Instreetutionalised The Street as an Institution
All streets have character. In Delhi, we notice that this is more prominent than ever. While planners and architects in other countries theorize about how they can reimagine a street as a place instead of just a transit route, in India, the case is just the opposite. We may have the worst traffic in the world but no one can complain that our streets lack character. A desi street is unlike any other. A lot has been written about this particularly Indian phenomenon, the street, but this seminar addresses key issues with the recent development of the urban streetscape in the context of Delhi. The seminar looks at the morphology of the street as an institution and its social implications. CHINMAY AGASHE | SHIVENDRA | SURAM HAZARIKA | SHABEEB RAZA GUIDE: NIRMAL KULKARNI CHAIRPERSON: RAJEEV BHAKAT
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“In a city the street must be supreme. It is the first institution of the city. The street is a room by agreement, a community room, the walls of which belong to the donors, dedicated to the city for common use. Its ceiling is the sky. Today, streets are disinterested movements not at all belonging to the houses that front them. So you have no streets. You have roads, but you have no streets.” – Louis Kahn, The Street
INTRODUCTION
Delhi is famous for a lot of things. It is the national capital, the seat of Administrative power. It is also known for having the most polluted air in the world besides being unsafe for women. Strict dichotomies occur whenever we talk about this megacity, always in the limelight for one reason or the other. These complexities and contradictions are what lend Delhi its distinct character and a lot can be observed by studying the streets of the city. The street, the first and most fundamental shared public space in a city, is also the most contested and overlooked. We name our streets after our idols and fallen heroes—in remembrance of presidents or literary figures, civil rights leaders or freedom fighters. In many of our own lives and experiences, they are sites for both celebration and rebellion: Stages for dharnas and holiday parades (Dussehra), they are also the place we gather to express public dissent. When streets function well on the level of everyday experience, they provide opportunities for people to connect in a way that no other public space can. After all, what would Delhi be without its famous street food and its markets? Janpath, Chandni Chowk and Nai Sarak are just some of the more common names associated with the city. We want to study the role of a street in the urban fabric. We want to see how a street affects the lives the people who inhabit them, live in them, visit them and walk in them. We would also like to see how these streets have evolved with time to be what they are today and where this change is taking us, as a city and as a community. Through questionnaires, interviews and mental maps, we have explored the role of the street as an institution. What factors should one keep in mind while analyzing a contextual public space? Drawing on the study of many different streets in the capital, this seminar aims to put forth a new way of looking at this uniquely Indian phenomenon - The Street.
THE STORY OF THE INDIAN STREET The connection between the built and the unbuilt / between the “indoor” and the “outdoor”/ between the mass and the void is a very sensitive and debatable topic.
“Public space in Delhi would be defined same as anywhere: it is the space from which private domains are carved out. Although it is the matrix of the city, it has tended to become a ‘leftover’ space.” (Shah, J, 2012) A city needs to be imagined as a space occupied by diverse sets of people with diverse needs and aspirations. The quality of a city has to be judged by what it offers to its residents - the right to live, move around and work with dignity and safety. One essential element of a city is its public spaces. It is something without which a city ceases to exist. The notion of public spaces has undergone numerous changes with the continued development of cities. The scale, proportions, functions, physical attributes, and all other characteristics have evolved with the times, to try to provide for a better lifestyle. In India, the idea of public space is quite different from the western counterpart. The idea of community, neighbourhood, vicinity, etc., all change as one shifts his/her attention to India from a global understanding of such things. Streets have been an essential part of public spaces for Indian cities. Before, almost all the public functions of an individual could be carried out in the streets around one’s dwelling. The neighbourhood was a very close-knit concept, and people knew each other well. Now with the changing face of modern India, the understanding and design of streets, and for that matter, all public space, has also changed, to suit the changing needs. But in this fast paced world, a lot of valuable characteristics are being lost, majorly due to copying the western development, without keeping in mind the differences of Indian society. Context and critical regionalism play an important role when it comes to design of spaces, and mere copying cannot cater to our varied needs. What is it that has been lost in the “modern” development of the city and its streets?
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THE NEED OF A FRAMEWORK FOR OBSERVATION
All streets aren’t the same. There are plenty of different ways to study a place. Analyzing an idea which is as ambiguous as the street can seem tricky. We must recognize that in order to better understand the phenomenon of the changing street, we must have a framework to look at it with, a ‘lens’ if you will. There is a growing need to stress the importance of understanding the ‘political unconscious’ of architecture and urban design in this day and age. In current times, this is especially difficult due to the almost total absence of a serious contemporary project of critique in both fields – a predicament intensified by the vagueness of a globalized, image-centered culture. When searching for examples, Louis Kahn’s concern for institutions as a driving force behind his work, often comes to mind. Kahn was interested in understanding what lied behind ‘why’ and ‘how’ people came together in agreement – and how to give presence (form and space) to it. Although his architectural exploration can be viewed as pertaining mostly to the ‘formal’ realm of architecture, his way of thinking about the constructed is also valuable when dealing with the by-products of the institutions that shape contemporary society – such as informal settlements, which, as argued by many could be considered a by-product of the forces and ideologies that drive current economic and political systems. When we claim that the street is the first institution of the city, what do we really understand by the statement? In order to come to terms with this fact, we have to really understand the concept of a street and the meaning of an institution. We must arrive at a theoretical premise with respect to the city to understand the interaction or relation between various social institutions and architecture.
