recognition (including considerations of language), these historically excluded groups remain largely unseen to the policymaking decisions, processes and institutions aimed at effectively combating exclusion.
neither knows how to read nor write. In nearly every district in the country, indigenous people present higher illiteracy rates than those observed among the non-indigenous population. In Colombia the illiteracy rate for Afro-Descendants is nearly double that of the mestizo population. Similarly in Chile, the indigenous illiteracy rate is 6.1%, while the non-indigenous rate is only 3.3%. These indicators help illustrate both the depth and the breadth of civil and political exclusion for ethnic minorities and vulnerable groups in these countries.
At the same time, Colombia, Peru and Chile have all advanced important legal reforms to protect human rights and to avoid any discrimination based on religion, sex, ethnicity, skin color and social origin. However, enforcing these reforms remains a challenge and the lack of institutional transformation reveals a relevant gap between norms and practices. For example, in Colombia, where Law 70 (in force since 1993) recognizes Afro-Colombians as a distinct ethnicity and provides a legal foundation to defend their territorial rights, ethnic minorities remain vulnerable. Afro-Descendants in Colombia are disproportionately affected by forced displacement—22.5% of the displaced people in Colombia are Afro-Descendants and 12 out of every 100 Afro-Descendants have been displaced at least once.
Although it is difficult to measure the absence or limited exercise of rights for marginalized groups, together these indicators can begin to help illuminate the extent of exclusion. Examples of the lack of access to education, justice, basic social services, financial services and markets for these groups also abound. According to the UNDP, indigenous peoples and Afro-Descendants are dramatically overrepresented among the poorest segments of society. In Peru for example, the number of indigenous people and Afro-Descendants (IP and AD) living in extreme poverty is double that of the general population (26.9% for IP and AD versus 14.6% for non AP and ID). A majority of the 12.3% of Colombians living in extreme poverty are Afro-Descendants or indigenous people, while these groups make up less than 25% of the total population. In Chile, the number of indigenous people living on less than one dollar a day is three times higher than the number of non-indigenous people living in similar circumstances.
Throughout the region, broad sectors of the population are denied access to the benefits of democratic institutions and excluded groups have limited political representation as well as limited engagement in debate and decision-making relating to key issues that concern them. As a result, a gap persists between formal democracy and genuine citizen engagement and participation in public issues, particularly for historically excluded groups. These structural barriers to political inclusion are exacerbated by social trends that indirectly limit opportunities for civil and political participation. In Peru for example, 23% of rural women possess official government identification. In another example, illiteracy rates among indigenous peoples are disproportionately high compared to non-indigenous populations. The national illiteracy rate in Peru is 7.2%, but among indigenous peoples that figure is 15.5%. In the majority of indigenous communities in the Peruvian mountains and jungle, between 20 and 30% of the population Andean Region and Southern Cone 2014
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At the same time, the Andean Region and Southern Cone accounts for 35% of the rural poor population in South America. In Peru for example, a majority of rural dwellers live in poverty; the rural poverty rate is 56%, while urban poverty is 18%. Typically, these farmers and rural business owners do not have access to land, education, healthcare, or markets that would allow them to profit from their harvests. Without access to services and markets, or opportunities and incentives to save and build assets, these marginalized groups remain perpetually vulnerable.
These conditions also seriously limit the capacity of families to cover their basic needs, acquire education and healthcare, as well as their ability to plan for the future and achieve economic security in 3
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the long-term. In Colombia for example, only one out of four women have a savings account in a formal institution. Despite significant gains in recent years toward reducing barriers to education in the region, Afro-Descendants and indigenous groups continue to face important obstacles to acquiring higher education. These groups have significantly lower participation in the education system, with graduation rates much lower than those of other groups. Government efforts to track enrollment and graduation among ethnic minorities in Colombia have suffered technical setbacks, meaning there is still a dearth of data to help illuminate their situation. However, outside studies found that 18.6 out of every 100 mestizo Colombians 17 years or older has completed a university degree, while the same is true for only 12.3 Afro-Colombians. At the same time, when the perception survey AmericasBarometer asked where Afro-Colombians suffer from the greatest discrimination, nearly 45% of Afro-Descendants and 40% of mestizo respondents identified schools and universities as the area characterized by the most discrimination. For the same question, no other category (including hospitals, police, entertainment centers/bars/clubs, public places and public/administrative offices) scored within range. With limited access to higher education, these groups have a limited capacity to expand their opportunities, build social capital, and develop leadership capability to more fully exercise their citizenship.
them, but also the need to strengthen government institutions at the national and local levels to manage resources to respond to social needs. At the same time, institutional gaps and weaknesses contribute to the problem as government and social actors alike still lack or are at a very incipient phase of developing institutions and capabilities to implement consultations as per ILO Convention 169 (free, prior and informed consent—FPIC). It is often the case that indigenous communities and civil society lack organizational strength that enables them to act together. The causes of these deep-rooted patterns of exclusion in the Andean Region and Southern Cone are both numerous and diverse as evidenced by this data, but these examples are meant to illustrate that inequality persists as the major overarching problem confronting the region. The needs of Afro-Descendent and indigenous peoples, and those living in poverty drive the AR&SC office efforts to pursue building inclusive democracies by supporting structural social change and initiatives that foster the distribution of resources as well as the full exercise of citizenship for excluded groups.
