DIPLOMAT East Africa - Volume 1 by Sven Boermeester

>>Living Legend Mandela Gets UN Day PG 91 January - February 2010

Volume 001

Door to Region, Window on World

COMMUNITY >>: Customs Union and Region’s Future P 9

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COMMONWEALTH >>: Rwanda Joins The Club P 59

P G9

Obama’s Enforcer Tough-as-Nails Envoy Drives Change Agenda

Michael Ranneberger Kenya KSh300

Uganda USh9000

Tanzania TSh7500

Rwanda RWFr3000

Burundi BUFr6000

South Africa R30

Rest of Africa US$4

USA $4

UK £3

Canada $5

Rest of Europe €3.5

•DIPLOMATIC LICENCE

BY DESIGN – Kwendo Opanga (Editorial Director), Serah Wamaitha (Marketing Executive), Bob Wekesa (Managing Editor) and (seated) Matt K Gathigira (Consulting Editor) admire the design of the inaugural DEA Cover

Building Blocks of an all-Africa Bloc

he East, Great Lakes and Horn of Africa’s first periodical magazine publishing project, Diplomat East Africa, is devoted to all things diplomatic, which is an astonishing and eye-opening field of inquiry, reportage, analysis, prognostication, marketing, entrepreneurship, innovation and the brotherhood of Man. What is diplomacy? One of the most succinct definitions tells as much about diplomacy as it leaves unsaid, “The art or practice of conducting international relations, as in negotiating alliances, treaties, and agreements”. Left unsaid is the fact that diplomacy is not a science, whether exact or inexact. But it is a highly ritualised, many-layered, deeply nuanced and intricate dance of protocol, both as a preliminary to war and peace and everything else in-between in transactions among nations. Diplomat East Africa will offer you the kind of journalism that can tell the story of diplomacy consistently, with insight, foresight and the institutional memory commensurate with an entire regional bloc’s diverse dynamics and as a journal of truly transnational journalism, utilising all the multimedia resources of the age of digital information communication technologies. Our motto, “Door to Region, Window on World”, neatly captures and expresses the transnational journalism ethos in a rapidly globalising world. DEA has arrived on the media and diplomatic scenes at a time of momentous events in our region and the world. In the region,

the East African Community has just celebrated its first decade by entering into the Customs union phase of the path to full integration and eventual federation, reviving the free movement of goods, people and services across the borders of five nations. In Europe, the EU, the exemplar of regional bloc building, now has both a President and a Foreign Affairs chief. Across the rest of the world outside the USA, China and Japan, including Africa, the tendency is towards bloc building, emulating the EU, which has become the world’s biggest economy by dint of amalgamation. DEA will chart the course of bloc consolidations in eastern Africa and on the African continental level too, as the building blocks of a truly united AU accumulate and then accelerate into a unified economy and political edifice. The day when an AU President and Foreign Policy chief take one African voice and the clout of one African GDP to, for instance, the table of the EU President and Foreign Minister, is one which the founders and editors of this magazine hope to chronicle in their lifetimes. In our pages you will find quality analysis and comment on events, trends and milestones in our region, continent and the world. Our typical reader is deeply interested and involved in diplomacy as it meshes with geo-political issues throughout this region, in business, trade, entrepreneurship, education, health and innovation (the prosperity factors) and in the environment and development. January - February 2010

•IMMUNITIES & IMPUNITIES

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DIPLOMATIC LICENCE

>>The Magazine for Eastern Africa Our audience is therefore the greatest single agglomeration of decision-makers and opinion leaders in this region, from state houses to command posts and boardrooms and senior common rooms. Crucially, Diplomat EA will also track ICT, human security, defence and intelligence throughout the region. Diplomat EA is therefore written, designed, packaged and presented for a thinking audience active in ministries, security agencies, international agencies and regional inter-governmental organisations such as the African Union, IGAD, EAC, EABC, the World Bank, IMF, the Diplomatic Corps, civil society, CEOs, lawyers, accountants, religious organisations, academe, journalism and private sector organisations. As such, this magazine aims at providing the perfect balance between good journalism and excellent marketing, publicity, PR and advertising for an audience that is steeped in leadership, decision-making, strategic implementations, opinion shaping and influence. We look forward to and have every intention of bringing you a number of major scoops, stories, facts, figures, information and knowledge that you will gather for the very first time from these pages. From time to time we shall make errors — to err being all too human — although hopefully not of the enormous and totally stultifying order of the Chicago Tribune in 1948, when

January - February 2010

they announced that Thomas Dewey had beaten Harry Truman in that year’s US Presidential election. A victorious Truman had his revenge by being photographed brandishing that edition of the Tribune in a picture that has become iconic around the world. When we err we shall set the record straight as prominently as we bent it and will apologise promptly, sincerely and fulsomely. Serving a region as large and diverse as eastern Africa in a subject as complex and sensitive as diplomacy, Diplomat EA’s editorial policy will emulate the most consummate of diplomats, who have long been said to have the ability to bite their tongues in a dozen languages when circumstances so demand. However, DEA will also tell truth to power in our region and strive at all times to offer a journalism of mediation, integrity, the highest standards and the most informative, educative, entertaining and ultimately transformative content. As a niche advertising platform, we look forward to a symbiotic relationship with all sectors of the economy that interact with and service the diplomatic and international organisations’ community, particularly the hospitality, motoring and real estate sectors as well as education and health. Welcome aboard Diplomat East Africa and join us on the first step of a great and ultimately all-Africa journey.

Volume No 001 • January - February 2010

PUBLISHER Global Village Publishers (EA) Limited Vision Plaza, 2nd Floor, Suite 37, Mombasa Road, Nairobi

TELEPHONES Landline: 0202525253/4/5 Mobile: 0722401739, 0722787345 E-mail: habari@diplomateastafrica.com Feedback: editor@diplomateastafrica.com Website: www.diplomateastafrica.com

Contents Table of

EDITORIAL Editorial Director: Kwendo Opanga Consulting Editor: Matt K Gathigira Managing Editor: Bob Job Wekesa

MARKETING & SALES Marketing Director: Simon Mugo

BUSINESS EXECUTIVES Alice Mbugua Caroh Kisero Chris Nyaoro Derrick Wanjawa Eunice Kiarie John Wambugu Shane Mwigereri Serah Wamaitha Paul Mucheru

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DESIGN TEAM William Odidi Andrew Muchira Daniel Kihara

PHOTOGRAPHY Yahya Mohamed

CONTRIBUTORS Alex Duval Smith,Pretoria Bethuel Kiplagat, Nairobi Biko Jackson, Nairobi Dominic Odipo, Nairobi Egara Kabaji, Nairobi Francis Sang’, Nairobi Godfrey Musila, Johannesburg Hanningtone Gaya, Nairobi John Gachie, Nairobi John Mulaa, Washington DC Julius Mbaluto, London Kevin Makokha, Nairobi Manoah Esipisu, London Mburu Mwangi, Calgary, Canada Mildred Ngesa, Nairobi Mishaeli Ondieki, Los Angeles Ngari Gituku, Nairobi Ochieng’ Ogodo, Nairobi Owen MCOnyango, Kisumu Peter Musa, Nairobi Peter Mwaura, Nairobi Peter Mwesige, Kampala Ramba Mark, Kigali Robert Mugo, Alberta, Canada Tervil Okoko, Nairobi Wangari Maathai, Nairobi Wycliffe Muga, Mombasa Zephania Opati, Kuala Lumpur

ADMINISTRATION Josephine Wambui Stephen Otieno

PRINTER Bizone Limited

DISCLAIMER: Diplomat East Africa may not be copied and or transmitted or stored in any way or form, electronically or otherwise, without the prior and written consent of the publisher. Diplomat East Africa is published at Vision Plaza, Second Floor, Suite 37, Mombasa Road, by Global Village Publishers (EA) Limited, Box 23399 – 0625, and Telephone 020-2525253/4/5. Registered at the GPO as a newspaper.

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CONFERENCE

ELECTIONS IN NEW DECADE Eight of the 12 eastern African nations are going to the polls as the new decade of the ‘twenty tens’ begins................................ 7-8

Commonwealth meets, welcomes Rwanda........................................... 54-60

EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY FRESH PHASE The East African Community’s Customs Union which came into effect on January 1 was signed by the region’s leaders last November to enable the free movement of people, goods and services across borders ....................................................9-13

UN Climate Change Summit in Copenhagen ..................................61-63

INDIA’S REPUBLIC DAY India celebrates 60th Republic Day.................64-66

ECONOMY Challenge of youth unemployment................75-76 Remittances from the Diaspora......................77-78 Uganda’s oil, Museveni’s magnanimity...........79-80

COVER STORIES US Ambassador Michael Ranneberger talks about his unorthodox style......................14-27

GLOBAL STAGE

Kenya’s Ambassador to the US NRO Ogego gives his view from Washington........................................................28-29

ENVOYS OF SPORT

Obama a year later........................................... 83-84 Clay: Regrets of former envoy..........................85-86

Tegla Loroupe wages a war of peace ..............87-89

KENYA’S FOREIGN POLICY DEFINED Nairobi to unveil new foreign policy document ............................................. 30-33

PASSAT POWERED PEOPLE

Challenges facing diplomats in the region...................................................... 34-35

Events 2010....................................................95

COUNTRY BRANDING Marketing Kenya...............................................37-41 The case of Malaysia.........................................42-45

Interview with ICC Judge Daniel Nsereko............................................ 97

Kenya’s Cabinet turns to Volkswagen....................................................... 94

INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE

January - February 2010

•MEET SOME OF THE TEAM DRIVING OUR LIVELY DISCOURSE

A STERLING LINE-UP OF CONTRIBUTORS

Picked randomly but listed alphabetically, here are 12 of the 30 brilliant writers whose articles will grace the pages of Diplomat East Africa. They are part of strong team that has been deliberately and carefully assembled to bring you articles which will provoke intelligent and absorbing debate on local and global diplomacy and make Diplomat East Africa the journal of choice on international relations. You will meet the rest of Team DEA in Volume II

Alex Duval Smith – Yes, she is a woman. She is British-born and grew up in Sweden. She has been covering southern and western Africa for European media for 12 years. She is currently the Africa Correspondent of Britain's Observer newspaper.

DOMINIC ODIPO – A university lecturer of communications, history and democracy, a sharp witted newspaper columnist and a voracious reader of books on politics, history, diplomacy and political economy. Odipo is a media consultant and publications editor.

PROF EGARA KABAJI – The Director of Information and Public Communication in Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kabaji is a prolific thinker, writer, literary critic and lecturer who has taught in universities in Kenya, Rwanda and the United States.

DR FRANCIS SANG – The Executive Secretary of the Nairobi-headquartered Regional Centre on Small Arms (RECSA) that coordinates action against small arms and light weapons proliferation in the Great Lakes region, Horn of Africa and neighbouring states.

HANNINGTONE GAYA – The Chairman of the Brand Kenya Board is one of Kenya’s well-known print publishers, with seven magazine titles in his stable. An avid reader, a thinking marketer and motoring columnist, Gaya is the kind of writer who can see an article and business where most don’t.

JOHN GACHIE – Vastly experienced and widely travelled journalist, publisher and human rights campaigner who has worked for leading Kenyan and global media houses, news agencies and Article 19. Gachie publishes Insight Sudan magazine.

JOHN MULAA – Now based in the US state of Maryland and working in neighbouring Washington DC, the impressively versatile and experienced Mulaa is a former Foreign Editor of the Nation Media Group, consultant with the World Bank, secondary school teacher and university lecturer.

MANOAH ESIPISU – Kenya’s first journalist head of a bureau of the global Reuters news agency. Esipisu is the Deputy Director of Communications at the Commonwealth’s headquarters in London. He combines the twin demanding professions of journalism and diplomacy adroitly.

MILDRED NGESA – The founding and Executive Director of the human rights based NonGovernmental Group Peace Pen Communications and current Director of Communications at Kenya’s Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission, Ngesa is an award-winning newspaper journalist and columnist.

ROBERT MUGO – Living and working from Calgary, Alberta, in Canada, Mugo is an environmental scientist and natural resources consultant for reputable international manufacturing and mining firms around the world whose assignments have taken him to all corners of the globe.

PROF WANGARI MAATHAI – Kenya’s most recognisable face around the world as the country’s first Nobel Peace Prize laureate and fervent campaigner for the environment. She was Kenya’s first woman to obtain a PhD, become a lecturer and then a professor in any field of study.

WYCLIFFE MUGA – Hugely influential and travelling businessman-turned-journalist who is a columnist for the continental African Business, Nairobi-based newspapers, BBC radio broadcaster and media consultant for varied local and international groups.

January - February 2010

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Democracy Calendar Seven eastern Africa nations head for Presidential polls in 2010-11 and the anxiety is palpable as multiple electorates wonder whether incumbents will eschew campaign violence and abide by the results By TERVIL OKOKO is President Omar el Bashir willing to participate in a free and fair poll, given that he still has to contend with an International Criminal Court indictment? Only time will tell. The elections, Presidential and parliamentary, will mark the end of a transitional period which began when the decades-long Second Sudanese Civil War finally came to an end in early 2005.

Tanzania 2010

BALLOT BOX: Will the seven regional elections live up to democracy?

esidents of the eastern African countries are entering the year 2010 with some anxiety, given that eight out of the 12 states in the bloc are facing Presidential elections. The anxiety is heightened by the fear of violence and instability, two characteristics the region has been identified with for a long time. Out of the nine, six – Sudan, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Comoros, Rwanda and Burundi – go to the ballot in 2010 to elect their respective head of state. Some of these countries will combine both Presidential and legislative elections, and democracy will be put to severe tests. But will the elections be free and fair or will they be manipulated to the benefit of the incumbents? The Kenyan and Zimbawean ex-

periences are still fresh in many minds.

Sudan

Already, a decision by Sudan’s National Elections Commission (NEC) to delay the voting date from April 5 to April 11, 2010, has elicited a sharp response from the opposition, which has threatened to boycott the country’s first multi-party polls. The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), the junior partner in the governing coalition, and 20 opposition parties had threatened to boycott the vote if a package of democratic laws were not put in place by November 30, showing a rare united front. But

The year 2010 is also the year of reckoning for Tanzania, where President Jakaya Kikwete will be seeking a second term against candidates from weak and broke, but dedicated, opposition parties. In 1992, legislation formally ended the nearly 30-year domination of the one-party state in Tanzania, part of a democratisation wave that appeared to sweep through Africa in the late 80s and early 90s. Currently there are 13 legally registered political parties in the country, and the disturbances following the 2000 elections, involving the Civic United Front supporters in Zanzibar, still chill the blood.

Ethiopia 2010

But the Zanzibari skirmishes pale alongside the real-time trouble that ensued in Ethiopia following that country’s Presidential and legislative elections in 2005. After a “vote count” that lasted six

January - February 2010

months, the government of Meles Zenawi mounted a massive crackdown on opposition politicians, activists, leaders of civil society and journalists. Nearly 200 protesters were killed in the streets by security forces and more than 100 opposition leaders were arrested, convicted of treason and sentenced to life in prison before being pardoned in the face of massive international pressure. Ethiopia is again headed for an election this year, with many a pundit seeing a potential for violence. On October 10 2009, the Forum for Democracy and Dialogue, an amalgam of eight parties, unveiled their 65-page manifesto in Addis Ababa, as a first step towards unseating Prime Minister Zenawi, who has been in power since 1995. But will Meles step down this time? “We hope this will not be a repeat of the 2005 elections. We are tired of violence. We are tired of having to do things with a lot of force,” said Illal Tesfaye, an Ethiopian refugee living in Kenya. The opposition has threatened to boycott the elections, saying their members are being jailed. Tension is already building. Both government and opposition leaders are expressing concern about the potential for election-related violence. But Government Spokesman Bereket Simon has warned: “This election must be peaceful. Government must do whatever it takes to ensure that our election will be peaceful.”

Rwanda 2010

Rwanda’s Presidential and legislative elections are scheduled for August 9, 2010, the second since the Genocide. President Paul Kagame will almost certainly stand for a second term, in an election he is expected to win massively because the opposition is weak. The opposition has said the elections remind them of those held in South Africa during the apartheid regime. They have accused Kagame of discriminating against their parties. Are things going to change in 2010? Not much really. Kagame is

not retiring, at least not this time. There are fears the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) leadership is considering options aimed at blocking UDF-Inkingi participation in the Presidential race. Sources intimate that one of the options in consideration might be an amendment to the Constitution that could tighten the requirements a candidate has to comply with to compete for the top executive job in the country.

Burundi 2010

In Burundi, also going to the vote in 2010, professionals are worried that the elections might return the country to violence if the international community does not pressure the government and the opposition to play fair. According to Prof Gervaise Gatunange of the Faculty of Law at the University of Burundi, the elections are potentially dangerous, with local observers convinced that the ruling party will use all means possible to win. And if the ruling party loses, it is unclear whether it will accept defeat.

The Comoros 2010

This amalgamation of isles in the Indian Ocean south east of the Tanzanian coast is another worry for the region as it sets about electing on federal level the president and a legislature. The president is elected for a four-year term by the people. The federal Presidency is taken it in turns among the three islands. The Incumbent, President Ahmed Abdallah Mohamed Sambi, or “the Ayatollah:, as he is popularly known, was elected in 2006 in the first peaceful transfer of power in the history of the Comoros. Whether this peaceful process will be repeated is a matter of guess work, given that the existence of political parties in the Comoros is unclear. The only fear is the military.

Uganda 2011

Ugandans are gearing up for the ballot in 2011, but hot on their lips is question whether President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, their strongman who has been in power since 1986, will remove his trademark Stetson and bow out of the Nakasero State House. However, sure signs that Museveni is running for a fourth In Burundi, professionals are worried that the term (despite limitations provided by the current Constituelections might return the country to violence if tion) started emerging mid-this the international community does not pressure year when his forces chaperboth government and opposition to play fair oned a heated move to have the law of the land amended. The push is still on and the On the other hand, PalipehutuPresident and his brigade are not taking FNL expects to win and observthe disjointed opposition for granted. In ers fear that it might renege on Uganda, many fear for a situation similar the ceasefire agreement. But Prof to Kenya in January 2008. The military is Gatunange, who was in Kenya realso being highly suspected of mischief cently, noted that past experience should the vote not go their way. has shown the leadership of the Opposition politicians and activlandlocked country often respondists have also expressed concerns over ed to external pressure, given that the state of democracy in Uganda and Burundi’s survival depends on the whether the country could follow the goodwill of the international compath of other African nations in which munity. ruling parties, upon losing elections, The anxiety stems from the fact have refused to relinquish power. that the history of Burundi elections since 1961 shows that the party in power always loses elections, but is often reluctant to hand over and sometimes responds by assassinating the winner.

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Mr. Okoko is the Regional Coordinator for Media Freedom, Advocacy & Research, Eastern Africa Journalists Association (EAJA).

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The EAC Reloaded Hopes, challenges, opportunities and impediments By BOB WEKESA

A DONE DEAL:

The five Presidents of the EAC member states sign the Protocol

wo-thousand-andnine was the season of optimism and a defining year for the bold new East Africa. By signing the Common Market protocol at the conclusion of tough negotiations, the presidents of Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda set the region on a new wave of buoyancy. For the Common Market agreement means the longsought-after-political federation is no longer a mirage. According to a schedule of commitments, the five-nation bloc should transition to a political federation in 2015. This ideal should be achieved through a five-pronged approach beginning with a Customs union, a common market, a monetary union and, finally, fully-fledged political integration. The first hurdle on the

burgeoning regional integration path has to all intents and purposes been overcome, what with the Customs Union coming into force in January 2010, having been negotiated and agreed in 2005. INTEGRATION OPTIMISM

The much more intricate Common Market is set to come into force in July 2010, further meshing and solidifying the currently disparate 120 million-person-plus regional economy. With two major deals struck, integration optimists are bubbling with optimism about the achievability of the monetary union by 2013. Thus far, the East African integration process is

firmly on course, save for concerns about the economic prowess of the Kenyan economy, which is bigger than the Ugandan and Tanzanian economies combined. Speaking shortly after the signing of the Common Market treaty in November, President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania sought to allay fears of the dominance of the Kenyan economy over the rest of the partner states, citing, ironically, the meteoric growth of the Tanzanian economy since the signing of the Customs Union in 2005. Indeed, the Common Market protocol that looks to free movement of capital in the region was delayed by a couple of

The Common Market will serve a 120-million-person-plus economy when it comes into effect in July January - February 2010

political equation during the Summit. “We discovered oil recently in Uganda. This means that the region now has its own oil. I have discussed with my fellow presidents how the oil can be used for economic development in the region and how we can prospect for more oil deposits in the region”, Museveni said. Still, there are those who are cautious about the fast-paced approach to the integration process. Dick Toornstra, a director at the Directorate-General for External Policies of the European Union, holds the view that integration is a political process and therefore fragile. “EAC organs have a major impact on governance in the region and should therefore eschew the appetite to impose decisions. The people must see the benefits – the integration should be for the people, not for the leaders”, he said on the sidelines of the 10th anniversary celebrations. PRIVATE SECTOR-DRIVEN

months on the back of Tanzania’s foot dragging over fears that the country would be the worse for wear once the more aggressive Kenyans were let loose to seek employment, acquire permanent residence and unhindered travel and secure land throughout the region. Diplomat EA has learned that with Tanzania slowing the pace of negotiations, the four remaining partners moved to agree on the Common Market with the caveat that Tanzania would join in at a later date. This seems to have spurred Tanzania into returning to the negotiating table with alacrity in July 2009. LESSONS LEARNT

“Tanzanian negotiators were the toughest of all the negotiators, at some point I had to step in to ensure that our negotiators took a less stringent stance”, admitted Kikwete, as he took over the chairmanship of the EAC Summit from President Paul Kagame of Rwanda. The Summit is the highest organ of the Community, comprising the five presidents, and taking its cue from the Council of East Africa Community Affairs Ministers. Despite the sticking points the EAC ranks globally as the fastest integrating economic bloc. The Common Market, for instance, has been attained only a short 10 years after the signing of the Treaty establishing the East

African Community on November 30 1999 by Presidents Daniel arap Moi (Kenya), Benjamin Mkapa (Tanzania) and Yoweri Kaguta Museveni (Uganda). It was therefore befitting for the community to go a notch higher as a Common Market on the occasion of its 10th anniversary celebrations. In comparison, it took a much longer period for the European Union, cited as the global benchmark of regional integration, to become a formal Common Market. Delegates attending the celebrations were optimistic that the next decade will see the attainment of a political federation with all the attendant benefits. “The collapse of the initial EAC in 1977 was because politics and ideology took precedence over economic considerations. This time round, the Community is proceeding from laying the economic foundation as a means of achieving a political federation”, said Mr. Faustin Kananura Mbundu, Chairman of the Arushabased East African Business Council (EABC), the specialized body that enjoys observer status in the EAC Treaty and has made substantial contributions to the practical aspects of the Customs Union and Common Market. Riding on the wave of integration enthusiasm, President Museveni introduced a magnanimous angle to the placement of economic benefits ahead of the more fractious

January - February 2010

CELEBRATIONS:

Delegates attend the EAC’s 10th Anniversary celebrations in the amphitheatre of the Arusha International Conference Centre

Providing lessons are learned from the EU, Toornstra points out that negotiations and consultations are timeconsuming as there are many discordant cultural, economic and political issues to be factored into any integration process. So far, the subjection of the regional deals to the will of the people has been through three public rallies held at the Sheikh Amri Abeidi Karume Stadium over the last decade. It is understood that the Ambassador Juma Mwapachuled EAC Secretariat will be working on a referendum in the near future for the populace in the region to vote on the agreements so far reached. Indeed, the implementation of the Customs Union and Common Market will provide a litmus test on how agreements hammered out on paper play out in the populace. However, Mbundu says market forces are likely to override misgivings about “the common aspirations since the comparative advantages of all the countries will emerge as business opportunities are exploited in the wider market”. The EABC Vice Chairman, who is also a director with the Kenya Private Sector Alliance, Keli Kiilu, reckons competition for opportunities will be healthy rather than inward looking. One of the major factors spurring the steady strides made by the Community is the joining in of Rwanda and Burundi in 2007. This geographic and economic expansion of the Community has not only served to reduce the traditional rivalries between the traditional EAC partners – Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda – but also infused a regional perspective Continued on PG 12>>

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SOLIDALITY:

Unity of purpose as Common Market rolls out

Continued FROM PG 11 >>

to the conflict resolution agenda in this part of the world. Burundi is particularly a major beneficiary on this score. “We have been devastated by civil war but now that we are in EAC, we have brothers and sisters to look up to for help”, said President Pierre Nkurunziza. Already, multilateral partners interested in working with the supra entity have taken the cue to enter into development agreements with the fledgling federation. Germany is of special importance in these respects, having funded peace building efforts on the regional scale as well as bankrolling the building of the EAC Headquarters in Arusha, whose foundation stone was laid on November 20 2009. At 33.5 million between 1997 and 2008, Germany leads the pack of international supporters of EAC. Going forward, the balancing

January - February 2010

act between partner states will be severely tested. For instance, in order not to be unduly dominated by one country, the EAC Secretariat Secretary General, a Tanzanian, is deputized by three officers seconded from Kenya, Uganda, and Burundi, while the Chairperson of the Council of Ministers is Ms Monique Mukaruliza, from Rwanda. In similar fashion, leadership and composition of the institutions of the Community is spread across the region. While equity in the distribution of jobs and the goodies of the EAC is important, the danger lies in meritocracy being sacrificed at the altar of political patronage. “We have seen representatives of the different Governments pushing the agenda of their countries rather too hard in the past and this will continue as a challenge as we begin negotiations for the monetary

union and eventually the political federation”, a Tanzanian East African Legislative Assembly MP who sought anonymity said. Over and above the EAC Secretariat – proposed for elevation into a decision-making Commission – other organs of the Community have matured since the 1999 treaty. Particularly significant is the 35-member East African Legislative Assembly (EALA), which has over the last eight years of existence anchored the Community by passing 25 diverse pieces of legislation. The feel-good effect of this was all too evident during a special session of EALA as part of the anniversary celebrations. A refrain in the speeches by the speakers of the five national assemblies was that EALA is the prototype for not only other regional bodies on the continent, but, in the words of EALA Speaker Abdiraham Abdi,

BUSINESS FIRST: East African Business Council trio, from (left), Chairman Faustin Kananura Mbundu, Vice Chairman Kelly Kiilu and John Bosco Rusagara, Chairman of the freight forwarders’ association in the region at the EAC 10th Anniversary celebrations at AICC Practice makes perfect: A brass band tunes up for the opening of the Summit

Indeed, intransigent forces in the region are bound to be overwhelmed by the ongoing negotiations for a free trade area that would bring together 46 nations

the Pan- African Assembly which has yet to get off the ground properly. While EALA has come of age fairly fast, it faces many challenges. “The financing of EALA work is mostly through remittances by the partner states. Much as these countries eventually pay, sometimes bureaucracies make it impossible for the remittances to be made fast enough and these delays our work”, said Reuben Oyondi, Chairman of the Kenyan chapter of the Assembly. Even where development partners – particularly the EU – support the EALA, this comes with the usual donor conditions. “The level of cooperation in the Assembly is amazing. We are equal partners despite the fact that some countries are smaller than others. For instance, each country is represented by nine MPs regardless of the population from which we come from”, said Leonce Ndarubagiye, Chairman of the Burundi chapter of the Assembly. Whether this equality will be sustained into the future remains to be seen.

Such is the bullish mood around the EAC renewal that a number of eastern Africa nations have started making entreaties to join the Community. Anarchic Somalia and next-door Ethiopia, seat of the African Union, are known to be keenly watching developments in the emerging economic bloc with intentions of joining. Observers see South Sudan, which votes in a referendum on whether to delink from the North in 2011, as a natural member of the eastern Africa bloc. Indeed, intransigent forces in the region are bound to be overwhelmed by the ongoing negotiations for a free trade area that would bring together 46 nations scattered in the EAC, the Southern Africa Development Cooperation (SADC) and the Common Markets for East and South Africa (COMESA). In the final analysis, the ‘one people, one destiny’ slogan will be as good as appreciation of the fragility of the sovereignty of the partners and promotion of the things that unite East Africans and their far-flung catchment area. January - February 2010

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KENYA

‘There is no danger in pushing too hard’

In the very first of DIPLOMAT EAST AFRICA’S wide-ranging, in-depth, and exclusive interviews with people in the news who shape and lead public opinion as well as influence the making and implementation of policy in the eastern Africa region, United States Ambassador to Kenya MICHAEL RANNEBERGER spoke to Special Correspondent WYCLIFFE MUGA (pictured) in several sittings in Nairobi.

January - February 2010

TAKING THE LONG VIEW:

PHOTOS: ROGER WARREN

US Ambassador Michael Ranneberger in his garden at 93 Muthaiga Road, Nairobi.