THE STREET We may define a street as, “a public road in a city, town, or village, typically with houses and buildings on one or both sides,” (Oxford). It is a public thoroughfare (usually paved) in a built environment, a public parcel of land adjoining buildings in an urban context, on which people may freely assemble, interact, and move about. They are characterized by a strong pedestrian presence. In India, streets have always been an integral part of the social fabric of communities. They were meeting grounds, playgrounds, procession routes and anything else that its users required it to be. When streets function well on the level of everyday experience, they provide opportunities for people to connect in a way that no other public space can.
THE INSTITUTION Without doing much violence to the relevant literature, we may define institutions as “systems of established and prevalent social rules that structure social interactions.” (Knight, 1992)
What they are not, but are often mistaken for, are conventions and rules. Conventions and rules are somewhat different as we may usefully define a convention as a particular instance of an institutional rule. For example, all countries have traffic rules, but it is a matter of (arbitrary) convention whether the rule is to drive on the left or on the right. So in regard to the (say) Indian institutional System of traffic Rules, the specific Convention is to drive on the right.
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By this analogy, language, money, law, systems of weights and measures, table manners, firms (and other organizations) are thus all institutions. All institutions have a similar goal. The goal is to always protect the core of the institution. This leads to a coupling of actions and structure. As institutions go through this process, it leads to the creation of a certain institutional isomorphism which in turn helps to ensure the survival and longevity of the institution. Isomorphism is nothing but similarity of form, shape and structure. The concept is that all institutions rest on three pillars, the normative, cognitive (mimetic) and regulative (coercive) pillars.
Fig 1: The three pillars of institutional economics
The table below shows the basis of compliance, of order, the mechanisms, logic, indicators, affect and the basis of legitimacy of the three pillars.
Table 1: Basis of compliance, order and mechanisms of the pillars - How they work
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In this manner, the street can also be proven to be an institution since it too fits the criteria. The regulative or legal pillar would be defined by a system of rules and regulations, setbacks and rights of way, etc. The normative or moral pillar would be defined by appropriateness and social obligations. The cognitive or prevalence based pillar would be defined by the axis/direction, prevalent characteristics of any street.
Thus, we can see that the street is as much an institution as any bank, college or another well established institution. Any change to one of the pillars will cause the other two to change accordingly since like all self organizing systems, they are self adjusting and adaptable Traditionally major movement was pedestrian and movement patterns within the city were designed accordingly. But with the intervention of automobiles, the perception of the city for a pedestrian has been compromised to provide faster automobile movement due to which the city loses its character. But are the modern planning principles better than the traditional ones, or vice-versa? What learnings can one draw from different approaches to arrive at a holistic solution? An in-depth study is required on the changing nature of streets in the modern times, and their ability to cater to all the sections of society.
Illustration1:Venn Diagram relating the three pillars of institutional economics
Public Spaces
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Public spaces are an inevitable component of human settlements. Parks, plazas, roads, beaches, etc. are typically considered public spaces. They are the common ground for people to interact with others, share knowledge or goods, or carry out their daily rituals, be it daily routine or occasional festivities. By definition, they are spaces that should be accessible to all the members of the society, irrespective of their economic strength. Also, each member of the society should be entitled equally to the benefits and opportunities offered by such spaces. Of course, these definitions refer to an ideal public space, while the urban atmosphere is not entirely composed of rigidly public and private spaces; instead, it is an amalgamation of public and private spaces with different degrees of publicness. Since the relation between the public and the private is a continuum, one can safely assume that spaces would have varying degrees of “publicness” about them, and some of them may cater to a certain section of the society more than the others. This hierarchy in spaces is essential in maintaining an organized social structure, provided that measures are taken to cater to each section of the society. Every person is allowed to make full use of their share of spaces, and the division of spaces is just. Public spaces have played an important role in civilizations from time immemorial. Not only did the early civilizations like Indus valley or the Greeks show signs of public spaces, but it is evident from their remains that agoras played an integral part in their society. Mitchell, D (1995) adds another dimension to public space by putting forward the point that public spaces are also, and very importantly, spaces for representation. That is, public space is a place within which a political movement can stake out the space that allows it to be seen. In public space, political organizations can represent themselves to a larger population. By claiming space in public, by creating public spaces, social groups themselves become public. Only in public spaces can the homeless, for example, represent themselves as a legitimate part of “the public”
Fig 2: Raahgiri day at CP, Delhi where vehicular entry is restricted for a few hours every Sunday to promote pedestrianisation