As discussed above, the region exhibits both democratic institutions and economic growth— growth that is largely anchored in the exploitation of natural resources. The expansion of the extractive industry in the region has served to generate increased tax revenue and subsequently expand social expenditure and help build the middle class. However these new resources are not reaching the most marginalized populations who also want access to the benefits of economic growth, leading to increased tension and conflict. Cases such as Antamina in Peru, La Toma in Colombia, and San Cristobal in Bolivia, among others, show the difficulties that have occurred with the communities directly affected by the extractive industry. These cases have evidenced the lack of mechanisms for community participation in decisions that affect 4
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Local Context CONSTITUTIONAL AND STATUTORY FRAMEWORKS
C
ountries in the region have achieved significant progress in terms of elections and democratic processes. Colombia, Peru and Chile each have democratically elected governments with strong constitutional frameworks, although more work is needed to secure political and civil rights and successful implementation remains elusive for some key elements. Since the early 2000s, political actors in Colombia have been engaged in a continuous debate regarding an ambitious public reform agenda, including electoral system reform, access to information, new regulation for political parties, and regulations on lobbying. During the last decade, the government has also addressed a set of political as well as social reforms related to conflict and exclusion including victim’s reparation, land restitution and labor formalization laws, in addition to fiscal, political and natural resources royalty reform. Peru, like many countries in the region, faces challenges stemming from a legacy of undemocratic leadership. Under Fujimori’s authoritarian regime (1992-2000), traditional political forces were fragmented, allowing for the emergence of independent leaders to challenge conventional party frameworks. Post-Fujimori, the weakening of traditional parties of the left and center-right has created challenges to both passing and implementing new laws, often leading to governing by clientelism or worse, by force. In contrast, Chile´s political framework is characterized by a highly institutionalized multiparty system. However, key aspects of the Chilean Constitution—which came into force under Pinochet and remains valid today—are contested by social and political actors, including the electoral system, the absence of recognition of indigenous rights, the absence of an ombudsman, high levels of concentration of power in the executive branch, the requirement for large quorums to approve constitutional amendments, and the lack of mechanisms for citizen participation. Furthermore, the relationship between the private sector and the political system is poorly regulated in Chile, which creates opportunities for the private sector to exercise informal influence over political processes.
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In relation to the protection of human rights, Colombia, Peru and Chile have advanced important legal reforms to avoid any discrimination based on religion, gender, ethnicity, skin color, and social origin. Moreover, each country has become party to several international human rights treaties, which has led to constitutional and non-constitutional legal reforms. In Colombia and Peru, national ombudsman institutions have played crucial roles in inspiring legal transformations to protect citizens’ rights. Additionally, Chile has recently incorporated a National Institute of Human Rights, as an autonomous organization to oversee the protection of human rights nationwide. Across the board, these three countries face institutional challenges associated with the enforcement and improvement of existing rules. Particularly in light of the high levels of economic inequality, regulating the relationship between the private and public sector becomes crucial. Institutional tools such as an ombudsman, access to tools of justice and access to information are important for the expansion of social and civil rights, but the challenge remains making these tools more accessible to the least advantaged sectors of society.
ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE Colombia, Peru and Chile each possess sound macroeconomic policies and have enjoyed exceptional growth in recent years, even if it now appears to plateau. (See Table 1.) Each country has implemented market-oriented reforms (Chile in the 1980s, and Peru and Colombia in the early 1990s) including lowering tariffs, privatization of stateowned companies, and easing standard labor rules to promote foreign investment. However, all three economies have relatively small industrial infrastructure and depend heavily on the commodities and service sectors, which not only makes them sensitive to external shocks (as evidenced in Table 1 by the dramatic drop in growth in 2009), but also creates uncertainty as these countries face increasing competition from emerging economies particularly in manufacturing sectors. At the same time, economic growth has led to increased social public expenditure and decreasing poverty rates. (See Table 2.) NEXT PAGE 5
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TABLE 01 & 02
DATA SOURCE: CEPALSTAT DATABASE
In 2010, social public expenditure as a percentage of GDP for Colombia, Peru and Chile was 13.6%, 10%, and 15.6%, respectively. Nevertheless, income inequality remains an important challenge for the region and the World Bank´s Gini Index figures are high for these three countries. In 2010, Colombia´s Gini coefficient was 55.9 and Peru´s was 48.1, while in 2009 Chile registered a coefficient of 52.1. A Gini index of zero indicates perfect equality, while 100 represents perfect inequality.
SOCIAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS Despite the promising poverty rate trends illustrated above, social and demographic developments remain largely fragile in these three countries, particularly for ethnic minorities and women, as evidenced by the indicators in Table 3. TABLE 03 DATA SOURCES: LITERACY RATE: CEPALSTAT DATABASE; COLOMBIA REFERS TO 2011 DATA, PERU 2007 AND CHILE 2009. REMAINING INDICATORS COMPILED FROM “THE SOCIAL INCLUSION INDEX 2013,” AMERICAS QUARTERLY, VOL. 7, NO. 3 (SUMMER 2013). DATA COMPILED FROM NUMEROUS SOURCES INCLUDING THE WORLD BANK, FREEDOM HOUSE, AND AMERICAS BAROMETER.
LITERACY AND EDUCATION Literacy Rate Ages 15-24 (Male)
Literacy Rate Ages 15-24 (Female)
Enrollment Secondary School (Male)
Enrollment Secondary School (Female)
Colombia
97.8
98.7
79.4
81.2
NA
NA
Peru
98.0
96.7
81.1
82.4
79.9
84.1
Chile
98.9
98.9
90.5
90.9
90.8
89.4
Financial Inclusion (Male)
Financial Inclusion (Female)
Percent Living on More than $4 per Day (Male)
Percent Living on More than $4 per Day (Female)
Percent Living on More than $4 per Day (Nonminority)
Percent Living on More than $4 per Day (Minority)
Colombia
35.9
25.4
68.3
67.1
NA
NA
Peru
23.5
17.6
72.5
71.5
77.1
64.6
Chile
43.4
41.0
88.3
87.2
88.2
81.4
Minority
Country
Enrollment Secondary School (Nonminority)
Enrollment Secondary School (Minority)
FINANCIAL INCLUSION AND INCOME Country
ACCESS TO ADEQUATE HOUSING Male
Female
Non-minority
Colombia
Country
84.5
85.8
NA
NA
Peru
64.2
65.7
69.3
58.8
Chile
95.9
96.4
97.0
84.3 Minority
ACCESS TO FORMAL EMPLOYMENT (Ages 25-65) Country
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Male
Female
Non-minority
Colombia
63.6
61.8
NA
NA
Peru
64.2
54.3
63.3
54.3
Chile
83.5
75.1
80.4
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Although official census information collected in Colombia is not disaggregated by race or ethnicity, inferences can be made from other available data. To be indigenous or black is the strongest predictor of poverty in Colombia. According to a recent exercise by the national government, “Mission of Equity and Social Mobility,” indigenous people and Afro-Descendants are strikingly “over-represented” in the lower classes and, in fact, most of them belong in the most deprived 10% of the total population. Furthermore, infant mortality rates for the better-off regions range from 20 to 30 deaths per thousand births, which is two or three times less than infant mortality rates for those regions with the highest concentration of indigenous people. In addition, the Ministry of Education reports that only 31% of indigenous children are enrolled in schools and that illiteracy among the indigenous people reaches 44%. The data for the African-descendants are even more scant and unreliable, yet sufficient to illustrate their plight. According to the UNDP, 71% of the Chocó residents (its population is 98% Afro-Descendent) live in poverty, and 41% in extreme poverty. Moreover, malnourishment rates are double the national average and illiteracy is three times higher. Peru´s Afro-Descendent population—not counted in the census, itself an indication of exclusion— represents about 3.1% of the total population, according the 2010 National Household Survey. It is concentrated mostly in the marginal areas of the country’s coastal cities. The indigenous population is estimated at 38% according to that survey (a higher figure than the National Census, which uses language criteria instead of self-identification) and 48% by the World Bank. The indigenous population is spatially concentrated in the central and southern highlands and the Amazon region. Poverty among Afro-Descendent and indigenous groups is higher than among mestizos (11% and 14% higher in each group, respectively). The illiteracy rates are almost double among Afro-Descendent and indigenous groups, and members of these groups complete fewer years of education. Additional indicators illustrate the disadvantaged situation of indigenous groups: 38.2% of the indigenous population has inadequate access to clean and drinkable water (as opposed to the 26.8% national average).