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UESTION: When you walk into a roomful of Kenyan VIPs what vibes register more than others? Fear? Hostility? And, Kenyans being Kenyans, have some of our VIPs broken ranks and began special pleading with you? Have they opened back channels, for instance saying that they are innocent of impunity and the violence agenda? AMBASSADOR RANNEBERGER: When I encounter any members of what you would call the Kenyan political elite, what I register really is a sense of friendship. My overall feeling in Kenya is that there is tremendous warmth towards the United States. Maybe towards the United States – but what about towards you personally? Even towards me personally. I tell you some of the people I press most intensely…you would be amazed. We still talk. It’s really quite astounding. There is barely a person I am not open to talking to. In fact, we sent the letters to the 15 people a few weeks ago – sort of to tell them that their relationship with us depended on the reform agenda – some people said, ‘Why didn’t you make that public?’ And I said, ‘We didn’t make it public because we are still talking to those people.’ We have a dialogue going on with those people. And after those letters were delivered, four or five of those people were very quickly on the phone with me saying, ‘Ambassador, I want to talk to you, I am pro-reform! That’s not right’. And I said to them, ‘Great, come and tell me how you are pro-reform’. So I sense an openness. And a willingness to have a dialogue. Obviously there are people who resent the pressure that we are applying. Because I think they realise that pressure is being effective in helping to drive the reform process. And there are people who don’t want to see reforms happen. There are the people I refer to as the ‘vested interests’. Some people who really do not want to see change in this

country. And they are prepared to use corruption, manipulation, intimidation – and even violence – to prevent that change from happening. And they are people who I think perhaps have a sense of hostility towards me. I don’t necessarily have hostility towards them. I would not even mind talking to some of those people, if they wanted to talk seriously.

– but in a democracy, ultimately power does rest with the people. And the people can exert pressure on their leaders for change. And in fact, Fredrick Douglass, the great American abolitionist and freed slave in the 1860s, said, ‘Power, in any country, never concedes anything willingly – unless the people press for change’. So even in my country, the US, that’s a key aspect. So we are encouraging the Kenyan people and key stakeholders, peacefully, to advocate for reform. And as I have said, I am sure that President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga The reason we are doing this is that in a democracy are great Kenyan patriots. I re– and Kenya is a democracy, maybe not perfect, ally mean that: they fought for multiparty democracy; Prime but then neither is the US – but in a democracy, Minister Odinga was in prison ultimately power does rest with the people for all those years…so I don’t think anybody could doubt that they are patriots. But can they, on their own, carry out this reform process? Speaking of back channels, they Or do they need some help from the Keprovide 80% of diplomatic activnyan people? Because there is a vast array of ity. There is a growing perception vested interests, and somehow those vested in Kenya that you have closed interests need to be overcome in order to most of these and opted for what bring about this fundamental reform. And Foreign Affairs Minister Moses so, as a result, we will continue to speak up Wetang’ula decries as ‘Megapublicly. Ambassador Johnnie Carson did it phone Diplomacy’. What’s the when he was here. I am doing it. President strategy? Obama himself has done it. And we won’t shy away from that. First of all, we haven’t closed And finally the other point I would make any doors. I can tell you that I is that in today’s globalised world, everybody have extensive private discusis talking to everybody else, and no leader, sions with Members of Parliano country, no group, can live in isolation. ment; members of the GovernI mean look – with the United States, the ment; President Kibaki obviously world has had to tell us about Abu Ghraib, and Prime Minister Odinga. Guantanamo, and civil rights – you name it. I am in touch with a wide They talk to us about what we do. And that is variety of people. So we have a appropriate. They should. We are not perfect. very intensive private diplomacy But by the same token, there are a lot of coungoing on. But in today’s world, tries in the world concerned about Kenya and public diplomacy is a vital part the direction it is taking, and of course so we of diplomatic efforts overall. So are going to talk to the Kenyan people and what you see me doing can best Kenyan leaders about that. perhaps be described as public The reason for that is we feel Kenya is at diplomacy. a fundamental turning point. It’s really at a And by that I mean efforts to historic point. Its either going to go in the get out the word about what the path of fundamental change and reform, United States is doing. To talk or its going to go into a path that is going to to the Kenyan people, and key produce, really, a very, very serious crisis in stakeholders in the society – civil the near future. society, religious groups, young people, the media, the private So you would rather look back and feel you sector – to explain our view of the pushed too hard, than look back and regret situation in Kenya, and to urge that you did not push at all? that the reform process move ahead. Most definitely. There is almost no danger in The reason we are doing this is pushing too hard. If you push too hard and that in a democracy – and Kenya don’t get results, at least you have tried. You is a democracy, maybe not percan push too hard and get partial results, or fect, but then neither is the US push too hard and get a lot of results.

January - February 2010

people. Do what they are telling you. Solve this thing’. In other words the US didn’t solve it. We helped the Kenyan people solve it – also with the help of Kofi Annan. And that’s the same approach we are taking now. We want to help the Kenyan people achieve reform. But we can’t impose that reform from outside. It has to be something that is domestic. But we can help, obviously.

So what you are saying is, ‘If ordinary Kenyans did not want reform, it does not matter how powerful the US is, the US could not impose reform on the country?’ That’s exactly what I am saying.

But the alternative to not pushing is to let things drift – in a direction that is going to produce a crisis anyway. So I think this is a moment in time when Kenya needs the help of all of its friends. And I don’t think it is any coincidence that you see the United States saying the same kinds of things that you are hearing from Kofi Annan, and others as well.

Let me remind you of an incident: A few weeks ago, when you first spoke out during the controversy over the reappointment of Justice Aaron Ringera as Director-General of the Kenya Anti-Corruption Authority, and expressed the general view that Justice Ringera had not performed, there were those who said you had gone too far. But I think it is fair to say that your views reflected the will of the Kenyan people. So whereas Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka insisted that Ringera was going to remain in his job, and Constitutional Affairs Minister Mutula Kilonzo also said Ringera would keep his job, and told you specifically to ‘Please shut up’, at the end of the day, because most people in Kenya felt Ringera had let them down, and most MPs also felt that he had failed – in the end President Kibaki had to accept his

OUTSPOKEN:

Ambassador Ranneberger joins a choir at the Coast and taps the rhythm on a buffalo horn

resignation. What would you say about this defining incident? Well, it does illustrate the point. Parliament acted independently and helped force Ringera’s resignation, and ultimately the President did listen to the people, and accepted his resignation. And I don’t give the US credit for achieving that. I think this was a victory for the Kenyan people, mainly as a result of Parliament’s very activist approach. And as we work to try and push for reforms, we are trying to learn some of the lessons which came out of the crisis last year. Because last year – and I continue to believe this – I give the Kenyan people the credit for solving that crisis. Because after the initial violence, the Kenyan people mobilized…you had that day when every newspaper came out with identical headlines saying ‘Save Our Nation’. People were calling in on talk shows. The private sector and civil society all took out fullpage advertisements – they were speaking out. And all of that pressure, I think, is what was decisive, I think, with Kibaki and Odinga. And then the US was able to come in and say, ‘Listen to your

And so you hope to be effective to the extent that what you are pushing for is what most people in the country want? Yes. So one would then ask: How exactly do you know that this is indeed what the majority in this country really want? Well, here is how we know that: First of all the opinion polls have consistently shown that there is a very low approval rating for the current Government, and people are saying that the reason that rating is low is that they are disappointed the Government has not fulfilled the promises that were made when the Coalition was formed, with regard to Agenda Four and the reforms. Secondly I travel round the country a lot. A lot. And when I do, I always talk to people. I have what we would call in the US, town hall meetings; public forums. And I actually ask people what their views are. I will have a meeting with thousands of people, and I will ask them to express their views. And then even if you watch the news…you see reflected what people want. So, it just seems obvious in so many, many ways. And whether it’s ordinary Kenyans, or students, private sector, even politicians – so many of them have told me the same thing, which is, ‘Our country is headed for a massive

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crisis in 2012, unless we get these reforms done’. And even some of the people who are anti-reform have told me that. So it just seems to me that it’s almost a universal feeling that reforms have to be carried out.

and are you confident that your sources of intelligence are accurate as to who exactly is a barrier to reforms in Kenya? Let me say that we feel quite confident about our information. When we act, whether it is on visa bans or warning letters or our relationships with people, we act on the basis of information we have. And to be honest with you, I also act on the basis of my gut instinct. You make a judgment about people. I can tell you that we would not act against people unless we were very, very sure that they had committed abuses…I mean corruption, or violence or abuses of that nature. We simply would not act. And in fact the law that allows us to do visa bans requires a very high standard of information before we can undertake the visa ban. So you can be sure there is a lot of information to back those up. And I try to assess information from every source. I listen to my experts in the embassy, I read the newspapers religiously, and I obviously look at the intelligence and talk to a lot of people. And then, of course, I make my judgments and proceed on that basis.

What’s definitely logical is that if the country went into the 2012 elections with the same factors that existed in 2007 more or less remaining unchanged, why would we expect a different outcome, seeing as we would be dealing with more or less the same situation? Obviously something needs to have changed fundamentally between now and 2012, if we are to have a peaceful election outcome. Precisely. And all these reforms are key to that. I think the reforms fall into three baskets. This is the way I see it: The first basket is accountability for the postelection violence. Because if that does not happen, what is to deter people from using violence again, as a means to an end, in 2012? So I think accountability is key. And accountability also with respect to corruption and things like extrajudicial killings, for example. The second big basket is rule of law: reform of the Judiciary, the police, the Attorney-General’s office, the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission. Because if those things aren’t done, people will continue to believe that they cannot obtain justice with the Government and – as we approach 2012 – people will have no faith that the police will protect communities, that election petitions can be heard in the courts, and so on. The third big thing, of course, is constitutional revision. And that is the most important issue, but it is not the only issue, as there are other issues. Constitution revision is important in order to put in place a framework to manage the competition between all the different political and ethnic groups in the country, so that no one group will feel threatened or disadvantaged if some other

INFORMATION FROM EVERY SOURCE: The

envoy at home in his library

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group wins the Presidency. It cannot be winner takes all. And for that new constitution – hopefully it will happen – the three main areas as I see it are, first, the structure of executive power, so that that’s truly shared; probably a ‘fifty-plus-one’ provision as well, so that it is clear that the majority in the country have elected someone. Two, is devolution of authority, probably both political and financial authority, to different regions and localities, so that everyone will feel that they can have a share of the national wealth. And third is, true judicial independence. There are other areas – land and many other things – but I see those as the three most important.

Going back to the nuts and bolts of pushing forward the reform process, are you sure your selection of those you have targeted for the visa bans is valid,

But can you really trust your gut feeling in something this important? Let me say here that whenever I am talking to some of these people, I never cease to be amazed at the level of sophistication. I like to say that they are ‘world-class’. They really are world class. Sometimes I will be talking to someone who I know was involved in a corruption scandal, and I will say, ‘Wasn’t that outrageous, that scam? Incredibly outrageous?’ As if I didn’t know. And he will look at me and say, ‘Ambassador, you are absolutely right. And let me tell you why it was so outrageous…’ So they are good. We have to take steps in some cases against people who are really anti-reform or who are involved in major corruption Continued on PG 20>>

OPINION: Noisy Envoys

Obstreperous (and quiescent) ambassadors

In terms of protocol, they were literally waking out on the President and Commander-inChief of the Armed Forces of Kenya, who is both Head of State and Head of Government By DOMINIC ODIPO

here seems to be some unwritten rule that African ambassadors or high commissioners serving in Kenya do not publicly criticize the actions of the Kenyan Government or those of the President. So these African envoys routinely come to Nairobi, present their credentials to the President, serve quietly and colourlessly and then leave as quietly as they came, never to be heard of again. While in Kenya, they invariably visit the premier wild game reserves like the Maasai Mara and Tsavo, the coastal beaches and then repair to Nairobi and the permanent diplomatic cocktail circuit. Most of them secretly dread the day their Kenyan tour will end because Nairobi is considered to be one of the choicest diplomatic postings on the African continent. The envoys from South Asia, the Arab countries and Eastern Europe also tend, like the Africans, to keep their mouths shut for a variety of reasons. Some keep quiet because they have no interest whatsoever in local politics; some because they are not sure of their real diplomatic or political standing and others remain silent simply because they do not wish to jeopardize their plum diplomatic careers. Due to this widespread but deafening diplomatic silence, the Kenyan public tends to hear only from the envoys from the United States, Western Europe, Scandinavia, Australia and Canada, with the Japanese envoys invariably playing Good Cop to the West’s Bad Cop. It is these envoys that appear on primetime television news bulletins saying this or the other thing in support of, or against, the host government. Among some of the foreign envoys posted to Nairobi who have stood out either for their vociferous opposition to the host government, their unorthodox policy

positions or their slavish support of the local status quo have been the following: 1. William (Bill) Attwood

The first American Ambassador to Kenya, Bill Attwood was a personal friend of President John F. Kennedy and a wellknown journalist who was lured into international diplomacy by JFK from his post as editor of Look magazine. Attwood came to Kenya shortly after Independence in 1963, having served briefly as the American Ambassador to Guinea (Conakry). In Kenya, he quickly fell in love with the country (as so many other foreign envoys serving here have done) and acquired for himself a 50-acre plot in Karen to which he hoped to retire. Unfortunately, things did not quite work out that way. Before his diplomatic tour here was over, he wrote a book, The Reds and the Blacks, about Cold War dynamics in Africa, which the Kenyatta Government found extremely offensive Attwood was immediately declared persona non grata and had to leave the country in a hurry, leaving behind everything, including his 50-acre spread. His book was promptly banned and, incredibly, remains banned to this day, 31 years after Kenyatta’s death. 2. Smith Hempstone

Appointed by President George H.W. Bush in 1989, Hempstone quickly became the diplomatic voice of Kenya’s political opposition of the day. He publicly championed the shift in America’s foreign policy of the time, diverting economic aid to those countries which “nourish democratic institutions, defend human rights and practice multiparty politics”. He courageously gave refuge and safe passage to several opposition leaders during his tour and appeared

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to have no problems taking on President Moi directly. He raised the profile of the American ambassador to Kenya to a level not matched until the arrival of the current ambassador, Michael Ranneberger. 3. Bernd Mutzelburg

Halfway through the Independence Day celebrations at the Nyayo National Stadium on December 12, 1991, the German Ambassador, Bernd Mutzelburg, stood up and stalked out. He was immediately followed by the ambassadors of the United States, Sweden, Denmark, Finland and the Canadian High Commissioner. Envoys are seated in the Presidential dais during these apex National Day celebrations, as are the Cabinet and the Service chiefs of the Armed Forces. In terms of protocol, they were literally walking out on the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Kenya, who is both Head of State and Head of Government. At that time that man was Daniel arap Moi. This was unprecedented. It had never happened to President Jomo Kenyatta nor had it ever been conceivable that it could. Mr Moi, a sly and dedicatedly undemocratic political operative who nurses a grudge long-distance, is said to still smart at the memory. But the manoeuvre, spectacular as it was, was typical Mutzelburg. By leading this sensational walkout, he clearly demonstrated his passionate support for multi-party politics and political pluralism in general, having concluded that the festivities had been turned into a oneparty (read KANU) affair. Youthful and

>>Continued from PG 18

or violence or whatever. But we also have to deal with a wide array of people, and you have to be practical in that regard and quite often when I am talking to people I do understand their history; but we are trying to work with whoever we can to bring about reforms. And I am afraid if I made the distinction of only working with people who are totally honest, I would have a relatively small number to work with.

Don’t you get the impression that you overshadow the rest of the

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energetic, Mutzelburg was totally devoted to the expansion of democracy in Africa. No European envoy to Kenya has yet matched the passion and dedication of Mutzelburg in the pursuit of the freedom and wellbeing of the ordinary Kenyan citizen. 4. Sir John Johnson

If there was a direct antithesis of Bernd Mutzelburg among European envoys to Kenya, that man was Sir John Johnson, who served in Nairobi as the British High Commissioner at the beginning of the 1990s. A former District Commissioner in the British colonial administration in Kenya at the height of the Mau Mau State of Emergency, Sir John supported the Kenyan Government and President Moi to a fault. To him Moi and his government could do no evil. Even when the Kenya Police mercilessly bludgeoned peaceful demonstrators in the streets, Sir John remained graciously silent. Like Bill Attwood, he had hoped to retire and stay on in Kenya but things did not quite work out. An illness within the family forced him to return to England. Wags say that most envoys posted to Nairobi never want to move on. They prefer to retire here. Is this a good or a bad thing? One thing is for sure – they are not alone in this, as many expatriates in all other sectors are also as mightily attracted to a country with near-perfect weather, a deferential people who, for instance, ensure that no wealthy Caucasian person ever lugs his or her own luggage or shopping, and a place where convertible currencies go a long way and the living is good and easy.

Diplomatic Corps in a way that no other single envoy has done since the Cold War? Does this make you pause or, occasionally, self-conscious? No. Let me tell you my view of that: I don’t worry about it. My view is I am going to do my job. I am going to do it as well as I possibly can. I am going to do it with every ounce of commitment and energy that I have. And I will let others do their job the way they see it. I don’t second guess my colleagues; I respect them; they will do their jobs the way they see fit.

Halfway through the Independence Day celebrations at the Nyayo National Stadium on December 12, 1991, the German Ambassador, Bernd Mutzelburg, stood up and stalked out

But I really am doing what I think is right, and I am not going to pull back because others might not be doing it.

What is the wisdom of making an example of Kenya in this manner? Sure, Rwanda caught the world unawares in 1994; sure, Zimbabwe has failed even as the world has watched; but Kenya is far from either state of affairs. Are we sure we are rescuing Kenya here? And are we sure the lessons are learnable by others, are both exemplary and deterrent? Aren’t we seeing a serial breaching of the Geneva niceties?

Well, in terms of Geneva niceties, no, we are definitely not seeing a breach of that. But let me tell you this – because it’s a fair question. A lot of people ask this: Why is Kenya being held to such a high standard? What about all these other places? And I always point out that Kenya in many ways is unique. First of all, no other country in the world has it that the President of the United States’ father came from that country. That’s just for starters. But I will tell you that the reason why we are holding Kenya to a higher standard is partly because it has accomplished so much already. And partly it is because we realise the great potential of this country to accomplish more. If you look at Kenya and its history, Kenya has had an upward trajectory, since its independence. It had a transition to multiparty democracy, when former President Daniel arap Moi stepped down, and it had a good democratic election in 2002. In the first five years of the first Kibaki term, a rate of 7% almost 8% of economic growth was achieved. So there have been a lot of benchmarks and a lot of positive developments. But the question that we ask is, Think of how much greater Kenya’s trajectory would have been, if this culture of impunity didn’t hang over the country. We know that the Kenyan people have one of the highest rates of literacy and education on the continent. We know that Kenya’s civil society is almost unparalleled historically. We know that Kenya’s media is one of the most open not only in Africa, but in the whole developing world. We know the role the religious groups play here. And Kenya has a very vibrant private sector. So Kenya has so much potential, and it has the kind of educated citizenry and groups that are needed to move this country forward. And so there is a lot to work with here. And the Kenyan people have made it clear they want their country to go in a positive direction. That’s the key:

Well, of course I cannot predict when or if President Obama will come to Kenya. I am sure he will at some point. But when we look at the reform agenda, I think the way Kenyans need to look at it is, the benefits of the reform agenda are peace and stability, and economic growth in Kenya

for we are able to say, ‘We want to help the Kenyan people achieve this positive development, this reform’. Frankly, that’s not present in some other countries. All of those factors aren’t present in some other countries. And the other day, someone was saying to me – and it was almost funny, I had to laugh – some government official was saying to me, ‘Ambassador, you are causing all this trouble. This isn’t President Obama’. And I said, ‘Are you kidding? Do you think I know this country better than he does? President Obama knows this country better than I will ever know it. He has traveled all through the country. He has been here two or three times. He knows people here. He knows the place. And he knows what this country is capable of. And he is determined to help this country achieve its full potential’. But the other key thing is, this country really is at an historic turning point. Last year the country suffered the worst crisis in its history. And that opened up an unparalleled opportunity to bring about fundamental change. But these moments of history only happen rarely. They must be seized. And history shows that when these moments of opportunity are lost, there are dire consequences for the country. Take this example: we fought the American Civil War in 1865. And to be honest, we did not seize the opportunity, after that civil war, to bring about true equality for all the people of our nation. As a result, our nation suffered economically and there was real violence up until the 1950s and ’60s, when the civil rights movement developed. So we missed an opportunity there. As I say all the time – we are not perfect. Well, Kenya now has a moment of opportunity, and we want to help Kenya seize that moment of opportunity. And we want Kenya to be a shining example for the rest of Africa, and for the whole developing world. And Kenya has always been – and we have always held it up as – a model of stability. It hasn’t always been a model of democracy. But it’s been a model

of stability, and it has had this positive upward trajectory, and we want to see that continue. So I truly believe that what we are trying to achieve in terms of US policy here, is directly in line with what the Kenyan people want to see, which is positive development for their country. Assuming all goes to plan and the Kenyan political class relents sometimes in 2010-11 and changes for the better beyond all expectations – or is overtaken by events that are unforeseeable at this point in time – what immediate carrots (rewards) do we get apart from what can be called the Reform Dividend? Will the Son of Kenya, aka President Obama, finally come calling? Well, of course I cannot predict when or if President Obama will come to Kenya. I am sure he will at some point. But when we look at the reform agenda, I think the way Kenyans need to look at it is, the benefits of the reform agenda are peace and stability, and economic growth in Kenya. Because there won’t be real economic growth, unless there is stability, and there won’t be stability unless these reforms take place. So that’s the real dividend. That’s what the Kenyan people will get. People ask me, ‘Why does the US care so much about the reform process?’ And I say, ‘We care because we have a strong interest in Kenya’s democratic stability’. But the Kenyan people should care more than we care, because the benefits, really, are not going to be for the US, the benefits are going to be for the Kenyan people. But what we have said is that if this reform process is implemented, we will support the reforms. We will provide extra resources for police reform, judicial reform, reform in the Attorney-General’s Office – you name it. But only if the reforms are carried out. And they have to be carried out. And if these reforms are implemented and Kenya gets a better image in the world, a greater sense of stability, that will encourage greater foreign investment from the US, and from

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other countries. It will encourage more tourists. So it will encourage economic growth, which has the potential to benefit all the people of Kenya.

are directed in that positive way. And it’s important for Kenya’s leaders to embrace that and to recognize that in today’s globalised world, we are all partners and we need to work together to advance the common good. We are engaged in very vigorous diplomacy here in Kenya, and I might add that we are engaged in similar diplomacy around the world. Our objectives globally are to push and promote democratic change, and also conflict resolution, which is certainly what we have been doing in Kenya.

So what you are saying is that the economic dividend is the real issue. When and if President Obama does visit, important as that may be for Kenyans, is not where the real benefit lies. I don’t think that is where the real benefit lies. Obviously it would be very nice for the President to come to Kenya. And I am sure that, as a son of Kenya, at some point he will come to Kenya. But I don’t want to start predicting when that might happen. And that shouldn’t be seen as the reward, though it could be part of the reward for progress on the reform agenda.

The impression is emerging that the Obama Administration’s ‘tough love’ policies for Kenya are supposed to count ultimately as being part of the President’s legacy when he finally leaves office. There are sentimental reasons for this, but is this world-class diplomacy? The answer is, It is. I would say that whatever happens in Kenya will, of course, be part of President Obama’s legacy, given his connection to this country. But we have to look at the broader global agenda that the United States has. His legacy will have to do with what he does on Afghanistan, Iraq, the Middle East peace process, Iran, North Korea, and what he does on domestic policy – whether he can bring about healthcare reform and so on. These are all very big issues. But, yes, Kenya will be a part of his legacy – something that people will note one way or the other. And there is no doubt in my mind at all, that the President wants to see positive change in Kenya, because of his personal knowledge of this country, and also because of the importance of this country to the Unites States. And I hope therefore that Kenya will be part of the positive legacy of the Obama Administration. But again, President Obama is not doing this to promote his own

SOMETHING TO EAT:

The US envoy distributes relief food at the Coast

legacy. He is doing this because this is what is in the best interest of the people of Kenya. And I can tell you that in terms of world-class diplomacy, I would say, absolutely. The question is sometimes asked, Is our diplomacy on Kenya appropriate? Is it, as you would say, ‘world-class’ diplomacy? And I would say, It absolutely is. In today’s globalised world, nobody – no country, no leader – can stand alone, including President Obama and the American people. We have plenty of problems in our country – nobody hesitates to give us advice on what we ought to do. People want to see the United States succeed so people comment about the disparity between rich and poor in our country, about our failure to achieve full racial equality, about our foreign policy, about our healthcare – you name it. And we accept this constructive criticism in the spirit in which it is given. People want to see the United State do well because we are a beacon of hope to so many people. In a similar way, it is important that Kenyans realise that the world is going to comment on what is going on in Kenya. The world wants to help Kenya. And so the efforts that we are making

‘People want to see the United States do well because we are a beacon of hope to so many people’

January - February 2010

Let me take you back to the tragic events of early 2008 – by which I mean the post-election violence. Did you and your people at the Embassy anticipate any of this, or were you taken completely by surprise as most of us were? I would not say that we were taken completely by surprise. We certainly did not anticipate the scope of what happened. I don’t think anyone did. I don’t think Kenyans did, I don’t think anyone who knew this country did. But there has always been a significant degree of violence associated with Kenyan elections. We know that. We know what happened in 1992, we know what happened in 1997, even in 2002. So we expected some of that to happen, but we certainly did not expect a near meltdown and a crisis of the proportions of what happened. And I think that it’s because all of us, including the Kenyan people themselves in many ways, underestimated the degree of frustration, and the degree of ethnic tensions in the society – and the ability and willingness of politicians to manipulate those, in a very selfish way.

One of the enduring mysteries of that period relates to the message from President George W Bush that President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania brought to Kenya shortly after President Bush left Tanzania at the end of his official visit there. It seems to have proved to be what Americans would call a Continued on PG 24>>

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>>Continued from PG 22

‘game-changer’: So, what was that message from President George W Bush? Well, it wasn’t one message. I wouldn’t say that that message was the silver bullet that solved it. If you look at US diplomacy during the crisis, very early on – within days of the crisis developing – our then Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Jendayi Frazier, came to Kenya. Then shortly after that we had Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice, who met with both Kibaki and Odinga, and others. Then we had the US President’s visit to Tanzania – and in fact Secretary Rice came up at the same time. And President Kikwete came up shortly after Secretary Rice had been here. And all of the messages were almost precisely the same – the same message to Kibaki and Odinga – and this message was, ‘You need to resolve this crisis. You must listen to the Kenyan people. You can’t take this country over the abyss. It’s too important. You need to compromise. You need to reach a political solution. Here are some ideas…’ And we gave them some ideas. And then we said, ‘If you don’t do that, you are going to cross what we would call a red line with us. Which is going to change the whole nature of the relationship, with all sorts of unforeseen consequences’. So we put down some heavy markers and we also put some ideas on the table. And really pushed both sides – not just Kibaki, not just Odinga – we pushed both sides to make significant compromises. And of course we also told them that we strongly supported the African Union initiative through the Eminent Persons, as well. And President Kikwete, of course, carries a lot of weight as a friend of Kenya, somebody that the leaders respect. And his role was clearly important, not just in delivering

a message, but in his own right, in terms of what he did, which I think was significant.

there ever a time when you were tempted to give up on the country?

I would say that you cannot have had much sleep during those two tragic months. What was your average day like during that period?

No! I can say that categorically. Never! You know I am very positive about Kenya, and even when that crisis was in its worst moments in the first couple of weeks in January, I was optimistic that it would be resolved. I felt certain that it would be resolved. And I remember that I called the entire US Mission team together – we have almost 1,500 people working at the Embassy between Kenyans and Americans – and I called them all together at this big amphitheater. And people were worried – you know, ‘Are we going to evacuate? What’s going to happen?’ And I said, ‘We are not moving one single person out of this country. We are not going to cut back on the way we do business, because this crisis is going to get resolved. It might take a month, it might take two months, but it is going to get resolved’. And that’s because of the intelligence of the Kenyan people; the strength of civil society; the strength of the religious groups; the strength of the private sector; and the strength of the media. And they are going to rally round. And with the help of the US and others, they are going to resolve this. I firmly believed it right from the outset. And so I truly and honestly never wavered in that belief. I had been here long enough at that point, that I knew the country pretty well. And I had a sense of what its capabilities were. And so I really believed that it would be resolved. And of course it was.

Well, it was hectic. We were working almost 24/7 during that period. I mean it was one of those moments when we had to put everything else aside and just dig in and do everything that was needed. And what I was doing primarily during that period, was just constantly meeting with different politicians; with Kibaki and Odinga themselves. I was on the phone to people. In addition to speaking to politicians, we were reaching out to civil society, the private sector, religious groups and the media. I was doing a lot of public diplomacy to help reassure the Kenyan people, but also to urge them to maintain pressure for compromise on their leaders. And I think the reason the crisis was resolved, primarily, was not even the US or Kofi Annan. I really do believe that the fundamental reason was there was a lot of pressure coming from the Kenyan people themselves on the leaders. Which the leaders did not expect – because after that initial period of violence, the people really did rally around, and deliver a message to these two leaders, that they needed to work this out. And that enabled the US, Kofi Annan, and others, to play a role. So it was a period of very frantic activity and – as I say – we were reaching out to people across the ethnic and political spectrum and pushing the politicians privately as well as publicly while reaching out to all the different stakeholders.