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Issues with Public Spaces To quote the words of Petrus Berochius,“ Since piazzas are areas in village or cities, empty of houses and other such things and of obstructions, arranged for the purpose of providing space or set up for meetings of men, it should be remarked that in general, through piazzas the condition of man in this world can be discovered.” (cited Kostof, S ) On a generalized level, one can subtly experience a diminishing “publicness” of public spaces in modern cities. Although public spaces can be categorized under two broad headings namely privatized public spaces, and open for all public spaces, one can apprehend the reducing public nature of both the categories. Privatized public spaces work on the basis of class segregation and social filtering. Places like malls, restaurants, etc. adhere strongly to catering only to the people who can buy/pay for the commodities/services they provide. Their business is dependent on that. But the real problem comes up when certain sections of the society start facing such segregation in “open for all” public spaces (like a street) too. One can already see this happening in the modern age, what with certain streets exuding auras of exclusivity, and as designers of the built, and the unbuilt, isn’t it the architects responsibility to a large extent to create inclusive designs for places which are literally meant for all? Oosterman, J (1992), in his article Play and Entertainment in Urban Public Space gives the example of Sidewalk Café, points out that since 1989, several cities and towns in the Netherlands have invested huge funds in the design and redesign of plazas, streets and parks. These designs are also meant to have a social impact. One can argue and present numerous ideologies related to the nature of social life in urban public space and its function in the greater urban society, but one characteristic remains constant : urban public places should be accessible, or even democratic places. Over time, the scale of society has grown, the mobility of the population has increased and new means of communication have been developed and disseminated among the population. These and other conditions have led to different claims on urban public spaces. “Modern squares are too open and amorphous to define a positive volume of public space; and this is so because the primary consideration in the design of the modern city is to ease the flow of traffic” – K, Spiro in The city assembled In earlier times, public spaces were usually squares, or plazas, generally enclosed, where daily activities took place. Execution of the criminalized was a common proceeding as a sign to display authority of the govt. But now, in the modern age, the need of the time is to have free flowing spaces, to adapt to the ever-evolving lifestyle and technology of the human race. Spaces need to be multifunctional to meet different requirements at different periods in time.
Public spaces in the Indian Context: The Streets “ …tens of thousands of pedestrians effortlessly weaving their way through a small space, the dozens of hawkers who strategically sit between concrete planters, the clusters of mobile vendors who work
in the middle of the road but out of the pedestrians pathways, the shopkeepers who’s extensions blur the boundary between the formal and the informal, the flower vendors stationed on the path to a nearby temple, and the men on bicycles parked under overpass offering cold drinks to thirsty passerbys” - Jonathan, A The understanding of public space changes as one focuses on the Indian subcontinent. In India, streets have always played a complex role in the overall fabric of the city. Apart from serving the basic role of acting as a connection between two places, the street itself served numerous function which served the daily needs of the residents. A variety of activities make up a functional urban environment in spite of the apparent visual confusion. Streets capture more about India than any other setting.
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“On its streets, India eats,works, sleeps, moves, celebrates and worships.” Anjaria, J (1987)
All the accounts and writings on the original streetscape of Indian cities point out the fact how the multifunctional structure of the street provides a mixture of overlapping spaces that merge public and private, work and leisure, and appears to be a perfectly organized chaotic condition which though congested, is healthy and vibrant. Such streets are centers of social life, of communication, of political and judicial activity, of cultural and religious events and places for the exchange of news, information and gossip. In their study with the Jagori, Kalpana Viswanath and Surabhi Tandon Mehrotra concluded that women’s ability and right to access and use public spaces is dependent on the kinds of boundaries imposed upon them due to nature of the space and its usage. Thus having a mixed usage of space is more conducive to free and easy access. Very strict zoning leads to separation of spaces for living, commerce and leisure. This has a direct effect on who can use the space and at what times. Presence of hawkers and vendors in subways, roadsides, etc. provide a sense of security to the place, making it more women and children friendly. Vendors provide light and crowd to spaces which get empty and dark during the night. The question may be how do we bring the ethos of privatized space that we have become used to together with the return to more democratic values that many people aspire to for the Millennium? In order to shape the design, size and form of public spaces in town centers, it is necessary to understand their roles and functions.
Fig 3: Section of a street in Delhi’s Lutyen’s Bungalow zone. Source: Authors
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According to Lynch, spaces in city can be classified under following broad categories: paths, edges, districts, nodes, and landmarks. (Lynch, 1960). Links are roads, pavements or pedestrianized areas which constitute routes allowing movement between land uses and attractions. Nodes are cross roads where a number of links meet in the form of public spaces such as market squares or plazas. The book further explains the design of such elements in an intricate manner. But under these broad categories, each element can be subdivided into numerous types, depending on the design, scale, characteristics and various other factors. And design of each street (path) can play a very trivial role in determining the overall nature of the area.
Drawing a parallel – the East vs the West In words of Anjaria, exuberance of India’s streets has potential to heighten engagement of the contextual world in a way that suburban U.S. streetscapes do not (Anjaria, 1987). To Edensor, mixed use streetscapes pose a conceptual challenge to urban analysis that normalizes the highly monitored, strictly demarcated streetscape of the west. In contrast to “western streets”, which are constructed out of an aesthetic and rationale fears of mixing of function and disintegration of boundaries, streets in India are characterized by an overwhelming sensory experience in which the passage is continuously disrupted by the numerous activities and sights. The Indian streetscape does not match the supposedly universal urban aesthetic ideal. The pedestrian enjoys an infinitely more sensual experience in the Indian streets than in the west. Indian streets seem vibrant, multifarious and exciting compared to Western streets. The Indian street is part of a ‘spatial complex’ which also comprises the bazaar and the fair and together they constitute an unenclosed realm which provides a ‘meeting point of several communities.