Inequality is also expressed spatially—for instance in those localities lagging behind in terms of literacy rates, 66% of the population is indigenous or of African descent, while in better situated areas, only 6% of the population belongs to these groups.1 In Chile, the indigenous/non-indigenous divide—a source of serious conflict in the last years—is a major reflection of exclusion. According to a 2009 socioeconomic survey, 7% of the population identified itself as indigenous, mostly concentrated in the Santiago metropolitan area and in La Araucanía region to the south. Poverty rates among the indigenous population are higher than among the non-indigenous population (20% compared to 14.8%). Illiteracy in the indigenous population practically doubles that of the non-indigenous population (6.1% versus 3.3%). In terms of the level of instruction achieved among indigenous people there are also significant differences: most do not get past basic education, and only 11.9 % attain higher education (compared to 23 % among the non-indigenous population). In terms of income, on average, indigenous people receive 32% less income.
STATE OF FREEDOMS According to Freedom House, the Americas rank second only to Western Europe in terms of freedom and respect for human rights. However, as evidenced below, these freedoms do not always extend to the most marginalized groups. While Peru and Chile are considered “free” countries, Colombia is considered “partly free.” The following table provides a breakdown of several key indicators used to measure the state of freedoms. In this case, political rights refer to respect for electoral processes, political pluralism and participation, and the functioning of government. Civil rights include freedom of expression and belief, associational and organizational rights, rule of law, and personal autonomy and individual rights. The women´s rights score accounts for maternal mortality rates, reproductive rights, women in political power, rates of violence against women, and the availability of data on sexual violence. LGBT rights reflect the existence and permissibility of same-sex relationships, related anti-discrimination laws and laws on same-sex relationships.
1 For further discussion of rural dynamics in the region, see RIMISP (2012).
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TABLE 04 SOURCES: POLITICAL RIGHTS, CIVIL RIGHTS, WOMEN´S RIGHTS AND LGBT RIGHTS SCORES COME FROM “THE SOCIAL INCLUSION INDEX 2013,” AMERICAS QUARTERLY. DATA COMPILED FROM NUMEROUS SOURCES INCLUDING THE WORLD BANK, FREEDOM HOUSE, AND AMERICAS BAROMETER. PRESS FREEDOM COMPILED FROM REPORTERS WITHOUT BORDERS “WORLD PRESS FREEDOM INDEX 2013.”
Press freedom incorporates the attitudes and intentions of governments toward media freedom and takes into consideration the following factors: pluralism of opinions represented, media independence, environment and self-censorship, legislative framework, transparency, infrastructure and violence. Political Rights (Scale: 0-40)
Civil Rights (Scale: 0-60)
Women´s Rights (Scale: 1-26)
LGBT Rights (Scale: 0-7)
Press Freedom (Scale: 0-100, 0 = best score)
Colombia
27
34
24
5
37.48
Peru
30
41
23
4
31.87
Chile
39
57
21
4
26.24
Country
In addition to these indicators, there are several well-established reports of the extensive and serious violations of human rights suffered by many indigenous peoples and Afro-Descendent communities. The marginalization of indigenous and Afro-Colombians is likewise historic and has been inseparable from the patterns of territorial occupation. Although in theory 30% of the national territory belongs to the 710 existing indigenous resguardos, only 8% of this land is fit for agriculture, and much of it is de facto occupied by mestizos. The evidence is compelling that racial and ethnic minorities are the most marginalized among excluded Colombians. However, discrimination against women is another challenge in Colombia, including problems relating to domestic violence, salary gaps, access to education, and discrimination in the workplace. Like Colombia, Peru also faces human rights challenges associated with socioeconomic and territorial disparities. Although the Peruvian constitution recognizes the right of indigenous people to have communal land, many lack legal titles to demarcate the boundaries of their lands, leading to increasing tensions and conflict over territorial disputes. As in other countries in the region, discrimination against women remains a problem in Peru as well. Domestic violence, sexual abuse and income disparities are among the chief concerns. The 2010 World Economic Forum survey reported that women in Peru were paid 38% less than men for comparable work.
STATE OF CAPACITY TO GOVERN Institutional landscapes vary among the countries. Peru has relatively weak public institutions, whereas Colombia is characterized by stronger public institutions and Chile´s institutions are considered among the strongest in the region. Public perceptions can serve as a useful way to measure a state´s governing capacity. A large number of survey institutes, think tanks, NGOs, international organizations and private sector firms collect data on citizens´ views on the quality of governance in their countries. Despite the strong institutionalization of democracy referred to in previous sections, the evidence included below indicates that significant work remains for each Colombia, Peru and Chile in terms of increasing citizen participation and improving government responsiveness, accountability and political stability. For example, the AmericasBarometer 2012 survey asked respondents to agree or disagree on a scale of 1 to 7 with the following statement: “Those who govern are interested in what people like you think.” The results included in Table 6 below demonstrate the extent to which Colombians, Peruvians and Chileans are disillusioned with their governments´ responsiveness. Importantly, the survey distinguishes respondents by gender and ethnicity, allowing greater understanding of perception dynamics present among these groups. While the survey results reflect very poor views of government responsiveness across the board, responses vary more greatly by gender than by ethnicity in each Colombia, Peru, and Chile.