I was doing a lot of public diplomacy to help reassure the Kenyan people, but also to urge them to maintain pressure for compromise on their leaders

January - February 2010

It must have been a very difficult time for you personally. Was

There are those who would say that Kofi Annan was merely the acceptable face of the negotiations, and that it is actually the US which did all the real work of forcing a compromise behind the scenes – issuing threats and twisting arms and so on. What is your comment on this? That is really wrong. That really is a very wrong assessment, and I mean that, and I will tell you why: I

was at a meeting with some young people a few months ago, and I was giving them my assessment of how the crisis got resolved, and I was saying that it was the Kenyan people. And this one girl stood up, and she said, ‘Oh come on Ambassador, you know this is your baby!’ And without missing a beat, I said, ‘Does that mean it is illegitimate?’ But it’s not. It’s not our baby. Here is what happened: Remember that day, when everybody woke up, and every newspaper had the same headline: ‘Save our Beloved Country!’ The US had nothing to do with that. That was a total surprise to me. And I thought, ‘Great. Wow! People are really mobilising!’ And then suddenly you started to see the private sector have full-page advertisements in the paper. Civil society formed umbrella groups. People really did come together. And that’s what convinced us, that our intervention could be effective. Because we were complimenting that domestic pressure. Without that, I don’t think we would have been as effective. And Kofi Annan coming in, provided a negotiating framework, for the negotiations to be carried out. But he played his own role, independent of the US, totally. I mean we were obviously in touch. But he was running those negotiations, often not communicating with anyone as to what was happening. And he was extremely tough during those negotiations. He deserves enormous credit, for helping to broker that accord. And in many ways, he really did play the central role.

What is the American agenda towards Kenyan youth? You are the first envoy to engage directly with local youth groups on the issue of law and other institutional reform and to promise awareness- creation funding. This has been very controversial, and even unpopular, with some people. What really are you up to? Thanks for that question. And you are right, there is a lot of misunderstanding, and it always surprises me, because what we are doing is very open and

MESSAGE OF PEACE:

Ranneberger admires graffiti with a message on a smashed wall in the Kibera slum, Nairobi

Remember that day when everybody woke up and every newspaper had the same headline, ‘save our Beloved Country!’

transparent. Let me say that first and foremost. All our activities are completely transparent, and so I am somewhat surprised that some people are confused. Anyway, this is what we are doing: Youth, broadly defined, are about two-thirds of the population of Kenya. Clearly they are the future leaders of this country. They are going to drive the political process today and in the years to come. All of the public opinion polls show that youth are tremendously frustrated by the political system, and have little confidence in the political system, and want to see real reform and change come to this country. So it’s important to try and encourage young people to participate in the democratic system in a positive way, rather than turning to violence, or feeling that kind of frustration. And, if I may back up for just a minute here. If you go back you will see that the US has engaged with youth in Kenya for many, many years – decades in fact – and we have supported national youth congresses for various organisations; we have done capacity building, scholarships, exchange programmes, microenterprise programmes; so many different levels of engagement that we have had with youth for many, many years. Now one thing that I have perhaps done differently is that I have actually been meeting with

youth around the country. I have gone around the country, and in addition to meeting with elders and others, I have met with a lot of youth groups. And I like to hold open meetings, public forums – what in the US we call town hall meetings, and what in Kenya you might call a baraza. And I have held a lot of these, where I will talk to the youth about what US policy is, and what we think, and then I will invite their questions, and we will have a real dialogue. But when I do those, I always do it with the Provincial Commissioner present; and the District Officers present; other officers also. So it’s very open. There is nothing secret about it. And my message is very simple: ‘You the youth, are the future leaders of this country. You need to engage in a peaceful, constructive way, to help and encourage the implementation of these reforms. Because the reforms are crucial to the future stability and development of this country, and therefore crucial to your life. Obviously a lot of them live in poverty and their main concern is where are they going to get their next meal; are they going to be able to find a job – and I point out to them that that is a valid concern. But economic development and political development are linked. And so if these reforms are not carried out, the future of the Kenyan economy is going to be

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very bleak, and that would make their lives even tougher. I think that one of the most positive developments in Kenya today is the proliferation of independent grassroots youth organisations. They are popping up everywhere, all over the country. And what they are saying is, ‘Hey, we want to take control of our own destiny. We don’t want to be manipulated to carry out violence. We want to engage positively to promote reform, but also to empower ourselves economically – find jobs, start cooperatives… whatever the possibilities are”. And, as I say, we want to encourage that; we are not ashamed of that; that’s a positive part of our efforts to promote development and stability in Kenya. Now, go back to August 2006: Barack Obama came to Kenya. He was then a Senator. And I would urge you to take a look at the speech that he delivered to the University of Nairobi. He was looking out at about 1,000 students, and he concluded his speech – I cannot quote him exactly – but he looked out there and then he gave a challenge to the young people and he said, ‘You. You are the future leaders of this country. You will decide if your leaders are going to be held accountable. You will decide!’ It was an incredible statement, and it reads as if it were written yesterday. Now that’s Barack Obama’s view. It’s not my view. I didn’t say that. He said it. When Hillary Clinton, the Secretary of State, was here, she said, (and I am paraphrasing), ‘The youth need to help promote change in this country’. So, she said it. And of course, I am saying it. So it’s something I think is critically important, and I hope that Kenya’s leaders will embrace this developing youth activity and these grassroots youth movements, and say, ‘Yes, we want you to participate in this democratic system. We want

you to help push for democratic reform’. Now, this grassroots youth activity that’s out there tremendously threatens some of the Members of Parliament and other politicians, who don’t like the fact that suddenly the youth cannot be controlled the way they were before. Suddenly they have their own ideas and are doing their own thing, and even challenging their Members of Parliament, saying, ‘Why? Why is the CDF (Constituency Development Fund) not run more transparently?’ Or whatever. So obviously there are a number of politicians who don’t like that. But, by the same token, there are a number of them who do appreciate the need to engage with these youth. I have gone now to three different constituencies with Members of Parliament – what I would call progressive MPs – over the past few months, and those leaders have actually stood with me in the middle of a field, and taken questions from young people – tough questions – and engaged in a give-and-take dialogue. We are helping to So I think even the Members promote capacity of Parliament are recognizing building in these that things are changing. It’s not like the old days when youth organisations; a politician could come in we do have youth with his 4x4 or helicopter or micro-enterprise whatever, speak to a bunch of people, give a speech and then programmes; we leave. People are saying, ‘No. have HIV awareness Wait a minute. We want you to stay. We have got questions. programmes; we We have something to say here. have a wide array of This has to be a real dialogue’. programmes which So, I think the politicians sense this change is coming, actually do benefit and of course they are the youth uncomfortable with it, to a large degree.

OK, but let’s imagine I am a Member of Parliament. Maybe not a very progressive MP. The US Ambassador comes to my constituency – and many of the MPs are saying you do so without notifying them – and tells the young people of my constituency, with

January - February 2010

all the prestige of his office behind him, ‘Demand change. Demand accountability. Insist on transparency’. How can I not feel that this Ambassador is fighting me? On the other hand, if I am a progressive MP and I get to go with the US Ambassador to my constituency, after we finish speaking, I am free to make all sorts of claims behind the Ambassador’s back: ‘I am going to bring the Ambassador back, and he will build a school here, and build a bridge there...’ and so on. So isn’t the process you have been using open to both suspicion and abuse, and validly so? Of course. Everything is. Everything you do is open to both suspicion and abuse. Look at the debate on healthcare in the United States: There are people taking advantage of that to try and label Barack Obama a socialist. So every single thing every public figure does is open to manipulation and abuse, no question about it. But if I am urging accountability and reform and all that, then Members of Parliament should stand up and say, ‘Thank God the Ambassador is urging reform and accountability, because I am for that too! I want to see change in this country’. Let a Member of Parliament stand up and say, ‘I am against reform and accountability!’ I would like to see that guy – or that woman. So everything is open to misinterpretation of course. But we are not just about talk – we are actually doing things. We have thousands and thousands of scholarships that we are providing. We are helping to promote capacity building in these youth organisations; we do have youth micro-enterprise programmes; we have HIV awareness programmes; we have a wide array of programmes which actually do benefit the youth. We can’t do everything, of course – there are limits. But we do an

awful lot for the young people of In seeking to bring about those this country, so it’s not just talk. reforms, are you sure that the strategy that you are pursuing is But the other thing that is a bit viable? Visa denial or visa cancelnot fully understood, I think, is lation targets an individual, and that what we are doing – and that in some cases may get him to means the whole US Government quietly go away and subsequent– is we are actually responding to ly be replaced. But you would only a development in Kenya, which is have replaced one presidential the emergence of these grassroots appointee with another presiyouth movements in Kenya. dential appointee, and there is It’s not something we not really anything structural created. These movements about that. are springing up all over the place. And so this is the wave But what I have done I think we do have a very on that, for example, of change that I feel is starting viable and well-thought-out to swirl in Kenya. And we are is I have told the strategy, and the visa bans are simply engaging with that. We Security Minister, only one small part of that. are not behind it. Believe me, they are not the George Saitoti, ‘We And let me just also say that main part of that. The strategy the activities we do with youth are willing to sit we have for pushing reform is are non-political – in this sense: down with you, and twofold. We are to exert private we are not out there trying pressure and encouragement work on actually to campaign for or against a with the principals – President helping to implement Member of Parliament. We Kibaki and Prime Minister are not trying to encourage police reform’ Odinga – and with the rest of opposition candidates to come the political class. up – that’s not our business. Publicly we are urging We have no business the Kenyan people to push doing that. We are simply peacefully, for reform. And encouraging young people then, if reforms are carried to participate, in a peaceful out, we will engage with the way, in the democratic system of Government in the process of Kenya, which should benefit the actually implementing reforms. entire country. We are not urging So, the visa bans are a part of an agenda which is pro-ODM or that. PNU or pro-anybody else. Sometimes the removal of I think it is those who are afraid an individual holding office is of independent youth who want to necessary before an institution misinterpret and make it look like can even be changed. And the US is somehow manipulating sometimes it is important to and running all this. That’s utter make an example of people nonsense, we are not. I think some who are particularly corrupt or Kenyans don’t fully appreciate the particularly a block to reforms, to transformation that is starting to open up the way for change. But happen in the country. And I think visa bans are not a solution in and the youth are right at the centre of of themselves. that transformation. Take, for example, the removal of Police Commissioner Hussein Ali. When you board the plane that That opened up the possibility for will take you back to the US, at police reform. But it did not mean the end of your tour of duty here, it was going to happen, because what would you most like to look the reforms are institutional. back on? But what I have done on that, for example, is I have told the Who says I am going back? Security Minister, George Saitoti, That’s my answer to that. Now ‘We are willing to sit down with there might be a number of you, and work on actually helping to implement police reform’. people who might want to see me We are willing to do the same leave. But I have no plans to do thing with respect to the Attorney that anytime soon.

General’s office, if a new AG, who is credible and committed to transparent anti-corruption efforts, is put in. And that is a presidential appointee. But we would hope that President Kibaki would, in a democratic spirit, consult the stakeholders about this new appointment. It’s his prerogative, of course, but we hope that would happen, so someone will be put in there who was credible. Same thing with the process of replacing Aaron Ringera: we hope that will be a transparent and open process, and if is, we will come in there and start to help. We have multiple different aspects of our strategy. Yes, we are doing the visa bans. But we have also said that we are going to have a much closer look at any requests for loans or projects which Kenya may make to international financial institutions that would benefit the Kenyan Government, as opposed to the Kenyan people. We are trying to work with reform-minded Members of Parliament, and to strengthen Parliament to be a truly independent body, to help encourage the reform process. We are providing technical assistance, in many aspects of the reform process. We just helped contract with an international organisation to provide the expertise needed on the constitution review process. We are going to work with the Interim Independent Electoral Commission. So we are engaging with millions of dollars in technical support for the reform process. And of course we have our Secretary of State and our President directly involved in helping to push for these reforms as well. Secretary Clinton was here. She spoke to President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga and gave them a very no-nonsense, clear message about what needed to be done. President Obama has been in direct touch as well. So, it’s a very broad and comprehensive strategy and is much, much bigger than just visa bans.

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Diplomacy•News•Analysis

ENVOY SPEAKS: View from Washington

Washington considers Kenya a prime ally

PETER N.R.O. OGEGO, Kenya’s Ambassador to the United States, Mexico and Colombia, was interviewed for Diplomat East Africa by JOHN MULAA (left) in Washington DC. The following are excerpts from the interview

mbassador Peter N.R.O. Ogego, 52, Kenya’s envoy to the United States, is a dapper fellow with a penchant for specificity of language. He chooses his words carefully, and yet his delivery is smooth, bespeaking a certain assurance, or maybe it is simply a matter of practiced ease. Either way, spending an hour with Ogego talking about many subjects that come to mind is clearly worth it. He does not parse; he calls it as it is, albeit in a soothing manner. Ogego is a man who is comfortable in his skin. Ogego is no diplomatic novice. He took over the Washington mission after a stint in Ottawa, Canada. It was by all accounts a tumultuous time. Then the Ambassador to the US had, shall we say, issues, that at the very least paralysed the mission. Ogego’s takeover coincided with the then Illinois Senator Barack Obama’s visit to Nairobi, where he gave a candid assessment of the political situation in Kenya, offering advice that clearly rubbed up the powers that be the wrong way. Kenya Government spokespersons, official and unofficial, poured cold water on the assessment and described it as wildly off the mark. Ogego chimed in on behalf of the Kenyan Government more or less hewing to the official line. Fast-forward three years later. The supposed wet-behindthe-ears Senator with Kenyan an-

January - February 2010

AMBASSADOR: Ogego is a man who is comfortable in his skin

cestral roots is sitting comfortably in the Oval Office. He personally does not need to hector Kenya on this or the other. Obama has more than enough underlings to do this on his behalf. However, the message has not changed. What has changed is the Kenya Government’s reaction, given the reality it faces. We began our conservation by talking about the role of Kenya’s mission in the US. Ogego: Foreign missions are the official institutions through which bilateral diplomacy is conducted. Our mission in the US is the official channel through which we conduct bilateral relations. There is always a lot of multi-track di-

plomacy taking place outside the confines of the embassy, but, finally, all these efforts are channelled through the embassy. Take, for example, communication between the White House and State House, Nairobi. The messages from State House were communicated in the traditional manner: State House, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Kenyan Embassy in Washington DC, the State Department, and then the White House. We use our mission here to drive our foreign policy, which in our case means continuing to highlight our shared values with the US, values based on democracy, freedom, and economic development. Kenya-US relations date back to the days before Independence, and over time they have deepened. Occasionally, we have some rough patches, but they are smoothed, eventually.

Kenya-US relations with Obama at the helm Two things define the current Kenya-US relations. Kenyans are looking at the US with renewed curiosity and interest because President Obama has Kenyan ancestral roots. This has spurred much interest, inquisitiveness and expectations from Kenyans. Secondly, many Kenyans have been to the United States as students, professionals, and business visitors, etc. Lately there has been a surge of Kenyan Green Card holders. In addition, there are many Kenyans who are US citizens. I estimate there are close to a million Kenyans in the US registered and undocumented. This translates into a lot of interest by Kenyans back home that have relatives living here. There is a flurry of activity between Kenya and the US.

The US has always considered Kenya a prime regional ally for obvious reasons. Geopolitics is one of them, particularly given the situation in the Horn of Africa. Furthermore, Kenya is major hub of internal relief operations; it is also a regional hub for aviation, banking, not to forget that it is the only Third World country hosting the headquarters of United Nations agencies UNEP and Habitat. This makes Kenya very important to the US.

Is Obama hard on Kenya? This is a little tricky. I believe most Kenyans feel the same way Obama feels: that the pace of reforms has not been as quick as anticipated. I am a reformist. Between 2003 and 2007, Kenya made remarkable progress, particularly in terms of institutional rehabilitation. Prior to 2002 major public institutions for governance had been eroded. So the first task of the post-Moi era was to revamp those institutions. The country was on a recovery path for most of the first phase of the post-Moi era. Then the 2007 election came with its challenges. Now we have a coalition government. It was extremely necessary to stop the violence and to restore order in order to get the country focused again. I think what Washington is trying to do is to nudge Kenya to be focused on reform because the country is important to the US.

Is the Obama Administration’s treatment of Kenya different from previous administrations? I think it is a question of expectations. Washington’s expectations of Kenya are much higher than for the rest of Africa. Kenya is held to higher standards than it is able to meet. I think that is where the problem lies. Many Americans feel that Kenya deserves better institutions than it has. Of course, they understand that the institutions were eroded over a period and it will take some time to get them back on track. Americans know that Kenya has the human resources capacity to revamp and properly manage its institutions. They feel that what is lacking is the political will to get it done within a reasonable period. They are concerned that the next elec-

tions are not too far away and unless major institutional reforms are undertaken, there could be a repeat of what happened in 2007. I have spoken to President Obama on several occasions, starting when he was a senator. I have met him at official functions. I recall after his visit to Ghana I met him at an official reception at the White House and we chatted briefly. I told him that his message had been heard clearly. Obama is concerned about Kenya. He feels very strongly that the country should do better than it is doing. No doubt, the US intends to be a good partner.

destination and we work collaboratively with organisations such as the Corporate Council on Africa and other business entities to sell Kenya as an investment destination. I have travelled across the length and breadth of the US speaking to business chambers about investing in Kenya. Now that the fibre-optic cable is operational, we should expect more American investors, particularly in IT and business outsourcing services.

Your impressions of Kenyans in the US... Overall, life in the US is very tough, but it has always been, not just for Kenyans or Africans but even for native-born Americans as well. The laws are complex, application strict and systems are equally complex. You must first understand the system to navigate it properly. What makes me happy is America is a country of immigrants. Anybody working hard and living by the rules can make it here. The story of President Obama is an inspiration to millions of immigrants.

Is it to Kenya’s advantage to be held to a higher standard? I think the issue here is the style of delivery of the message. Some of these concerns could be raised through quieter channels as has happened recently. We have had a series of discussions with the White House and the State Department. I have hosted a series of Kenyan MPs and Cabinet Ministers who have also held talks with US Government officials. Everybody is concerned and agreed that reforms in Kenya are necLife of an ambassador in essary. The style of delivery Washington DC... America is of that message irks some Kenyans, but there is no a country of This is a fast-paced place. question that the message Washington DC is a very inimmigrants. from the US Government tricate town. It is home to has been consistent. Ken- Anybody working highly experienced and soyan officials on visits to the phisticated people. There is hard and living US are hearing the same a saying that if you do not message and they have by the rules can make your impact within come away convinced that three months of your arrival make it here the US means well for Kenhere, you probably never ya. The US view of Kenya will. There are thousands of is haunted by the spectre of lobbyists in this town, and violence, and that concern there are many lawyers, think is genuine. tanks, and corporate bodies. Congress is located here as are federal How does the Kenya agencies such as the Department Mission in the US market Kenya? of Agriculture, the State Department, etc. Americans in and around WashWashington is the headquarters ington are very conversant with of the Bretton Woods institutions, Kenya. Marketing Kenya outside the World Bank and IMF. The misWashington is the focus of our sion has to keep contacts with efforts. The mission is working many of these institutions. Beclosely with the Ministry of Toursides, the ambassador must also ism, which has retained a marketparticipate in colleagues’ diploing agency in Minnesota, to marmatic activities, especially the ket Kenya to Americans as a tourAfrican group of ambassadors. I ism destination. It has worked. am the current chair of the subThe US has become the second committee on trade and econombiggest source tourist market for ic development. You really have to Kenya, surpassing Germany. We balance your life lest your family also market Kenya as a business falls by the wayside. January - February 2010

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Diplomacy•News•Analysis

FRAMEWORK: A New Dawn

Why Kenya Has New Foreign Policy Framework Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs will soon unveil a new policy document which will reflect the country’s repositioning in light of the fast-changing economic world order. PROF EGARA KABAJI (left), the Director of Public Affairs and Communication at the ministry, explains why this is necessary

ny nation that aims at remaining relevant has to continuously change with time and adopt new methods of doing business with the rest of the world. That is why Kenya should always reposition itself on issues that matter to the nation. Even as we engage in emotive national debates such as whether the architects of postelection atrocities should be tried in Kenya or The Hague, the interests of our nation should guide us. It is only in demonstrating that we are

January - February 2010

capable of solving our internal contradictions that we can engage the world in a meaningful way. The obsession, in some of us, with external solutions to our national problems makes me, to say the least, uncomfortable. Such attitudes and orientation do not help in repositioning the nation in the new world economic order. underdogs

The question is; how can we engage with other nations as underdogs who need external supervision? Is our survival dependent on others? The world over, nations are more and more

FRESH APPROACH:

Foreign Minister Moses Wetang'ula to unveil policy document

interested in their national interests and pride. That is why every nation talks about preserving its sovereignty. To believe and assume that others will fix your problem is to be preposterous. Let me explain how this impacts on our diplomatic engagements with reference to the changes that are taking place in the world. The shape and methods of diplomacy have drastically changed. This has led to fundamental shifts in the configuration and realignment of power.

Every

investment

nation is contesting for space. In other words, we are in competition to attract investment. Some countries that had initially been classified as poor have broken the poverty cycle. We are, naturally, asking ourselves how we can join this new league of newly industrialised nations. The transformation of the Organisation African Unity to the African Union and the move towards East African federation are opening new frontiers and opportunities for Kenya to exploit. We can only take advantage of these opportunities if we are capable of fixing our internal contradictions. The changing trends can only work in our favour if we re-focus our energies on what matters to Kenyans. Significantly, we have to rethink and re-align Kenya’s national interests in order to be viewed as serious players. We have to take cognisance of the dynamics associated with ever changing global politics. interests

It is therefore reasonable that we become more tactical in our diplomacy. This is why the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has evolved a new foreign policy framework aimed at serving the interests of Kenyans. Through this new framework the Ministry of Foreign

Affairs is transforming itself into a pro-active agent of international and Because of this, we have national transformation. The new strategy is built around empowered our missions abroad to five pillars — namely economic, peace, environmental, cultural and explore markets for Kenyan goods Diaspora diplomacy. The economic and build strong economic linkages diplomacy pillar aims to achieve robust engagement in order to secure Kenya’s socio-economic development for us. Kenya has for a long time and prosperity that will ensure this been recognised as the Cradle of nation becomes a middle-income and Mankind. Kenya is also home to industrialised economy by 2030. unique flora and fauna, besides Because of this, we have empowered boasting an international reputation our missions abroad to explore markets as a protector of rare species and the for Kenyan goods and build strong custodian of a common heritage. economic linkages. The peace pillar We are building on this in order seeks to consolidate Kenya’s legacy to remain relevant locally and in cultivating peace and stability as internationally. We are maintaining necessary conditions for development contact and are actively engaged and prosperity in countries within the with the West while at the same time region. looking to the East. This is to ensure That is precisely why we are actively competitiveness and increase market engaged in peace processes within access for our products beyond the the region. We are the guarantors of traditional trading partners. the Comprehensive Peace Accord in the Sudan. Besides, we are working strengthen together with IGAD member states to We are also seeking to stabilise Somalia. Environmental strengthen, or enter into, diplomacy recognises Kenya’s strategic cooperation and work enormous stake in the The question within multilateral groupings management of its own resources, is; how can in order to expand markets for those of the region and the world our goods. and is designed to provide the we engage To reduce marginalisation link between the management with other and increase capital flow, we of shared resources and issues nations as are exploring new innovative of security, sustainability and ways of attracting and raising prosperity, especially within the underdogs eastern African region. capital. Our new foreign who need policy orientation is geared to searching for alternative external international sources of development The cultural pillar aims to supervision? assistance and foreign direct use culture as a vital role in investment, including from international relations, especially such non-traditional sources as through the use of Kiswahili Asia, the Middle East, Eastern and renowned Kenyan personalities, Europe and Latin America. including athletes, in order to exert To develop a competitive edge in greater influence on domestic, regional the world market, we are adopting and international exchanges. new strategies of keeping pace with Diaspora diplomacy recognises the these technological changes. importance of harnessing the diverse In essence we are striving to aspects, dynamics and potential of establish an appropriate framework not only Kenyans living abroad but for technological advancement. This Africans in the Diaspora, which now is the new direction of our foreign encompasses the sixth region of the policy, which can only succeed if African Union. all of us developed confidence and Since Independence, we have laid a belief in our capacity to transform firm foundation in terms of our foreign relations. We have many factors going this nation. January - February 2010

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Diplomacy•News•Analysis

policy path: The way it was

Four Decades of Live and Let Live By DOMINIC ODIPO

foreign policy and international relations since independence in 1963, they would be these: Live and Let Live. Over the years, Nairobi has tried to undertake its core business without trampling on the interests of its neighbors or other states beyond its borders. When it has lost this path, it has generally done so in the selfish interest of a few of its leaders, not the nation as a whole. LIBERATION

erhaps the easiest way to capture the evolution of Kenya’s foreign policy and international diplomacy over the last 45 years is to try and isolate what it has not tried to do. This policy has not tried to convert the rest of the East African region to Nairobi’s political or economic ideology. It has not tried to expand this country’s geographical space at the expense of its neighbors. It has not tried to exploit or steal its neighbours’ natural resources using military force. And it has not deliberately tried to dominate the East African region either politically or economically.