Studies on street culture in post-colonial Asian cities like Hong Kong Certain conditions of urban porosity exist in a city like Hong Kong. Its urban environment is devoid of the cultural conditions that mark the traditional “world cities” of the West. There are no memorable public spaces, no refined residential fabric, and no exemplary monuments to religion, politics, art, knowledge or culture. “Urban life in Hong Kong is traditionally linear in form. The roles of parks, piazzas and gardens in Hong Kong take on functions that change with the time of the day. They are by nature multipurpose spaces, festival grounds, concert sites, and improvised sports arenas. While these open spaces are fully utilized in key times, they lack any identity and are usually barren and lifeless when not in use.” (Lu, 2005) Various studies are now hinting at the importance of development of multifunctional streets which are sensitive to the usage patterns of the residents. Jan Gehl points out that according to survey by School of Architecture at Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts, the opportunity to see, hear and meet others can be one of the most important attractions in city centers and on pedestrian streets. Even greater interest was shown in the various human activities that went on in the street space itself. Rick Grannis, in his article talks about the importance of trivial residential streets, and points out how pedestrian oriented development enhances the characteristics of space in a residential setting. He also talks about how connection in a neighbourhood is maintained when no vehicular paths cross through between, especially the major ones. A similar study by Lia Karsten and Willem van Vliet brings forth the same point of tertiary street development through a different perspective. In the study, they talk about how cities have become inhospitable to small children, its effect on their development. The article also links how outdoor play brings the community closer as a whole, and its benefits on children’s health, and overall satisfaction levels of the residents. Apart from forming a better community, careful design intended for such purposes also results in lesser pollution levels in residential areas, increased safety levels, better communication, and increased greenery. The streets serve all the general day to day needs of the residents, taking upon itself the function of integrating public spaces, children’s playground, daily shopping centers, meeting spots, leisure places, and various other activities. Instances are also pointed out where the residents have fought the local administration and changed street usage patterns for the betterment of the society. One example is of The Methleys, a street bordering the inner city of Leeds, England, where the residents reclaimed the street and introduced traffic calming measures, to make them child friendly streets. Raahgiri is one such movement taking place in Delhi, initiated by the Delhi Police and NDMC, where pedestrians are given the power to use certain streets for uses other than vehicular. The movement has been a huge success, and the proceedings have raised the life quality of the nearby areas. It is a prime example of how in an increasingly motorised city, sustainable mobility is possible.
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Fig 4: Erstwhile photographs of post independence Hong Kong.
The Street today : Whose streets? Today’s Indian streetscapes are a result of the effort put in by the municipal corporations, the police and elite residents over the last century and a half. “Streets in India are shaped through this constantly shifting negotiation over the form and content of the city; they neither mimic modernist urbanism nor do they invert it” (Jonathan) With the advent of the modern age and the automobile, the continuous struggle of how the street should function and who should they serve poses a threat to the traditional urban fabric. Modernity in India is a contested terrain that consists of conflicts over the usage and development of streets. The problem lies in the perceived disjuncture between the lived experience and universalizing norms of urban modernity that animates ordinary life and governmental efforts to transform them. “These are not conflicts over whether or not the streets are modern or ‘Indian’, but over the ‘configuration of the modern’ “ (Anjaria J. K., 1997). One can recount the proceedings of Bangalore where a certain government, in its decongesting the city and modernizing drive, demolished the Gandhi Bazaars market comprising of vendors, hawkers and evergreen canopies to remove the ‘illegal encroaching causing traffic congestion’. “The New Indian Express ritually described the entire operation as ‘Footpath encroachments in Gandhi bazaar cleared’ while the DNA stated, ‘Evicted Bangalore hawkers will make way for parking lot.’ Today, this bustling, living heritage of South Bangalore is nothing more than a street filled with scooters, motorbikes and cars.” (Saldanha) This is just one example of the numerous streets and road redevelopment/extension projects that have destroyed the culture of the place, without solving any real time urban problem for a long time..
Case Studies Identification The selection of sites is based on the idea of studying different street types in the city developed at various periods of time in the recent history of the city. Streets with different activity patterns, occupancy, traffic movement and time period of construction have been analyzed on the basis of perception, scale and the functions that it offers. A further effort has been made to see how the changing character of these streets have impacted the lives of the residents and regular users of the street. In the case of Chandni Chowk, we see that the unique character of the street has been maintained over the last few decades and the lives of the residents carries on much in the same way as before. Connaught Place has changed manifold because of the increase in the sheer volume of its users over the years. One cannot be sure if all the changes have been for the better. Paharganj is another unique example where we see how an organic settlement has been affected both by government policy besides a natural shift in direction and what their implications have been on the residents.
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Chandni Chowk Chandni Chowk is a market that stems with activity all through the year. It was designed and established by Princess Jahanara, Shah Jahan’s favourite daughter, in 1650 CE. The bazaar, which was shaped as a square, was given further elegance by the presence of a pool in the center of the complex. It was once the grandest of the markets in India. In fact, the Mughal imperial processions regularly passed through the street. After 1857, as city officials (European colonizers) tried to redefine a public realm that was in their control, public spaces became a contested terrain in their form, use and symbolic significance. Much of Delhi’s indigenous architecture was a sequence of experiences and views. But they were convinced that the perfect rational settlement was to have broad, tree lined boulevards, orthogonal forms and streets, low densities and distinct land uses. (Hosagrahar).