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TABLE 05
GOVERNMENT RESPONSIVENESS (Efficacy)
DATA SOURCE: 2012 AMERICASBAROMETER SURVEY DATA
TABLE 06
Country
Male
Female
Non-minority
Minority
Colombia
3.20
3.13
3.14
3.18
Peru
3.25
3.20
3.23
3.22
Chile
3.43
3.99
4.15
4.16
The World Bank´s Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) provide another helpful set of tools to understanding government capacity. The WGI aggregates data from over 10 different sources to develop a composite measurement of where a country stands in relationship to worldwide governance. The percentile ranks shown in the tables below indicate the percentage of over 200 countries worldwide that rank lower than the indicated country, meaning that higher values indicate better governance scores.
TABLE 07
TABLE 08
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CIVIL SOCIETY CAPACITY The Andean Region and Southern Cone is host to vibrant and active civil societies throughout the region. Among the focus countries for the AR&SC office, Peru has particularly strong civil society organizations that have historically played an important political role in the country, while Colombia´s civil society has little capacity, particularly in the field of rural development. At the same time, the indigenous movement is very organized in Colombia, where indigenous groups are a small minority (2.5%). Meanwhile, indigenous movements are weak in Peru, where indigenous people are much more numerous (between 30 and 45% depending on the estimate). As the indicators below show, there is still an important need to build civil society capacity. Personal empowerment captures the extent to which individuals feel they understand the most important issues facing the country, which both reflects civil society´s ability to raise awareness and inform public debate, as well as infers society´s ripeness to seek active participation in and representation from civil society organizations. Civil society participation reflects the number of associations individuals participate in. Together, these indicators help illustrate important elements of civil society capacity in Colombia, Peru and Chile. TABLE 09 TABLE 09 SOURCE: “THE SOCIAL INCLUSION INDEX 2013,” AMER-
PERSONAL EMPOWERMENT (Scale: 1-7) Country
Male
Female
Non-minority
Minority
Colombia
3.94
3.25
3.52
3.63
Peru
3.92
3.57
3.92
3.72
Chile
3.43
3.99
4.15
4.16
Male
Female
Non-minority
Minority
Colombia
1.73
1.80
1.62
1.82
Peru
1.99
2.04
1.80
2.03
Chile
1.18
1.49
1.32
1.39
ICAS QUARTERLY, VOL. 7, NO. 3 (SUMMER 2013).
CIVIL SOCIETY PARTICIPATION (Scale 1-6) Country
CONFLICT MANAGEMENT Colombia, Peru and Chile have all experienced increased social conflict resulting from growing expectations and the inability of democratic governments to break the cycle of deepening inequality and exclusion. In particular, the social and environmental impact of the model based on the extraction of natural resources had led to increasing tensions and disputes in indigenous and Afro-Descendent territories and rural communities. In Colombia, the ongoing conflict has exacerbated the plight of the most marginalized groups. The Santos administration (2010-present) started with promising changes from the previous administration of President Uribe, who was less inclined to engage in dialogue. For instance, the victims and land restitution bill was a major indication of a new attitude toward social conflict and social movements. However, very poor implementation and the scarcity of results have led to a sharp decline in public approval and deep dissatisfaction by broad sectors of society, who see that their expectations continue to go unmet while tensions over land resulting from an unabated extractive development model are on the rise. At the same time, the high expectations generated by the start of negotiations with the FARC have given rise to concerns over the many and still uncertain implications for other concerned groups over the terms of possible agreements. All of this has been further complicated by the campaign imperatives of Santos´ decision to seek reelection, leading to electoral and negotiating timetables that may be at odds. In Peru, tensions between the demands of social and indigenous organizations and the expanding extractive development model supported by the government has led to the paralysis of FPIC and the evaporation of promises once inspired by the prior consultation bill. 10
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These events led to changes in the Vice Ministry of Culture, which oversees relations with indigenous organizations and indigenous issues. However, the change has yet to lead to positive developments.
reduced poverty and social disparities in certain areas. Finally, there are also opportunities to mobilize increasingly active social movements to achieve greater impact.
Chile has also experienced a series of conflicts rooted in demands by indigenous groups—and especially by the Mapuche—to gain recognition of their rights in relation to land access and participation in decisions that affect them. Harsh governmental response to protests by indigenous groups raises questions about the capacity of public institutions to process these demands and points to the urgent need to implement consultation and participation mechanisms.
SOCIAL CHANGE MISSION REQUIRED
CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES Although some progress in reducing poverty and even inequality in these countries is undeniable, the fruits of progress have not been evenly distributed. This has resulted in increased social conflict derived from growing expectations and pressures on governments that, in many cases have scant capacity to respond and deliver the public services demanded. The most marginalized sectors—including indigenous and Afro-Descendent populations—still perform well below national and regional averages. These groups show significantly lower levels of political participation, educational attainment and health. There is wide consensus on the achievements that countries in the region have made in terms of elections. Furthermore, these countries also have sound macroeconomic policy and stability. But the region´s economies are largely based on commodities and services. Hence, if the macroeconomic outlook were to worsen—due to the continued crisis in the Eurozone, a slowdown in China, or any other development in the global economy—countries in the region may be less equipped to weather the storm as they did in 2008. The ensuing consequences could be serious for the quality of democratic governance in the region and in particular for target populations. Despite these challenges however, opportunities exist for openings toward progress. In particular, there is increased awareness among leaders that exclusion is a critical issue that should take priority on the agenda. The region has also experienced successful policy innovations that have Andean Region and Southern Cone 2014
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From this vision of critical social needs of the Andean Region and Southern Cone stems our conviction that the road towards addressing deep-rooted problems of exclusion requires governments with knowledge, capacity and commitment towards confronting structural problems of exclusion and discrimination; democratic societies with greater participation of and sensibility towards excluded groups; and a private sector that participates actively in efforts to combat exclusion. In order to help advance towards these goals, we have established the following Social Change Mission for the Andean Region and Southern Cone Office: The institutionalization of public policies and private initiatives that foster the exercise of citizenship by excluded groups, particularly Afro-Descendants, indigenous peoples, and those living in poverty. Placing the institutionalization of public policies and private initiatives at the center of the office’s Social Change Mission highlights the conviction of program staff that structural, long-term measures are required to overcome the deep-set barriers to inclusion in the societies of the Andean Region and Southern Cone. Such processes must also be put into place to reach scale and impact large sectors of the population, while also guaranteeing sustainability over time. By focusing on institutional change, we seek to go beyond the individual contribution of any particular actor, and advance towards concerted action among those sectors committed to combating exclusion. In order to be effective in promoting greater inclusion and the full, exercise of citizenship, the institutionalization of policies and initiatives consistent with our goals must be understood as entailing efforts that: • Are formalized (via laws, regulations, agreements, or other mechanisms) and work (their application is appropriate, they are operative, they have resources and those resources are properly delivered); 11
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• Have the necessary agents and structures (responsible actors who run and oversee the proper execution of procedures and objectives); • Are validated and legitimized (social monitoring processes exist and are accepted by most); • Effectively or potentially affect the whole of the target population (they are not pilot projects but implementations at the national level); and • Are sustainable (there is political will for their permanence, without veto actors; their existence is not threatened).
