Special Report Sudan

SUDAN SPECIAL REPORT

Sudan’s Defining Moment To sunder or not to sunder, that’s the question...

SUDAN SPECIAL REPORT

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SUDAN SPECIAL REPORT

Bashir: DEA PRESIDENTIAL INTERVIEW

Why ICC Has No Writ in Sudan In the second of DIPLOMAT EAST AFRICA’s Presidential Interviews, Sudanese President OMAR BASHIR spoke with Managing Editor BOB WEKESA. The following are excerpts of their wide-ranging conversation ahead of the historic selfdetermination referendum for South Sudan, photographed by YAHYA MOHAMED in the President’s o ce at Friendship Hall, Khartoum

D

iplomat East Africa: Reflecting on your leadership since you came to power in 1989, what have been the strides made by The Sudan towards political tolerance and entrenchment of democracy?

President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al-Bashir: The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of 2005 clearly stands out as one of the major achievements in our pursuit for political tolerance and peace as the foundations of our progress. However, looking back, the CPA did not just happen.

Between 1989 and 2005, we initiated and held many discussions and deliberations through various forums with the opposition aimed at creating understanding and making peace rather than war attractive. The CPA ensured that the civil war with the opposition based in the South came to an end.

We have honoured the Agreement on elections, which were successfully held in April this year. Plans are going on for the referendum as stipulated in the Agreement. Those who appreciate

the historical contexts and perspectives under which we have been able to do all this should also understand why we are proud of these milestones.

DEA: You decided to run for the presidency early this year and won. Share with us the reasons that motivated you to stand for election after 21 years in power?

President Bashir: The elections that we held were not about me as an individual but about very important national issues that strike at the very survival of Sudan as a nation and a member of the world community.

During the elections, political parties presented candidates. My party, the National Congress Party, chose me as the presidential candidate and I could not have let down the party. I believe my party and all those who voted me in nationally wanted to see the progress we have made on many fronts continuing rather than stalling, particularly the peace process.

The progress we have made has been under difficult circumstances and we

have to continue.

DEA: What is your vision for Sudan?

President Bashir: I believe that, at the right time, I will hand over a united nation that will be enjoying unparalleled peace and tranquillity, one where all the peoples of Sudan live side-by-side in brotherhood, a Sudan where tribes do not count. I look forward to a Sudan where there is peace within and without its borders; that is peaceful coexistence among the 540 tribes as well as with our neighbours. I dream of a Sudan that will have overcome its internal challenges to be able to exploit its great natural endowments that will in turn spur her into a great nation in the region, on the continent and globally. My long-term aim is for a progressive nation, but I am also aware that this will not come to pass suddenly; a lot of work and sacrifice by the people of Sudan from all parts of the country will have to be put in.

I am confident that our rich heritage dating back many years will bear us out in the long run.

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DEA: One of the major tests of this vision and the achievements made so far is the forthcoming referendum on whether Sudan should remain a unitary nation or split into South and North. How are you handling this potentially explosive issue?

President Bashir: The referendum is a key component of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. As I have already stated, we have not only demonstrated our commitment to the CPA but we have done this by action. Those who doubted this commitment said we would not facilitate the holding of a free and fair election.

We proved them wrong when we did that in April this year. Even earlier, some had doubted if we would share the oil revenues equitably with the South but we again proved them wrong. We shall again prove our enemies who always criticise us and express reservations about our commitment to engendering peace wrong by holding a peaceful referendum and abiding by its results. I agree that the referendum is one big test for the patriotism of all the people to one single nation. I however believe our people will understand and appreciate that there is unity in diversity, that there is strength in remaining a united nation than dividing ourselves to suit the self-serving interests of outsiders whose campaign for the division of the nation is motivated by their interests in our resources.

Let me also add that the CPA has statutes that call for the making of unity attractive. The onus is on both parties of the CPA to pursue unity rather than go for divergent and splintering agendas. Five years down the road, we have implemented most of the agreements in the CPA and this should make unity attractive. I agree that there are many challenges as we go towards the referendum, not least because outside forces, particularly from the West, are determined to create division among the people.

DEA: Comment on the indictment by the International Criminal Court over allegations of genocide in Darfur and the warrant of arrest against you.

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President Bashir: Many people in the West have agreed with us that the charge of genocide against us cannot stand. This includes the US Special Envoy to Darfur, General Scott Gration. Those who have independently analysed the Darfur problem, including the UN and the African Union, know that the trigger for the violence in the Darfur region was differences between communities there. The conflict pitted pastoralists over nomads over scarce resources and this provided an opportunity for people with criminal intentions to get involved. As a nation, we only intervened in line with our responsibility to ensure that the people of Darfur live in peace. When rebels took advantage of the situation and started attacking national installations, we had to intervene. Or should we have looked the other way as part of the Sudan deteriorated? When the international community got interested in the matter, we obliged by allowing their involvement, believing that the policy of engagement would help resolve the problems there.

However, some of the international players came in with ulterior motives that have only complicated matters.

The indictment is clearly meant to serve political purposes and has no basis in law. Indeed, we (Sudan) are not signatories to the ICC, [like] many nations of the world who are opposed to the ICC approach. The Rome Statutes can therefore not apply to us, given that we do not recognise that body. The warrant of arrest against me can therefore not stand.

Indeed, it is because of this that most

FOR YOU:

Bob Wekesa presenting a copy of DEA to President Al Bashir

Many people in the West have agreed with us that the charge of genocide against us cannot stand. This

includes the US Special Envoy to Darfur, General Scott Gration

if not all countries on the continent remain engaged with my Government. The African Union has also declared its solidarity with us vis a vis the misplaced and self-serving ICC actions.What demonstrates our commitment more than the signing of an agreement with rebels in 2006, one that was mediated by the US and the UK? Why is it that when some of the rebels refused to sign this Agreement in Abuja they were not condemned and they are still accommodated by some of the Western nations?