Fig 5: Typical street section at Nai Sarak Authors
New rules governed the people’s use and interpretation of open spaces and required residents to adhere to norms of new public areas. “In this sense, the vibrant square of Chandni Chowk was transformed into a moralizing and didactic space,” (Hosagrahar). Officials tried to direct the development of street hierarchy to match the universal ‘public’ character. To them, Delhi’s inner streets were symptomatic of social degeneracy. There existed an eternal contest between the residents and the officials over the control of space and place. Today, Chandni Chowk continues to be the hub of wholesale markets. It is majorly pedestrian and choked due to the traffic movement of the huge number of people and vehicles occupying the space on the working days. The streets are lined by the buildings clustered in a high density low rise formation. The surrounding buildings are 2-4 stories high without any setbacks on either of the sides. The strict demarcation of the street is through the imposing walls interspersed by roadside vendors and hawkers, whereas the huge number of projections and depressions along the façade blur the rigid wall formation of the continuous line of buildings. It creates a delightful open and semi-open spaces with major passages being shaded generally. Since, the streets are narrow, there is a sense of
enclosure for the pedestrian. Due to the proportions, a level of intimacy and interaction is maintained.
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The shops lined along the streets promote the huge number of pedestrians and thereby, interaction. This leads to mushrooming of roadside food stalls and hawkers which attract large number of people. This area is marked for its famous food and thereby is a major hub for the local people. At times, due to the lack of adequate amount of space, the huge number of people leads to overcrowding. For people residing in the upper floors, the marketplace, and the street activity is integrated with their daily life. The street is viewed as an extension of home, with the activities spilling over, creating multiuse spaces, adaptable to the need of the time. Functions co-exist in such a configuration, and allows for more porous linkages between different activity zones. A proposal by Abhimanyu Dalal Architects for MCD and CSIR for the redevelopment of Chandni Chowk aims at making it a pedestrian friendly environment by slowing down the traffic movement and introducing user-friendly public transport – low rise and non-polluting. Prosposal -
Other aspects of proposal include: • To create a distinctive public realm with local distinctiveness of Chandni Chowk and restating the physical, visual and historic linkages. • Chandni chowk as a pedestrian destination. Wider pedestrian footpaths (6m minimum). Pedestrian zones have been kept on the southern side to provide shaded corridors. • One way traffic from Fatehpuri side to the Red Fort side to decongest. Trams to be re-introduced for mitigating the necessities of traffic in the area. • Urban plazas at crossings of Fountain Chowk, Town Hall and Fatehpuri Masjid. • Heritage buildings to be emphasized by the absence of trees in the front for reinforcement of minor details highlighting the rich heritage. • A common language of street furniture elements is maintained across the public realm. (http://uttipec.nic.in/writereaddata/ )
Fig 6: Left- Current, Right- Proposed
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Connaught Place Connaught Place is one of the largest financial, commercial and business centers in New Delhi. It was originally built as a dignified shopping center for the elite, with carriages dropping them at the entrance of the required shop. In the present scenario, CP faces many challenges that it needs to overcome. Wide roads were planned in and around Connaught Place even though they were not required since the traffic consisted of horses, horse carts and few cars. This has proved to be a boon for coping with today’s large traffic volume. Each block and central greens stand as islands in the pool of vehicular traffic. There is no pedestrian connection between them, and a contest for space happens between the pedestrians and vehicles at the junctions. Also, lack/poor condition of street furniture is quite evident in the area.
Fig 7-10: Starting clockwise from bottom; the CP skyline, Children and teenagers have a bit of fun during Raahgiri day, the large empty roads devoid of pedestrians
In terms of planning, CP is a very good example of western planning principles, with segregated zones, clear demarcations, and orderly space to separate out activities. It promotes flaneurism by its colonnaded arcade with shops on one side. A clear edge exists between the pedestrian and the vehicular. Spacious, circular layout, colonnaded frontage, tree lined pavements, paths for car movement. The double height passage with the massive columns on one side creates a strong axis of movement, yet at the same time creating a comfortable space due to its semi open nature. But the scale of the complex fails to create a sense of enclosure outside the colonnaded arcade, and the pedestrian sometimes feel lost in the vast complex. The width of the vehicular roads demote any connection between the central park and inner circle colonnade. Huge numbers of shoppers has led to springing up of roadside vendors and hawkers, though in low density.