RELATIONSHIP TO THE FOUNDATION’S VALUES AND MISSION Working to combat exclusion is directly aligned with the foundation’s broad mission to strengthen democratic values and reduce poverty. The focus on institutions as a means to foster inclusion reflects the foundation’s permanent challenge to create political, economic and social systems that promote human welfare. Meanwhile, the office’s choice of a target population reflects the foundation’s concern for the most vulnerable individuals and groups. The office’s current strategy evolves from work carried out in the past five decades. In Human Rights the office has vast experience in working on protection and defense of human rights, including those of the underrepresented; in Governance, improving the quality of democracy and strengthening democratic institutions to respond to the needs of all sectors has been a central concern; in Development Finance and Economic Security the office has focused on increasing the opportunities for the poor to build assets; and in Education the office has supported initiatives to ensure equal access to knowledge for the most vulnerable and underserved students in the region.
GRANT MAKING HISTORY
During the first decade of the foundation’s presence in the region, most of the work focused on promoting social and economic development, the implementation of exchange programs and the creation of leading institutions in various development fields. The 1973 coup d’état in Chile, by the first of several harsh military regimes to take power, was a major landmark in the context in which the foundation operated, leading to a major shift in its work in the mid-70s. Greater emphasis was placed on helping civil society organizations resist dictatorship and this became the core foundation activity in the AR&SC office. During this period, the foundation helped at-risk professionals escape persecution through its fellowship programs; assisted flagship institutions to provide a safe haven for political dissidents; and pioneered a line of work supporting the monitoring and denunciation of flagrant and systematic human rights violations that eventually became a model that was replicated worldwide. Argentina’s transition to democracy at the end of 1983 marked the beginning of a decade of democratic opportunities across the region during which the AR&SC office developed ground-breaking work, mainly around what is now called Transitional Justice. This included support for truth and reconciliation commissions, which in some cases accompanied the enactment of new constitutions that ensured adequate protection of the rule of law. With the end of the transitional period in the 1990s, the agenda for deepening democratic reforms also became more complex. Representative democracy, as well as adherence to human rights norms, though essential, was not enough to guarantee the emergence of a genuine and participatory democratic political culture. In this context, the foundation focused its work on local governance, gender issues, historical memory, and economic, social and cultural rights.
The foundation began its work in the Andean Region and Southern Cone in 1962 in two separate offices: one in Bogota, serving the Andean Region, and the other in Buenos Aires, serving the Southern Cone. Over the years, the offices were relocated on more than one occasion mainly due to local political uncertainty). Since 1991, a single office for the region has been based in Santiago, Chile. 12
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Strategy Approach SOCIAL NEEDS DRIVING ACTION
A
s mentioned earlier, particularly worrisome in the Andean Region and Southern Cone is the disproportionate impact of exclusion on indigenous peoples, Afro-Descendants and those living in poverty, as deep-rooted patterns of discrimination strengthen and reproduce inequality in terms of the exercise of rights and access to services and opportunities. By all standards, these groups display the worst socio-economic indicators, as verified in data from international and multilateral agencies. In response to this situation, the office has identified these three groups as its primary target populations:
CROSS-PROGRAMMATIC INTERVENTION STRATEGIES
•
•
Strengthening and empowering organizations that represent our target populations;
•
Strengthening capacities of local government;
Afro-Descendants
•
Informing and promoting debate;
•
Indigenous Peoples
•
Generating new knowledge;
•
People living in Poverty
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Institutionalizing participation and representation;
•
Designing new, innovative public policies and private initiatives;
•
Raising awareness;
•
Advocacy for change;
•
Scaling-up successful initiatives.
Over the past five decades, the geographic focus of the foundation’s work has also shifted considerably. While grants to institutions in Paraguay, Ecuador and Uruguay were not uncommon during the 1960s and 1970s, the 1980s saw greater geographic concentration, during which the grant-making focused increasingly on four countries of the region: Chile, Peru, Colombia and Argentina (in order of budget allocation). Since 2009, the AR&SC office has focused its work around fighting exclusion in Colombia and Peru. More recently, the office is working in Chile with specific attention to indigenous peoples. In the case of Colombia, the office has given prominence to work on the Pacific region which concentrates the majority of the Afro-Descendent population, with also a strong presence of indigenous communities.
INCORPORATING NEW ACTORS The Santiago office has made the strategic decision to strengthen its work with governments and with the private sector, for the key role that they must play in the institutionalization of public policies and private initiatives. With respect to governments, the opportunities and needs to work with the public sector are of particular significance in the Andean Region and Southern Cone, as governments are elected democratically, and are increasing working to advance and deepen social agendas. In a similar manner significant progress has been made in engaging market institutions in strategies to provide financial services to the rural poor. Andean Region and Southern Cone 2014
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While each initiative follows specific intervention strategies, the following constitute cross-initiative approaches that the office considers necessary to advance towards the social change mission of institutionalizing public policies and private initiatives that foster the exercise of citizenship by excluded groups.