However, we shall overcome. I am certain that ongoing initiatives in which we are working with the AU, UN, Arab League and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference will bear fruit. Some important strides have been made in the Doha Round of Negotiations. The AU initiative led by former President of South Africa Thabo Mbeki is also underway. The hybrid initiative of the AU and the UN is also helping with the stabilisation of the situation.

If you look at the ICC approach, you can easily conclude that it is not only selective but is aimed at escalating the problems not only in Darfur but the whole of Sudan. We shall not allow this to happen.

DEA: In August you visited Nairobi at the invitation of the Kenyan Government. Does this indicate how you are being embraced by neighbours?

President Bashir: I applaud the Government and the people of Kenya for successfully promulgating a new Constitution. We have a lot to learn from Kenya, which, as you know, is the guarantor of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement which was negotiated there under the auspices of the Inter-Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) member countries. It is on this basis that we accepted the invitation to attend the important event in Kenya, a country all Sudanese people, be it from the south, north, east or west, have a very high regard for. It is in this context that we honoured the invitation

by Kenya and we think the so-called controversy is uncalled for

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SUDAN ECONOMY

A Land of Burgeoning Potential On top of vast oil wealth and sanctions-defying 8 per cent growth 40 million cattle, 50 million sheep, 40 million goats, and 4 million camels

By BOB WEKESA

T

he Sudan is an enigmatic country in more respects than one. Africa’s largest nation, the country stretches the whole of 2.5 million square kilometres with one of the continent’s widest and richest variety of resources — human and natural, economic and social — within its borders.

Perhaps because of its vastness, Sudan sits at the crossroads of Africa.

To understand the pivotal location of Sudan, one needs to consider her nine neighbours — Egypt and Libya to the north provide the link to Arabia, Mediterranean North Africa, Chad and the Central Africa Republic to the west, and the southwest brings in the African hinterland connection of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda and Kenya, making the

country very much part of the Great Lakes and eastern Africa region; Ethiopia and Eritrea to the east are reason enough for Sudan to be considered a Horn of Africa country while Saudi Arabia, across the Red Sea (in addition to Egypt and Libya) justifies consideration as a veritable Middle East nation.

What’s more, the country not only straddles the River Nile but its two main tributaries — the Blue and White Nile meet in Khartoum, the capital city.

Despite the instability witnessed in the past, the country’s economic growth has been averaging 8 per cent in the past decade, the main source of its economic prosperity being the vast oil resources. This economic growth, as the Minister for Information, Dr Kamal Mohammed, says, “is proof of

the resilience of the economy against Western sanctions”.

Indeed, revenues from oil exploration and exploitation explain the economic growth despite economic sanctions by the West.

Intriguingly, Sudan only attained self-sufficiency in oil recently before commencing export. This was after the completion of a pipeline stretching from the oil fields and refineries to Port Sudan in 1999.

It is anticipated that with largely untapped oil fields, Sudan will in future become a major oil exporter, perhaps the most important oil producer in Africa.

Further to the oil revenues, Sudan is emerging as a key player in the petrochemicals sector as refineries are set up. It is predicted that Sudan will account for about 4 per cent of

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HIGHER LEARNING:

Part of the Khartoum University

Africa’s oil by 2014.

In 2008, the country attracted US$20 billion of direct and indirect investments mainly from her Arabic allies and oriental countries, particularly China and India.

President Bashir says when Western countries decided to enforce sanctions on his country Khartoum opted for “a look East policy”. Indeed, he says, his country’s economic inclination is what has eventually been emulated by a good number of countries in Africa who detest the trade and economic conditions often imposed by Western countries in lieu of trade and economic engagements.

“Despite allegations to the contrary, we have a legal and business framework that is backed by international standards. This is why isolation has not led to stagnation,” says the President about the thriving economy. Over and

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above mineral endowments, Sudan’s economy reclines on agriculture, which is described as the backbone of the economy. The Kenana Sugar Company on the banks of the White Nile, for instance, is an internationally recognised agricultural firm boasting production of over 400,000 tonnes of white sugar annually. The Kenana story is also illustrative of Sudan’s intent to bring on board multiple partners to its virtually unexploited agricultural sector. The ownership of the company traverses the Government of Sudan, Kuwaiti investors, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and various Arabic investors while deploying Western technology.

To understand why Sudan is a sleeping giant in terms of agriculture, consider that of its 2.5 million square kilometres of arable land, only a paltry 20 per cent is under production.

Access to the Nile as well as very

fertile and well-watered lands in the south mean that once tranquillity is achieved, Sudan will become the breadbasket of Africa and beyond.

Already, Sudan is a major contributor to the global livestock market, with mind boggling statistics of 40 millionplus cattle, over 50 million sheep, over 40 million goats, and over 4 million camels.

Livestock products find their way to the Middle East mostly through Port Sudan on the Red Sea, an area that also remains underutilised as a tourist destination. Combined, agriculture and livestock account for nearly 40 per cent of the GDP. Cognisant of the country’s great agricultural potential, the Government, through the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, pumped in US$6.5 billion in a strategy calculated at enhancing infrastructure, particularly in the hinterland,

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improving research and upping irrigation works. Currently under implementation with a review set for 2011, the strategy has an inbuilt credit scheme for farmers.

One of the most unique agricultural products of the Sudan is Gum Arabic, an extract from a variety of Acacia trees that are in abundance in Sudan. Used as a binding agent industrially and a food preservative, Sudan accounts for 80 per cent of world production, making it a key export. Like other natural products of the Sudan, Gum Arabic is not yet fully exploited. The gum is internationally marketed by the Gum Arabic Company.

For eons, Sudan has been a notable producer of cotton, with the crop reaching 200,000 bales production in 2009. The cotton production is done mainly along the Nile River and it is estimated that, with investment

in better technology in future, the country will become a world beater in production of the crop.

The catchphrase of Sudan’s economy is “unexploited” or “underexploited” natural resources.