As a consequence, Kenya has had no international radio service daily spewing out political or economic propaganda across the region. It has not deployed any of its military contingents in any neighboring countries to plunder foreign natural resources. And it has not unleashed special plenipotentiaries to plead the case for a Greater Kenya on the world stage. A close but detached analysis of Kenya’s foreign policy over the last 45 years leaves little doubt that this policy has, in the main, been both benign and well-meaning even if, on occasion, it has been both wrongheaded and rather shabbily executed. If any four words can capture the essence of Kenya’s

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FAREWELL:

Kenya's Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka bids farewell to outgoing Turkish envoy Salim Sahinkaya

At its creation in 1963, Kenya’s foreign policy was dominated by three major factors: the struggle for the liberation of the African continent from colonialism, the East-West, capitalism- socialism divide, and the exigencies of economic development. The first four foreign or external affairs ministers — Peter Mbiyu Koinange, Joseph Murumbi, James Nyamweya and Argwings Kodhek — tried but with little success to balance the often conflicting interests in these spheres. While Koinange could easily push the pan-African agenda wholeheartedly in 1963, by 1968 matters had become more complicated for Kodhek. The Cold War was at its epogee and the country had to decide whether to hew to the East, West or play a more visible part in the emerging Non-Aligned Movement. As the 1970s dawned and the nation set its eyes on hosting the first UN agency outside Europe and North America, its diplomacy had to be tempered and crafted accordingly. To win the vote in the UN General Assembly, Nairobi’s

diplomacy had to hew not only to the East and the West, but to the entire Non- Aligned Movement as well. A new minister was required and Dr. Njoroge Mungai clearly fitted the bill. Educated in the United States, he could easily reach out to the Non-Aligned Movement without antagonizing the country’s friends in the West. And as Presidential physician and relative, a pillar of Jomo Kenyatta’s inner circle, his actions and utterances were considered by those in the know to have the force of emanating directly from the Presidency. triumpH

When the UN General Assembly voted on December 15 1972 to locate the headquarters of the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) in Nairobi, it was a singular triumph for Kenya’s delicate but extremely effective diplomacy. With the final vote of 128 in favour, none against and with no abstentions, Kenya’s international diplomacy had borne the ripest of its fruits within only nine years of Independence. Along the way, Nairobi had somehow beaten New Delhi and Tunis to host the UNEP headquarters and reversed the initial negative votes cast by both the United States and Britain. This diplomatic triumph was formally sealed on March 20, 1975, when the new foreign minister, Dr Munywa Waiyaki, formally signed the agreement basing UNEP in Nairobi. In the mid-1970s, with its newfound international stature, Kenya stepped haltingly into peacemaking diplomacy. The three warring principals of the Angolan civil war came to Nakuru to put their heads together under the chairmanship of President Kenyatta. It was a historic occasion broadcast all over the world. Kenya had arrived on the international diplomatic stage and so had its foreign minister, Dr Waiyaki. But it was Kenya ’s relations with apartheid South Africa that dominated the end of the 1970s. How was Kenya to relate to the apartheid regime; should it open

diplomatic relations with Pretoria or not? That was the question on which the Government appeared to be particularly divided. To Attorney General Charles Njonjo, an unalloyed Anglophile who had a Hastings Kamuzu Banda prejudice about African professionalism and competence in all sectors, the answer was Yes, while to Dr Waiyaki it was a big and resounding No. KENYATTA

And although Njonjo was the Presidential eminence grise and exercised the greatest single influence on Kenyatta, the old man’s nationalist and panAfrican credentials and entire life’s work militated even against back channel diplomacy between Nairobi and Pretoria under his watch. “Over my dead body,” a confident Waiyaki declared, impressing many for standing up to the all-powerful Njonjo. Kenya could only talk with South Africa after he had left the ministry or passed on. Dr Waiyaki triumphed over Njonjo and left his mark as probably the greatest foreign minister the country has ever

20th century ministers:

Clockwise — Waiyaki, Mungai, Ayah, Ouko

known. Now enter the 1980s, perhaps the darkest chapter in the history of Kenya’s foreign and international relations. After the attempted coup d’etat of August, 1982, Nairobi turned increasingly inwards and the emphasis shifted to the preservation of President Daniel arap Moi’s regime. No foreign policies or initiatives which threatened the status quo could be entertained. Those who opposed the regime, whether local or foreign, were lebelled enemies of the country, not just of the President or the State. During this period, only the most loyal of Moi’s cronies were given a chance to serve as foreign ministers and principal spokesmen. The list of the ministers who served in this period is long and revealing. It begins with Dr. Robert Ouko and ends with Major (Rtd) Marsden Madoka, and includes Elijah Mwangale, Dr Zachary Onyonka, Wilson Ndolo Ayah, Kalonzo Musyoka Dr. Bonaya Godana and Chris Obure. During this cultivate period the international diplomatic profile which Kenya had under Dr Waiyaki steadily disappeared. BERLIN

Following the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the entire mission of Kenya’s foreign policy had to change. East and West had now become one, the Soviet Union had disintergrated and China was emerging as the world’s fastest growing large economy. Kenyan diplomacy had therefore to shift from the traditionally political to the economic pillar and new ministers were required who could champion this policy. Accordingly, the last three foreign ministers, Chirau Ali Mwakwere, Raphael Tuju and the incumbent, Moses Wetang’ula, have served in this tradition as the big foreign policy issues of the last century appears to have disappeared. According to the ongoing formulation of Kenya’s foreign policy, the guiding principles include peaceful co-existence with neighbors and the resolution of conflicts by peaceful means. January - February 2010

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assignment: Envoys' work cut out

Challenges for Diplomats in the Region and Beyond By AMBASSADOR BETHUEL A. KIPLAGAT

hat is Diplomacy, but the relations between countries. It is the art of maintaining relationships, good relations. Metaphorically this can be compared to a bridge linking up two countries with diplomats at either end – guarding the bridge and ensuring the steady flow of people, goods, information, knowledge and services. The exchange should be for the mutual benefit of the two countries. Whatever flows across should not include any thing that is harmful, such as arms, drugs or weapons. Any

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political, social or economic upheaval in one country will not only affect itself but the other one as well. The flow of goods, services and people will be severely affected and this will have direct negative impact on the welfare and well-being of the people on both sides of the bridge. Using this metaphor, what do we say about the Horn of Africa? Have goods, people and services been flowing without interruption? Unfortunately, the Horn of Africa is a region prone to conflict. The region as a whole has

ACCREDITED:

President Kibaki welcomes new diplomats to Kenya

never seen peace for a single day since the 1950s. All the countries of the region suffered from intra- and inter-conflicts. The longest continuous internal conflicts were in Ethiopia, followed by Somalia and Sudan. These wars seriously affected the flow of goods and services and caused a major inflow of people in need of basic necessities of life, having lost everything and now living as refugees. SECURITY

With such a grim picture directly affecting the security and development of Kenya, its foreign policy has to address the cancer of conflicts which engulfed the whole region. By the late 1970s, the situation was grim. The border between Kenya and Tanzania was closed. Somalia and Kenya were not on talking terms. Civil wars raged in Ethiopia, Sudan and Uganda. Something had to be done. Kenya embarked on a sustain peace efforts for over two decades. The efforts culminated in normalization of relations with Tanzania, the Comprehensive Peace

Agreement for Sudan; the creation of a to say nothing of technology from the hoe transitional government for Somalia. to nuclear energy and space. With the That is quite an achievement. growth of its economy, it has accumulated The picture unfortunately is not huge reserves looking for investment as rosy. Efforts must still be made in abroad. For these reasons, we should ensuring that the bridges are still in good expand and strengthen our diplomatic repair and goods and services can flow. presence in India. With reasonably relative stability, Kenyans are crossing over the bridges with their PROSPEROUS services, knowledge, goods and finances. The Middle East is another prosperous The Kenya Commercial Bank is the region, awash in petrodollars and a most aggressive, spreading its wings into very dynamic entrepreneurial spirit. It Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and is amazing how Dubai has become the Tanzania. Kenya Airways is a trail blazer, supermarket of the world and is becoming already covering 24 African countries, an important learning centre. the latest being Central Africa Republic. More importantly is how Kenya can tap These are real bridges. into these funds: Kuwaiti, Saudi Arabian, Let us seize the opportunity and move Islamic and Qatari funds, to name across to sell our goods, buy theirs, offer but a few. We should consider having services and invest. If financial/investment attaches we were to take full accredited to these funds. advantage of these A diplomat must Such a gesture will show the opportunities, Kenyaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s importance we attach to these encompass a wider development will countries. reach the projected perspective covering It is only by having an in ten percent economic depth knowledge of the way every aspect of growth, which will these funds function that greatly contribute to development one can be able to access and long-term peace and attract. and security of stability for the country. Given the shift in emphasis There are other the country he and focus on foreign policy, bridges which need the training and orientation represents, and to be strengthened, of diplomats becomes an connecting us with this will include important necessity if they other regions of the have to discharge their commerce, tourism, world. After all, the role effectively. Classical development and finance, education diplomacy alone will not be security of any country enough without presentation and health, to depends on the extent and promotion. A diplomat and quality of relations mention only a few must encompass a wider with other countries. perspective covering every It is good to see aspect of development and Kenyaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s foreign policy giving priority to Asia in particular and a security of the country he represents, foothold in Latin America. This was a wise and this will include commerce, tourism, move, given the fact that countries such as finance, education and health, to mention China and India have become economic only a few. He or she will also be keeping powerhouses. India for us is ideal and an eye on new ideas on innovation and there is a lot we can gain from them. Why technologies. In the past, there were India? plans to send out scientific/technological India has a huge market of a billion attaches. people, with a fast growing consumer I am glad to see that the idea is back middle class. There are efficient air and on the drawing board. Ideas, innovation, sea transport connections. Indian health technology and research are the bedrock and educational services are comparable of development. to any in the world, with a much lower price tag. There is a huge human resource, Kiplagat is the Chairman of Kenya's Truth, coming also at a much, much lower cost, Justice and Reconciliation Commission January - February 2010

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SHOOTING SPRINGS: It is

the mandate of the Brand Kenya Board to market Kenya as a tourist destination and draw attention to natural and unique features, such as the hot water springs of Lake Bogoria, in the scenic Great Rift Valley

BRAND STRATEGY: Creating positive image

Marketing Kenya Formed in 2008 to promote patriotism and market Kenya as a tourist and investor destination, the Brand Kenya Board (BKB) is carrying out a baseline survey to establish what Kenyans think of themselves and their country. The Board has over the last three months been also popularising its activities and mandate to enable Kenyans to understand it better, be better equipped to contribute to its success and therefore own the processes of branding their country. Over the same period, says CHAIRMAN HANNINGTONE GAYA, BKB has been working on its master plan. Without elaborating or divulging details, Gaya told Diplomat East Africa the Board was on track towards making the branding of Kenya a truly people-oriented enterprise. Diplomat East Africa, however, invited Gaya to pen the following piece on the concept of branding which is juxtaposed with a brilliant article by Zephania Opati explaining the success of the global brand that is Malaysia

oday, the world is one market; globalisation means that every country, every city and every region must compete with every other for its share of the world’s consumers, tourists, investors, students, patients, entrepreneurs, international sporting and cultural events, and for the attention and respect of the international media, other governments and the people of other countries. According to Simon Anholt, nations get their brands from public opinion, not from marketers or governments. In a busy and crowded world, most of us do not have time to learn about what other places are really like. We navigate through the complexity of the modern world armed with a few simple clichés, January - February 2010

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Diplomacy•News•Analysis which form the background of our opinions. So Paris is about style, Japan about technology, Switzerland about wealth and precision, Rio de Janeiro about carnival and football, Tuscany about the good life, and most African countries about poverty, corruption, war, famine and disease. These clichés and stereo types — whether positive or negative, true or untrue — fundamentally affect our behaviour towards other places, their people and their products. National image matters. And it matters more and more as the world becomes more connected and the globalisation of society, communications, commerce, education and politics continues to advance. PERCEPTION

All responsible governments, on behalf of their people, need to discover what the world’s perception of their place is, and to develop a strategy for managing it. An important part of their job is to build a reputation that is fair, true, powerful, attractive, genuinely useful to their economic, political and social aims, and honestly reflects the spirit, the genius and the will of the people. This is why the Government formed the Brand Kenya Board in March, 2008. Most countries communicate with the outside world, and thus create their images in the minds of others, through six basic channels or areas of activity: • Tourism promotion, as well as people’s first-hand experiences of visiting a country as tourists or business travellers. This is often the loudest voice in the branding the nation, city or region, as tourist boards usually have the biggest budgets and the most competent marketers. • Export of products and services. These can act as powerful ambassadors, but only where their place of origin is explicit. • Government policy, either foreign policy which directly

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affects others or domestic policy which is reported in the international media. Diplomacy is traditionally the main route by which such things are communicated to the outside world. There

is an increasing closeness between policymakers and the international media. • How the country or region attracts inward investment and recruits foreign “talent”, the attitude towards expansion into the country by foreign companies. • Cultural exchange and cultural activities and exports. A world tour by a national opera company, the works of a famous author, national sports teams. • Country or region’s inhabitants. High profile leaders, media and sports stars, and the population in general; how they behave when abroad and how they treat visitors. The theory behind managing

TREASURES OF KENYA:

Clockwise, a group of tourists enjoys the company of a tame rhino in Nanyuki; Mt Kenya’s trio of peaks; a sea turtle at Watamu; the floodlit façade of the Nairobi Serena Hotel

the identity and reputation of a country, city or region is that if you have a good, clear, believable idea of what the place really is and what it stands for, and coordinate the policies, investments, actions and communications of all six points of the hexagon so that they reinforce this message, you stand a good chance of

building and maintaining a powerful and positive internal and external reputation. This will benefit exporters, importers, governments, the culture sector, tourism, Immigration and almost every aspect of international relations. Governments can do three important things with their national reputation: • They can understand and monitor their international image in the countries and

sectors where it matters most in a rigorous and scientific way, and understand exactly how and where this affects their interests in those countries and sectors. • If they collaborate imaginatively, efficiently and openly with business and civil society, they can agree on a national strategy and narrative — where the country is going, and how it is going to get there — which honestly reflects the

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skills, genius and will of the people. • They can ensure that their country maintains a stream of innovative and eye-catching products, services, policies and initiatives in every sector, which will keep it at the forefront of the world’s attention and admiration, demonstrate the truth of that narrative and prove the country’s right to the reputation its people and governments desire to acquire. On the whole, people are most attracted to countries that project clear, consistent values

WONDER OF THE WORLD: The Great Migration of wildebeest in the Masai Mara in full cry. It was branded the Eighth Wonder of the World in 2004 and is the only one on the list that features living species, the wildebeest and other plains animals, as well as being one of the most ancient

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and behaviours on the issues that people value, such as competent government, friendly population and economic opportunities. It is the duty of every responsible government in the global age to recognise that management of the nation’s international reputation, one of the most valuable long-term assets of its people, is given to it in trust for the duration of its office. Its duty is to hand over that reputation to its successors, whatever their political persuasion, on at least as good health as it received it, and to improve it if possible for the

GOLF TOURISM:

Kenya offers some of the most scenic golf courses in the world

BREAKFAST IN THE WILD:

Tourists tuck into a full continental breakfast in the middle of the Masai Mara game reserve

benefit of future generations. If the world’s governments placed even half the value that most wise corporations have learned to place on their good names, the world would be safer and quieter place than it is today. Natural reputation evolves over time, and although it generally lags a long way behind reality, its relationship to the truth (accepting, of course, that there is never one simple, single truth about something as complex as a country, city or region) depends

on the intensity and frequency of that country’s dialogue with the rest of the world. For all these reasons, national reputation is much more of a fixed asset than a liquid currency. Nation Branding is a deliberately structured social, economic and political development strategy. Nations that embrace the concept ought to understand this. In East Africa, we are lucky that all the five governments have finally embraced Nation Branding as their development strategies.

The Brand Kenya Mandate  Co-ordinate initiatives for marketing Kenya to maximise their efficiency;  Create and maintain the Kenya brand to identify and distinguish Kenyan products, services and concepts;  Establish a brand for Kenya which will position the country optimally in terms of investments, creditworthiness, tourism and international relations;

 Unite Kenyans and provide them with positive information about their country in order to promote patriotism and national pride; and,  Establish an integrated approach towards the international marketing of Kenya and undertake measures aimed at improving the international image of the country.

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SUCCESS STORY

‘Truly Asia’ is Malaysia’s Epic Mantra The branding of Malaysia has set the country apart from other competitive tourist destinations because it is distinct and differentiated, reflecting its natural, cultural and historical make up By ZEPHANIA OPATI in Kuala Lumpur

ourism is one of the powerhouses of many a national economy. However, against the backdrop of confrontation, the sightseeing industry is experiencing global warming, sky-rocketing fuel prices, terrorism and the health concerns of the H1N1 swine flu scare. Malaysia is making gargantuan waves in the industry. The “Malaysia-Truly Asia’’ bazaar branding of Malaysia has given birth to an immense brand awareness to attract tourists by the crowd to its ports. Statistics speak loud than words: In 1999 Malaysia had eight million tourists annually but barely eight years later, in 2008, 22.05 million tourist set foot in Malaysia. The proceeds generated from tourism moved from RM12 billion (US43.16 billion) in 1999 to RM49.56 billion (US$13 billion) receipts as at end-2008. In 2006, 2007 and 2008 Malaysia was voted “The World’s Best Tourism Destination” by readers of the US’s Global Traveler magazine and “The Best Valuefor-Money Destination” by a 2006 UBS poll in Europe. Such are the accolades that continue to

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garland the Malaysia marketing strategy, virtually putting its blip continuously on the radar. “Malaysia was long known as the country wedged between Thailand and Singapore,” the Senior Editor, Communication and Publicity Division, Malaysian Tourism Promotion Board, Madam Mazita Johari, reminisces. “Back then most tourists visited Thailand in the north and Singapore in the south and passed through Malaysia in transit”, she elaborated, “However, we realised that Malaysia’s racial diversity was the very element that made our country unique. And we celebrate that diversity”. DESTINATION

Glowing with pride, she observes, “No other country has Asia’s three major races — Malay, Chinese, Indian, plus other ethnic groups — in one destination in large numbers (and percentages) as here in Malaysia. No other country, therefore, offers as many cultures, cuisine, festivals, customs and traditions of these great Asian civilizations. No other country is ‘Truly Asia’. Hence, the birth of ‘Malaysia: Truly Asia’ ”.

It is true that the sibilant “Malaysia: Truly Asia” has permitted Malaysia to set itself apart from the other competitive tourist destinations as it is distinct and differentiated. It is a positioning that is a true reflection not only of Malaysia’s racial diversity, but also of its natural, cultural and historical make up. Malaysia is one of the countries with many holidays that are meant to cater fro the diverse populace. The cultural

PHOTOS: WILLIAM ODIDI -INTERMAC

practices of the Malays, Chinese, Indian and the minority groups are captured in the harmonious creed “Satu Malaysia”, meaning “One Malaysia” .This forms a conducive bedrock of peace and harmony that tourists wallow in when they arrive. Despite being home to major international assembly companies like Sony and its own national car Proton, Malaysia did not enjoy the tourism heyday it does today before the “Truly” campaign. “Awareness of Malaysia as a holiday destination was very low. Tourism arrivals and receipts were dismal compared to those of Malaysia’s neighbours,‘’ Madam Marita recalls with a shudder. “The accepted attitude was that Malaysia had no distinction or uniqueness because of its racial diversity.” RENOWNED

MARINE MUSEUM:

An exhibit of the Portuguese Boat Museum in the city of Melaka

Associate Professor Dr. Faizah Abd Rahim, a renowned Marketing lecturer at the University of Technology Mara (UiTM) Malaysia and the chairperson INCOMAR (International Conference of Marketing, Advertising and Retail ) explains that the campaign’s fundamental assertion was that Malaysia is the junction point of some of Asia’s greatest evolutions — the Malays, Chinese and Indians as well as other indigenous groups. “The advertising campaign to its combat to the print and Television media in 2000 to create the brand image that Malaysia is truly all of Asia thereby enhancing the image of the country.” Madam Mazita reveals “We showed all the positive emotions and unique experiences that travellers can enjoy during their holiday in Malaysia. We portrayed Malaysia as a land of so many cultures, wonders and attractions. We also, highlighted the country’s natural beauty and exciting destinations along with the different events, festivals and

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SPREADING MALAYSIA’S WINGS: The Eagle

Monument on Langkawi Island is a favourite with tourists

celebrations we hold every year. “She remembers With the world going electronic there was a pressing need for Malaysia to capitalize on the internet to attract visitors .This led to the launch of “Malaysia, Truly Asia” website in November 2005, targeting European and North American tourists, especially. OBJECTIVES

The website’s objectives were; to promote Malaysia as an outstanding tourist destination for visitors from the North American and European markets, to highlight the tourism products of the country and to showcase tourists’ testimonials in different Malaysian landmarks. The brand strategy has been consistent since its inception in 1999 making the campaign is for a brand Malaysia as Malaysia’s largest, and the nation’s second biggest revenue earner. This website is updated daily and is

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available in English, Spanish, French, German, Italian and Russian, with more languages to come has over 300,000 hits per month “In 2006 and keeping the ‘Malaysia: Truly Asia’ tagline, the global campaign was launched, themed ‘The Time is Now, The Place is Malaysia’, a call to action for the build-up to the ‘Visit Malaysia Year 2007’, which overlaps with our 50th Merdeka Year, “ recollects Madam Medaka. Malaysia’s flag-carrier MAS takes the message the world over, emblazoned on their wings and tail, quite a synergetic approach to publicity at any airport MAS lands. “We thus launched the ‘Visit Malaysia 2007’ campaign with the theme of ‘One Golden Celebration’, in conjunction with Malaysia’s 50th year of nationhood.” The contract has been won by TBWA-Tequila/Malaysia, Wizard Media Dynamics since 1999. Its

task was to make Malaysia set itself apart from the other competitive tourist destinations, as a distinct brand. It is a positioning that is a true reflection not only of Malaysia’s racial diversity, but also of its natural, cultural and historical make-up. SIGNIFICANT

This approach makes Malaysia second only to China in terms of tourist arrivals. The sector contributes some 7% or RM48 billion to Malaysia’s gross domestic product; it is significant but it also means there is ample room for growth. Interestingly, Malaysia tourists originate from the Asian expanse rather than the Western hemisphere. According to the Ministry of Tourism, Singaporeans continue to make up the prevalent number of tourists in Malaysia, representing about half of total arrivals, followed by Indonesia (11%), Thailand (6.8%), Brunei

(4.9%) and China (4.3%). Apart from being the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s favourite destination, the branding of individual cities helps to increase the appeal of a town like Melaka, which has a significant semblance to Mombasa and Dar-e-Salaam and has been a World Heritage City since July 2008, a status conferred UNESCO. Other cities and destinations are accorded the same breadth of stamina branding. However, Dr. Paul Temporal, a branding expert, faults the fact that Malaysians have not considered the issue of corporate branding to boost the nation brand. The major corporations in Malaysia are virtually unknown in most parts of the world, a major deficit when it comes to using the corporates as ambassadors of Malaysia the way Samsung has been to South Korea and Toyota and Sony to Japan. Although Petronas, the Malaysian oil

It is a positioning that is a true reflection not only of Malaysiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s racial diversity, but also of its natural, cultural and historical make-up

STRIKING NATURAL BEAUTY: The Melaka historical port, a UNESCO World

Heritage site

driller and distributor, sponsors the Formula One, it has only limited global appeal to warrant being regarded as a Malaysian ambassador. Malaysia may have the worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s best airport, the tallest twin tower building, the greatest underground highway but all

these are unknown to myriads of people, unlike the signature song sung around the world is, Malaysia: Truly Asia.

The writer is a postgraduate student at the Universiti Teknologi Mara Malaysia, tzopati@gmail. com

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THE SUDAN CONFLICT

The Sudan: Thinking The Unthinkable The Khartoum Government announced in December that it would allow the South to secede if it so voted in next year’s referendum, but a spokesperson for the Government of South Sudan was quick to warn that Khartoum could still renege on its word, reports JOHN GACHIE

n June 2007, a respected and acclaimed expert on the Sudan dared to broach the unthinkable – a return to a full-scale conventional war in South Sudan. The expert wrote, “The year is 2011. As the SPLA Antonov makes its second high altitude pass over the GIAD military-industrial complex south of Khartoum, people run around in wild panic – nobody had warned them to dig bomb shelters. Smoke from the first stick of bombs drifts amongst the factories along with

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the screams of the wounded and the dying”. He continued “…..Radio Omdurman has been trumpeting the success of Khartoum’s forces in quickly overrunning Renk, Melut and Bentiu (not surprising really, as so many northern forces were already there ‘protecting’ the oil fields) but plays down the heavy losses they are taking around Malakal… and the speed with which SPLA forces mobilized…. to pose a serious threat to government columns invading the South ….. there are rumours of heavy fighting in Khartoum

itself….” But this time round, according to the writer, the fighting between President El Bashir’s forces, the Sudan Armed Forces and the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) of 1st Vice-President of Sudan

PHOTOS: INSIGHT SUDAN MAGAZINE

and President of Southern Sudan Salva Kiir Mayardit is far different from previous engagements and the outcome was neither clear nor conclusive. The war is widespread and employed modern weapons by both sides, with heavy military

and civilian casualties on both sides across North and South Sudan. For John Ashworth, writing in the Horn of Africa magazine JuneJuly Issue 2007 (and carried by the September 2007 issue of Insight

Drill:

Sudanese recruit soldiers learn the ropes of unarmed combat

Sudan magazine), the full horror of the Sudanese war is brought home to the Northern Sudanese civilian population, for decades spared the grim reality of war, as urban areas and cities in the North are finally attacked. Two years later, that fictional scenario is still very likely to become reality, but does not seem to elicit as much angst, horror and trepidation amongst the Southern Sudanese as in the case of previous wars. But for their allies, partners, friends and neighbours, such a scenario conjures up images of the unacceptable horrors of war and, coupled with the earnest hope that Sudan, and in particular the South, shall not witness a return to war as the consequences are too ghastly to contemplate, untenable and wholly unacceptable. However, full-blast war is an all-too-real prospect unless wise counsel, acumen and reality kicks in as the two partners must come to terms with the tenuous and fragile no-peace-no-war situation that prevails. They must be forever alive to the everpresent and imminent possibility of a resumption of a full-scale war between South Sudan and the North forever lurking in the background that has continuously engaged and engrossed the minds of many military and political leaders in Sudan and elsewhere and traumatized the Sudanese national psyche. With the main partners to the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA), the National Congress Party-led Khartoum-based Sudanese Government and the Sudan Peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Liberation Movement/Army-led Juba-based Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS) lurching from one crisis of confidence to another, the die has been cast â&#x20AC;&#x201C; it is war or peace. Both parties to the CPA have been engaged in sabre-rattling, talking at cross-purposes, chestthumping, grandstanding and

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outright deceit, especially on the part of the Khartoum government. All this has been in an attempt to shore-up failing local grassroots support and seeking to galvanize and rally their core constituencies and stakeholders. Nearly all analysts, experts and observers of Sudan, the leadership and the Sudanese people, are unanimous – a resumption of war will be catastrophic for both sides and the casualties will be horrendous and the consequences ghastly and widespread, drawing immediate regional and international condemnation and likely active, if not direct, intervention. For the leading South Sudanese media scholar, author and editor of Guortong, a Diaspora-based Sudanese website, Jacob Akol, the prospect of a resumption of war in the South is terrible, but he hastens to add “…the South shall not relent… shall not allow for the abrogation of the CPA and shall not countenance forced unity … the South will fight”. But perhaps the best example of the depth of feeling and emotion on the issue of unity was captured by the President Kiir in October 2009, when he told a church service “….if the time comes for the referendum and you choose to be secondclass citizens by voting for unity … we shall respect your choice… but why would you want to vote to be a second-class citizen in your own country?” President Kiir’s remarks drew sharp instant reaction from Khartoum, with President Bashir’s senior advisors accusing the Southern leader of supporting secession, claiming it was in violation of the CPA, which it prefers to read only as envisaging national unity, although it opens the door to separation. It was the first such direct call by the South Sudanese leader for the people of the South to opt for separation – an all-butopen secret in South Sudan and amongst southerners in the Diaspora. Indeed, What

SPLA SERVICEMEN: A clash of visions

Salva kiir

President of the Government of Southern Sudan

January - February 2010

President Kiir was alluding to was the very genesis of the conflict in South Sudan – namely the exclusion, marginalization and impoverishment of the people of the South by successive central governments in Khartoum. This status quo in Khartoum has obtained regardless of regime composition, orientation, ideology and philosophy, secular, civilian and or military, across more than half a century. This is the case with the current President Bashir’s militaryc u m - s e c u r i t y- p s e u d o civilian regime, despite

being signatories and partners to the CPA, which seeks to make national unity attractive, feasible and of mutual benefit to both sides. For Francis Deng, the UN Special Rapporteur on Crimes against Humanity and on Genocide, a leading Sudanese scholar and scion of a famous Sudanese Dinka chieftainship, Sudanese unity is far away in the future and a referendum choice for separation is all but certain. For Deng and many other analysts, a vote for secession at the referendum

would be an affirmation of what is at the core of the Sudanese conflict – a clash of visions of the future and of the past and special circumstances clouded by racial, religious and cultural heritage that have been sharpened by decades of war and distrust and underpinned by economic deprivation and exploitation. The CPA, signed on January 9 2005, brought to an end one of the world’s longest civil wars that saw over two million dead, millions more internally displaced and hundreds of thousands forced to flee into exile as refugees since 1983. The Accord is anchored in one of the most detailed and comprehensive peace agreements ever devised – tight schedules on key benchmarks and roadmap, detailed annexes and a clear-cut power-sharing matrix laying out the entire template over a six-year interim period (2005-2011) and two pre-interim and post-interim periods set to expire by July 9, 2011. In the ensuing period since the Accord was signed in Nairobi the South has persistently accused the Khartoum regime of footdragging, back-pedaling and outright sabotage of the CPA, both in the letter and spirit, and, at times, of wanton disregard of the document. On its part, Khartoum has

Both parties were enjoined to follow and implement a detailed and benchmarked schedule and time frame, all leading to the referendum

OMAR EL-BASHIR

President of the Republic of Sudan

riposted to the effect that the Southern Government has failed in its duties of service delivery due to high level corruption and, in particular, failure to accommodate other political and armed groups in the South. Furthermore, Khartoum alleges the South has violated the Agreement by diverting and allocating over 40 per cent of the budget to the military including purchase of modern equipment.

Arming and Dangerous: Both Sides Stockpile Weapons

n the interim, both sides in Sudan are not leaving anything to fate or chance and are all out to secure their positions – through massive re-arming, training, pre-stocking, strategizing and almost certainly seeking the services of foreign military contractors to provide technical, operational and perhaps even combat services. According to knowledgeable military analysts, the Khartoum Government has bought newer heavy weapons since 2002, including 130 main battle tanks, over 45 light tanks and an assortment of armoured vehicles. The Air Force deploys over 60 fixed-wing fighter planes, including Mig 29 fighter jets and A-5 Fantan ground attack jets and dozens of helicopter gun-ships. With a combined armed manpower of over 450,000, the Sudan Armed Forces and the Popular Defensc Forces of the North are backed up by over 150,000 men in security-cumintelligence paramilitary forces. Khartoum is clearly well prepared for all eventualities. For the Juba regime’s Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), the figures range between a force of 150,000- 200,000 men undergoing very rapid and intensive reorganization, re-arming and redeployment along the border. They are backed by more than 150 T-72 main battle tanks, long- range artillery and an air defence network that will no doubt become an air force. Indeed, the SPLA is no longer the rag-tag guerrilla army of five years ago, it is a rapidly changing and modernizing fighting force that seeks to have air and riverine units to patrol the River Nile and secure the Southern airspace, according to a new defence doctrine developed with the assistance of a number of Western countries, in particular Britain. The jury is still out concerning a resumption of full-scale hostilities but time and options are rapidly closing in.