INITIATIVES The office works on Building Inclusive Democracies through six initiatives: Democracy Rights and Justice • Advancing Racial Justice and Minority Rights • Strengthening Human Rights Worldwide • Promoting Transparent, Effective, Accountable Government Economic Opportunities • Expanding Livelihood Opportunities for Poor Households • Building Economic Security over a Lifetime Education, Creativity and Freedom of Expression • Higher Education for Social Justice More recently, the office is also working with Just Cities and Just Films.
ADVANCING RACIAL JUSTICE AND MINORITY RIGHTS This initiative seeks to breach the gap between proclaimed rights and effective enjoyment so as to overcome structural discrimination and exclusion of indigenous peoples and Afro-Descendants.
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This requires the strengthening of their organizations and their leadership capacities their increased participation and representation in national institutions and decision-making over national and local policies, and the implementation of policies from strong government institutions that promote inclusion and respect and value diversity. In the context of the Andean countries this entails special efforts to attain the implementation of ILO’s Convention 169, the design of institutions that permit and promote their participation in government, and policies leading to vastly improved national information systems that fully reflect ethnic diversity, such as in the census and other official surveys, that may in turn support policies against exclusion and discrimination. Approaches used in this initiative include: •
Research and knowledge production that may sustain advocacy for increased participation and representation, institutional design, implementation of ILO 169, and policies on ethnically sensitive national information systems;
Strategic thought and advocacy to expand the field of human rights to make it fully inclusive of the needs of the most marginalized sectors, especially racial and ethnic groups;
•
Leadership development in order to renew the human rights movement and expand its major concerns to issues affecting excluded populations;
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Building networks and alliances to include the concerns of the most marginalized and to help channel those concerns nationally and internationally in the human rights agenda;
•
Strategic litigation that utilizes this traditional human rights instrument for the promotion of the rights of marginalized groups; and Legal and advocacy work to make the legal system and the courts accessible to the needs of historically discriminated groups.
Leadership and organizational development that empower these populations in the pursuit of increased participation and influence in official policies;
•
•
Development of alliances and networks with other civil society organizations and the human rights movement in the region; and
PROMOTING TRANSPARENT, EFFECTIVE AND ACCOUNTABLE GOVERNMENTS
Developing and strengthening bridges with government and specific agencies to help institutionalize public policies that express the rights of these populations.
STRENGTHENING HUMAN RIGHTS WORLDWIDE This initiative seeks to make the human rights movement an effective instrument for advocacy of the rights of the most excluded sectors of the population, in particular indigenous peoples and Afro-Descendent populations, in order to attain institutionalized policies against exclusion and discrimination and significantly to reduce violence against these populations. This goal is pursued by encouraging this movement and its major organizations to take on the issues of pressing concern to those populations, such as access to information,
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•
•
•
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implementation of international agreements, violence, and to mainstream them into visible human rights concerns and actions, and to establish bridges and alliances with leading organizations of those populations. The approaches used in this initiative include:
This line of work aims to contribute to a significant increase in the effective use of public funds at the sub-national and local level, greater compliance by the private sector of existing norms, and more effective social participation oriented to the needs and rights of the most marginalized groups, especially in areas in which extractive industries operate. This work is motivated by the need to address a set of critical problems generated by the manner in which the extractive industry operates, including the lack of redistributive effects of resources stemming from the industry and allocated to sub-national and local governments; the limited capacity of local governments to effectively use and manage those resources; the inadequate and weak legal frameworks, the limited or absence of participation by the communities on how resources are allocated, and the negative impact on the environment Identified approaches to address these challenges this are:
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• I dentifying and supporting leadership and social organizations that monitor and oversee government actions and that make governments accountable; •
Building the capacity of sub-national and local governments to manage and allocate public funds in an effective, equitable and transparent manner;
•
Strengthening institutions for social dialogue that promote and generate public-private partnerships; and
•
Generation and use of knowledge that enables informed participation and social control, stimulating the private sector to be more responsive to the needs and rights of all people, especially the poor and marginalized.
EXPANDING LIVELIHOOD OPPORTUNITIES FOR POOR HOUSEHOLDS This initiative seeks to contribute to a larger number of low-income households capable of increasing their income and assets over the long term, or displaying resilience in maintaining their income and assets during periods of economic downturn or natural crises. Specifically, the initiative uses the following approaches: •
Conduct R&D about livelihood interventions with the goal of identifying and/or establishing “proof points” about effective, viable, and scalable livelihood models;
•
•
•
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In the region, and in particular in Peru and Colombia, the initiative is focusing on identifying promising innovations, and testing, improving and bringing them to scale through policies and market mechanisms. These innovations can be categorized in several strategic clusters: (i) Linking livelihoods development and financial inclusion; (ii) Promoting rural territorial development Pro Poor value chains; (iii) Channeling public and private investment to rural economic opportunities; (iv) TICs for rural inclusive development; (v) Inclusive Businesses; (vi) Tapping local knowledge.
BUILDING ECONOMIC SECURITY OVER A LIFETIME This initiative seeks to enhance economic security through the promotion of social protection policies that reduce exposure of families and individuals, particularly the poor and marginalized, to risk and vulnerability and to address fundamental inequities in society. This is achieved through the creation or improvement of programs linking social protection (in particular Conditional Cash Transfers (CCTs)) schemes with financial inclusion strategies, which would be institutionalized as national public policies. Approaches include: •
Strengthen the capacity of intermediary organizations, networks, and scaling partners to create the infrastructure necessary for scalable livelihood development;
Advocacy efforts to raise awareness and interest of the public and private sectors regarding the linkage between social protection programs, and conditional cash transfer programs in particular, and financial inclusion strategies;
•
Identify and engage with public and private institutions to advocate for their involvement in developing and promoting proven livelihood models with the goal of obtaining their commitment to action; and
Capacity building of key stakeholders in designing, implementing and evaluating social protection programs linked with financial inclusion schemes; and
•
Evaluation of the initiatives and dissemination of the lessons learned in Latin America and worldwide.
Assist in the scaling of livelihood models by supporting partners in their roll-out, strengthening their capacity at a large scale, monitoring their progress, and ensuring their continued commitment, with the goal of achieving widespread improvements at both the system-level and low-income householdlevel.