Even though is a central shopping hub for a large number of people, unlike Chandni chowk, the complex lacks the multi-functional usage of spaces, and spaces lie idle when not in their specific use. The careful and strict planning does not allow for many functions to co-exist in a space, as it is not designed to be flexible/adaptive to the need. Raahgiri Day is India’s first sustained car-free citizen initiative that started in Gurgaon on Nov 17, 2013. Its participants have played a major role in making this movement nationally and internationally recognized and acclaimed. Initiated by the Delhi Police and NDMC, the movement proves that even in an increasingly motorized city, sustainable mobility is possible. (www. raahgiriday.com) In just a matter 6 months, Raahgiri has become an integral part of people’s lives, and has been responsible for mind-set and lifestyle shift among the residents of Gurgaon. The movement offers a wide range of events and activities for which it is hard to find a place otherwise. Once the event became successful, it was also organized in the inner circle of Connaught Place, where once again it proved its importance by attracting a huge crowd, who, at the end, were more than satisfied with the proceedings of the day. But for the Raahgiris, more than the activities, it was the freedom to walk on the streets of Connaught Place that was important. One participant who had come in with his wife and skating enthusiast daughter, said, “We had stopped coming to Connaught Place months ago because of the traffic and the messy situation. This is the first time in years that I can actually stand on a road here and look around and enjoy the original charm of this place. This is the Connaught Place that I want to show to my daughter.” (Times of India) Connaught Place is an important central hub of the city. It and the surrounding areas are known as Central Delhi. Hence all the roads which lead out of Connaught Place are significant in terms of linkages. Apart from having historical significance, the inner loop allows for easy management of such an event. This movement brings out, to a certain extent, the expectations of the citizens from its city streets. Occupying the street of CP, which can be regarded as symbol of the western colonizers, is also symbolically a challenge against existing principles of city planning. The paths for pedestrian movement get widened, enhancing mobility and freedom. Edges become porous, allowing free movement from one space to another. The space allows for activities that enhance the quality of public life, like street plays, cycling, skateboarding, sports, gym, yoga and lots more in open air. It provides a richness to the urban fabric and increases the appeal of the space. Hierarchy of 29 roads in that particular space become blurred, with every space allowing use as desired by the user.
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Fig 11-12: Erstwhile pictures of Connaught Circle before the onslaught of the automobile
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Paharganj Paharganj (literally ‘hilly neighbourhood’) is a neighbourhood of Central Delhi, located just west of the New Delhi Railway Station. Known as Shahganj or King’s ganj or market place during Mughal era, it is one of the three administrative subdivisions, of the Central Delhi district, of the National Capital Territory of Delhi. Known for its concentration of affordable hotels, lodges, restaurants, dhabas and a wide variety of shops catering to both domestic travellers and foreign tourists, especially backpackers and low-budget travellers; over the years it has become particularly popular as a haunt for international cuisine. With the arrival of the Hippie movement in the 70s at India’s shores, the area became a regular part of the Hippie trail, for hippies, backpackers, and college students looking for budget accommodations near Connaught Place, New Delhi and New Delhi Railway Station. Gradually the hotels and guest houses spread till neighbouring Ram Nagar and area along Deshbandhu Gupta Road. This legacy which continues even today, with its streams of budget hotels, cafes and restaurants, specialising in global cuisines, and hordes of cybercafes. Apart from that Paharganj also has a Chabad House as it is frequented by large number of Jewish and Israeli tourists, and bakeries like ‘German Bakery’, which was once named ‘Ajay Cafe’, about 19 years ago.
Fig 13-16: Starting clockwise from bottom left; Israeli tourists in the market, the narrow galis interweaving across neighbourhoods, the budget hotels, cafes and bars Paharganj is famous for.
Over the years, Paharganj has become the biggest hotel hub for lowbudget foreign tourists in Delhi, though with rising congestion, proliferation of illegal bars and illegal activities like, drug peddling, Paharganj has also become a hotspot for crime, and a criminal hideout. Ahead of the 2010 Commonwealth Games, a massive Rs. 800 million ($17 million) facelift program for Paharganj was implemented by Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) in 2009, it included 56 roads and lanes in Paharganj, where over 500 hotels and lodges were expecting to host visitors for the games. Some shops were demolished in areas like Main Bazar, Ram Nagar market and Amrit Kaur market, markets were given uniform design, all road were relaid, sidewalks and pavements were also added, to decongest the area by September 2010. This was a failure on a massive scale as most of the work was quickly dealt with for the sake of meeting deadlines. Almost all of the new paved areas have come apart and the roads are in a worse condition than they had previously been in.
Conversations with some of the local inhabitants and dialogues with a large number of shop owners have given us an insight into how the streets of Paharganj have developed in the last 20 years. The Chuna Mandi side of Paharganj was a bustling market that had all manner of shops until about a couple of decades ago. It has since become a major wholesale and retail hardware and material hub. Seeing this as an opportunity, laser cutting and CNC machine outlets soon sprang up about 6-7 years ago. The place has not been the same since. Once a major thoroughfare, the entire Chuna Mandi stretch is now a nightmare for vehicles with its perennially congested streets and bye lanes. Shops, their services and a motley assortment of vendors have taken over the entire streetscape and there is no respite from the mad rush until well into the evening.