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Diplomacy•News•Analysis

ROCKET PROPELLED: A country awash with weapons

THE HORN: Collapse of a nation, rise of chaos

Somalia: From Failed State to Terror Beachhead? If Al Qaeda’s allies prevail in the lawless Horn of Africa country, the whole world loses not just the region or Africa By BOB WEKESA

f there is a country that is a diplomatic mess not just in the eastern Africa region but globally, then it is lawless Somalia. The Horn of Africa nation has the dubious distinction of being the only nation in the world that has had no central government for two decades. It is the first nation to collapse completely in the modern era. The semblance of state authority currently in place in some parts of the country – the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) – has had daunting challenges since its 2005 inauguration in Nairobi. The TFG remains holed up in a section of Mogadishu, the battered capital, struggling to overcome a myriad problems ranging from unprecedented violence to lack of the requisite resources required to set up governance structures from

January - February 2010

scratch. But perhaps the more frighteningly emerging concern lies in the rise of jihadist insurgents backed by foreign fighters and seeking to fill administrative and political vacuums. In recent weeks and months, the Al Shabaab-Al Mujahidin, designated a terrorist organisation by the Western powers, has upped the terror with a series of murders, suicide bombings, piracy activities on the high seas of the Indian Ocean, abductions

Under the Al Shabaab-Al Mujahidin alliance, the chaotic situation in Somalia is providing fertile ground for the germination of Islamic fundamentalism

and assassinations. The group has broadened its sphere of influence in Somalia, in turn spreading fear throughout the country and beyond. CHAOTIC

“Under the Al Shabaab-Al Mujahidin alliance, the chaotic situation in Somalia is providing fertile ground for the germination of Islamic fundamentalism in the region”, says Mr. Wafula Wamunyinyi, the acting chief of mission of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), the most credible effort yet by the international community to stabilise the country. Indeed AMISOM is seen as a last ditch effort by the diplomatic community to bolster the TFG and eventually engender state authority. The question that many have posed is: will AMISOM succeed where other efforts, beginning with the US- led

counter offensive in 1993, have come to naught? Despite a multiplicity of challenges since AMISOM took over the Somalia problem after its establishment by the AU Peace and Security Council in 2007, one of its outstanding achievements is holding at bay the insurgents. “Were it not for AMISOM, the insurgents would have overrun the country by now with grave implications for the eastern Africa region and the world”, says Wamunyinyi, ominously adding that if human and financial resources are not made available to support AMISOM and TFG, Al Qaeda will take over Somalia. Immediate targets of such an eventuality would include Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti, three countries that share a border with Somalia. PERSPECTIVE

Evidence that the Somalia crisis is increasingly taking a regional and international perspective abounds. Impeccable Intelligence sources indicate that thousands of foreign jihadists have joined and swelled the ranks of Al Shabaab (The Youth) emboldening an outfit that was initially merely a small band within the collapsed Islamic Courts Union. Former jihadists who have managed to escape the stranglehold of Al Shabaab say Kenyan nationals stand at about 500 fighters, with other recruits being from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Chechnya, Sudan, Tanzania and, quite intriguingly, the US and Europe. The covert investigations have also confirmed beyond the shadow of doubt that Al Qaeda is in the mix, spearheaded by Ahmed Abdi Godane, an apex leader receiving instructions from the world’s most fearsome terror group. “Youths from Minnesota have actually fought on the side of Al Shabaab after being brainwashed. Some have been killed while others have defected after realizing the war they were fighting is not for true Islam. During a recent visit to the US, led by President Shariff, we talked to the Somali community in Washington and Minneapolis and now many of the youth there appreciate the propaganda that

SOMALIA'S MAN IN KENYA:

Mohammed Nur

is used to lure them”, says Mr. Mohamemd Nur, Ambassador of Somalia to Kenya. Blurring the line between religion and politics, Al Shabaab seems to have had a measure of success in styling the war as the fight for creation of an Islamic nation. In this crusade, the insurgents have employed unconventional means such as the bombing of the AMISOM command located near Villa Somalia, the Presidential residence, in September 2009, where tens of members of the peacemaking force were killed. “The challenge of the international community is to win the war not on the battlefields but in the hearts and minds of ordinary Somali people”, says Major Barigye Ba-Hoku, Spokesman of the AMISOM force that comprises contingents from Uganda and Burundi. Perhaps because of the immense risk factors involved (Somalia really is a hell on earth)

AMISOM REPRESENTATIVE:

Wafula Wamunyinyi

the financial and equipment support from the AU and the UN countries that pledged to contribute troops to give the TFG a shot in the arm has not been forthcoming. TROOPS

A grim-faced Wamunyinyi justifies AMISOM’s appeal for more troops: “While we appreciate the contribution of Uganda and Burundi, these forces are quite few considering the gravity of the war in Somalia. Yet if the community of nations does not step in urgently, the situation will not only deteriorate but spill over into the eastern Africa region and subsequently the rest of Africa and the world”. Indeed, the Somalia war has changed over time from deadly internal rivalries between clan warlords to a theatre of religious fundamentalism versus secularity and religious moderation. But this sometimes forgotten war could spiral out of control and splash blood and mayhem throughout the region. A not dissimilar combination of jihadist foreign fighters has kept the insurgency in Iraq going unrelentingly against history’s mightiest and best-equipped forces, the US Army, Air Force and Navy. That the Somali jihadists are directly hot-wired to the Iraqi insurgency, with some key figures even having cut their teeth in that conflict cannot be doubted, a very frightening fact indeed. January - February 2010

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Diplomacy•News•Analysis

Proliferation

Small and Light Arms, But Deadly Dangerous These weapons are easy to carry and conceal and that is what makes them the favourite of gun runners and criminals By Dr FRANCIS SANG in others. In some countries in the region, vicious fire fights between police and daring criminals have been witnessed. In some cases criminal gangs have used arms that are relatively sophisticated and similar in calibre with those used by police in their daily operations and in some cases gun- toting criminals have hurled grenades at police officers. The problem posed by small arms is not unique to the eastern Africa region. The United Nations Office of Humanitarian Affairs Report 2006, regards these handheld arms as the real “weapons of mass destruction”. These weapons are widespread and their misuse kills more than bombs and tanks — over 500,000 human lives are lost each year around the world. CONFLICT

he problem of small arms and light weapons (SALW) in the eastern African region has been intensified by frequent strife and illicit transfer of weapons across borders. The political instability and lawlessness in Somalia, the war in South Sudan before the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and instability in northern Uganda before the collapse of the Lord’s Resistance Army forces have contributed im-

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mensely to the influx of guns and ammunition into the region. The porosity of the long borders in the region has provided gunrunners with opportunities for trafficking in illegal arms in most of the countries in the region. Refugees and other immigrants running from the conflict zones are regarded as the main suspects in the trafficking in illicit arms. Inevitably, conflict and instability in one country within the region have often found to be fuelling arms trade and illegal trafficking

The global trade in SALW remains largely unregulated and continues to fuel both armed conflict and violent crime. The misuse exacerbates other crimes such as robberies, assaults, threats, and, to a lesser extent, sexual offences. The UN estimates that the illicit trade in small arms accounts for 20 per cent of the total trade in weapons, or US$4-6 billion a year. SALW are not necessarily small, except in the sense that they are easy to carry and conceal. They can be dismantled into pieces and the components are re-assembled

when necessary for rapid action. Small arms can be defined as light machineguns, sub-machineguns, machine pistols and fully automatic rifles. Grenades and rocket launchers are termed light weapons. The expression â&#x20AC;&#x153;small or lightâ&#x20AC;? undermine the devastating effects that these weapons can cause and needs more precise words to describe them that encompass the scope of the menace they pose. Although indirect and socioeconomic costs of SALW proliferation are neither discussed nor documented as extensively as death and injury, the fear engendered by the misuse of small arms and the rapid breakdown of traditional norms of trust and co-operation are far-reaching. IMPACT

The indirect impact includes change of habits by those affected by crime. Some dare not risk venturing out into the night and resort to the safer confines of their residences, especially in the upper-class suburbs, where residents become virtual prisoners in their own homes which are characterized by high walls and electric wire to ward off strangers and would-be gangsters. In order to limit the demand for SALW, the associated factors of poor governance, abject and widespread poverty, personal and security of property, the governments in the region have commenced putting in place comprehensive plans that might change the way of life and cultures of the communities affected. Member states of the Regional Centre for Small Arms (RECSA) signed a legally binding Protocol for the Prevention, Control and Reduction of Small Arms and Light Weapons in the region in 2004. In signing the unifying, legally binding instrument with a comprehensive strategy, the member states realized that no single

Protocol. Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Djibouti and Eritrea have National Action Plans which include National Assessments of the small arms situation and public perceptions of the scale and impact of the problem. Implementation of these Plans in these member states are is at different stages. GUIDELINES

country can deal with the problem without support and political will from the neighbouring states. This is indeed an important ingredient in winning the struggle against the proliferation of illicit small arms. Member states of the Protocol established RECSA, formerly known as the Nairobi Secretariat, based in the Kenyan capital, to coordinate the implementation of the Protocol in all signatory states. RECSA is an inter-governmental body with a juridical personality and enjoys diplomatic status by virtue of the Host Agreement entered into with the Republic of Kenya. The Nairobi Protocol encourages the placement of effective controls on arms transfers and other measures geared towards preventing the proliferation of illicit small arms, which have greatly exacerbated armed conflicts and serious crimes in the region. The signatory states of the Nairobi Protocol are Burundi, Djibouti, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Rwanda, the Seychelles, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda. National Focal Points have been established in all 13 member states of RECSA to coordinate the implementation of the Nairobi

UP IN FLAMES:

Illegal firearms destroyed to curb crime at Uhuru Gardens, Nairobi, in an disarmament drive

RECSA has put together Best Practice Guidelines for the Implementation of the Nairobi Declaration and the Nairobi Protocol on Small Arms and Light Weapons, Guidelines for the Harmonization of Firearms and Ammunition Legislation, the Strategic Plan on the Intergrading Research Capacity-Building and Information Exchange on Small Arms and Light Weapons in the Great Lakes Region and the Horn of Africa, and an Information, Education and Communication Strategy to Change Perceptions of the Dangers of SALW. Most importantly, stockpile security and management of small arms recovered through law enforcement agencies operations has been improved. This has enhanced control of the SALW in State possession to prevent access by the illicit market. Between 2005 and 2007 the destruction of close to 110,000 SALW was been done through the coordination of the RECSA Secretariat in eight of the member states. There are challenges in the implementation of the Protocol. The sub-region has diverse legal systems, varying levels of internal stability and differences in law enforcement capacity. Achieving harmonized legislation across the region is crucial to the success of combating the spread of illegal SALW. The inability of states in the region to effectively control and monitor their long and porous borders urgently requires a sustainable solution through active and concerted regional and international efforts and support.

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•CONFERENCE meetings & events THE COMMONWEALTH: Promoting Entrepreneurship

Worldwide Provision of Expertise From Kenyan banker Peter Munga’s innovative packages helping young and aspiring entrepreneurs across Africa to anti-terrorism, money laundering and good governance, the Commonwealth lends a very large and specialised hand By Manoah Esipisu

eter Munga is a powerhouse in Kenya’s banking industry. Since founding the Equity Banking Group a quarter-of-a-century ago, it has risen to become a major operator in East Africa, boasting over four million accounts. Munga was in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago on November at a unique gathering of young people in the margins of the biennial Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), where he announced a $US600,000 package to attack poverty by helping young and aspiring entrepreneurs from across Africa to set up businesses. To deliver on this ambitious programme funded by his Foundation, Munga has teamed up with the London-based Commonwealth Secretariat. Whereas the Commonwealth is known for its credentials in promoting democracy, Munga’s package will highlight other areas where it is less known youth entrepreneurship. Investing in young people prepares them as job creators rather than jobseekers.Take the Commonwealth’s Youth Credit Initiative, which offers small loans,

January - February 2010

education and business support to entrepreneurs, and has been introduced in 16 countries. Following loans provided by this initiative, in India alone, more than 1,000 businesses have been set up. Another project in this area is

SONG AND DANCE

A Trinidadian troupe performs at the CHOGM opening ceremony

the Youth Development Awards, which provides around $US60,000 every year to outstanding projects that train young people in areas like carpentry, tailoring and welding to improve their livelihood. Four regional

ONE OF A KIND:

The Commonwealth's only female leader, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh

youth offices – in Zambia, India, the Solomon Islands and Guyana – drive the association’s strategy on the ground. Munga’s package will demonstrates a great faith in today’s young, and the ability of the Secretariat to deliver. Sharing KNOWLEDGE

His faith is far from an isolated voice. The BBC’s Diplomatic Correspondent James Robbins wrote last month that: “Many in the Commonwealth, including some – if not all – of its critics, seem to be concluding that the organisation did itself some good [at the CHOGM] in Trinidad and Tobago.” One of the ways the Commonwealth promotes sharing of knowledge is by placing experts from one country in another. Take Simon Semalemba, a Ugandan prosecutor who was placed in Sierra Leone’s Anti-Corruption Commission between 2007 and 2009 to help fill a gap in fraud expertise and corruption cases.

His two-year tenure in Freetown saw him bring to justice a headmaster who was siphoning off public funds meant for a school for the visually disabled; an official in the immigration department who was bribing those who came to him requesting a passport; and a school bursar who pocketed the salaries of teachers whose names were still on the payroll, but who had not worked at the school for years. “Criminals mustn’t be allowed to get away with it,” he said from Kampala. “By convicting them of misappropriating public funds it sends a strong signal to other would-be offenders not to engage in such illegal practices.” Targeting terrorists

Another such expert is Yotsna Lalji-Venketasawmy, a legal adviser who the Commonwealth has placed to help countries in eastern and southern Africa adopt a seemingly endless array of international standards against money laundering and terrorist financing. Funded by the Commonwealth

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•CONFERENCE meetings & events Secretariat, she is on a two-year assignment to the Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering Group (ESAAMLG), a regional body set up to improve the crime-fighting capabilities of countries from Botswana, Mauritius and South Africa to Tanzania and Zambia. swapping professionals

From her office at the headquarters in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, the former Mauritius Financial Services Commission executive is coaxing each of the 14 members of ESAAMLG – 13 of which are Commonwealth countries – to implement some 49 internationally recognised standards on combating money laundering and terrorist financing. She is among 50 professionals who, at any one time, are engaged and deployed by the Secretariat to work in any number of areas from trade to education, in order to boost a country’s growth. This provision of expertise is one of a number of areas of the Secretariat’s work which executes plans agreed by Heads of Government when they get together every two years. DEBT SOFTWARE

In recent months, 15 countries have been helped to lodge claims for additional areas of seabed, which will enable them to access and manage potentially lucrative living and non-living marine resources, possibly including oil and gas reserves. These countries – including Kenya – were provided assistance through all stages of their respective submissions to the United Nations Commission on the Outer Limits of the Continental Shelf. The combined figure for the additional seabed that has been secured by all of these submissions is over 2 million square kilometres – that is the same size as Mexico. Or how about the groundbreaking

TOP AND LEFT: Entertainment during the opening ceremonies for the Commonwealth Summit in Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago ABOVE: Museveni with Ghana President John Attah

Mills

debt software which has helped over 60 countries – including Kenya and Tanzania – manage their domestic and external debt? This system hasn’t just benefited countries in the Com-

January - February 2010

monwealth. Afghanistan, China, and Kosovo are among those who also use the software, which is constantly adapted to meet the pressing needs of countries as times change.

PHOTOS: COMMONWEALTH SECRETARIAT

TOP AND LEFT: Kikwete with Jamaica PM Bruce Golding TOP AND RIGHT: Janet Museveni with Bahamas PM Hubert Ingraham and India PM Manmohan Singh

Election observation is the flagship Commonwealth programme in democracy (having observed elections in Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique), but the less known cousin of that is “good offices for peace”. When Kenya was on the brink after the 2007 election, for instance, it was former President Ahmad Tejan Kabbah who made the first contact with political

leaders to urge them to do everything necessary to avoid further mayhem in Kenya’s streets. It then played a low-profile, supporting the work of the Eminent Persons Group led by Kofi Annan, the Ghanaian former UN SecretaryGeneral. In Tanzania, the Com monwealth remains the morale guarantor of the Muafaka Accord on Zanzibar. Apart from a growing number of organisations as

LEFT: Kibaki with Jagdeo and the Sharmas ABOVE: St Vincent & the Grenadines PM Ralph Gonsalves and South Africa President Jacob Zuma renew acquantaince

January - February 2010

ABOVE: Kibaki chats with Manoah Esipisu, Deputy Spokesperson at the Commonwealth Secretariat TOP LEFT: The Sharmas with Zambia Vice President George Kunda

well as the Secretariat, there are two other intergovernmental organisations â&#x20AC;&#x201C; the Commonwealth Foundation and Commonwealth of Learning â&#x20AC;&#x201C; which focus on civil society and open learning and distance education respectively. There are also some 90 other civil society organisations. One

of these is the Commonwealth Games Federation, which looks after the four-yearly sporting spectacle watched by two billion people all over the world. At the last Games, held in Melbourne in 2006, 13,500 new jobs were created. Member countries have just edged up to 54 from eight in 1949.

January - February 2010

ABOVE: Left to right. Jamaica PM Bruce Golding looks on as Guyana President Jagdeo and St Vincent & the Grenadines PM Ralph Gonsalves explode in laughter during a break in CHOGM 2009

All of these examples of Commonwealth work in East Africa show the association to be listening intently to the voices of its members and actively responding to their needs where possible. And East Africans, like Munga, are responding and pinning their faith on the Commonwealth lapel.

•CONFERENCE meetings & events THE COMMONWEALTh: ONE UP

Rwanda Joins The Club HOST CITY: Downtown Port of Spain, capital of Trinidad and Tobago, venue of CHOGM

The joining of Rwanda goes to confirm the vibrancy of the Commonwealth, 60 years after establishment. Rwanda’s membership is likely to create interest in other countries keen to be part of this club, perhaps the most cohesive of blocs bringing together for British colonies By Manoah Esipisu

he Port of Spain Summit coincided with the 60th anniversary of the modern Commonwealth. In 1949 the last remnants of colonialism died when eight leaders agreed they were no longer required to owe a common allegiance to the British crown. Instead, they agreed to being ‘free

and equal’ members of an association of independent countries. Since then, this group of countries – united by shared values, including democracy, freedom, peace, the rule of law and human rights – has grown in membership. At this CHOGM leaders unanimously agreed to welcome Rwanda as the latest and 54th member. Commonwealth Secre-

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tary-General Kamalesh Sharma, who called President Paul Kagame to convey the leaders’ decision, said that the desire from Rwanda to join the association highlights the vibrancy of the association. Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete simply said: “It was a great decision. Rwanda deserves it.” Kikwete was joined at the meeting by Kenya’s President Mwai Kibaki, Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, South Africa’s President Jacob Zuma and Zambia’s Vice President George Kunda. ZIMBABWE CASE

The Commonwealth’s vibrancy was demonstrated in the statements agreed on by leaders, covering a massive range of issues. One area of focus was the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group (CMAG), a unique body made up of a rotating group of nine foreign ministers, who have the authority to suspend a member that persistently flouts the association’s values. Heads agreed that consideration should be given to strengthening the role of CMAG in order to increase the effectiveness of this already unparalleled body. They also deliberated on Zimbabwe, which withdrew its membership the Commonwealth in 2003, having been suspended since the previous year. The Global Political Agreement on power-sharing in Zimbabwe was welcomed by the Commonwealth leaders who “expressed the hope that this would be implemented faithfully and effectively.” The heads also looked forward to “the conditions being created for the return of Zimbabwe to the Commonwealth. When cabinet met under sea, ordinarily a cabinet meeting in the Maldives wouldn’t enjoy global news coverage, but one particular gathering in October captured the attention of media all over the world. What marked it out from oth-

ers was the fact that it took place underwater. For weeks the President, Vice-President and other cabinet ministers trained for the dive, which culminated with a meeting where whiteboards and hand signals were used to communicate, while they sat on tables fixed to the seabed. This stunt was engineered by the President Mohamed Nasheed to highlight the effects of climate change being felt in the Maldives. A month after this – the first ever underwater cabinet meeting - Nasheed flew to Trinidad and Tobago for the biennial Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) and had his colleagues cheering, amazed that the stunt was pulled off to great aplomb. Speaking in Port of Spain, Nasheed warned that if there is a 2 degree rise in global temperatures “we won’t be around, we will be underwater.” The existential threat posed by global warming to countries like Maldives was discussed by Nasheed and some 40 other Commonwealth leaders, whose timely meeting came just days before the long anticipated United Nations climate change talks in Copenhagen. In an unprecedented move, Commonwealth Heads of Government were joined by the UN SecretaryGeneral Ban Ki-moon, as well as two non-Commonwealth leaders – President Nicolas Sarkozy of France and Lars Rasmussen, the Prime Minister of Denmark Recognising the opportunity afforded to them of a gathering of so many Heads shortly before talks in the Danish capital, they thrashed out a strongly-worded declaration on climate change, which commits to focusing efforts “on achieving the strongest possible outcome” in Copenhagen. “The latest scientific evidence indicates that in order to avoid dangerous climate change that

January - February 2010

MIRTH: Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina in a buoyant mood

The Commonwealth’s vibrancy was demonstrated in the statements agreed on by leaders, covering a massive range of issues

is likely to have catastrophic impacts we must find solutions using all available means” the Port of Spain Climate Change Consensus stated. “We must act now.” This declaration spoke directly to the plight of the Maldives and other small island states by welcoming “a proposal to provide immediate, fast disbursing assistance with a dedicated stream for small island states, and associated low-lying coastal states of the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) of at least 10 per cent of the fund.” Heads also welcomed the initiative to establish a Copenhagen Launch Fund for developing countries, which would start in 2010 and build to $10 billion a year by 2012. This was the 21st CHOGM, and the third to be held in the Caribbean. At some of these monster meetings when policy wonks, advisers, ministers and journalists all take over a poor, unsuspecting city, you can often go the whole week stuck in the conference centre, blissfully unaware of any sense of culture. With this event it is safe to

â&#x20AC;˘CONFERENCE meetings & events

CONSERVATION: Copenhagen Climate Conference

Deadlock in Denmark On the sidelines of the Summit, our Special Correspondent PROF WANGARI MAATHAI argues the case for consideration for poor nations in mitigating environmental challenges. UN Secretary General Ban ki-Moon appointed Prof Maathai the UN Ambassador on the Environment, citing her work in conservation, womenâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s rights and clean government

egions, blocs and individual countries had many and diverse expectations in Copenhagen. Africa, which scientists say will be the most negatively impacted by climate change, expected that the rich or developed countries would commit to a legally-binding agreement. That agreement was expected to ensure that these countries would provide finances so that the poor countries could mitigate and adapt to climate change. Finances would allow the poor countries to access technology to

improve their capacity and sustain their livelihoods. The Group of 77 and China negotiated cooperatively and put pressure on the rich countries to agree to an ambitious and fair deal. This is because the rich countries are largely responsible for the emissions, which come from their lifestyles, which largely depend on the burning of fossil fuels. Non-industrialised countries, many of which are in Africa, have contributed a negligible amount of greenhouse gases precisely because they are not developed and therefore

January - February 2010

ONE MORE FEATHER:

The author and Nobel laureate was appointed the United Nations Envoy for the Environment during the Copenhagen meet escalating the number of honorifics she has collected over the years in recognition for her commitment to Mother Nature

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â&#x20AC;˘CONFERENCE meetings & events

use little that is generated from fossil fuels. It is therefore necessary that poor countries appreciate that they too have to develop, and that their destiny is not to remain underdeveloped forever. They have, however, to adopt a development path that will also make it possible to make economic progress in the way China, India, Brazil and South Africa have done, albeit using high-carbon energy sources. They too have to reduce their emissions and shift to cleaner energy sources. SUPPORTING THE POOR

Unless poor countries commit to development, they will continue to be under-developed and they will not be able to improve the quality of life of their people. Yet, any path that continues to encourage growth and use of fossil fuels will generate disquiet. It is for this reason that these poor countries need financial help, capacity building and transfer of not only available, but also affordable, technology. It is also clear that the developed countries have a tough job convincing their citizens, including legislators, that supporting poor countries so that they mitigate and adapt to changes in climate is important. Many citizens appreciate the need to do things at the domestic level, but may not appreciate doing it in a big way at the global level. For that reason the deliberate education of citizens is very important both in rich and poor countries and resources will be needed to carry out such educa-

tion. Ordinary citizens can do much to implement simple initiatives that would contribute to mitigation and adaptation and also make a difference in their lives. In Copenhagen the use of the bicycle seems to be a matter of choice and up to 35 per cent of Danes use bicycles to move about. The government has created beautiful cycle ways to encourage citizens to use them, without risking their lives. The Kenya Government could do the same for

January - February 2010

SUMMITEERING:

Delegates confer in groups at the Bella Centre

the cyclists and those who walk in Kenyan cities and towns as part of the strategy to a low-carbon development pathway. The other initiatives that are do-able even in developing countries are effective public transport that would take care of millions of people who otherwise have to use their cars. Kenya could ensure that cars imported into the country have efficient engines. This could be achieved by incentives such as tax

PHOTOS: OCHIENG OGODO

reduction on cars whose engines are more efficient. Those who can should start using organic foods and cut on inorganic fertilisers. Other activities could include mandatory planting of indigenous or fruit trees on farms as recently suggested by the Minister for the Environment and Mineral Resources, Mr John Michuki. Rehabilitating and protecting indigenous forests, protecting rivers and wetlands also contribute in eminently positive ways. The

TOP RIGHT: A round table discussion ABOVE RIGHT: Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga confers Austrian President Heinz Fischer at the Presidential Palace on the sidelines of COP15

shamba system, that is, the cultivation of food crops and grazing of livestock in forests, should be abandoned. Decisions made in Copenhagen remain a matter of life and death for poor countries, which are drifting towards devastation and death. However, the rescue must start with them, starting with what is do-able and affordable. The international community will help, but people must learn to be self-reliant and reduce the depen-

dency syndrome. There are many things that citizens can do right now without any help from the international community. However, they need to be led by their governments and leaders. That is why the lead ership that the Government has demonstrated over the Mau Forest saga, particularly by Prime Minister Raila Odinga needs to be supported by leaders and citizens alike.

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•INDIA'S REPUBLIC DAY BILATERAL: Strong presence in Country

Indian Investments in Kenya India is one of the largest investors in Kenya. Some of the Indian companies which have executed large projects, have undertaken substantial investments or are well-established exporters, they are: i) Panafrica Paper Mills – Paper factory in western Kenya KSh540 million, 54.1% held by C.K. Birla (Indian) owned. ii) Magadi Soda Ltd (Tata group company) KSh331.5 billion & Tata Africa Ltd (Transport) – KSh 975 million iii) Kenindia Insurance Company Limited Ksh300 million paid up capital investment in Insurance industry iv) KEC Limited – power sector (rural electrification), supplied power line/ kipevu – KSh7.8 billion

ABOVE: The Indian Deputy High Commissioner, Dr Ketan Shukla, with H.E. Anna Maria Sampano, the Brazilian Ambassador to Kenya

Indian companies will invest approximately Ksh65 billion in 2008. the major proposals are:

Essar Telecommunication KSh26 billion investments in the third mobile provider with Econet Wireless, US$100 million and plan to invest US$400 million for the rollout. ii) Essar Petroleum KSh26 billion, acquisition of 50% of the Kenya Oil Refinery in Mombasa in US$11 million. iii) Reliance group US$200 million prime property purchase iv) Tata Africa is planning to set up a plant for assembly of bus chasis and building the bus bodies. The amount of money to be invested has not been disclosed yet. v) Horticulture US$78.8 million in the flower industry – Karunturi Networks vi) Reliance Industries acquired Gapco Group Ltd., a fast growing oil marketer, gaining a foothold in the Kenyan economy for US$ 38 million. vii) Mahindra & Mahindra – US$40 million viii) Essar energy Overseas Ltd acquired 50% shares in Mombasa Refinery and plans to invest US$450 million in its modernization. ix) Sanghi Group is investing US$100 million in a cement plant in Pokot.

INDIA

India-Kenya Cooperation in Education Sector From the beginning, education and technical co-operation have been one of the focal points in the relationship between independent India and Kenya. 6-8000 Kenyan students go to India every year to pursue higher studies in about 50 different Indian universities. More than 50 trainees benefit from the ITEC/ICCR scholarship schemes annually. These Kenyan alumni from Indian universities symbolise the special link, friendship and good will between the two countries. In line with the Government of India policy to promote Indian higher education in countries abroad, the Ed.CIL of India organized an India Education Fair in Nairobi and Mombasa in February 2003. Going by its success and positive impact, FICCI and UGC jointly organized an ‘India Education Fair’ on 12 – 13 June 2004 in Nairobi where 18 Indian

The following are the details of the preferred courses and universities by the Kenyan students:

COURSES PREFERRED BY KENYAN STUDENTS 1. B.Com 2. B.Sc. 3. B.Pharmacy 4. B.B.M. 5. B.B.A. 6. Computer Education 7. L.L.B. 8. B.C.A. 9. I.T.