While this initiative has been primarily focusing and is currently more advanced in the three priority countries of the office (Colombia, Peru and Chile), it has progressively expanded to other countries of the Andean region (Bolivia and Ecuador), in the Southern Cone (Paraguay, Uruguay and Brazil), in Mexico and Central America (Guatemala and Salvador) and in the Caribbean (Dominican Republic). 15
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This unusual expansion strategy is based on an extraordinary similarity in contexts—including the existence of conditional cash transfer programs in 17 countries of the region—and in challenges faced by governments—including improving the transparency, efficiency and impact of these programs, and promoting financial inclusion.
HIGHER EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE This initiative seeks to disrupt inequality and stratification in the higher education system in order to create accessible, affordable, highquality pathways and increase the life chances of disadvantaged and marginalized people. These groups continue to participate and succeed in higher education at rates far lower than their more advantaged peers, with the worst disparities found at institutions with the highest quality programs. Higher education policies and practices play a fundamental role in advancing (or constraining) social justice. Specifically, they (i) determine who gets an education and the credentials necessary for full participation in economic, social, and political life; (ii) decide what knowledge, skills, and learning experiences society’s future leaders carry with them as they shape the direction of policy and systems; (iii) produce knowledge that informs social, economic, and political life, and influence who has access to this knowledge; (iv) shape the economic and social ecologies of communities where they are located.
Although disparities in the higher education systems mirror larger social and economic inequalities, they are also perpetuated by the failure to adopt and implement policies and structures that eliminate barriers to the participation and attainment of disadvantaged and marginalized students. Some of these barriers are: i) low quality of schooling system in primary and secondary levels, ii) inefficient academic support for students with weak preparation, iii) dissimilar education systems for the poor and the rich across and within higher education institutions, iv) restrictive admissions, v) lack of flexibility in the education system to make more fluid transits between higher education and the labor market, vi) differential access to labor market preparation and participation The new work of the initiative engages higher education across a broad range of social justice issues of interest to the foundation, but most importantly, it also strengthens the efforts to advance access and success through policy and systems change. By engaging new actors from marginalized and disadvantages groups, the initiative seeks to cultivate new advocates for change to address barriers to higher education.
Globally, the initiative has augmented its primary focus on advancing postsecondary access and success for students from disadvantaged groups with two complementary types of higher education interventions. These are: a) provide future social policy “influencers” with learning experiences that prepare them to advance social justice, and b) support scholars to become public intellectuals who, through public engagement and strategic communications, increase evidencebased social justice “impressions” in the public sphere (supporting advocacy work throughout the initiative).
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STRENGTHS AND LIMITATIONS OF THE FOUNDATION
GLOBAL RELEVANCE OF THE REGIONAL OFFICE WORK
There are a number of areas where the foundation has extensive accumulated experience and knowledge.
There are a number of areas where the work carried out by the Santiago office has impact/ relevance globally. For example, its work on extractive industries, implementation of ILO Convention 169, and financial inclusion are part of inter-regional collaboration with other offices of the foundation. For example, the office has worked with offices in Africa (Southern Africa and Nigeria) around learning routes on extractive industries as well as a dialogue and lessons learned on Reversing the Resource course with Nigeria and Indonesia. The improvement of social protection policies by linking conditional cash transfers with individual savings accounts, has also received considerable attention from policy-makers in various countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, as it provides helpful lessons and guidelines for governments and relevant civil society organizations worldwide.
In fostering new leadership, a signature accomplishment of the foundation in the Andean Region and Southern Cone since the 1960s is the Post-graduate Studies Fellowship Program, which supported hundreds of leading individuals from throughout the region to pursue studies in the US and Europe, including many who eventually became key figures in the public and private sectors. In the 1990s, these efforts were channeled through the International Fellowship Program in Peru and Chile, aimed at underrepresented groups, for which the foundation gained increasing recognition among, for example, indigenous peoples. Building institutional leadership has also been a priority. With foundation support flagship organizations—particularly in the field of human rights—have become key actors at the national and international level, contributing actively in policymaking and debate. The Santiago office has vast experience in shaping and reshaping civil society organizations, including work with indigenous and Afro-Descendent organizations, Over recent decades, public policy monitoring by civil society groups has also received increasing attention, and the foundation has supported key grantee organizations in ground-breaking efforts to monitor public policy on issues such as justice and education, as well as advocacy for state accountability on human rights and security, among others. This past experience is has laid the basis for the increased work around accountability on public expenditure.
Additionally, the office´s experience around building flagship organizations in human rights has been very relevant to developing new institutional capacities to tackle exclusion in the public and private sectors, and in the development of new leadership, voices and allies to advance inclusion for Afro-Descendants and indigenous peoples. Strong, legitimate representatives of underrepresented ethnic and racial groups and strengthened flagship organizations are facilitating exchanges across regions, as well as enhancing possibilities for articulated agendas from the Global South.
Finally, the office has taken major strides towards making institutions more diverse, especially regarding gender balance and more recently concerning underrepresented racial and ethnic groups. The implementation of the Pathways program was successful in advancing affirmative action policies in universities in the region. Additionally, the foundation´s role as a convener has gained prominence and legitimacy in the region, particularly on issues related to Afro-Descendants and indigenous peoples. Andean Region and Southern Cone 2014
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External Partners
KEY INSTITUTIONAL PARTNERS
G
overnment institutions play an essen-
tial role in policymaking to advance the social mission of the office, in particular Ministries such as Social Development, Inclusion, Interior, Environment, Mining, as well as other public agencies such as the National Statistics Offices, National Planning Departments, Ombudsperson Offices, and, regional and local governments.
Universities and academic centers continue to play a critical role in generating information on dynamics of exclusion and discrimination and on the situation and needs of underrepresented groups, which is essential for the design and implementation of effective strategies to combat these deep-set problems in the region.
Civil society organizations, and particularly organizations representing Afro-Descendants and indigenous peoples.
Market organizations in the region that can develop and implement models that promote socio-economic inclusion through market mechanisms, and can work with government institutions to assure greater access to fundamental services to poor and underrepresented groups.
FUNDING PARTNERS The priority of the Andean Region and Southern Cone on the agendas of international cooperation agencies has decreased over recent years. Comparatively few private foundations target the region, and bilateral cooperation is considerably lower than in other parts of the world. Unfortunately, this reduction of international cooperation has not been accompanied by a growth in local donors, which are scarce. While some countries such as Colombia are witnessing some promising developments in the field of indigenous philanthropy, these are still incipient.