Besides the irrigation potentialities of the Nile, the river has a huge potential for power generation. This was recently demonstrated by the construction of a power generating plant at Merowe Dam adding a significant 1250 Megawatts of electricity to the national grid. The Merowe Dam was constructed with funding from China, Sudan’s most significant investor.The Roseires Dam on the Blue Nile, which is nearing completion, will also significantly add to the Sudan’s power generation and it is envisaged that, in the near future, the country will start earning foreign currency from power generation.

According to the Central Bank of

LUXURY:

Burj Al feteh Hotel towering high (centre) and The petroleum headquatres

STATS &FACTS Combined, agriculture and livestock account for

nearly 40 per cent of the GDP.

Sudan, there are 31 banks operating in the country in addition to the vibrant Khartoum Stock Exchange which have recently undergone regulatory transformations to bring them in line with international practices.

Most interestingly, as Western companies are discouraged from getting involved in Sudan principally due to political considerations, oriental companies have been welcomed with open arms and these include the China National Petroleum Corporation, the Oil and Natural Gas Corporation of India and Malaysian companies. Companies and state corporations from the Middle East countries United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar as well as North African countries such as Libya and Egypt have also taken advantage of the absence of Western competitors to invest in Sudan

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VERDICT

Together we Stand, Divided we Fall

The unity option is more attractive than secession, Sudan Minister for Petroleum Dr Lual Deng tells DEA’s BOB WEKESA

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D

IPLOMAT EAST AFRICA: Comment on the difference of opinion as to whether Kenya should have invited President al Bashir to Nairobi or not, in view of the warrant of arrest by the International Criminal Court.

DR LUAL DENG: My views as minister in the Government of the Republic of Sudan are that we are supportive of the sisterly relations between Sudan and Kenya. All protocols require that I support the activities of my President. What Kenya did was to adhere to the decision of the Africa Union (AU), which has called upon member states to ignore the warrant of arrest against President al Bashir.

Within the African value system, you cannot arrest a guest whom you have invited and the Kenyan leadership followed this. Above all, each country has its own interests which are known to that particular country as a sovereign entity. So Kenya in my view acted within its own interests and as long as it is consistent with its sovereignty, nobody should question its decisions.

Q: As a federal minister as well as one of the negotiators of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), what is your assessment of the implementation of the agreement?

A: I was part of the wealth-sharing team during the negotiations, leading to the creation of the Wealth- sharing Protocol. I served as State Minister for Finance after the formation of the Government of Nation Unity in September 2005. Among my responsibilities was the implementation of the Wealth-sharing Protocol. I did develop, with the help of the IMF, a spreadsheet which enabled the two parties to monitor the distribution of wealth (including oil). It is a simple spreadsheet with most of the variables revolving around calculation of production figures.

In the 1970s there was an attempt by the Africans in the South to take over the country. This was not a viable model. The best model is

Dr Garang’s unity with new parameters

There have been some delays here and there in terms of payments, but, on the whole, the Wealthsharing Protocol has been on course (in respect of oil revenues). There are still some problems with the actual production figures and the two parties have agreed to initiate a comprehensive audit of the whole oil sector. From 2005 through December 2009, my predecessor, presently the Minister for Energy and Mining, was in the process of developing modalities such as the terms of reference of the audit.

Among the tasks that were given to me as a nominee of the SPLM to this ministry is to develop guidelines to get to the bottom of the [oil revenue] figures and to address questions of transparency because this is a sensitive sector. There was a report by the London-based Global Witness issued in September 2009, which suggested contradictions in figures. So, we reached consensus within the ministry to invite Global Witness to make a presentation because it is in the interest of the country that there should be no discrepancies in data.

Secondly, it is not just the concern of the South but the whole country might be cheated by the oil companies if the data is falsified.

Global Witness presented to us at a seminar in August in which it was clarified that the issue was not the claim of a loss of an alleged USD 6 Billion but concerns about transparency and sealing of holes.

The audit of the oil sector will be done by an independent international player and the Norwegian Government is providing support for the two parties to develop a framework. We hope this exercise can be concluded before the referendum so that both sides are convinced that the data is correct and the revenues have been shared as stipulated in the CPA. There were problems with the monetary side, particularly as relates to foreign reserves. Let me explain.

We have two banking systems —

an Islamic banking system in the North and conventional banking in the South. It’s complicated in a way because it’s one monetary policy but when you apply it, you use different instruments, Islamic instruments in the North and conventional instruments in the South to achieve the same objectives. Foreign reserves or foreign exchange generated in an economy are made available to economic actors in that economy such as government, creditors, individuals who want to go on holiday, schooling, medical, traders and others. They use their local currency in order to buy foreign exchange. Now, the Central Bank in Khartoum was arguing that whatever is generated in the South belongs to the South, but those of us who participated in the writing of the CPA said no, whatever is generated in the whole system should be used throughout the country in order to meet the demands of foreign exchange.

This is an area where there have been problems, but, on the whole, according to the Settlement and Evaluation Commission, the Wealth-sharing Protocol, compared to the other protocols, has been successful to, say, 90 per cent.

Q: What are your views on the on the forthcoming self determination referendum for the South?

A: I am a follower of Dr John Garang’s philosophy of unity on a new basis. Dr Garang conceptualised a new Sudan where there is good governance, all the Sudanese participate in the nation irrespective of ethnicity, social and economic status, religion and regional affiliations. Being an academic with an immense capacity to analyse, he developed a framework. Even during the war in the bush of southern Sudan and liberated areas, Dr Garang would use equations to prepare for battle.

This intellectual endowment he applied to the concept of a new Sudan through Venn diagrams

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showing five options. He concluded that unity was the best option.

In the 1970s there was an attempt by the Africans in the South to take over the country. This was not a viable model. The best model is Dr Garang’s unity with new parameters. We have some element of this in place now — for instance the opening up of the presidency for the South and the passing of freedom-of-the-Press laws.

However, efforts must be made to make unity attractive. Development in the South is not the only means of making unity attractive as you need to make a southern Sudanese feel like he is part and parcel of the whole However, even in case of separation, peace and tranquillity between the South and the North should prevail. Any outcome should not take us back to war. Those who are advocating for separation should make it attractive in the sense that the outcome engenders peace.