Some of our findings from discussions with shop owners are as follows. There is a definite change in the character of the place. What was once an inclusive community has now become a massive commercial hub. Residential population has decreased manifold with rising rental rates. Most people find it economical to rent out there homes as stores and move to a less crowded locality or sell their plots for the development of more hotels. Security is a major concern with a huge rise in the number of pickpockets and drug addicts and other delinquents who are responsible for most of the petty crimes in the area. Rent is another issue. Where the rent for a single room was 5000 rupees seven years ago, the same room is now available for no less than 25000. Mohammed Aslam, the proprietor of a meat shop who has been in the market since 1961 and has literally seen the evolution of the place happen before his very eyes is nostalgic about the past. He claims that the major development in the area is as recent as 20 years ago. The complete face of the market has changed. Where, once upon a time his clientele were the residents in the area, now they are the visitors to the nearby wine store. He claims that the street has become absolutely unsafe for his children, the very street where he grew up himself. On the other side of the street, Shivam, the owner of a burgeoning laser cutter business is very enthusiastic about the future. He believes that the street has progressed since he first set up shop here 7 years ago. Business is booming and it can only get better. Bhagat Nath, another old timer who has run a relatively successful tea shop for more than 40 years in the area is unperturbed by the changes. His business still runs the same, if anything, he has more customers. So it is with Santosh Pradhan, a chaat vendor who has been keeping shop at the same place for 10 years. Except for the common complaints of security and rent inflation, most vendors seem satisfied with the conditions. They consider the changes a necessary
CASE STUDY - PAHARGANJ | 19
Fig 17-19: Starting from top left; a series of interviews and conversations with various users of the street, some of whom have been inhabiting this area for over 50 years like Md. Aslam, proprietor of a meat shop at Chuna Mandi
20 | SECTION B
evil for the sake of progress.
Fig20: Typical road sections of Chuna Mandi in Paharganj before and after the redevelopment.
This is where we revisit the point of the street as an institution. Like all institutions, changes in the users of the space has brought about a significant change in the street typology. What was once a neighbourhood, is now an unsafe, vehicle ridden haven for petty criminals and conmen. With changing times, the street has institutionalized its inhabitants and with their changing ethics, there has been a stark change in their values and attitudes. This is clearly reflected in the unfriendly nature of all exchanges in the market besides the go getter mentality of the new generation in the area. Quick money is to be made and all ideal have been forgotten for its sake. Mohammed Aslam still gets misty eyed remembering the good old days when he watched his first movie at The Imperial around 45 years ago. Today, the Imperial stands closed. It has been 7 years since the last movie was screened here. It seems that 6 brothers are still fighting over its property rights.
Paint Shop Chat wala
Hotel temoprary food stall laser cutter
AVT plastics pan wala
Hardware Store Timber Shop
Furniture Shop Hardware Store Resturant/Bar Om Plastics Paint Shop Hotel Tea Stall Antique Shop Leather products CafĂŠ Junk jwellery Import/ Export Ornamentation shop Handicraft Chemist Antique Shop Perfume Store laser cutter Juice Corner
3 Vinod 4 Santosh
5 V.K. Anmol 6 Simran Kaur 7 Asif Ali
8 Vikas Saini 9 Manoj RamPrasad
10 Kishor Yadav 11 Shivshankar Yogi
12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30
Shehlendra Gupta Amanpreet Sigh Akhil Sharma shiv Narendra Sharma Harpreet Singh Sadho Ram Prakash Sharma Bhagat naath Anirudh Jain Salman Khan Dinesh Yadav Mainank Gupta Yogendra Sahaye Dilpreet Singh Mayank Saini Lakshaya Batra Kushagra Chugh Raza Jafri Shivam Lokesh Sharma
k.k. Plastics
2 A.B. Khanna
Occupation
Meat Shop
Name
1 Mhd. Aslam
S. NO.
2002 1997 2000 1990 1993 1960 1978 1999 1974 2000 2010 1988 2003 2006 1994 1966 2005 2002
2008
1982
2005
1990
1995
1994 2007
1981
1972
2005
2001
1961
Since no yes, from a book store in 1974 to plastics yes, from timber Store to Paint shop no yes, from private residence to Hotel no not sure yes, from private residence to Plastic Store no from general store to hardware store not sure yes from timber store to furniture shop yes, from paint shop yes, from private residence yes, from kabadi wala yes, from residence yes, from residential no not sure yes,from restaurant no, yes from restaurant yes, from residential yes, from residence yes, from residence yes, from residential yes, from clinic no yes, from residential yes, from a shop store
Change in occupation
mostly males mixed mostly women mixed mostly women mixed mixed mostly women mostly males mostly males mixed mostly males mostly males
mixed mostly males mixed mostly males mostly males
mostly males mostly males
mostly males mostly males
mixed mostly males mostly males
mostly males mixed
mostly males
mixed
User gender
Traffic problems security security parking Traffic problems pavement quality no problems security security Parking security police corruption Traffic problems congestion Traffic problems security sanitation Parking pollution
Traffic problems Parking
parking security
Parking women security Traffic problems
security Drug Peddlers
security
increased traffic
Concerns
5 4 6 5 5 4 7 5 6 6 4 5 5 7 6 5 4 6 5
4 6
6 5
5 4 7
5 7
6
Rate of Happiness out of 10 4
CHAPTER TITLE | 21
Table 2: Report generated after detailed survey onsite at Chuna Mandi, Paharganj