Public resources also tend to sit in disparate pockets of government departments and at different levels of government, making it cumbersome for organizations to access these resources. Those organizations accessing public funds tend to shift focus regularly as governments often see these institutions as their own service providers and not as true partners. Certain multilateral organizations such as the Inter-American Development Bank or the World Bank are also providing significant resources for poverty reduction initiatives and other social programs, but such funds tend to be channeled through government agencies. In this scenario the foundation faces challenges and opportunities to play a key role in leveraging resources for initiatives that further the office’s social change mission. More recently, the Office has been working on helping channel increasing government funds towards programs and related initiatives that directly and effectively combat social exclusion and discrimination. The Office is also using its financial and intellectual resources, together with its reputation, to draw additional support from other donors and partners for initiatives carried out by grantees to advance the social change mission. [INDICATORS OF SUCCESS & IMPACT MEASURES: THESE SECTIONS ARE PART OF A WORK IN PROGRESS THE OFFICE IS CURRENTLY UNDERTAKING TO DEVELOP INDICATORS FOR EACH INITIATIVE.]
In this context, by far the most relevant source of funding in the Andean Region and Southern Cone is countries’ own governments, which are investing increasing resources in the provision of social services. However, accessing funding from government is a challenge for many institutions that do good work but fall below the radar screen of high-level government decision-makers. 18
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Veronica Amarante, “Income inequality in Latin America: Data challenges and availability from a comparative perspective,” Social Policy, No. 185, ECLAC (October 2013).
Leila Kazemi, “Mining in Colombia: A Background Brief,” Internal report submitted to the Social Science Research Council and The Ford Foundation (June 2013).
Juan Camilo Plata, “Paying the price of Equity in Colombia,” Americas Quarterly (July 2011, available at http://www.americasquarterly. org/node/2673).
Ricardo Lagos Escobar and Alvaro Garcia Hurtado, “Industria Extractiva y Desarrollo Inclusivo,” Internal report submitted to The Ford Foundation (2012).
Centro Latinoamericano para el Desarrollo Rural (RIMISP), “Encuentro 2012 Territorios en Movimiento,” (June 2012, available at http:// www.rimisp.org/contenido/sintesis-del-programa-dinamicas-territoriales-rurales-territorios-en-movimiento-dinamicas-territoriales-rurales-en-america-latina-encuentro-2012/).
Juan Fernando Lodoño, “Destrabar la Participación: Legitimidad y Gobernabilidad en el Sector Extractivo,” Internal report submitted to The Ford Foundation (2012).
Centro Latinoamericano para el Desarrollo Rural (RIMISP), “Informe Latinoamericano 2011: Pobreza y Desigualdad,” (Santiago, 2012).
Observatorio de Discriminación Racial, “Multimedia: 20 años después de la Ley 70 de 1993,” (2013, available at http://www.odracial. org/multimedia/).
Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), “Atlas sociodemográfico de los pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes del Colombia,” Naciones Unidas (Santiago, 2012).
Fabiana Del Popolo, Estela Maria Garcia de Pinto de Cunha, Burno Ribotta and Marta Azevedo, eds., Pueblos indígenas y afrodescendientes en America Latina: dinámicas poblacionales diversas y desafíos comunes, ALAP, Serie Investigaciones, N. 12 (Rio de Janeiro, 2011).
Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), “Atlas sociodemográfico de los pueblos indígenas del Perú,” Naciones Unidas (Santiago, 2011).
Programa de Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo (PNUD), “Seminario Internacional Ciudadanía Indígena: Retos y nuevos desafíos para la Institucionalidad Publica,” Naciones Unidas (Santiago, 2013).
Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe (CEPAL), “Mujeres indígenas en América Latina: Dinámicas demográficas sociales en el marco de los derechos humanos,” Naciones Unidas (Santiago, 2013).
Reporters without Borders “World Press Freedom Index 2013,” (available at http://fr.rsf.org/IMG/pdf/classement_2013_gb-bd.pdf).
Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), “2012 Social Panorama of Latin America,” United Nations (Santiago, 2013). Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), “CEPALSTAT Databases and Statistical Publications” (available at http://estadisticas.cepal.org/cepalstat/WEB_CEPALSTAT/Portada.asp?idioma=i). Freedom House, “Country Assessments,” (2013, available from http://www.freedomhouse.org/regions/americas). Carlos Fuentes, “Socio Political Outlook of Chile, Colombia, and Peru: Different Paths, Similar Challenges,” Internal report submitted to The Ford Foundation (February 2012). Hernando Gómez Buendía, “Colombia: hacia la inclusión de los grupos históricamente marginalizados,” Internal report submitted to The Ford Foundation (February 2012). International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), “Enabling poor rural people to overcome poverty in Peru” (July 2013, available at http://www.ifad.org/operations/projects/regions/pl/factsheet/ peru_e.pdf).
Juan Carlos Rodriguez Raga and Mitchell Seligson, “Cultura política de la democracia en Colombia, 2011,” AmericasBarometro (November 2011, available at http://www.vanderbilt.edu/lapop/colombia/2011-Colombia-Cultura-politica-de-la-democracia.pdf). “The Social Inclusion Index 2013,” Americas Quarterly, pp. 46-59 (Summer 2013). United Nations, “UN Treaty Collection Database,” (available at http://treaties.un.org/Pages/Treaties.aspx?id=4&subid=A&lang=en). United Nations Development Program (UNDP), “Human Development Reports” (available at http://hdr.undp.org/en/statistics/). United Nations Development Program (UNDP), “State Measurement of Development Objectives in Indigenous Populations in Chile” United Nations Development Program (2012). Word Bank, “World Bank Gini Index,” (available at http://data. worldbank.org/indicator/SI.POV.GINI). World Economic Forum, “Global Risks 2012, Seventh Edition,” (available at http://reports.weforum.org/global-risks-2012/#=).
International Labor Organization (ILO), “Convention No. 169,” (available at http://www.ilo.org/indigenous/Conventions/no169/lang-en/index.htm.)
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REGIONAL OFFICE PROGRAM STATEMENT Andean Region and Southern Cone APRIL 2014
DESIGN: STUDIOVISUAL.CO
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