Universities including JNU, BHU, Symbiosis Pune etc. participated. The Guru Nank Dev University, Amritsar, and 13 of its affiliated Colleges held an education Fair in Nairobi on 11 April 2006.

coNSULTATIONS: H.E. Kalonzo Musyoka (centre), Vice President of Kenya, Honourable Chief Minister of Gujarat, Mr Narendra Modi (to his left), and Mr Mutula Kilonzo, Honourable Minister

PREFERRED UNIVERSITIES

OTHER UNIVERSITIES

(Mostly in South India)

1. Shivaji University Kolhapur, Maharashtra

1. Tamil Nadu Dr. M.G.R.

2. Nagpur University, Maharashtra

Medical University.

3. University Pune, Maharashtra

2. Bharathiar University

4. University of Mumbai, Maharashtra

3. Periyar University

5. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Univ.

4. Bharathidasan University

Aurangabad, Maharashtra

5. Madurai Kamraj University

6. Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar University, Agra, U.P.

6. Karnataka University

7. Allahabad University, U.P.

7. Osmania University

8. Maharshi Dayanand University, Rohtak

8. Bangalore University

9. Punjab University, Punjab

9. Mysore University

10. Delhi University, Delhi

10. Calicut University

11. And scattered in other parts of India e.g.

10. Nursing

ITEC – Scholarships India offers to Kenya technical training programmes under the Indian Technical and Economic Co-operation (ITEC) programme. Since the inception of ITEC in 1964, about 40-50 trainees from Kenya, on an average, have been benefiting every year from ITEC

University of Bhopal, M.P., Lucknow Univ, U.P., Krukshetra University, Haryana etc.

training in various institutions in India in areas like agricultural science, banking, computer technology, industrial development, journalism, etc. Presently (for the year 200607), India has provided 35 slots for skills upgradation in various fields for eligible Kenyans sponsored by their Government.

THE POINT IS: Education Minister Sam Ongeri discusses a point with Dr Ketan Shukla, the Deputy High Commissioner, 65 65 January - February 2010Edwardo Solero, NRI right and Commissioner Goa

India – Kenya Economic Ties

rade links between the two countries grew steadily after India attained independence in 1947 and Kenya in 1963. India and Kenya signed a Trade Agreement on 24th, February 1981 and so far five Joint Trade Committee Meetings have been held pursuant to this, the last being in New Delhi, 16th and 17th December 2008. Through the Agreement, India and Kenya accord MFN status to each other. India has been alternating as the fourth or the fifth largest trading partner of Kenya. Major items of export to Kenya are drugs, pharmaceuticals, chemicals, machinery, farm tools and implements, textiles, plastics and linoleum products, manufactured metals and steel, transport equipment and accessories, software, electronics and IT, processed foods and agroproducts. Major items of import

by India are cashew, dyeing and tanning materials, leather and leather products, scrap metals, and precious and semi-precious stones. Considering the potential of both India and Kenya, there is a great scope of increasing the volume of trade. This calls for serious efforts by both sides to achieve diversification in the basket of traded goods. India-Kenya partnership in technology transfer for small and medium industries has been very strong in the areas of technical assistance involving the exchange of experts and know-how. National Small Industries Corporation of India helped Kenyan Industrial Estate Limited and the Appropriate Technology Advisory Committee. Indian government provided assistance by way of supply of machinery and equipment to start industries under the Kenya Industrial Estate Limited programme. An MOU

was singed by Kenya Industrial Estate, (KIE) Government of Kenya and national Small Scale Industries of India (NSIC) which will NSIC will assist Kenya set up business incubator centres for demonstration and training on technology for local entrepreneurs. Many private consultants from India have also rendered consultancy services to Kenyan Small and Medium Enterprises. The Engineering Export Promotion Council of India (EEPC), in association with the High Commission, organized a 4-day Indian technology exhibition in September 1998. In June – July 2003, a technical team from RITES of India undertook a six-week consultancy project for the Kenya Railways. There have been regular visits from various Indian Export Promotion Councils to Kenya for market study / holding BuyerSeller Meets. The Synthetic

& Rayon Export Promotion Council of India mounted a twoday Buyer-Seller Meet in Nairobi in February 2003, and another two-day BSM on 21-22 March 2004. The Engineering Export Promotion Council also held a successful BSM in January 2004. Delegates from the Electronics & Computer Software Export Promotion Council of India have interacted with members of the Computer Society of Kenya to obtain an in-depth view of the ICT sector in Kenya. The Government of Kenya, in collaboration with UNCTAD and Exim Bank of India, organised an ‘IT Investment Mart’ in Nairobi on 14 March 2006. Three Buyer-Seller Meetings have been held by the Chemical & Allied Products Export Promotion Council in Nairobi, on 21 February and 29-30 March 2005, and the latest on 28 March 2006.

Figures for Indo-Kenya trade during the last three years are as under: Year

Number of Slots allotted

Number of slots utilised

1990-91

1991-92

1992-93

1993-94

1994-95

1995-96

1996-97

1997-98

1998-99

1999-2000

2000-2001

2001-2002

2002-2003

2003-2004

2004-2005

2005-2006

2006-2007

2007-2008

2008-09

2009-10

49 utilised so far

43 [8 additional slots were utilized for special courses organized by TC Division]

•CULTURE

Reviews • Raves • Revues • Repasts

Theatre of the Great Migration

The Mara is home to stars on the screen watched by millions across the world on Big Cat Diary and many other documentaries, featuring the lions, leopards and cheetahs trying to raise their families in a world defined by the hunters and the hunted

he Mara is unrivalled. shoulders and comical gait stomp By Sheya Ali There is no place like into the Mara, their heads mowing it on the planet, for the the grass plains. The surge of mass Masai Mara has a pro- pushes the first lot on and in a mad mouths so wide that they could snap a person in fusion of life from its rush to reach the opposite bank the half. Once common in Africa’s rivers and lakes, cache of big cats to its mega herbi- antelopes jump across the river and today the Mara is one of the few places to see vores. And it is simply because of its onto dry land, save for one. It falls such hippo numbers. vast grasslands and open spaces, into the maw of a waiting crocodile With five days to spend in the Mara, we cathick swathes of forests and riv- which drowns it with its jaws firmly rouse it in leisure, enjoying the landscapes in difers that it is one of the last wilder- clenched over its throat, swivelferent lights between sunrise and sunset. Armed nesses on the planet, listed as one ing round and round in the earthwith cooler boxes of cold drinks and packed of the Eight Wonders of the Modern coloured waters of the fast flowing meals of succulent sandwiches and fruits from World, sharing the list with the In- river. the lodges that we stay at, every game drive featernet. Meandering in the Mara tures a different stage – we’re talking of 1,510sq It is the start of the annual migraA few metres away, unperturbed km, with no rush to reach anywhere save to sation of the wildebeest, July, where vour the wilderness. the clowns of the plains will trans- by the new arrivals, a pod of hippos A high wall stretches against the skies of the form into the stars of the plains, laze in the river, snorting sprays of Mara. It is the Olololoo Escarpment defining the moving in their thousands from the water in the air and yawning with western side of Mara, with the hills of Serengeti and into the Mara. Aitong in the north, and in the south the We have been alerted by safari Ngama Hills with the Loita Plains on the driver-guides in the Mara that eastern side. the wildebeest will be crossing A herd of Maasai giraffes browse on the river in a couple of hours and the Balanites Aegyptiaca, the desert we head to the Sand River crossdate tree. Regal in looks, with a cool ing, which doubles up as a fluid demeanour, the world’s tallest animal boundary between Mara in Kelooks down its nose at us and continues nya and the Serengeti in Tanzato nibble the tender leaves of the tree nia. The Mara exists because of that is signature Mara with its underside the Serengeti. The Mara is only cropped by the giraffe. 1,510 square kilometres in size, As the day cools, the cats begin to whereas the Serengeti is almost come out of the shade to hunt for the eight times the size of the Mara. night. Shakira and her cubs enjoy the The first bleat of the wildebeest LAW OF THE JUNGLE: The Migration often delivers plains fading twilight on Burrungat Plains, reaches the ear before the herd animals to the jaws of lions — literally keeping a sharp-eyed vigil. A few kiloof grey antelopes with hunched

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67 67

metres away, a pair of the spotted cats have brought down a Thomson’s gazelle and with bloodied muzzles rip through flesh till satiated. A silverbacked jackal tries to steal some of the feed but the duo snarl it away. A bevy of cars signals something big. On Paradise Plains, the famed black-maned lion, the ultimate king of beasts, lies in the golden-tinged grasses of the Mara. His harem of lionesses stretch and move around like the hunters on the prowl that they are. With cubs to feed, the lionesses begin to wander away for the hunt. At one time, the vast grass plains of the Mara were rich with rhino,

PRIDE OF PLACE: (Top and above) these felines enjoy a road nap and, left, Maasai morans prepare a bonfire for a meal

until the end of Kenya’s infamous poaching era in the late ’80s, when 10 ten black rhinos were left. So traumatized by the sound of guns, they were rarely seen. Today, with security in place, there are about 35 indigenous black rhino in the reserve. Special rhino rangers monitor this prehistoric creature with its tightly bound mass of hair that’s mistaken for a horn and is much-sought-after as an aphrodisiac in the Far East and as a bejeweled dagger horn handle, a status symbol in the Middle East, the rhino ‘horn’ has been the cause of its demise. We’re lucky. We spot the rhino rangers patrol car by the thickets and drive to it, where Natumi the male rhino, almost 30 years old now, steps out of the thickets. Every rhino in the

country today has a name, ear notches for easy identification and, where possible, a microchip fitted in it to monitor its movements with every sighting recorded in a personal log book. On the northern extreme outside the reserve, a night game drive turns into a fascinating expo of the unseen world of the nocturnal. Hippos stroll far from the river and a million eyes twinkle in the spotlight. An aardvark with its long sticky tongue tries to

Every rhino in the country has a name, ear notches for easy identification and a microchip fitted to monitor its movements

January - February 2010

fish a meal of termites from a termite hill. A tiny zorilla (not gorilla) comes out of its burrow to look for insects and, in the darkness of the night, a lone leopard stalks through the plains. OLD AND NEW

It is the last day in the Mara and we take a walk on the wild side, enjoying the fresh breeze and the landscape with the naturalist telling us about the trees and the smaller animals we see. A herd of elephants in the distance, led by the matriarch, climb down the Olololoo Escarpment and onto the grass plains to spend the day feeding. A little distance away, the Maasai are stirring and bringing the cattle out of the bomas to graze. Young morans dressed in the red shukas that are signature Maasai, walk alongside their cattle holding their spears. It is a world defined by old and new traditions, where the Maasai can easily transform from toga-clad warriors to city-sleek urbanites.

• CULTURE Reviews • Raves • Revues • Repasts

'Diplomat East Africa' Team Brings You 'Best of Kenya' Title: Best of Kenya Publisher: Intermac Communications Limited 190pp Published: 2009 Price: KSh3,000

eighing 1.54 kilogrammes, packed with the best high resolution pictures of breathtaking scenery, individuals and institutions, Best of Kenya (BoK) is the ultimate marketing and public relations tool for and on Kenya to come out of this country in the recent past. The full-colour, coffee table format BoK positions Kenya as an investor and tourist destination of choice and both celebrates and showcases outstanding Kenyan firms and entrepreneurs proving that businesses not only survive but thrive in this country in the post-conflict period. Best of Kenya is the product of a year-long project by a writing and marketing team led by journalist Kwendo Opanga and leading marketer and football administrator Simon Mugo. The BoK project started on a journey to showcase and celebrate the best of Kenya from its land to its people and their lives, from its natural resources to its infrastructure, from its businesses to its services and all those other aspects that make a nation tick with pride. BoK is a 190-page refreshing read that constantly reminds Kenyans and their well-wishers that the sum of this unitary, indivisible nation is greater than its parts. The book documents for Kenyans and their observers

numerous positive aspects of their country that are worth preserving far into the future. Best of Kenya, attractively designed and written, edited and presented to international s t a n d a r d s , concentrates on highlighting what the real Kenya is all about and does so using great photography and great prose. BoK, which opens with a lengthy section titled simply “Kenya at a Glance”, takes the reader through the whole country from Mombasa to Malaba and from Namanga to Mandera. The book rightly depicts Kenya as a favourite and richly rewarding tourism destination, host to the Eighth Wonder of the world – the Great Migration of the wildebeest through the Mara River. Kenya’s beautiful coastal beaches and great diversity of delicacies, both local and international, served in both tourist-class and local hotels, get the full marketing and showcasing treatment from the BoK team. Best of Kenya also takes the reader to Nyangoma-Kogelo, the until recently sleepy and little-known ancestral village of Barrack Hussein Obama

colour and content:

Celebrating and showcasing Kenya's very best

Senior, US President Barack Obama’s father. Obama’s elevation to the most powerful office in the world raised Kogelo’s profile to an international tourist attraction and a place of pilgrimage. BoK also walks its readers through a number of well-respected Kenyan educational institutions that have over the years incubated, nurtured and produced leading experts in various fields. Also innovatively showcased are the best institutions in Kenyan healthcare, serving both the country and the region. Kenya’s world-class horticultural sector is also superbly covered, as is the shopping experience. The book is an ideal guide for not only Kenyans but also tourists and other visitors interested in shopping within Nairobi city and other towns. Best of Kenya is a perfect reflection of the people of Kenya, their lives at work and in sports and leisure. Best of all, Best of Kenya is the ideal New Year’s (and indeed year-long) gift. For further inquiries info@intermac.co.ke

January - February 2010

contact

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• CULTURE Reviews • Raves • Revues • Repasts

ANCIENT FESTIVITIES: Residents of Lamu celebrate the annual Maulidi, an Islamic event

Eastern Africa’s Hidden Treasure

A Tale of Two Festivals

Films bring about understanding, cultural tolerance and make the world that much of a better place to live in By NGARI GITUKU

wo cultural events of remarkable significance to diplomacy came to pass in both Nairobi, Kenya, and Hollywood/Santa Monica, USA, between October 21 and November 7, 2009. Apparently, the Siamesque duo (the Fourth Kenya International Film Festival [KIFF] hosted by the Kenya International Film Festival Trust, and the American Film Institute [AFI] Project 20/20’s AFI FEST) was coincidentally in its fourth year of inception. But

much as the scheduling of the two was not foreordained, the uncanny congruence of theme and purpose with regard to cultural diplomacy is right on the money. Clearly, then, this happy coincidence deserves a portrait. First the KIFF story: This event attracted 25-dozen entries and participants from four continents (Africa, Asia, America and Europe), the majority of them drawn from the eastern Africa region. This year’s Festival, themed “Africa and the

January - February 2010

Diaspora” and held between October 21 and 31, was launched at the National Museums of Kenya auditorium by Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka. The idea behind it was to shed light on how the African identity may best be communicated to the rest of the world while the long-term vision of the Festival is “to position Africa on the global stage as a culturally proud continent, effectively expressing its humanity and rich heritage through its own story told by its own people”. Gauging from the noticeable presence of participants from Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya, KIFF is much more an eastern Africa affair than a Kenyan one. The AFI event was held from October 30 to November 7. AFI’s annual festival’s permanent theme is pegged to the enhancement of “…cultural exchange and understanding by bringing together filmmakers and their films from the US and abroad”. This is unambiguously a deliberate prop for US cultural diplomacy. It is supported primarily by four high-powered US agencies; the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA), the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), the Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS), and the President’s Committee on the Arts and the Humanities. AFI FEST’s four prime movers are supported by US embassies across the globe alongside other organisations hitched on, or warm to, inter-cultural exchange. The underlying import of this festival as an investment is the provision of a platform on which American and international cultural voices can see, touch, feel and embrace as well as be embraced by others. The real magic in this approach to moviemaking lies in conscripting scriptwriters, producers, directors and actors into cultural ambassadors while elevating them from the drab accessories in the cornucopia of vanity, fame and profiteering that sometimes inspire strictly commercial film ventures. Clearly, Gore Vidal, the distinguished American novelist, essayist and critic, was right to declare that, “movies [were] the lingua franca of the twentieth century”. At the end of the first decade of the twenty-first

century and of the Third Millennium, the movies still play a significant role in inter-cultural engagement in a rapidly globalizing world and on multimedia platforms that were undreamt of as recently as 1999. Easy access to hand-held motion picture displays and LCD screens that can be hung on walls like paintings have seriously dwarfed the big screen and are early indicators of how tales-in-movies will be savoured and shared beyond the

21st Century. By 2020 there will no doubt be new platforms that we can barely dream of in 2010. KIFF and AFI FEST’s concurrence is reminiscent of ‘Stanley Meets Mutesa’, a poem by David Rubadiri capturing he epic encounter between the Western explorer and African King. This is a timely déjà vu the two festivals may wish to re-enact on their fifth anniversaries – but this time round not with one subordinate to the other. DHOWS:

A sea-going heritage of the Kiswahili culture

Swahili: EA's Hidden Treasure

nd now the region’s hidden treasure. Kiswahili is a priceless treasure long concealed from eastern Africa’s conduct of diplomacy in the international arena. Why and how? For starters, Kiswahili is the oldest and most eminent lingua franca within the better part of eastern Africa. Abu Abdullah Muhammad Ibn Battuta, the renowned 14th Century Moroccan Berber whose travel and scholarly exploits compare to Marco Polo’s, is an early witness to the foundations of the Swahili culture in this region. Ibn Battuta reported that the cultural hallmarks of the people of the East Coast of Africa (Sawahil – Arabic for people of the coast) included devoutness, chastity and piety. Battuta observed that of the coastal cities he visited, which include Lamu, Mombasa and Kilwa, Mogadishu, a near uniform culture was evident and among Mogadishu was the richest and busiest port – yes, Mogadishu. Besides, an entire Kamasutra of Kiswahili dialect is spoken by between five and 10 million native speakers and at least 100 million non-native speakers worldwide. Kiswahili’s aboriginal speakers are primarily domiciled between Kismayu in Somalia and the Comoro Islands. Across the continent, Kiswahili is spoken in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Malawi,

Zambia, Mozambique, Mauritius, Madagascar, Seychelles, Somalia and Sudan and, of course, Tanzania. Kiswahili is also spoken in Oman in key cities in the West. According to UNESCO’s Volume IV of The General History of Africa, this lingo is home to a riot of cultures, but bears “… logic and dynamism internal [only] to Kiswahili”. This versatile language is Tanzania’s official and Kenya’s national language and is taught in more than 100 universities across the world. In 2003, Kiswahili was adopted as the only African official (not just ‘working’) language in a Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU). More than any other single local language, Kiswahili, no doubt, most accurately mirrors the shared commonage of eastern Africa’s array of micro-nations. To a significant extent, its diverse influence outlines the region’s historical footprints and hugs its geographical milieu like no other language. This clearly makes Kiswahili the best idiom for the propagation of the region’s cultural capital. Yet, of the 300 movie entries KIFF’s 2009 edition attracted, the majority being from eastern Africa, only seven, five from Kenya and two from Tanzania, were rendered or titled in Kiswahili or its colloquialisms. Among those was pumzi (Kiswahili for breath, or pressure) by a Kenyan artiste and usipoziba ufa (prevention is better than cure) by a Tanzanian. No special rec-

ognition was specifically dedicated to excellence for pieces rendered in Kiswahili. Movies, as a medium of cultural exchange, are an important currency of soft power, an approach to diplomacy that seeks to engage by way of co-opting and attracting. With regard to conveying a people’s heritage, few media options can aspire to the prominence of the motion picture. Even fewer portend the capacity to fuse the specific culture-bound plenitude, nuances and mores embedded in a given peoples’ worldview. Could it be that the key to the success of cultural diplomacy for eastern Africa is hidden in the art of filmmaking and use of Kiswahili? Imagine a properly researched and performed full-scale movie on the late Mwalimu Julius Kabarage Nyerere or Uganda’s Makerere or Rwanda’s rise from the throes of genocide or of Kenya’s magical athletes — all rendered in Kiswahili! And only then elucidated in the world’s most popular languages — Mandarin, Spanish, English, Bengali, Hindi, Portuguese, Russian, Japanese, German — alongside other strategic regional tongues across the world. Cultural experts, scriptwriters, moviemakers, translators, actors… Anyone home? Ngari Gituku is an Associate Fellow Biographica Research Programme, Kenya Leadership Institute

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• CULTURE Reviews • Raves • Revues • Repasts

Finger Lickin’ Good

Food Best Eaten with Bare Hands Kenyan food is not only about a taste, it’s about an experience. It’s about how we serve the food in pots, it’s about the hospitality and the friendliness with which we serve the food, which is a reflection of our cultures as a people By BIKO JACKSON

raditionally eating was not the elaborate production it has turned out to be. Nobody sat down with napkins hanging from their necks. Nobody worked their way through cutlery — from the outside to the inside. Nobody stood up when a woman approached the table, mainly because the women ate from the kitchen. Eating was purely about food, and men ate with their bare hands. They ate food from the first wife’s kitchen, then they ate food from the second wife’s kitchen. They ate from mats and wooden stools. They ate under trees. They ate with their children and, once in a while, they would toss the dog a morsel of food. That was how my community handled food and eating, and most communities in Kenya ate in more or less the same way. Often someone visiting from overseas will ask to eat “Kenyan food”, which provokes the immortal question of what exactly Kenyan food is. Is Kenyan food githeri, a mishmash of potatoes, beans, maize, peas, potatoes and meat? Or it is ugali? Is it wali? (spiced rice with beef ). Or perhaps it’s nyama choma? Festus Mbwiria, an executive chef with Sarova Panafric Hotel, says he is used to foreigners asking for ugali, which is basically maize meal whipped together with some water. But he is quick to note that that isn’t necessarily a pointer. “We don’t have a Kenyan food,” says Festus “We can’t, not with all the forty-plus tribes that make the Kenyan family.” He is quick to point out that the question should be expanded to a broader scope, which begets the question of not what Kenyan food is but what our food says about us. “It says, we are tolerant as a nation,” he enthuses, “Kenyan communities are always borrowing from other communities. Luos now cook their fish with coconut oil, something that has long been predominant in the coastal towns. Kikuyus eat ugali. Kisiis eat nyama choma. We

January - February 2010

are borrowing from everywhere to create a taste that can’t be tied down to one ethnic community.” He makes an interesting point; that we are not afraid to borrow from other communities. A willingness to experiment, call it a culinary adventure of sorts, but it also might imply an amiable cockiness to invite a “foreign” taste into a dish and still have the confidence that it will not loose its culinary identity. “At the end of the day, it’s never about who cooks what, but does the food taste good, does it make people smile; will they come back to my house for more?” But food, he adds, also acts like a breaker of economic divides. “Every household — be it in the posh Runda or in lowly Kibera slums — cooks ugali. It’s the one meal that unifies the rich and poor. On top of being the only meal that two economically diverse groups share, it’s also the meal that one can easily eat daily. You can’t eat lasagna daily, or even chapatti, and so there is an almost spiritual reason why ugali, a cheap and easy to prepare meal is a Kenyan staple.” But at Blanco’s Restaurant in Nairobi’s Hurlingham area, Kenyan food is being morphed into a taste that has a variety of tastes borrowed from all over the world. “Food in a typical Kenyan context was never about taste or look; it was purely for sustenance purposes. You ate so that you would not faint while farming,” Leonard Mudachi, the proprietor, and a former chef at Carnivore Restaurant says. At Blanco’s they take African ingredients and give them a worldly twist. For instance, they make stir fry matumbo, a blend of oriental and Kenyan. They don’t serve potato fries; they serve fries that contain chippings of potatoes, arrowroots, Irish potatoes and any other tubers they can lay their hands on. The end-product is what they call “Kenyan fries”. “Kenyan food is not only about a taste, it’s about an experience. It’s about how we serve the food [in pots], it’s about the hospitality and the friendliness with which we serve the food, which is a reflection of our cultures as a people”. At Blanco’s, for instance, the menu is written in Swahili in order to “engage” the foreigners and stimulate their curiosity and

Mouthwatering Choice:

A Nairobi restaurateur arranges a sumptuous array of delicacies at Ranalo Foods

Roast Rave: 'Nyama choma' is Kenya’s contribution to world food culture

make them ask questions. Kenyan food, Mudachi adds, ultimately is an unexplored avenue in which we can define ourselves as Kenyans, because our food says we are friendly, welcoming and ready to accommodate other people. Which really is largely what diplomacy is all about when you think about it. Talking of diplomacy, Ranalo Foods, a spoon in the city center famous for local dishes once acted as the ground for two iconic political leaders — Prime Minister Raila Odinga in his capacity as ODM leader and former Attorney General Charles Njonjo. The two broke bread over lunch, a politically significant gesture during a time when Kenya was going through a shaky, tumultuous and highly polarised political period. It was not easy not to read politics in this seemingly innocent event, not when Njonjo ordered fish, cuisine that is identified with the Luo community. The proprietor, media shy businessman Ronald Osewe, says, “It doesn’t matter which part of the country

you are from when you sit down with someone to eat. Sharing a meal is a sign of friendship, and is probably the best way to express it.” So Kenyan food might have acted like an ambassador, but Osewe insists that there is no definite Kenyan food. “Maybe ugali,” he says with a thunderous laugh, he is a big man after all. But ultimately perhaps the meal that says Kenyan most must be nyama choma, which is essentially meat roasted on a spit. It might not be the definitive representation of Kenyan food, but it says something unique about us. It says, we love the outdoors and that we love to eat together, even if it is cholesterol- laden. Men muster the art of conversation over this roasting meat; the art of diplomacy, if you will. They talk about family, sport and finally about business as the smoke makes their eyes water. Camaraderie is forged. It’s a bit like golf, only no gloves are worn. And they use their bare hands.

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• JAPAN PICTORIAL

Celebrating Emperor's Birthday There was good cheer, laughter, polite talk, early Christmas and New Year wishes and humour at the residence of the Japanese ambassador to Kenya on December 2 as dignitaries, diplomats and other invited guests mingled, greeted each other hugged and exchanged light and animated banter. The ambassador hosted reception to mark the birthday of Emperor Akihito. Among the VIPs was Kenya’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr Moses Wetang’ula, his Regional Development counterpart, Mr Fred Gumo and members of the Diplomatic Corps. TO THE EMPEROR'S HEALTH: Japanese Ambassador Shigeo Iwatani joins Regional Development Minister Fred Gumo, Foreign Affairs Minister Moses Wetang'ula and Toyota Kenya Chairman Dennis Awori in a toast at the reception Below Mr and Mrs Iwatani welcome guests to the reception Bottom VIPs guests at the garden-party reception

January - February 2010

•ECONOMY investments • technology • prosperity

REPORTED SPEECH

Opportunities in Unemployment In an address to the students of the University of Nairobi titled ‘Youth Unemployment: Challenges and Opportunities in Economic Development’, the World Bank’s Vice President for Africa Obiageli K Ezekwesili (pictured) laid bare the challenges of unemployment facing the Kenyan Government and young people. The following are excerpts of her speech

few months ago, when the Spring Meetings of the World Bank took place in Washington, I organised a high-level round-table meeting for leaders from all over the world to come together to share views on the nature of the challenges that the youth now face, and especially on possible solutions. You may be aware that Africa faces a pressing problem of youth unemployment. Steadily worsening over the years, youth unemployment on the continent is now assuming crisis proportions, particularly in the wake of the current global economic recession. But Africa cannot wait; it has to explore potential options and take action now to respond in the short-term to the impact of the global recession, while also putting in place programmes to address the structural causes of the problem. Let me share a few

Young people are more likely to work longer hours under insecure work arrangements, characterised by low productivity and meagre earnings

facts that typify the African youth. Youth make up 37 per cent of the working-age population in Africa, but 60 per cent of the unemployed. Young people are more likely to work longer hours under insecure work arrangements, characterised by low productivity and meagre earnings. Females face particularly strong challenges in entering the

labour force, due to early motherhood and lack of education. The face of Africa’s youth is an eighteen-and-a-half-year-old female, living in a rural area, with some education and literate, but not attending school. The main challenge for her is to find and sustain productive employment with a reasonable income. There are several dimensions to the problem of youth unemployment but let me focus on two. There’s a demographic dimension: Africa’s population profile is shaped like a typical pyramid — it is has a “youth bulge” at the base. Almost half of Africa’s population is under 25; about 75 per cent is under the age of 35. It is estimated that by 2050, Africa will account for 29 per cent of all people aged 15 to 24. This is about 348 million of the total 1.2 billion persons globally. This raises the question: will the continent be ready to accept the responsibility of managing the lives and future of a major-

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ity of the world’s youths? For Kenya, this means that economic opportunities driven by a high growth rate must outpace the increase in population currently estimated at around 2.9 per cent. Development literature tells us that to bend the curve of poverty you need growth of above 7 per cent sustained over several years. Then there is a labour markets dimension. The rate at which young people find jobs depends on how prepared the labour market is to receive them, and how ready they are for the labour market. Even with high primary school enrolment with an equal number of girls and boys starting school, today primary school completion can no longer be our goal. In Kenya, out of every 100 students who start primary school, only 68 transition to secondary school; and just six of this group go to universities or tertiary institutions to learn the skills required to give the country an edge in an increasingly competitive world.