Q: What would be the economic ramifications of either separation or unity in the Sudan?

A: An attractive separation means new economic ties between the two new states along the lines of the East African Community (EAC) model.

Indeed, the South may pull the North to join the East Africa Common Market, which has been praised the world over as a model, why not?

During the time of Dr Garang and US President Bill Clinton’s leadership, there was talk of a Greater Horn of Africa bringing together southern Sudan, the IGAD states and DRC. It was thought this could have reduced conflicts in these countries and served as a bulwark against conflict in neighbouring states.

I am for unity, but if the separatists carry the day, we must make it attractive such that the northerners accept it. In the long run, whether separately or as a unified country, the most important relationship we can have is one that is anchored in economic prosperity.

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MY POINT:

Dr Lual Deng(left) explains a point and (Right) going through a copy of DEA

Q: As Minister in charge of oil resources, tell us about how you are exploiting this abundant natural resource.

A: We have initiated studies looking at the transportation of the oil for export. Oil from the South can be transported through Port Sudan to the export markets. Kenyans are also looking for oil and I understand work has started on the new port of Lamu [on the Indian Ocean] with a view to linking to Sudan with a pipeline. The third option is through Ethiopia and Djibouti and the fourth option is via Cameroon to the Atlantic Ocean.

When we reach a production capacity of 1 to 2 million barrels a days, it will be strategic to have more than one pipeline and this will be possible in parts of the South where there is great oil potential. For instance, Block B (about 118 square kilometres) in the Jonglei area is considered the biggest reservoir, with the concession having been given to Total. Here, it is possible to have two pipelines, one through Djibouti and another through Port Sudan; in fact, the former is more

attractive because it’s shorter than the latter at 1,353 kilometres.

At most of the oil fields, we shall need to pump 85,000 barrels per day to make economic sense and viability and to cover costs between eight-to-ten years at an average of US$50 per barrel.

With our great potential, we shall probably use all the four pipeline options.

Q: What is the contribution of the Sudan to regional and world economies?

A: Over the last five years, oil has accounted for more than 90 per cent of the Sudanese exports, sometimes reaching 95 per cent. It constitutes between 40 to 60 per cent of government national revenues.

It constitutes 98 per cent of gross revenues. Because of this, oil is very important, but, as Dr Garang put it, agriculture is the engine of growth and we shall use our oil as the fuel to accelerate that engine.

When you look at the world economies and crises from time to time, they usually revolve around the three Fs — food, fuel, finance.

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are always rocky at the beginning.

Some of the challenges resulted from what Dr Francis Deng calls the war of two visions. But fortunately we had responsibilities and we went down to work.

learned that Ethiopia will become a middle-income economy in the next five years and this, coupled with its huge population of 70 million people, will be a boon in many ways to Sudan.

Kenya on the other hand has small industries which will serve Sudan and the region. Our contribution to the region will be through oil, a major source of energy for burgeoning industries. Also, some of the raw materials, particularly petrochemicals, needed for industries in the region, can be sourced here. In the long run, Sudan’s stability will spur growth not only internally but regionally.

Sudan can help the world and the region in addressing two Fs — fuel and food — but if we are fragmented we shall not meet this.

Under President Nimeiry in the 1970s, Sudan was considered the food basket for Africa and the Arab world.

At that time we were looking at the three factors of production and saw that Sudan had land, Libya had capital and Egypt had labour.

Now, capital through oil revenues in addition to oil and can attract labour from anywhere. For instance, in the South, most of the labour is from East Africa.

If there is stability there would be more investment in the country and we would attract more Arab foreign direct investment as well as from China and India, which are huge economies. The Chinese talk of entering Africa through Sudan because they have been here for long but also because they want to use the experience gained here to replicate in other African countries.

Countries like Kenya and Ethiopia will be important economic allies of Sudan. For instance, I have just

Q: What role do you think Sudan can play in the region in the coming years?

A: Sudan can pull the region together, many countries, naturally beginning with our nine neighbours; Egypt, Libya, Chad, Central Africa Republic, DRC, Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia and Eritrea. Sudan can also serve as a bridge between Africa and the Arab world given that we not only neighbour Arab countries to the north but also have access to the Middle East through the Red Sea. Sudan is an important country because the two Niles not only pass through it but meet in its capital city.

As you know the Nile is an important economic factor not only for Africa, but the whole world.

By sheer size, any instability in the Sudan will affect stability in the whole region, but, God forbid, the leadership is aware of this. However, the population is something you cannot control; it has a mind of its own. We hope for stability for Africa to enjoy the fruits of our resources.

Q: How have you as SPLM, related with the National Congress Party?

A: We have witnessed ups and downs but this was expected because for us humans, relations

Over the last five years, oil has accounted for more than 90 per cent of the Sudanese exports, sometimes reaching 95 per cent. It

constitutes between 40 to 60 per cent of government national revenues.

Q: What are your reasons for supporting the unity option as opposed to secession?

A: Many. Africans are the majority in the whole of Sudan including to the far north where we have the Nubi communities. As SPLM, you have some communities in the north that fought with you and then you want to leave them because it’s not geographically possible for them to be part of the south.

From a moral point of view you have cheated them; you have left them in the cold. Indeed, some of us believe that should President Salva Kiir run for the presidency of the whole country in April, with proper organisation, he would have won.

This is something that the younger generation can achieve.

The world is moving towards consolidation of countries into viable economic and political units.

Africa is moving towards unity through the Africa Union; look at East African Common Market, look at Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), look at Southern Africa Development Community (SADC).

While countries are looking to merge, we are looking to separate, we are in essence undermining the African project.