Learnings We have seen a lot of changes happen in the city in the last few decades and not all of it has been for the better. We have previously discussed the idea of the street as an institution and how an institution is a self-organizing system. To elaborate, the main features of self-organizing systems are: 1. They are complex, that is, their component parts are so numerous that it is very difficult (almost impossible) to establish relationships between all of them in one instant. However, the behaviour of every part affects every other part, leading to a complex network of feedback loops. 2. Such systems are open (that is, they affect and are affected by the “outside” environments), yet they can still maintain structure when the outside environment is unstable or changing dramatically. 3. While these systems are stable, they are not constant. Their component parts are constantly changing and evolving in response to local and global stimuli. The systems maintain (sometimes even adapt) their basic structure, and so are called ’creative’ (Ziauddin, 1998) Such systems are often referred to as Complex Adaptive Systems, or CAS, as termed by scientists John Holland (1992) and John Miller and Scott Page(2007). In complex adaptive systems, the many possible interactions between component parts allow the system to spontaneously self-organize. These intelligent (but not necessarily brilliant) elements are always adjusting and adapting to their neighbours and community, and so always unconsciously organizing themselves. The street is a brilliant example of such a complex system. The aforementioned three pillars of institutional economics becomes crucial here. If any of the pillars that holds up this integral social institution are tampered with, it will change the very nature of the street. We have seen it happen in the past, in Chandni Chowk and Connaught Place and we’ve seen it happen as recently as a decade ago in Paharganj. We must realize that these changing streets are changing the very lives of the people living around them, and in the process are changing the people themselves. One must become aware of both, the positives and the negatives of self- organization for a more balanced understanding. Through time, the self-organizing system oscillates between what is better or worse for itself, learning from its own mistakes, ironing out its own creases, and trying to achieve the optima. The Nagarpalika Act or the 74th amendment of the Constitution of India introduced in 1993 mandates local people’s right to determine their urban future through participation in the planning process, thus apparently, empowering them at the local level to have control over their built environment. This approach encourages representative participation in which power is decentralized rather than being top down. Much of our living environment is user- generated; non-designed by the people. We, as designers, must recognize this and learn to design, not for the people, but with the people.
CASE STUDY - PAHARGANJ | 22
Conclusion Urban form and expression has traditionally been organic where it developed as a result of the activity and needs of the people. The imperial cities of Shahjahanabad and later the New Delhi are a response to the living needs and give us an insight into the culture of their respective era. The urban image now is infinitesimally layered and the respective case studies provide us a brief overview of those layers. The public spaces, the squares, the streets, the plazas and chowks that develop in an organic city can be seen to be very contextual, responsive, and adaptable with the need of the times. The statement is not against planning of cities, but puts forward the point that modern planning principles can benefit a lot by assessing and analyzing the traditional settlements. The blatant disregard by modern planning of organic settlements can be detrimental in the long run. Change in mobility patterns due to introduction of vehicles has had a tremendous change in urban texture and planning in the 20th century. The greater density of people in the traditional settlements like Chandni Chowk hints that people are more comfortable with the street as an extension to their houses and the high levels of interaction and communication that it offers. The major movement in the street is considered to be pedestrian and thereby the ratio of the vertical and horizontal planes in designed to satisfy pedestrianized perception of the space and keep the movement shaded. The modernized model of urban fabric can be seen in the planning principles of CP. The major mode of transition is considered to be vehicular and therefore, the proportions and detailing are such that the space is perceived and appreciated in a swift moving vehicle, rather than by a pedestrian. The street as an urban environment has been losing its vibrant character of a community and becoming more of a transition space due to lack of social and physiological needs of the inhabitants of Indian cities and the predominant western principles of city planning. The city consists of variable typologies of environments and social setups, which bring different images to the mind of an observer. Since the old part of the city was designed keeping in mind the interests of a pedestrian, they are successful in providing a functional transitive environment for the pedestrians, but fail to respond to the ever-growing modern day requirement of swift vehicular movement. The proposal of Abhimanyu Dalal architects is an example of how the traditional can evolve to incorporate the modern, without losing the character and vibrancy that it is famous for. If the place is flexible enough to accommodate changing conditions, it will manage to retain its character through the process of changes. The later part of the city, New Delhi was designed majorly on the western principles which successfully accommodate the need of vehicular movement, whereas a pedestrian at times feels lost and insecure in the non-responsive wide avenues. Adaptation of traditional methods of urban planning in contemporary cities is the key to a favorable urban setting. Modern methods of urban planning that arose from the modern movement of first half of the 20th century are not efficient in providing a culturally and socially satisfying urban environment. The planners and designers need to allow opportunities and places for social interaction to promote unity. Concepts such as space syntax need to be explored so that we are better informed about the implication that our designs may have on the people involved. A sensitive design taking both the conventional and modern aspects into consideration will help
CONCLUSION | 23
24 | SECTION B
both the conventional and modern aspects into consideration will help the city preserve its character and respond to modern-day demands in a balanced manner. Instead of questioning the existence of motor vehicles, it seems more sensible to assimilate them in their least damaging ways to create a favourable environment and active urban spaces. Emphasis on pedestrianization, community or mass transit, etc. are all efforts made in this direction. It is imperative to understand that the design of streets as public spaces is critical and needs to be a close knit of social, functional and economic identities. Therefore, it would be more efficient if open-endedness were achieved in the design of urban streetscapes. This would provide for the residents a space which can be moulded over a period of time and responding to the changing functions and needs. One which will not mould them instead.
Fig21: Paharganj today. (Source Authors)
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