Almost half of Africa’s population is under 25; about 75 per cent is under the age of 35. It is estimated that by 2050, Africa will account for 29 per cent of all people aged 15 to 24

TECHNOLOGICAL

Experience worldwide has shown that no nation has achieved a technological and socio-political advance where less than 15 per cent of its qualified young citizens have access to tertiary education. The US has achieved over 80 per cent access while in Europe the average is 35 per cent. In emerging economies like South Africa and Brazil—which Kenya seeks to emulate—the percentage of access to tertiary education is 18 per cent and 25 per cent respectively. It is not surprising to find, therefore, that potential employers in Kenya as well as elsewhere

January - February 2010

Policy Centre: The imposing headquarters of the World Bank Kenya Country office in Upperhill, Nairobi

say that our institutions aren’t graduating people with the skills they need to enhance their success. This means there is need to fundamentally address the skills gap, as well as the skill mismatch. The abilities of job-seekers are falling short of the ambitions of

industry. This Africa-wide problem is also reflected in Kenya. In fact, Kenya’s youth unemployment situation is particularly serious. For instance, in the period 19982005, aggregate unemployment fell from 15 per cent to 12.5 per cent, but the share of the youth in unemployment rose from 60 per cent to 72 per cent. And the rate of joblessness is almost 40 per cent of youth, or an estimated 5.2 million young adults. This is double the adult average of 21 per cent. Kenya’s Vision 2030 sets an ambitious target to become a middle income country by 2030. This goal not only requires uninterrupted growth of 10 per cent per year, but will also demand citizens with globally-competitive skills. While I have pointed out the reality of the challenge, let me now turn to the latent opportunity. If effectively managed, this “youth bulge” could become one of Africa’s drivers of economic growth, delivering significant demographic benefits—as it did in some of the Asian tiger economies. It was Churchill who said, “The pessimist sees difficulty in every opportunity. The optimist sees the opportunity in every difficulty.” Which do you want to be? We clearly need an agenda for action to address these challenges and let me propose some of its possible components. First, policymakers have a duty to build capable states with the clear purpose of not only expanding economic opportunities but also effectively and efficiently delivering basic services to citizens. This means every Kenyan shilling spent on education, health and other basic services must deliver commensurate value.

•ECONOMY

investments • technology • prosperity

HOME AWAY FROM HOME:

The author, first left, with Kenyan musician Nameless, in dark glasses, in Canada

Leveraging Diaspora Remittances for Development Poverty reduction, the building of individual creditworthiness, dual citizenship and enhancing the AU are all part of the mix By Robert K Mugo

ike other members of the East African Diaspora, I have, over the years since I have been abroad, sent money back home to assist various family members and to contribute towards many worthy causes. Over the past few years, there has been an increasing recognition on the part of the East African governments, the private sector, NGOs and international agencies of the important role that such transfers (referred to as remittances) can play in development. The money sent is used by family members

for such things as school fees, seeking healthcare and buying food. Some of it is also invested in small businesses or is saved in financial institutions. Estimates from the World Bank indicate that remittances by the Africa Diaspora have continued to grow over time, with roughly US$30 billion remitted in 2007. This amount is more than double the amount of international aid received. According to the World Bank, in 2006, official remittances to Kenya were roughly $525 million, or the equivalent of 2.2 % of the

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Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Comparable figures for Uganda in 2006 were $ 845 million, or 9.3 % GDP. Tanzania receives much lower levels of remittances, both in real terms ($16 million) and as a percentage of GDP (0.1 %). There has been much debate in the Diaspora, national governments and regional and international agencies on the best ways to leverage Diaspora remittances for development and poverty eradication. For example, the World Bank has proposed tapping into remittances from Africans in the Diaspora in helping fund a portfolio of projects worth as much as $13 billion to help support the continent’s development goals. The African Union has also been active in trying to develop Diaspora-friendly policies and has proposed to “invite and encourage the full participation of the African Diaspora, as an important part of our continent, in the building of the African Union.” Most of the East African countries have, to varying degrees, been active in developing policies for Diaspora engagement. Although the approaches pursued by different countries differ, most share common elements, including some policy and institutional changes, to recognise and take advantage of the role of the Diaspora within government planning, proposals for dual citizenship and engagement of the Diaspora through conferences and skills and investment seminars, either at home or in the major capitals abroad. For example, the Tanzanian Government in 2007 established an inter-ministerial committee to look into issues pertaining to the Tanzanian Diaspora, including the development of a framework for Diaspora involvement, review of laws that hinder Diaspora

involvement and review of dualcitizenship. In 2008, the Tanzania High Commission in London also held the first-ever Tanzania Diaspora Investment and Skills Forum. In Kenya, there are a number of efforts underway to encourage Diaspora investments. For example, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs now includes Diaspora Diplomacy as one of its five pillars in Kenya’s newly-formulated foreign policy (see story elsewhere in this issue). A number of Diaspora investment initiatives have also been held in places such as London, Washington and Toronto. The idea of the Kenyan Diaspora Bond, through which remittance money can be invested in specific projects, has also been mooted. In Uganda, organizations such as the Uganda Investment Authority (UIA) and various business communities have since the mid- 2000s been holding annual Diaspora investment summits geared at bringing the Ugandan Diaspora into active participation in private investment in the country. Given recent developments towards full regional integration through the East African Community (EAC), it is imperative that the handling of Diaspora issues evolves and becomes more harmonized and integrated across the East African countries. A starting point in this regard might be the creation of a Regional Diaspora Office within the EAC. This taskforce would have as one of its first priorities the development of a harmonised policy agenda for the East African Diaspora. One typical problem most members of the East African Diaspora face is that despite the amount of money they send, and even when they have bank

January - February 2010

There has been much debate in the Diaspora, national governments and regional and international agencies on the best ways to leverage Diaspora remittances for development and poverty eradication

accounts in the East African countries, access to credit through local banks is still a problem Given the fact that most Diaspora remittances tend to be steady, and often increase with time away from a country, banks and governments should find ways to solve this problem by viewing remittances as way to build credit history in combination with the ownership of bank accounts. Another important area of remittances and development is the willingness of the Diaspora to invest. Because most East Africans are prepared to invest and also to contribute to development in their native countries, it is important to offer incentives and mechanisms conducive to that end. A possible avenue for this is the matching of remittances for development projects from individuals or groups with funds from development partners. One of the most significant hurdles in Diaspora remittances is the cost of sending money from abroad. For example, the cost of sending $100 dollars (KSh6,700) from Canada to Kenya though Western Union is $17 or almost 20 % of the amount remitted. The development of new money transfer systems such as Safaricom’s M-PESA transfer system, which allows money to be transferred through mobile phones, at a small cost, without the need for bank accounts, is helping to lower costs. However, the system is still not widely available. Governments and international agencies should encourage the development of easier and cheaper transfer systems wherever possible, so as to lower transfer costs and leverage remittances for maximum development. With proper planning Diaspora can help develop East Africa significantly.

•ECONOMY

investments • technology • prosperity

ANALYSIS: Uganda Oil

Museveni’s Magnanimity Sparks Great Expectations As Uganda joins the ranks of oil-rich nations, many questions linger about attendant challenges, writes Peter Mwesige in Kampala

he discovery of large reserves of oil in western Uganda ranks as one of the major developments on the East African scene in 2009. Optimism is sky-high that the discovery will serve to transform the economies of Uganda and the region from 2011 when the ready-to-use-oil is expected to start flowing. However, between now and then, lots of issues within and beyond Uganda will have to be streamlined if the region is to reap the fruits of the Pearl of Africa’s petrodollar nearfuture. The initial upbeat mood and excitement in Uganda since the confirmation that the Lake Albert area of the Western Rift Valley had upwards of 700 million barrels of oil has been replaced with cautious counsel as a multiplicity of factors come into play in Uganda, the region and internationally. Already, intense negotiations and haggling between the Government and the companies involved in prospecting, led by Tullow and Heritage Oil, have broken to the surface. The Ugandan Government is grappling with an increasing number of suitors from the across the globe and the jury is still out on who will emerge vic-

PONDERING PETRODOLLAR RICHES:

Museveni already pursued by many suitors

torious. What is certain is that global geopolitics will determine who clinches the various deals – from prospecting to the pump stations — now up for grabs. Indications are that China, the US, Iran, and a number of European countries, particularly Italy, are leveraging diplomacy to secure deals for commercial entities. In the recent past, the relationship between

President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and the West has plummeted and the oil provides an acid test. “I have been to Iran to seek support for the construction of refineries”, revealed Museveni during the recent EAC Summit in Arusha. Norway, a major oil producing country, is funding a feasibility study for construction of a refinery. That he made a stop-over in Havana, Cuba, immediately after the Commonwealth Summit should signal an unnerving inclination to the ideological left with oil, providing a new battlefront – diplomatically speaking. Within Uganda’s borders, hopes and fears have been expressed for and by the ethnic Bunyoro communities, the ancestral inhabitants of the Lake Albert region. The entitlement and great expectations of the local fishing community in the vicinity of the new riches will have to be balanced with national and regional great expectations. Experience elsewhere, for instance the Delta region in Nigeria, is showing in real time that the petrodollars blessing could become a curse. Still, the hierarchy of the Ugandan leadership has dismissed the scepticism as nothing more than doomsayers at work. And, as in Nigeria, the eth-

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nic equation is further complicated by environmental concerns, as the oil deposits are located within or near to wildlife sanctuaries. Speaking in a magnanimous mood Tanzania recently, Ugandan President Museveni said this windfall will be as much for Uganda as for the rest of the energyhungry region. Indeed, he spoke of the potential for more oil deposits along the western Rift Valley and the Great Lakes region that extends from southern Sudan all the way to Tanzania and into Malawi. This statement, backed by the ongoing explorations in Uganda and North Eastern Kenya, is likely to set off a flurry of activities in ex-

OIL SPOT: Map of Uganda with the Lake Albert region in green

January - February 2010

ploration circles throughout the region. For instance, war-wracked DR Congo, whose border with Uganda is around the Lake Albert region, is close enough to the new find for exploration efforts to be considered there. Museveni’s magnanimity aside, the nature of this proposed sharing remains woolly at the moment. According to the Kenyan Minister for Energy, Mr Kiraitu Murungi, Nairobi’s plans for building a pipeline linking Uganda to the oil refineries in Mombasa is being rethought in the circumstances. This is because Museveni has been categorical that Uganda will build its own refineries to drain maximum

benefits from the black gold. With this, Kenya’s initial interest in having the Ugandan crude processed in the Mombasa refineries with all the attendant benefits quickly fizzled out. It would appear that, henceforth, oil products will flow in reverse, from Uganda to Kenya, not the other way. During Uganda Independence Day celebrations in October, Museveni alluded to “... a steady and deliberate path to middle- income country status in the near future... domestic revenue and self-reliance in financing public investments and programmes are much brighter today than any other time in the past”.

•EDUCATION pursuit of excellence FOUNTAIN: Symbolic quenching of the thirst for knowledge at the University of Nairobi

THE ACADEMY

Integrating Region through University Interaction

In days gone by scholars at Makerere, Dar-esSalaam and Nairobi had a cross-border multidisciplinary debate that should be revived and enlarged for the age of the Internet By OWEN MCONYANGO

uring their tenure, Presidents Milton Obote, Julius Nyerere and Jomo Kenyatta not only focused on nation-building, governing and cementing the East Africa union, but also recognised the role of universities. Indeed the

three leaders can be accused of occasionally getting ‘too involved’ in university affairs. Be this as it may, the universities took up their roles as the reservoirs of the East African thinking seriously. Academics were indeed the movers of the social affairs in the region. With the East African Community

looking set to tie the loose ends of the unification thread, it is a good time to recall the contribution of universities in the region. For instance, Taban Lo Liyong’s lamentations that East Africa had become a terrain of “literary barrenness” shook the whole of Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and beyond. The debate that followed was emotive and varicoloured. Why would a damning comment on literature be received that widely and with so much feeling? Why would an indictment by Lo Liyong’ derive both vitriolic attack and relief-filled applause in many countries?

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The answer lies in the fact that Lo Liyong’ is considered an international literary voice in the region. He gained this reputation in the good old days when East African Universities and what went on in them mattered to East Africans. The launch of the East African Community’s Custom’s Union rekindles thought about the contribution that universities can make in bonding states and their peoples. In the late 1950s, 60s, 70s and earlier half of 1980s East African Universities were the hub of interactions of the region’s people. Makerere became known as the place where top minds from East Africa converged to study Medicine and Political Science. The celebrated Political Scientist Ali Mazrui was based there. The lawyers that have made a mark in the region, many who are senior judges and counsels took law courses in Dar es Salaam. Ngugi wa Thiong’o, Taban Lo Liyong’, Owuor Anyumba and Okot pa’Bitek, icons in the world of creative writing and criticism, were high voltage practitioners at the University of Nairobi. This convergence of minds not only turned East Africa into a close community of peoples struggling to piece together a dependable future, but one that went on to attract great minds from other regions on the continent and from overseas. Indeed some Africans from the Diaspora became domesticated albeit for a short period. For instance, the legendary historian, Walter Rodney, he of How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, an African Guyanese, is a precious example of how Universities can solidify regional and international interaction. He was based at the University of Dar es Salaam in the seventies. That is how it became possible that the 1962 ground-breaking

January - February 2010

MAKERERE SCENE:

A hall of residence at EA's oldest varsity

conference, “A Conference of African Writers of English Expression,” that courageously attempted to define “African Literature” was held in East Africa, in Uganda, at Makerere. Wa Thiongo met Achebe there for the first time. Okigbo, the celebrated poet from Nigeria also attended and is reputed to be the one that placed the undying question to the participants namely, ‘What is African Literature?’ The debate that emanated from the proceedings lingers to date. Prof. Emmanuel Mbogo, a Tanzanian who taught Kiswahili in Kenyan Universities in the 1990s reminds us in folkloric style about the great debate in the University of Dar es Salaam in the seventies between Prof. Ali Mazrui, perceived to favour free-market economy and the late Walter Rodney, perceived to be Ujamaaleaning. The debate set the whole of East Africa on its edge. A debate between two ideological protagonists represented the two opposite sides of political leanings in East Africa, indeed the

bipolar world during that epoch. Such discourse, including face to face match-ups, are only possible in universities that are run with the awareness of what institutions of learning can do to promote regional cohesion. Memories of East Africa-wide students’ associations would put to shame the small intra-university students’ groupings we have today. In fact even the communities that are astride the East African boaderlines like the Iteso and the Samia of Uganda and Kenya, the Luo of Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania, and the Maasai and the Kuria of Kenya and Tanzania tended to form East African students’ associations. This generation of students is in their sunset years but they will surely be most pleased to see a rebirth of East African university ties strengthening the East African Community. The writer is a Literature lecturer and Director, Public Relations, at Maseno University, Kenya.

•GLOBAL STAGE WINDOW ON WORLD

Rating Obama One Year Later The US President appears determined to use Kenya a proving ground for his thesis that good things flow from good governance writes John Mulaa in Washington

TIME FLIES:

Mixed scorecard

ne year after Barack Obama’s election to the Presidency of the United States, what has changed? The answer depends on whom you ask. There are those who still see plenty of hope cascading from Obama’s actions and words since he took office (his diehard supporters mostly). Then there are those who have already judged Obama’s Presidency a failure, un-

salvageable by anything he does because the seeds of failure are intrinsic in his person and philosophy, which they consider wrongheaded and therefore unlikely to bear good fruit. In the latter category are critics who have taken to calling the Obama promise of hope more hype than substance. At the risk of sounding Obamaesque, the truth about Obama’s record, on the domestic and international fronts, is somewhere

in the middle, and it is far more complex than either the raw negative emotions of his critics or the adoration of some of his supporters can unravel. We shall skip the domestic American scene with its hyperactive partisanship, dueling worldviews, opinion journalism on cable TV and the print media, worked up cultural and political warriors and the rest of the cast of characters who occupy strategic

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positions in the seemingly endless battle for the soul of America. Crudely put, what interests or should interest the rest of the world are the Obama Administration’s policies pertaining to the world beyond the United States. Here the record is mixed. In some cases, it is more of the same. Take Obama’s view and policies towards Africa, with its myriad and deeply-ingrained problems he articulated so eloquently during his one-day stopover visit in June to Accra, Ghana. The American President laid it on thick about Africa’s appalling governance record, rightly placing the blame squarely on African leaders. So far, so familiar. But Obama told only half the story, and therefore could only propose half measures by way of solutions. Africa’s problems are as complex as is its past and present. Like it or not, the past weighs heavily on Africa and any approach that ignores this fact is not likely to go very far. At any rate, Obama’s Accra speech put Africa on notice that he would not dole out any favors because of his ancestral connections to the continent. Africans have to take responsibility for their present and future. Obama appears determined to use Kenya as a proving ground for his thesis that good things flow from good governance. Kenya has yet to get the governance equation right, and to implement it, so the hypothesis testing still lies ahead. But even before the testing and gathering of findings, it is safe to conjecture that the causality that is being sought may prove illusory for the simple reason that some of Africa’s problems have exogenous causes. Obama has resolutely refused to go there, hence the half story and the half measures. The truth is that good governance alone will not end Africa’s crises. If it could, Botswana would not have

The one substantive change President Obama has made to US-Latin America relations is the opening to Cuba: he lifted the travel ban to the island nation

January - February 2010

trotted back, as it did recently, to the queue for loans from multilateral lending agencies. Or despite Rwanda’s ranking as the most dramatic doing business reformer, it is unlikely to attract more foreign investment than Macau or even Kenya. How about Latin America? Venezuela’s socialist strongman, Hugo Chavez, was eager to be friendly to the American President. “I want to be your friend,” the ebullient and loquacious Chavez told Obama. Chavez’s application was not unconditional. He pressed on Obama a book on the history of US exploitation of the region —The Open Veins of Latin America: Five Centuries of the Pillage of the Continent by Eduardo Galeano. The one substantive change President Obama has made to US-Latin America relations is the opening to Cuba: he lifted the travel ban to the island nation. Then there is Honduras, a conundrum that illustrates the intersection of America’s past relations with the region and the present, and the interface of domestic American politics and foreign policy. The two sides of the divide in Honduras have powerful partisan support in Washington DC. The result: a stalemate that the Obama Administration has been unable or unwilling to unravel. On to the Middle East and the Muslim world in general: After a robust start that promised to rein in Israel and to prod Palestinians towards accommodation with Israel, the process President Obama hoped to initiate appears to have stalled. A recaltriacnt Israel says it is not about to stop settlement in the occupied areas. An exasperated Palestinian leadership in the person of Abbas is talking of stepping down after realizing that the expected Obama-generated tailwind in the peace sails may not

materialize. Danger and possible violence loom on the horizon. Not much has changed there. President Obama’s speech in Cairo was broadly well received. “I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear,” Obama said to applause at Cairo University. The President promised a new direction and he chided extremists for polluting the atmosphere for the Muslims, a majority of whom, he noted, are ordinary people who cherish peaceful co-existence with the West. Obama had not reckoned with domestic extremists in America who remain resolutely opposed to any peace overtures to people they claim are responsible by acquiescence to attacks on America. To cries of “socialist”, they added “secret Muslim”. Is it too early to judge the direction of America’s foreign policy under Obama? Perhaps. There has been a significant lessening of international tension since Obama became President, which is partly the reason he was awarded this year’s Nobel Peace Prize. The US has re-engaged Iran, it has hit the reset button in its relations with Russia, and it is actively cajoling China to play an international role commensurate with its growing power, but as part of the West. Obama has been able to do this against a backdrop cacophony of vehement opposition by his political opponents. However, the battles and the surround noise are taking their toll, in the President’s approval ratings at least. His standing is markedly lower than it was a year ago. It might well rebound if he notches one of two significant accomplishments. In light of the above Diplomat East Africa’s rating of President Obama is B.

•GLOBAL STAGE WINDOW ON WORLD

breaking news

Former UK Envoy Clay: Ban from Kenya Distressing Family misses Gado’s cartoons, retired Primate David Gitari’s fiery sermons and Father Christmas riding down Tchui Road on a camel By Wycliffe Muga

ir Edward Clay, the former British High Commissioner whose tour of duty was a high drama assignment and still ranks among the most memorable and controversial in the history of Kenyan diplomacy, misses this country dearly. He says he feels deprived at having been declared persona non grata (PNG) long after he had left Nairobi. Among other factors, Sir Edward is remembered in Nairobi as the originator of the visa sanction, a strategy which US Ambassador Michael Ranneberger has now made his own to great effect. The sanction now reportedly extends to around 20 or so leading Kenyans. The latest target of the visa bans is no less a personage than Attorney General Amos Wako, who in November threatened to sue the United States Government for what he called defamation. Speaking exclusively to Diplomat East Africa recently, Sir Edward said of grand corruption, Kenya style, “I have worked on the subject since I left Kenya”. He was the envoy who diagnosed Head of the Civil Service and Secretary to the Cabinet Francis Muthaura as suffering from selective amnesia in the same

KENYA BOOSTERS:

Former British High Commissioner to Kenya Sir Edward Clay and his wife Anne call on the Kenyan stand at the Gardens for Life exhibit in Cornwall, a county of England spectacular speech that he accused the Kenyan ruling class of being so gluttonous that it was vomiting on everyone’s shoes. He did not mean just donors’ shoes. The whole point was that Kenya’s own citizens and taxpayers, and donors, were in the same boat. He thought hard about the metaphor: he wanted it to have force in a country where many citizens had too little to eat yet their ruling class were “eating” too much. It worked; the metaphor is remembered as well in Britain as in Kenya. A foreign diplomat telling the Kenyan public that they were being robbed blind by some of their elected leaders was certainly an unprecedented event. But what

was even more surprising is that in all the informal polls taken at the end of the TV news at that time, a solid 80 per cent or more of all Kenyans backed Sir Edward’s campaign against corruption in high places. And he was to continue to enjoy that overwhelming support from the Kenyan public for the rest of his time in Kenya, until he left in mid-2005. It was not his first public exposure on controversial issues. He warned former President Moi and his ministers privately and in a public speech to the Law Society when they seemed to be considering delaying the 2002 election and extending briefly President Moi’s tenure. Although then Internal

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Security Minister Julius Sunkuli (today the Kenyan envoy in Beijing) took Clay to task, President Moi retired gracefully. “The 2002 election was a huge success for Kenyans”, Clay recalls. “It showed that good elections could be held. The clean result demonstrated that Kenyan electors indeed held in their hands the ability to change the country’s governments.” He was proud of the British High Commission’s fielding a large number of election observers. “They were all volunteers who accepted disturbance of their Christmas holidays – British, Kenyan, men and women, mixed with observers from outside. They and the larger army of domestic and other observers played a valuable part in witnessing the process under which citizens confer legitimate authority on their rulers. Kenyans started 2003 proud and full of hope.” But the contested election of 2007 and its dire aftermath showed that the gains of 2002 could be reversed. When governments take power without the proper authority of the voters, legitimacy is lost.

The example the British Government set in meeting its own obligations to crack down on corruption was a bad one: it is now commonly recognized as needing attention

‘PNG-ed’ by Martha Karua

Long after he retired, Clay was involved in an international incident in the studios of the BBC. He had, in early 2008, an epic encounter on the programme Hardtalk with Gichugu MP Martha Karua, then the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs and fire-breathing apologist for the Kenyan Presidency. Ms Karua took the opportunity of appearing alongside Sir Edward to announce on air that he had been declared persona non grata in Kenya and that he had property in this country. An unrepentant Sir Edward recalls the encounter ruefully

January - February 2010

in a candid discussion with this writer: “How do I feel about being PNG-ed? Puzzled: ‘PNG’ is a strange distinction to acquire twoand-a-half years after I retired, because it usually applies to active diplomats. Martha should know that. She could have checked on property, too: we had none in Kenya. “The most disappointing thing about that episode is that I believe she and people like her were encouraged to think I was vulnerable because I had previously taken a hit from my own government. I got into hot water in 2007 because I publicly criticised the former British Prime Minister's decision to call off inquiries into BAe Systems's Saudi business. That argument hurt me, but I don't regret it. BAe is now being investigated on several other matters. But the Serious Fraud Office (SFO) later also gave up on Anglo-Leasing thanks to Kenya’s non-co-operation. Perhaps Mr Wako thought what a British AG could do, he could, too. His British counterpart, Lord Goldsmith, had lectured Kenyans on corruption during a visit to Nairobi only weeks before the SFO were told to drop their Saudi enquiries. The example the British Government set in meeting its own obligations to crack down on corruption was a bad one: it is now commonly recognized as needing attention. “Sad, too. My wife, Anne, and I spent a total of six years in Kenya, which was our first posting (1970

to 1972) when I served as a junior political officer, and also our last posting (2001 to 2005) when I served as the High Commissioner. Our oldest daughter was born there. We heard almost on our last day in Kenya that our middle daughter had been a victim of the terrorist attacks in London on 7 July 2005. I had climbed Mt Kenya with her and a young friend as our last family adventure together in Kenya. “Alice’s narrow escape recalled the common threat we all faced from the terrorism which first struck in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam in 1998. Its shadow hung over all our time in Kenya. The human and other costs for Kenya of those attacks and threats have been severe.” During one terrorism scare, Sir Edward was filmed eating two breakfasts on the same morning in two central Nairobi hotels. What was that about? “There had been a warning to which we all needed to respond. It concerned particularly two hotels in the city centre. The Kenyan authorities took prudent precautions. As a result, tens of thousands of people would be inconvenienced by closing off the centre to traffic and many would have no option but to go to work in or through the area. So I told the Dave Mwangi, PS/Security, that I intended to have breakfast next morning in the targeted hotels, at the possible time. The idea was to show solidarity with the city’s commuters and express confidence in his ministry’s handling of the precautions. He said it was a good idea and told the media.” Dave Mwangi didn’t show for breakfast; but Sir Edward became known as “Two Breakfasts” for his self-inflicted indigestion (though without vomiting), shared with two colleagues who loyally risked Continued on PG 98>>

â&#x20AC;˘ENVOYs of sport TEGLA LOROUPE

PACE-SETTING PEACEmakers:

The 2009 Peace Race in progress

CONFLICT RESOLUTION

Ending Cattle-rustling through Sportsmanship How world-beating marathoner Tegla Loroupe has positively impacted a regional crucible of strife and backwardness By Robert Juma

attle rustling had become legendary among the Pokot, Turkana and their neighbouring Karamojong who traverse the Kenya, Uganda and Sudan borders and are a multinational community. Efforts by the regionâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s governments to end the menace bore no fruit. No level of diplomacy seemed to assure lasting peace-

able results to contain what had become almost a cultural practice. Yet rustling only assured backwardness and a permanent war footing for the pastoralists in this expansive area that also covers parts of Rift Valley, north-west Kenya, south-east Uganda, western Somalia, south Sudan and southern Ethiopia. This war-like, untenable state of affairs dragged on ever more wretchedly until a

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•ENVOYS OF SPORT tegla loroupe

petite, seemingly ever-smiling girl who had conquered all the world’s terrain in search of athletics success hit the ground running. If the rustling has not completely ended, Tegla Loroupe has certainly made a huge impact among her people and their neighbours. Indeed, her efforts may well have broken cycle of violence and guaranteed backwardness. PEACE FOUNDATION

The former world marathon record holder is credited with mobilising the cathartic power of sport to come to the rescue of her pastoralist Pokot communities and their neighbours. She initiated the Tegla Loroupe Peace Foundation, which was formed specifically to harness the power of sport to bring peace to conflictridden areas of East Africa, to support children who are victims of conflict and to spur economic development. Tegla reels out the grim statistics on her website: “Almost 200,000 people have been displaced by conflict in this region in the past seven years, 70 per cent of them women and children under 14. Thousands of women are widowed, thousands of children are orphaned. Two million people are immediately affected”. To lend a hand in slowing down and eventually eradicating this menace that borders on a holocaust, the Tegla Loroupe Peace Foundation developed four co-ordinated programmes to implement its long-term strategy to reduce conflict. First are the Peace Races, which bring together thousands of warriors from all of the region’s tribes and clans to compete on common ground and thereby vent their energies in

DIPLOMACY AND SPORT: Tegla

Loroupe and the then British High Commissioner to Kenya, Sir Edward Clay (with striped tie), at the opening of the gym the BHC helped fund for the Mathare Youth Sports Association (MYSA) on July 1, 2005. MYSA hosted much of the visit to Kenya BHC organised of the Manchester United Under-15 team

January - February 2010

non-war activities. Remarkably, to each of these races, warriors bring weapons, which they surrender to provincial administration officials before hitting the undulating terrain wearing shoes made of car tyres and clad in shukas. At the end of the race, they are happy to carry home prizes like blankets and money. The Peace Races also attract athletes from all over the country and envoys from the Western world. The first Peace Race was held on November 18, 2003, in Kapenguria. Among the guests at the 2009 edition was the Prince of Monaco, Prince Albert ll. Foreign missions

represented included the US Embassy, whose ambassador, Michael Ranneberger (the subject of DEA’s Cover Story), was personally at the event. The races have extended to Moroto in Uganda, southern Sudan and Tana River, where a conflict of a different type ravages lives. Here, there is a serious conflict between pastoralists and farmers. Second is the Foundation’s Peace Outreach, which uses gatherings to strengthen indigenous peace and leadership structures, build District Peace Committees working with Councils of Elders, create an early warning system for conflict, utilizing new technologies of

communication to link every family in the region. Third is the Foundation’s Peace Academy, which has developed an educational structure for the victims of conflict, beginning with the children and women, based on honouring the fundamental cultural strengths of pastoral life. Fourth is the Foundation’s Peace Development initiative, which develops the fundamental infrastructures of peace – health, economic development and security. Through her work as a peacemaker, philanthropist, humanitarian projects developer and professional athlete, Loroupe has hob-nobbed with some of the world’s most powerful and influential people, including great philanthropists and visionaries.

tralia. Loroupe is also an International Sports Ambassador for the IAAF, the world’s athletics ruling body, and Unicef. Her peace efforts clearly did not go unnoticed. She was in February 2007 named the Oxfam Ambassador of Sport and Peace in Darfur. In December 2006, she traveled with American actor producer, director and screenwriter George Clooney, American speed-skater Joey Cheek, and the Black actor, film producer, philanthropist and author Don Cheadle, to Beijing, Cairo, and New York on a diplomatic mission to bring an end to the violence in Darfur. She has also been celebrated home, being named in the Community Hero category at the 2007 Kenya Sports Personality of the Year Awards. LIMBERING UP: Tegla gets ready to run for peace

Grim Statistics

She has also received several awards, among them the prestigious Georg von Opel Award, whose previous recipients were German national football team coach Jurgen Klinsmann and tennis player Michael Stich. Some of the statesmen (including heads of state, both active and retired) she has worked closely with include South Africa’s Nelson Mandela, former US President Bill Clinton and the first South Sudan leader, the late Dr John Garang de Mabior. In 2006, Loroupe was named a United Nations Ambassador for Sport by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. Others named in that capacity include Swiss tennis celebrity Roger Federer, Latin American football star Elias Figueroa of Chile and Katrina Webb, a Paralympian gold medalist from Aus-

RUNNING FOR peace: Portrait of an innovator

egla Chepkite Loroupe was born on May 9 1973 in Kapsait, Rift Valley Province. She holds world records in 20km, 25km and 30km and previously held the World Marathon Record. She is former three-time World Half-Marathon Champion and was the first African woman to win the New York City Marathon, in 1994, which she effortlessly won again the following year. She has also won marathons in London, Boston, Rotterdam, Hong Kong, Berlin, Rome and other cities. A typical village girl who grew up fetching firewood and fending for her many siblings (her father had four wives and 24 children!), Loroupe experienced the harsh village life firsthand. She and the rest of her family often had to duck as cattle raiders’ bullets whizzed all around

them when rustlers engaged in fierce firefights as villagers tended cattle, working in the fields and fetching firewood. She first ran for Kenya in 1989 in the World Cross Country Championships, where she finished 28th in the Junior Women’s Race. She improved to 16th the following year. She won the 10,000m at the 1994 and 1998 Goodwill Games and bronze in the 1995 and 1999 World Championships. Loroupe has since won many other races across the world. She was a hot favourite for the Marathon gold at the 2000 Olympics in Sydney, Australia, but she suffered food poisoning the previous night and struggled to finish the race in 13th position. The next day, she ran the 10,000m race and finished fifth, running both races barefoot.