I was a separatist until Dr. Garang convinced me about the unity option and I further appreciated the unity option through studies in the US, travel in Africa, working experience at the ADB and World Bank. As an economist, I believe in the economic strength of bigger entities instead of creation of small countries each looking at small interests. It’s also human nature to expand than to shrink

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NATION & BRAND

Blackening Khartoum’s Image

R

ead a newspaper, watch television or listen to a radio bulletin and you will get the impression that Sudan is one of the worst countries on earth. This is the viewpoint one gets from Western media. So why does Sudan, specifically northern Sudan, gets such a negative portrayal in world media?

Is there veracity in the criticism levelled at Sudan on all fronts?

“Western media are distorting our image as a result of global trends. After the end of the Cold War, the US and her allies have been trying to design the world in a Western model. In this scheme of things, Islam and Muslim societies are the stumbling blocks to achieving a completely Western worldview”, says Dr. Kamal Mohammed, Minister for Information.

PROPAGANDA

“Because Sudan enjoys both a Muslim and Christian heritage, it has been the target of propaganda with a view to creating a uniform Western society. Accordingly, everything Islamic in this country is criticised and denigrated as backward and evil”, Dr Mohammed argues, adding that Islamic symbols, including dress codes and way of life, have been depicted in the West as negative. He reckons that Western media have either knowingly or inadvertently been co-opted into the campaign.

According to Dr Mohammed, the negative depiction of the Sudan is but part of a wider global scheme

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TRANSPORT:

Public taxis in Khartoum painting the town yellow

by the West to re-colonise the world, “using September 11 as an excuse”.

Dr Mohammed’s evidence of the attempts at political control of the Muslim world is that: “as everything Muslim is critiqued, sometimes directly, Western mannerisms are applauded as the basis for freedom and democracy by drawing very slanted parallels”.

Says Abdulgafi Al Khateeb, the Under Secretary in the Ministry of Information: “When you visit and live with people here in Khartoum and other parts of the Sudan, you realise that the biases of the West are based on an agenda. Islam is not tantamount to violence as the West would like everybody to believe”.

He adds: “If the media is sup-

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posed to be objective and treat all news stories in a fair, accurate and balanced way, then Western media have failed the professional test on every score”.

The two top officials at the entity charged with the responsibility of information dissemination within and without the government pose the questions: Why is it that you

never hear of anything positive about President Al Bashir and the Sudanese Government? How possible is it that everything we do is only wicked? Well, how about Darfur? Aren’t Western media covering the conflict as it is rather than slanting its reportage? No, says Khateeb, “Granted that the Darfur conflict happened! But how come we see very little or nothing as relates to efforts to end the conflict?

How come the cameras only focus on areas where people are living in makeshift tents without the same cameras also turning to areas where people are now living in peace?”

Dr Mohammed adds that the negative portrayal is not limited to Sudan but to all countries where there is a large Muslim population and he cites Afghanistan, Libya, Iran and others.

“You will realise that when organisations such as the African Union take positions that are favourable to our position on some matters, they are also targeted for negative criticism. When countries like Kenya and Ethiopia decide to engage with us, they suddenly become enemies of the West”, says Mohammed.

MAJESTIC:

The pyramids of Sudan

“In Darfur, for example, some of the NGOs purporting to be delivering foreign aid actually have a different agenda of furthering the Westernisation ideology. When we stop them from inciting communities or acting as agents of confusion, they cry foul and reach out to their media allies.

Mohammed laments apparent double standards as he wonders aloud if the US would allow any foreign organisation into its territory without vetting and if the US would turn a blind eye to the espionage operations of the said alien organisations.

“One of the policies of the West is to ensure that Sudan splinters into the so-called Muslim North and Christian South. There is no such division in this country as people of both religions can be found all over Sudan”, Mohammed says. He reckons one of the objectives of the propaganda war by the West is to cast people in the North of Sudan as non-African.

“This is not right as we are Africans, to the extent that we live on the African continent. Indeed, the solidarity of the African Union with the people of Sudan over various issues in the recent past is an affirmation of our being African despite the evil attempt to separate us from the rest of the continent”.

Besides religion as the springboard of the hate media, Mohammed says the vast natural resources in Sudan are another motivation for the bashing from the West.

“When oil reserves were discovered in Sudan in the 1950s, the Western powers decreed that it should be reserved for future generations. When the Sudan government started exploration in the early 1980s, war erupted exactly because the West wanted to benefit from these resources”, he explains.

The propaganda war is an extension of the predatory interest in the Sudanese resources, Mohammed concludes.

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TURNING POINT

Which Way Forward?

Plebiscite may merely stamp seal of approval on a foregone conclusion even as some in the South say it is not for secession, writes SHITEMI BARON KHAMADI

T

he South Sudan referendum, just two months away, is virtually a ceteris paribus. Of critical importance, however, is the issue of recognition or otherwise. There is, of course, no universal agreement on the diplomatic recognition of South Sudan should it opt for independence.

AccordingtoAmbassadorDavidKikaya,

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a former diplomat, bilateral relations between states are not imperative, but this does not mean that they do not recognize or treat one another as states. “A state is not required to accord formal recognition to any other state, but it is required to treat as a state an entity that meets the requirements. A state has a responsibility not to recognize as a state any entity that

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has attained the qualifications for statehood in violation of the prohibition against the threat or use of force contained in the UN Charter.”

Somaliland, which recently held peaceful polls, is not internationally recognized. Many argue that accepting her status may easily lead to total isolation of mainland Somalia. This is obviously no cup of tea for nations fighting terrorism.

Puntland may also seek to be independent.

KOSOVO

A few parallels are in order: the newest member of the world of nations, Kosovo, unilaterally declared its independence on Sunday, 17 February 2008, by a unanimous quorum of the National Assembly, with 109 in favour, zero opposition and with all 11 representatives of the Serb minority boycotting the vote. International reaction was mixed and the world community continues to be divided on the international recognition of Kosovo.

The Western powers embraced it promptly and fully. Former German Foreign Minister Frank Walter Steinmeier said that the failure of talks between the Serbs and KosovoAlbanians had made the declaration inevitable: “A negotiated solution was not possible. That is why we cannot now escape this event”.

Many of the countries which opposed the creation of an independent state of Kosovo have at least one separatist movement working towards autonomy within their own borders. Serbia, which Kosovo formed part of, is one such example. Spain is experiencing a period of unease as its northern Basque Country and its wealthy region of Catalonia have stepped up demands for more autonomy.

Russia, which leads the opposition, has problems with separatists in Chechnya and the Caucasus region.

But the decision by the International

Court of Justice (ICJ) that “Kosovo’s 2008 declaration of independence from Serbia did not violate general international law,” was telling. The UN wanted an interpretation of the declaration and although it was a non-binding opinion, it is very weighty in international relations.

Gideon Maina, an international lawyer and lecturer, affirms that recognition in international relations largely depends on whether powerful countries recognise a state, with others likely to follow.

At the height of the World War II, Hans Kelsen, one of the world’s leading proponents of the view that there exists a sharp distinction between politics and law, published an essay “Recognition in International Law: Theoretical Observations”, in The American Journal of International Law. In classic Kelsenian fashion, he argued that the term ‘recognition’ may comprise two quite distinct acts: a political act and a legal act. Political recognition, such as the establishment of diplomatic relations, means that the recognizing state is willing to enter into a political relationship with the recognized community. But this willingness, even if reciprocal, does not turn the community in question into a state in international law.

In contrast, legal recognition constitutes statehood. It is a legal conclusion. Kelsen calls it “the establishment of a fact”, that a community meets international legal requirements of statehood.

SUICIDE

According to Kelsen, “by the legal act of recognition the recognised community is brought into legal existence in relation to the recognising State, and thereby international law becomes applicable to the relations between these states”. The four main characteristics of a state are that it must have a territory, population,

RELIEF:

Locals get food rations from donors

a government and is sovereign.

Objection toKosovo’s independence was expected, especially from Serbia and its allies. Serbia’s Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic expressed disappointment with ICJ’s decision, saying Belgrade had hoped for a “peaceful compromise solution” that did not create “dangerous secessionist precedents”. These remarks are vital as the world watches unfolding events in South Sudan.

Sudan’s ruling party, says the southerners will commit “suicide” should they declare themselves independent. This emanates from the southern authority the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement’s (SPLM) assertion to opt for “alternative options” if the January referendum is delayed.

Truth is, the referendum formed part of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). As US envoy Scott Gration tries to break the ice, the possibility of a crisis must be underlined. And the clock is ticking...

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SUDAN SPECIAL REPORT

PITFALLS OF SEPARATION

Factors that Make a Unitary Nation the Better Option

By BOB WEKESA

S

hould the southern Sudanese secede or should they elect to remain part of the larger Republic of Sudan? This is the single most important question engaging Africa’s largest country, now facing a defining moment.

At a self-determination referendum scheduled for January 9, 2011, and in which only southerners will vote, two clear-cut options are on the cards; Yes for secession and No

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to unity and vice versa.

Itself the result of the historic Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed in 2005 in Kenya, the referendum poll will be one of the last pillars of the peace deal to be implemented. Equally historic multiparty elections, endorsed by international observers as circumstantially free and fair, barring logistical challenges, were held for the first time in April 2010 after a two-decade electoral hiatus.

METROPOLIS:

Aerial view of Khartoum's Central Business District

Opinion is sharply divided along the traditional fault lines as to whether the South should part ways with the North some 54 years after independence from the British. From the outside world, it is nearly a foregone conclusion that the mainly Christian and animist South will vote for separation on the back of a raft of historical factors, marginalisation being the most outstanding. A closer examination indicates viewpoints in support of

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the unity option by southern scholars and politicians. Indeed, there is a pervading feeling of frustration over the writing into the CPA of the referendum clauses and some have even suggested the amending of the accord to allow room for further rapprochement between South and North. However, the horse seems to have already bolted from the stable as it is inconceivable that the southern authority, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), led

by President Salva Kiir Mayardit, will renegotiate with President Hassan Ahmed Omar al Bashir’s ruling National Congress Party (NCP).

On paper, the CPA calls for the SPLM and NCP to make voluntary South-North unity attractive. The reality on the ground is that politicians from the South have been campaigning subtly and actively for the separation. Dr Rabie Abdul Athi, Advisor to the Federal Ministry of Information, criticises the lobbying and mobilisation of southerners to vote for secession thus: “The agreement between NCP and SPLM was to make unity attractive and any party that goes contrary to this is violating the agreement by influencing the people”.

While the relevant clauses are clear on non-campaigning either way, it’s hard to enforce these statutes, thus the frustration, particularly in the North.

Nonetheless, there are those, such as former Chancellor of Khartoum University and NCP Secretary Prof Ibrahim Ghaudour, who are determined to “work for unity till the last day”.

Former Prime Minister and leader of the opposition Umma party Sadiq al Mahdi reckons the South is keen to secede on the wrong premise — that of ethnic and religious marginalisation by the North. “The main reasons being advanced for secession are emotional.

Whatever grievances the people of the South have, they should not be the cause of separation because diversity is the glue of nationhood.

Even black people in South Africa and the US were marginalised but struggled until they attained equality. This is possible if we have unity on a new basis”, he told Diplomat East Africa.

In the recent past, the southerners have secured rights throughout the country that they should seek to consolidate in a new unitary dispensation, Mahdi said.

Abdul Athi finds no reason why the South should seek secession, given that wealth-sharing with the North, as stipulated in the CPA, has been smoothened; the South political elite have control over the region through the Government of South Sudan (GoSS), while at the same time having a share in the federal government.

Critics of the southern leadership have also pointed out that the 50 per cent oil revenue share to the South has not been utilised accountably and this might not change after separation.

This viewpoint resonates with that of Minister for Petroleum Dr Lual Deng (see the DEA Interview

on pages 20-23), who vouches for former SPLM leader Dr John Garang’s ideology of ‘unity on a new basis’. Arguing from the perspective of economies of scale, Deng considers the North and the South as complementary units that would spur economic growth as opposed to separation and its fragmentation of the country’s resources.