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•HALL OF FAME Superlative Achievers

LARGER THAN LIFE

Living Legend Mandela Gets Ultimate Accolade In November, Mandela’s near–god stature went a notch higher when he became the first human being for whom an international UN Day has been set aside, writes BOB WEKESA

o single living person has captured the world’s imagination like Mr. Nelson Mandela. He is sometimes referred to as saintly, even by atheists. And this larger-than-life image is without an iota of blemish. The late Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya coined the phrase “Suffering Without Bitterness”, for one of his autobiographies written while he was President, but it has taken Nelson Mandela to be the living embodiment of that noble sentiment and all the world loves Madiba specifically for this. The 150-watt smile, the twinkling-wrin-

kly eyes, the colourful and eponymous shirts (Zambia’s founding President, the lachrymose Kenneth Kaunda, was the only other African leader to have a style of dress named after him, the Kaunda Suit), the clenched fist salute made with fingers that clearly belong to someone who has been both a boxer and a hard-labour prisoner, are all instantly recognizable props that go to make up the icon. Mandela is the only person of African heritage to have a statue of him erected in central London, the former capital of the late, unlamented British Empire. He bestrides the world stage like a benign colossus and cutsa

Iconic: The most decorated African ever

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>>Madiba's Accolades profile that is too high to be contained by an African Presidency, even that of economic powerhouse South Africa, or indeed any other earthly office. In November, Mandela’s near-god stature went a notch higher when he became the first human being for whom an international UN Day has been set aside, a feat that not even Mother Teresa, an actual candidate for beatification (sainthood), or Mahatma Gandhi achieved. The Nelson Mandela International Day will henceforth be a permanent fixture on the global calendar, with worldwide celebrations every July 18, the icon’s birthday. In a world increasingly weighed down and saddled by less-than-excellent leadership and other celebrity role models, the UN General Assembly could not have made a more apt living choice in its citation declaring the Day as honouring “the South African leader’s contributions to global peace… [and] promotion of a culture of peace…” This means that on the occasion of his 92nd birthday and for many more years to become, the UN will lead the community of nations in reflecting on peace and taking stock of efforts at conflict resolution in his name. Not a finger was raised in opposition of the UN declaration! The living legend’s life story, told many times over, is cause for celebration of the triumph of good over evil. For this, Madiba (an affectionate nickname that derives from eldership conferred by his Xhosa people), has received more than 250 awards by the peoples of the world.

One-man Roll of Honour 1964 & 1965: Honorary President of students’ unions across across Africa 1979: Doctor of Law, University of Lesotho 1980: Jawaharlal Nehru International Understanding Award, Government of India 1981: Freedom of the City of Glasgow Scroll 1983: Doctor of Laws, City College of New York 1984: Playa Giron Award, by Fidel Castro 1985: The Third World Prize, Third World Foundation for Social and Economic Studies (London)

It is noteworthy that in the following list of 50 awards, the first 11 commendations were made while he was still imprisoned (19641989), four in his pre-Presidency period (1990-1993, including the Nobel), five while he was President (1994-1999) and nine postPresidency

January - February 2010

1986: WEB DuBois International Medal, the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People 1987: Dutch footballer Ruud Gullit dedicates European Footballer of the Year award to Mandela 1988: Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought, awarded by the European Parliament 1989: Augusto Cesar Sandino award by President Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua 1990: Al Gaddafi International Prize for Human Rights, Tripoli, Libya 1991: Felix Houphouet-Boigny Peace Prize by UNESCO 1992: Ataturk International Peace Prize, by Turkey 1993: Nobel Peace Prize, shared with former white South African President F.W. de Klerk, the man who released him from 27 years in jail 1994: Sheikh Yusuf Peace Award, by the Muslim

Women’s Federation 1995: Harvard Business School Statesman of the Year Award 1996: World Citizenship Award of the World Association of Girl Guides and Girl Scouts 1997: Made Knight of the Royal Swedish Order of the Seraphim, Stockholm 1998: Park in Montreal Canada named Park Nelson Mandela 1999: Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise, Ukraine’s highest decoration 2000: Honorary Queen’s Counsel, House of Lords (UK) 2001: Honorary Citizenship of Canada 2002: Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian award, by President George W Bush 2003: Honorary doctorate in Law of the National University of Ireland 2004: Named among 100 most influential people of 2004 by Time magazine 2005: Honorary degree, Amherst College, USA 2006: Ambassador of Conscience Award by Amnesty International 2007: Westminster Council agrees to build a statue of Mandela opposite the Houses agrees to build a statue of Mandela opposite the Houses of Parliament, London 2008: Named one of the 15 Champions of World Democracy by A Different View, Europe

•PERSPECTIVES Views on News

Aid Addicts Harass Investor Kenya’s Grain Bulk Handling Ltd, jump-started by Commonwealth, French and World Bank funding a decade ago, is a sterling example of FDI. But some politicians prefer not to think so By Wycliffe Muga

or anyone who has followed the debate on foreign aid and its effects on the developing world for some time, two things will tend to stand out. First is that although the comfortable and well-educated classes in developing nations may argue about the negative side-effects of aid, to the ordinary man in the street in those same countries there is no such ambivalence: they would like to receive more and more aid, and the sooner the better. Second is that the leaders of poor countries often talk as though “aid” and “investment” are the same thing: when addressing a visiting head of state from a rich country, for example, an African president or prime minister will earnestly plead for more “development assistance” and then go on to tell the same distinguished visitor to “help us get more foreign investment”, as though the private sectors of industrialised nations obey instructions from politicians, rather than seek out opportunities for profit.

First is that although the comfortable and well-educated classes in developing nations may argue about the negative sideeffects of aid, to the ordinary man in the street in those same countries there is no such ambivalence

This would not really matter very much except that – as far as I can tell – there are many in Kenya who have come to believe that what we really need from the industrialised nations is more aid, that Japan, the European Union, China, the US and others should be building more and more roads, bridges, schools, universities and clinics at various locations in Kenya, if they really want to see us “develop”. And that foreign investment is the lesser option, which in some way substitutes for the fact that we are not getting enough aid. The tragic consequence of this is that most East African countries are not as “business friendly” as they might be. They are highly structured to receive and absorb as much “development assistance” as they can get, and leaders will twist and turn to comply with “aid conditionalities” that might apply at any one time. And so, at a time when the national hopes for prosperity are largely pinned on the opportunities that will come from the investments in the new undersea fibre-optic cables and with busi-

ness process outsourcing (BPO) apparently “the next big thing”, it might be worthwhile to consider how previous investors have fared in Kenya, to see if their experiences in any way illuminate the kind of experience that the new investors are likely to face. Although I have heard many stories from the tourism sector which show how the politicization of the business environment in Kenya is a detriment to investment, perhaps the clearest account of this process of politicisation is that of the Grain Bulk Handlers Ltd, whose rows of impeccable silos at Kilindini harbour are a Mombasa landmark, and a port showpiece. GBHL operates a dedicated facility at the port, discharging grain from ship to quayside, using specialised equipment. This grain is then transported via overhead conveyor belts into silos, and then to bagging plants, from which the importers then take delivery. The alternative to this automated evacuation of grain from ship to shore is what is known as on-quay bagging, which is also currently undertaken at the port by four other companies. The key advantage of the elaborate and very expensive equipment used by GBHL is that it creates faster discharge of grain, and this leads to faster turnaround of vessels, thus reducing port congestion, and also minimizing port charges for importers.That is about it, as far as the company’s operations are concerned. What is of real interest is how GBHL came into existence, and what has happened to it since: It took roughly eight years from the initial proposal to the Continued on PG 96 >>

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•AT THE WHEEL what drives cabinet

MOTORCADE

Passat Purrs its Way into Pole Position The great Passat debate began in June, when Finance Minister Uhuru Kenyatta rode to present last year’s Financial Statement in Parliament, otherwise known as the Budget, in a white VW Passat 1.8 By Kwendo Opanga

PASSAT

DEBATE: The elegant poise of a Passat

asily the most-talked-about vehicle in Kenya today is the Passat, the Volkswagen Passat. In fact, it is known simply as Passat, with ‘Volkswagen’ rating no mention in both colloquial conversation and in writing. No, the Hannover-headquartered carmaker in Germany’s state of Lower Saxony has not been advertising the Passat. But it could not have asked for a bigger billboard, newspaper space or radio, TV and online time. No Volkswagen model has been tied to national political debate to this extent in an eastern African country since September 11, 1974, when the then just-deposed Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, a.k.a the Conquering Lion of Judah, was escorted from his palace and into a powder-blue VW January - February 2010

Beetle. Until that fateful morning, His Imperial Majesty had travelled only in Rolls Royce and Mercedes Benz limousines. He was never seen again in public except by loyal royal retainers and officers of the new Dergue regime of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. The great Passat debate began in June, when Finance Minister Uhuru Kenyatta rode to present last year’s Financial Statement in Parliament, otherwise known as the Budget, in a white VW Passat 1.8. Then he announced in his Budget Speech that, as a cost-cutting measure, Cabinet ministers would have to forego their fuel guzzling limousines for a smaller car. There was quite a buzz in media and on the street, particularly the political street, about this cost-cutting measure. And then the Passats arrived, driven from the CMC work-

shops in Nairobi, purring onto the Kenyan political scene in a fleet of 43 vehicles for the Grand Coalition Government’s Cabinet alone, the biggest since Independence. There were also Passats for permanent secretaries and the Judiciary. A curious public’s attention zoomed in on the Passats as the news headlines focused on who was now driving the cars, who was resisting (the judges still are), who was complaining and what the features of the new automobile are. In Uhuru, who is also a Deputy Prime Minister, the Passat carmakers have a turbo-charged ambassador in the engine of the Kenya Government. On Jamhuri Day, December 12, as the Ministerial motorcade made its way from State House to the Nyayo Stadium ahead of the State motorcade, it was a sight to behold — instead of massed Mercedes Benz limos it was a calvacade of silver Passats. The Passat is named after German ships with four masts per boat that were in use decades ago and were famed for speed and other navigational features. This car is looking for a space to park in Kenya’s rich political and colloquial lexicon, like the late, great satirist Wahome Mutahi’s Whispers character’s “Pajero”, denoting the daughter of the house. It will surely find it.

•DIARY 2010 notice board AWA, the American Women’s Association (of Kenya) Event: Out & About to the Sheldrick Elephant Orphanage Date: January 19 at 9:30 am Event: AWA General Meeting Speaker: Judith Akinyi

Kenya International Education Fair From: March 11 To: March 14 Hours: 9am to 6pm Venue: Sarit Centre City: Nairobi Products and Services Focus Education & Training

HORTEC From: March 24 To: March 26 Industry Focus 1. Hand Tools 2. Tool Sets 3. Forest Machinery 4. Woodworking 5. Farm Machines & Tools Products and Services Focus Agriculture

East AfricaCom From: Apr 13 To: Apr 14 Hours: 9am to 5pm City: Nairobi Industry Focus 1. Network Communications 2. Telecom Parts 3. Mobile Phones 4. Communication Cables 5. RF/Microwave/Wireless Component & Assembly 6. Telephones & Parts 7. Wireless Networking Equipment Products and Services Focus Telecom Products

Kenya Lawn Tennis Association JD Hard Court Junior Tournament December 30 2009 to January 3 Nairobi Club Tennis Pavilion P.O. BOX 43184 - 00100 Nairobi, Kenya Tel/Fax: 2725672

E-mail: info@kenyalawntennis.org. Website: www.kenyalawntennis.org

Kenya Swimming Federation • January 7-10 Sub-Saharan Championships • February 27/28 Kenya Opens and National Age Group Championship, LC Kasarani, Nairobi • August 14-22 Residential Training Camp for Elite Swimmers • August 21/22 Kenya Interclub Championships Oshwal, Mombasa • September 15-22 Africa Senior

Championships, Nairobi, Kenya • October 3 Commonwealth Games New Delhi, India • October 30-November 2 Kenya Opens and National Age Group Championships SC Oshwal, Mombasa • December World Championships Dubai.

Casinò Malindi Billfish Open Challenge January 16-17 0737 816615, 0722 345381 (Kenya Association of Sea Anglers) Sh5,000 per person

The programme of the weekend: Friday, January 15 19:30 - Sushi Cocktail & Auction at Casinò Malindi Saturday, January 16 06:00 till 16:00 Fishing Sunday, January 17 06:00 till 16:00 Fishing 19:30 Sit down Dinner & Prizes at Casinò Malindi

Malindi International Billfish Tournament February 20 and 21 0737 816615, 0722 345381 (Kenya Association of Sea Anglers)

Year's Highlights Around the Globe • January 1 — Czech Republic and Hungary are set to adopt the Euro • January 10 — Africa Cup of Nations Tournament • January 15 — Annular solar eclipse (the longest-lasting annular eclipse of the 21st Century) • February 12 to February 28 — the Winter Olympics in Vancouver and Whistler, Canada • March 12 to March 21 — the Winter Paralympics scheduled in Vancouver, Canada • April 1 — US Census • April 3 to April 5 — NCAA Men's Basketball Final Four at the Indiana Stadium in Indianapolis Indiana • April 9 — It is projected that on this day the world population will reach 7 billion • May 1 to October 30 — 2010 World's Fair in Shanghai, China • May — 100th anniversary of the Royal Canadian Navy • May — The final film of the seven in the Harry Potter series is planned for release • June 3 — This is the latest date the next UK General Election can be held • June 6 — Conjunction between Jupiter and Uranus, Jupiter 28◦ south. First conjunction of triple conjunction Jupiter/Uranus • June 11 — FIFA World Cup 2010 scheduled to be held in South Africa • June 23 — the 100th Birthday of Gordon B.

SOUTH AFRICA HERE WE COME:

Stars like Essien will make tournament a galaxy of talent Hinckley, President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, if he is still alive at the time. Otherwise, it will just be the Centennial of his birth • July 11 — Total solar eclipse (visible only in the South Pacific and southern South America) • September 22 — Conjunction between Jupiter and Uranus, Jupiter 53◦ south. Second conjunction of triple conjunction Jupiter/Uranus • November 2 — Elections for the United States Congress • December 21 — Total lunar eclipse • December 28 — New US Army assault rifle is introduced • December 31 — Howard Stern's current contract with Sirius expires

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Continued FROM PG 93 >>

Kenya Ports Authority (KPA) to the inauguration of this facility in 2000, by the former President Daniel arap Moi. And most of the money which went into establishing it came from the Commonwealth Development Corporation (CDC), a British Government entity, the Societe de Promotion de Participation Pour la Cooperation Economique (PROPARCO), a French Government development organisation, and the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the private sector lending arm of the World Bank. In all, it was a $35 million investment, made in the last years of the Moi era â&#x20AC;&#x201C; a time when there was barely any new largescale investments being funded in Kenya. Now when a project is funded by such a constellation of leading providers of development finance, each of which is answerable to a Board of directors in London or Paris or Washington, you would think that this was all the proof needed that the investment had been subjected to the most rigorous due diligence, and that its operations were above board. Also, like other operators of dedicated berths at the port of Mombasa (the others being the Magadi Soda Company, the Bamburi Cement Company, and a consortium of oil companies involved in petroleum imports) GBHL is subject to regulation by the KPA. It cannot, for example, increase its handling charges without first seeking authority from the port management. You would think that any business so conceived and so constituted would thereafter have an easy time of it, just providing the intended service to grain importers, and facilitating the efficient handling of these imports. But that has not been the case. According to the Chairman of GBHL, Mohamed Jaffer, set-

ting up the bulk grain handling facility under the previous regime proved to be exceptionally trying, and he breathed a sigh of relief when the new regime came to power in 2002, as it then seemed likely that things would be done differently by politicians. What he had not bargained for, is that many members of this new government, convinced that everything that had its roots in the Moi era was in some way crooked, set out to conduct detailed investigations into how a project of the magnitude of GBHL came to be set up in the first place. And this in turn proved to be but the first of a long series of such investigations by Transport Ministry officials and parliamentary committees. What made GBHL vulnerable was, first, the accusation that it was a monopoly (which it is not); and, second, the fact that it was the handler for over 50% of all grain imports into Kenya. As such, when maize-flour prices rose, it was not difficult to persuade the public that it was GBHL that had somehow led to this increase in prices of the staple food for most Kenyans. In total, GBHL has been summoned before five separate parliamentary committees, each one asking more or less the same questions: Who really owns this facility? Where did you get the money to set it up? Are you responsible for the increase in the price of maize? How is it you have been granted a monopoly to handle grain imports? Etc. The point, then, is that, with every new parliament, and every new administration, bringing in new men determined to prove themselves, and convinced that their predecessors had not done a good job in looking out for the public interest, a company like GBHL is constantly under undue scrutiny by Transport Min-

January - February 2010

In total, GBHL has been summoned before five separate parliamentary committees, each one asking more or less the same questions: Who really owns this facility?

istry technocrats, and members of parliamentary committees. Now although GBHL is merely one of the more spectacular cases of the political environment poisoning the business environment, there are many other similar cases. These instances in which the failure of government to provide a level playing field; the assurance of enforceable contractual obligations; and adequate incentives where these are called for, has led to some crucial Kenyan sector performing below expectations. A perfect example of this is in the Export Processing Zones (EPZ): whereas in Bangladesh, the EPZs created about 3.5 million jobs over the past two decades, mostly in clothing factories employing women of modest education, in Kenya the EPZs at their peak only employed about 30,000 workers, and the numbers have since declined as many of the factories have closed. In other words, Kenya did not even create 1% of the jobs that Bangladesh was able to create in this same field. It took India just 10 years to increase revenues in BPO from $4.8 billion in 1998, to about $47.8 billion in 2007, in the process creating about 1.6 million jobs. And it is with dreams of following in Indiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s footsteps that Kenyaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s top leadership has put so much focus on the opportunities which can come from the availability within our borders, at last, of high-speed broadband Internet access. But to the extent that we have a government structure more focused on adjusting to the demands of the donor community, rather than one which provides long-term support to large-scale technology-led investments, it is unlikely that we will be any more successful in creating all those much-anticipated call-centre jobs, than we have been in creating millions of jobs in our EPZs.

•INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE LONG REACH OF ICC

SIX QUESTIONS FOR A JUDGE

Invitation to Fight Impunity Ugandan-born Judge DANIEL NTANDA NSEREKO is the President of the Appeal’s Chamber of the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague. He was interviewed by Diplomat East Africa’s MILDRED NGESA (pictured left) on the contentious debate on the ICC’s role in Africa.

uestion. The ICC has been called an instrument of neo-colonialism designed to undermine and victimise African governments. Justified? Answer. This criticism is not justified. African countries represent the single largest regional block among states that ratified the Rome Treaty that established the Court. Many African countries were represented at the Rome conference and actively participated in enacting the Treaty. Significantly, the first country to ratify the Treaty was Senegal. Mindful of their colonial past, Africans ensured that the ICC would be an independent judicial body designed to end impunity for the most serious crimes of concern to the international community. It is also significant that of the five situations currently being handled by the Court, three were self-referrals by the affected African states. All this belies the criticism. Africans see the ICC as an instrument of justice and peace and nothing else.

International criminal justice mechanisms seem to be taking root as an option for several African countries. Why this growing interest? Africans across the continent have long been victims of mass atrocities committed on their territories. They have for years yearned for justice which, for understandable reasons, has not been readily available at the national level. Thus international justice mechanisms, such as the ICC, have come to represent a beacon of hope for the thousands of African victims and a deterrent for would be perpetrators. Could you please explain what is meant by the Principle of Complementarity that guides the operations of the ICC? The ICC work is complementary to

community’s commitment to justice for the thousands of victims on our continent. Moreover, it is important to note that whilst the ongoing cases at the ICC involve Africa, the Office of the Prosecutor is also conducting preliminary analyses into situations in Palestine, Venezuela and Columbia.

that of national courts. At the risk of oversimplifying, the ICC may be likened to a spare wheel of a car which is used only when one of the regular wheels becomes dysfunctional. The ICC investigates and prosecutes cases only when national courts are not doing so or when they are unwilling or unable to genuinely do so. States are expected to have primary responsibility to investigate and prosecute international crimes committed on their territory or by their nationals.

It has been claimed that the ICC has deliberately focussed on Africa and ignored other areas where gross human rights atrocities have been committed. True? It is true that the ICC has to date been dealing with cases that emanate from Africa. Five cases thus so far all concern crimes allegedly against African victims. But the criticism is also not justified. One must recall that of the four situations referred to the Court, three were referred by the governments themselves and one by the Security Council. In the latest situation before the Court, that of Kenya, the Prosecutor has exercised his proprio motu powers to investigate alleged crimes committed there. Current focus on Africa is not bad, because it reflects the international

Regarding delays, are there plans to speed up ICC processes? In its procedures, the ICC adheres to international human rights standards that require a balance between the rights of the defence and of the prosecution. These standards include trial “without undue delay.” A unique innovation in these procedures is the participation of victims in the proceedings – something that is not common in many countries. You should also note that the mass crimes that the Court deals with, committed thousands of miles away from the seat of the court and involving thousands of victims and witnesses take time to successfully investigate. In addition, the investigations often take place in the context of ongoing conflicts and under difficult conditions. At the end of the day, however, whether there has been undue delay in any given case is a matter that must be answered in the context and on the merits of that case. Critics scoff at ICC’s inability to deal with sitting heads of state implicated in crimes against humanity. The ICC’s warrant against a sitting head of state is evidence of the fact that the arm of the law is no longer too short to reach them. It may take time, but eventually individuals will be held accountable. Since the end of World War II, five heads of state have been prosecuted internationally for war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide. January - February 2010

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their bacon being fried with their boss’s. This episode reminds me that Sir Edward – who was easily the most popular foreign diplomat ever to serve in Kenya – did not start off as a popular envoy at all. His early years in Kenya coincided with some public relations disasters for the British High Commission. There was the controversy over the “travel advisories” issued by the US and the UK in June 2003, before the breakfast incident above. These led to British Airways cancelling all flights into Jomo Kenyatta International Airport on British Government orders. These advisories outraged the Kenyan public and Government. Kiraitu Murungi, then Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, refused contact with the High Commissioner for months: a case of shooting the messenger and ignoring the very serious message. So perhaps Clay is glad to forget Kenya and these painful memories? Not so, apparently: “I am still involved in development NGOs which have programmes in Kenya. I am glad to be a trustee of Leonard Cheshire Disability, involved in the innovative Oriang education project. I am a patron of Excellent Development, which helps the little water in semi-arid Ukambani go a bit further. The Constant Gardener Trust does useful work in Loyangalani in Turkana, and in Kibera, where some of the film’s memorable scenes were made. “I admire very many Kenyans. “So exclusion is deprivation, though not for the reasons Ms Karua falsely alleged on Hardtalk. But Martha Karua got her own come-uppance later: that was a fair return for somebody who turned from being an apparently convinced reformer in opposition to becoming something else after

she got power in 2002. I do not repine; and I would certainly not take back anything for the sake of ingratiating myself with her or anyone else who disapproved of me for laying bare the extent and character of corruption presided over by the government to which she belonged”. Gado’s Cartoons and the ‘Kieni Strangler’

On the question of what he and his family — wife Anne and three daughters — miss most about this country Sir Edward had this to say: “What do we remember most of our tour in Kenya? It is hard to choose. The MYSA football league's games. Those who worked with us, and especially our staff in Tchui Road. Gado's cartoons. Redikyulass. Your columns on Saturdays in the Nation. Bush-walks in Porini, at Sarara in Samburu, through Kakamega Forest and in the Mara. Archbishop David Gitari's fiery sermons. Sunrise at Mombasa and on top of Mount Kenya. Sunset and moonrise at Solai. The Phoenix Theatre. Riding my bike through Karura Forest, blessing Wangari Maathai for saving it. Speaking to Caroline Mutoko on KISS FM and realising, with a shiver, that we were mysteriously off-air. “Neighbours. Hosts of children chattering cheerfully to school. People - street vendors, shoe-shiners, successful business people, distinguished former senior politicians and civil servants - who gave me support when the Government wished me dead, or at least dumb. One matatu driver pulled alongside in the traffic crawling home one evening and asked with a big grin if I wanted a lift to Kamiti Prison. A shoe-shiner spotted me one day and offered a ‘special price to clean vomit from

January - February 2010

I loved the gullibility of the yellow Press in reporting that Chris Murungaru tried to strangle me at a State House garden party

your shoes’. Our last Christmas party in our garden: Anne (my wife) presiding, with all our family, grandsons and a few hundred other children, and Father Christmas advancing down Tchui Road on a camel. “I loved the gullibility of the yellow Press in reporting that Chris Murungaru tried to strangle me at a State House garden party. A British Minister had been with me at that party: we often laugh about my imagined “assassination” by the man I called the “Kieni Strangler” ever after. I recall thenForeign Minister Mwakwere calling on me in July 2004 to put up or shut up about corruption. I was glad, in giving his President my dossier, to meet his challenge.” An unmistakably sad note enters Sir Edward’s list of things that he misses most about Kenya when he says, “I miss more than anything the busy and noisy human atmosphere in Kenya: the sense of living among purposeful and clever people, whose achievements were undermined by the dysfunctional governance of the country of which they were so proud and which we were so glad to live in. I am sad about those we knew and worked with who are now late.”. If Sir Edward were to return to Kenya when memories of his tumultuous tenure are still fresh one of the most remarkable encounters he would have would almost undoubtedly be with Martha Karua, who has turned her coat yet again and is now a vocal critic of the Kibaki Administration and all it stands for. How times change — the photo op might show the former envoy and the fallen minister shaking hands and smiling broadly at each other. Or perhaps not. Their remarks would resonate all the way to the end of the next decade, long after President Kibaki has left office.