“We should make unity attractive because the North is the market for southern products and the gateway to the vast markets of the Arab world while the South is the market for the northern products and access path to eastern and central Africa. This is a predisposing factor for rapid economic growth in the future”, Mahdi, whose party is pursuing various strategies for unity, says.

Over and above complaints about civil and democratic rights, underdevelopment in the South has been cited as a major reason why the natural resource-endowed region should secede. A corollary to the secession ethic is that with all the resources at its beck and call,

WORSHIP:

Alneelain mosque in Omdurman town, Sudan

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SUDAN SPECIAL REPORT

an independent South will witness fast-paced development with none of the encumbrances implicit in partnership. This point of view is contested by Dr Wani Tombi, a lecturer at Juba University in the South, who posits that the peace dividend required for prosperity might not be achieved in an independent South Sudan.

“The South is not homogenous.

It does not consist of a people but peoples. On separation, the communities in the South that have been traditionally antagonistic might end up fighting each other, leading to crises rather than development”, he says adding that self-determination might engender marginalisation and subjugation in the South by the southerners themselves.

Whether an escalation of interethnic wars in the South will come to pass or not is a wait-and-see matter. What is for sure is that warning shots have already been fired as the case of skirmishes between southern communities’ shows. For instance, the Wonduruba people who live in Yei and Juba have lately been witnessing hostilities with their neighbours in the Lainya and Bereka areas in the South. With 10 states, the South has over 10 tribes, among them the Dinka, Nuer, Shuluk, Tabosa, Mendari, Mandi and Zand; the South would be a chaotic theatre of combat if communities took upon each other on separation.

Traditionally, skirmishes among these communities have revolved around resources such as agricultural and pasture lands, this often fuelled by the fact that most of the areas remain reliant on primary means of existence. Observers of the situation reckon that with the discovery of high-value resources such as oil and minerals said to be in abundance, the inter-tribal clashes might increase, drawing in the elite and might not be helped by the fact that many of the communities still hold illegal guns, a legacy of the world’s longest civil war.

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Tombi expresses fear that the birth of the new nation might lead to further splintering of the South along tribal lines, creating new states while others might want to unite with the North. Dr Mohamed Mahjoub Haroon, Director of the Peace Research Institute at the University of Khartoum, says research points to the digging in of tribal armies as they challenge the wouldbe new administration through unruliness.

“If you ask me, the period between the signing of the peace agreement and today is too short for a self- determination referendum to be held. We should have provided room for more meaningful engagement of the two regions for a longer period first. If the tribal armies in the South become unmanageable, not only will the whole country be at risk but also the eastern, northern and Horn of Africa region and therefore the world”, explains Dr Haroon.

Mahdi says: “Separation is not the better option because we have never really been stable since independence [in 1956]. Now that we are finding common ground,

PATIENT:

Members of the public fishing along River Nile in Khartoum

we should have experimented with unity for a longer period so that if we decide to separate down the line, we shall have known each other long enough to remain good neighbours”.

Tombi and Haroon concur that the international border between South and North might become the most volatile in the world should separation hold sway, in reference to the disputed Abyei region which not only sits at the probable boundary but also sits on vast hydrocarbons that are much-sought-after by both Juba and Khartoum.

“The South might become a magnet of international espionage, money laundering and gunrunning, endangering peace and security in central and eastern Africa.

The region might never know peace again”, Tombi ominously states, adding that the delimitation of the South-North border will be a precedent that could create an appetite for revisiting of the borders within and without Sudan.

A unitary Sudan remains a microcosm of humanity, what with the African Kush civilisation and the contribution of Arab civilisations.

SUDAN SPECIAL REPORT

ORIGINS & CULTURE

The Mother of Civilisation BOB WEKESA and photojournalist YAHYA MOHAMMED visited Sudan’s immense historical-cultural heritage in museums and sites and discovered a rich but little-known antiquity

HERITAGE:

Front view of the Sudan National Museum

J

ust as Sudan is Africa’s largest country, it is also a country with perhaps the wealthiest history. Indeed, the name Sudan emanates from an ancient description of a vast land stretching from present-day Somalia to Senegal. In its ancient definition, Sudan literally means the Land of Black People.

A visit to Sudan is a walk back in time and space to ancient, historical times. Several museums, historic sites and other material culture spanning the pre-historic period or Stone Age period bear witness to the depth of Sudanese historical heritage. To appreciate the Sudan as home to early civilisations consider the fact by 3000 BC to 2500 BC, humanity was making and using stone

tools as displayed at the Sudan National Museum on the banks of the Blue Nile. The principal early civilisation on display includes the Kerma Nubian kingdom, which has been referred to as the Nile Valley Civilisation. Described as the Kush Kingdom, this is perhaps one of the most commanding of human civilisations.

The Sudan National Museum was built with the support of UNESCO in 1964 and artefacts moved to Khartoum when Egypt built the Aswan High Dam, leading to the flooding and submerging of some of the antiques. One display in the Museum is the skull of Zinjanthropan man similar to the southern African bushman of yore.

Pottery for various uses with patterns emblazoned, bone tools

such as fishing hooks, hoeing and defence tools and other material culture indicate that Sudan was thriving at a time when Europe was still primitive. Jewellery dating back to 3500 to 1500 BC, mirrors made from bronze and alabaster tools and instruments for warfare and livelihood are a reminder of Sudan’s pre-eminence as the basis upon which modern ways of life have been developed. Material culture excavated and preserved also indicates that bronze was first in vogue in the Sudan as evidenced by ornamental artefacts such as necklaces, bracelets, amulets and beads.

In the Meroetic period (300 BC), glass tools such as jars were in use with the glass probably imported from the Romans, among other

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uses.

Archaeological sites abound throughout the country. In the Kerma area in the north, for instance, there are ruins of different civilisations from the earliest period (2400 to 1500 BC) to the Islamic period in the 19th Century.

Religion was a key indicator of the early civilisations, and one sees sacrificial chambers where the gods were celebrated or appeased in our ancient forerunners’ pursuit of favours. The museum also has worship temples such as the one built by King Imhotep, an Egyptian Pharaoh who had influence across the modern borders.

How did ancient Sudanese view life and death? The answers are to be found at museums and what comes to mind is the display of

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an excavated tomb with a wooden bed with a head-rest and flip flops besides the bones indicating that the owners were buried with these items for use in the hereafter.

During the Egyptian period, when Sudanese civilisations ruled over Egypt, one finds coffins, both made from stone, sandstone and wood, covered or open, showing the seriousness with which early humanity approached death.

An interesting item at the Sudan National Museum is a small weighing scale and the explanation is that when one died, a high priest of some sort would write the CV of the deceased to determine his character and arrive at the conclusion of whether the deceased was a good or bad person and therefore determined

his judgement. On the coffins and tombs in excavated historical sites, inscriptions in hieroglyphic, the language of ancient Sudan, can be seen, detailing for instance a king’s or queen’s life and times in some form of eulogy or biography.

This included his or her lineage, belongings and deeds when he or she was alive.

A reading or viewing of ancient history depicts the rivalry between

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nation states in those olden days.

Relations between the kings were not always upbeat, as evident from a description of the Egyptian King, Sehusort III, who built a wall preventing southerners (Sudanese) from accessing the north (Egypt).

Such was the fear of Sudanese civilisations by the Egyptians.

Kings played a commanding role in the life of the ancient civilisations.

In reference to their power and

influence, ordinary mortals and subjects created many stone and wooden sculptures as a sign of the kings’ assumed immortality. At the Sudan National Museum, there is a two-faced sculpture of a king made out of clay, the two faces depicting his invincibility. Queens shared in their husband’s power and glory and an interesting feature of some of the statues is that queens wore beards as testimony to their royal lineage.

ARTEFACTS:

Some of the historical items on display

Conquest was in vogue throughout the vast history of ancient Sudan.

King Thraga, immortalised through a huge stone statue, for instance spread his rule from the banks of the Nile, through Egypt and Palestine from between 669 to 664 BC. The statue, on display at the Museum, is 150 metres high and his exploits are mentioned the Bible, Isaiah 37:9, particularly his warfare prowess.

CONTINUED ON PG 36 >>

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SUDAN SPECIAL REPORT

1. TETE-A-TETE: Sudan Minister for Petroleum Dr Lual A Deng, (right) chats with the Managing Editor of the Diplomat East Africa Mr Bob Wekesa, when he paid a courtesy call on him at his office in Khartoum Sudan 2. CONFIDENT: Abdul Dafi al Khateeb, Under Secretary Ministry of Information 3. OFFICIAL: Dr Faroug Al Bushara, Secretary General Sudan InterReligions Council (SIRC)

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4. MY POINT: Bakri Awad Alkarim-Secretary General at the External Information Council 5. LOOKING UP: Dr Kamal Mohammed Alubeid, Sudan Minister for Information 6. GUIDED: The General Manager Burj Al-Fateh Hotel Khartoum, Mr. Mandlowsky Volker, (centre) looking at copies of Diplomat East Africa presented him by the Managing Editor Mr Bob Wekesa, (left) while Mr Hamza, Head of the Hotel Security looks on

SUDAN SPECIAL REPORT

1. EXHIBITS: Mr Amin Wadie, Curator of the Sudan National Museum, explains some points to the Diplomat East Africa Editor Mr Bob Wekesa, during visit to Khartoum National Museum 2. ARTEFACT: Queen head, at the Khartoum National Museum 3. LOFTY HEIGHTS: Mr Bob Wekesa, on a camel during a visit to pyramid site in Khartoum 4. BREAK: Mr Yahya Mohamed, Diplomat East Africa photographer enjoys a camel ride at the pyramid site in Khartoum

5. RARE: Parts of the display at the Museum 6. HORIZON: A section of the white Nile between Khartoum and Omdurman 7. THIS IS IT: Mr Amin Wadie, of the Museum explains a point about the war drum displays

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SUDAN SPECIAL REPORT

CONTINUED FROM PG 33 >>

ARTEFACTS:

Some of the historical items on display

Are pyramids, those humongous stone structures of Nile Valley civilisations, relics of Egypt alone?

Nay, Sudan has no less than 300 pyramids still standing and its only a matter of time before the country starts attracting tourists wowed and awed by this feat of ancient architecture.

A distinction as described by captions to artefacts at the Sudan National Museum is that on the Egyptian side of the civilisation, the pyramids were built during the life of the kings buried there, while the pyramids in Sudan indicate that the king died first and then the pyramids were built for them to be interred there. Basically therefore, the pyramids were built over the deceased kings.

In the museums or at archaeological sites, Sudan is a major source of knowledge and

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information on humanity’s past.

Historically important relics such as the temples of Amon, Augustus, Isis, Sun and Apedemak, all of them historically significant, are dotted across the nation. The Christian period rose after the decline of the Merowe kingdom and is dominated by paintings depicting biblical ideology, theology and history. This was around 550 AD. In one painting is seen the Madonna holding the Christ child. The Christian period also has displays of worship chambers. It is during this period that wooden hair combs, some of them in use to date in parts of Sudan, were made. The Christian era paintings in Museums are dominated by Jesus’ birth and crucifixion symbols made out of stone and clay materials.

The Islamic period took over from the Christian period and lasted

from 1805 to 1821 and prominent antiques marking this era are wooden boards for memorising the Quran as well as a war drum used for mobilising communities in war situations.

One of the most prominent of the Islamic era material culture and relics is the Khalifa House Museum and on display there are the Mahdist exploits and contributions.

Besides the building that houses the Museum is a domed tomb where one of the earliest Mahdi, a family that played a major role in the fight against colonialism, is entombed.

In a nutshell, the Sudan is literally one vast historical site, important for the unlocking of the sojourn of humanity on mother earth. With the anticipated peace and tranquilly in the country, Sudan is poised to reap from the tourism that will come with the marketing of the country as the Mother of Civilisation