Preserving Vanua

~ PRE SERVI N G VAN UA ~

Fig 1: A father and son stand on the remains of their old home (TIME, 2019)

TANYA HALDIPUR

Student no: 19172452,

DEVP7005 - Shelter after Disaster,

Assignment 2: 4000 words

Identifying holistic, cross-sectoral shelter strategies that address the loss of place attachment as a result of climate-induced displacement in Fiji

Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

Co nte nts I N T RO D U C TIO N

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1 . H OW I S DIS P LAC EM ENT A F F ECTING F IJIANS?

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WHY IS FIJI DEALING WITH SO MUCH CLIMATE-INDUCED DISPLACEMENT? THE IMPACTS OF HUMAN-INDUCED DISPLACEMENT HOW DOES PLANNED RELOCATION IMPACT FIJIANS?

2 . UNDE RS TA NDING THE CO NCE PT OF VANUA

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THE SIGNIFICANCE OF LAND TO FIJIANS UNDERSTANDING THE FIJIAN LAND TENURE SYSTEM

3 . A N A LYSING EXIS TING A ND PROPOSE D SOLUTIONS

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IDENTIFYING THE CURRENT ACTORS WHAT STEPS ARE CURRENTLY TAKEN BEFORE RELOCATION? HOW CAN PLACE ATTACHMENT BE MAINTAINED IF RELOCATION IS NECESSARY? INTEGRATING SHELTER AND ECOSYSTEM-BASED ADAPTATION STRATEGIES

4. CO N CLUS IO N

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5 . B I B LI OG RA P HY

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6 . I M AG E LIS T

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7 . A PP E NDIX A - INTERV IEW WITH MASI LATIANARA

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Fig 2: Vunidogoloa’s newly relocated village on higher ground (TIME, 2019)

Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

Introduction

~ Vanua ~

“The Fijian concept of home that is “inclusive of the land with its flora and fauna, rivers and adjacent seas, the people (the ancestors, those living and those yet to be born) and their customs, norms, beliefs, social organization…and sacred sites”.

(Singh et al. 2020:7)

Displacement is increasingly becoming one of the largest humanitarian crises in the world, as a result of conflict, climate change and unsustainable urbanisation (IMDC, 2020). Disaster displacement, in particular, is having a tremendous impact on the Pacific Islands, with around 50,000 Pacific Islanders at risk of being displaced each year (ibid.). To address this issue, since 2014, the Fijian government have started planning for the relocation of multiple coastal villages in Fiji, a measure which, despite being acknowledged as the last resort, has started to gain traction as the only viable solution to climate-induced displacement and land loss. But is it the right solution for the communities affected?

Disaster displacement is a consequence of “the interaction between a hazard, exposure and vulnerability” (Disaster Displacement, n.d.). Relocation can be seen primarily as a strategy to address community exposure and physical vulnerability to hazards by moving to a safer site. However, the psychosocial, ‘non-economic’ vulnerabilities of some communities can often be either overlooked or intensified by the process. This essay explores the impacts of these vulnerabilities on the relationship that Fijians have with their land, known as place attachment. It then goes on to analyse how different shelter scenarios, aimed at tackling climate-induced displacement, can maintain place attachment by helping communities to stay in their existing location, as well as the strategies that can be used to retain cultural heritage and communities’ vanua in a situation where relocation is the only solution.

Despite only contributing a minuscule amount to global emissions, Fiji, along with other small island developing nations, is bearing the brunt of climate change. Hence, while international aid can be a contentious topic in other parts of the world, Fiji is in fact urging larger international economies to make up for their role in exacerbating climate change by helping to fund Fijian-led programmes (Ministry of Communications, 2018; Salem, 2020).

Thus, this essay will also briefly investigate emerging cross-sectoral strategies which could be implemented with funding assistance from international donors and governments.

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

How is displacement affecting Fijians?

Displacement occurs when people are forced to move from their habitual residences due to a disaster or the threat of a foreseeable natural hazard. It is widely recognised that disaster displacement is “inherently multi-causal” (Disaster Displacement, n.d.) and its dynamics vary depending on four scenarios: rapid-onset disasters such as storm surges and cyclones, slowonset disasters such as rising sea levels, multi-hazard disasters where hazardous events occur simultaneously or cumulatively and disasters that occur in conflict situations (ibid.).

Data shows that 98% of the global disaster displacement in 2021 occurred due to weatherrelated events, particularly floods and storms (IMDC, 2021), which are prevalent across the Pacific.

Why is Fiji dealing with so much climate-induced displacement?

Fiji is an archipelago state in the geographic region of Oceania (Fig 3) and is made up of 320 islands of which just over 100 are inhabited low-lying atolls (Shelter projects, 2016). It is one of the largest and wealthiest nations in the Pacific island region, with a landmass of 18,274km and a population of 905,850 (www.worldometers.info, 2021). This population is mostly spread between the two main islands, Vanua Levu and Viti Levu, with the capital city, Suva, being located on the latter. Suva acts as the regional hub for the Pacific Islands and is where most NGO headquarters, such as Habitat for Humanity, UN Pacific and IFRC, are based (IMDC, 2020).

VANUA LEVU

VITI LEVU

suva

Figure 3: World map of Fiji location and zoom in of the archipelago (Tanya Haldipur, 2021)

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

Situated within the Pacific ‘Ring of Fire’, Fiji is prone to earthquakes, tsunamis and landslides (Rowling, 2021). But what is perhaps more threatening is the seasonal recurrence of cyclones, heavy rain and flooding. With the majority of settlements and infrastructure located in close proximity to the ocean, these yearly hazards pose vast social and economical risks to more than 90% of Fiji’s population (IMDC, 2020). In fact, storm surges that result from recurring cyclones have been found to be the main causes of disaster displacement with a 56% probability of leading to the displacement of a further 35,000 people in the next 20 years (ibid.). Because of the higher topography in the centre of Fijian islands, most populations have been internally displaced, either close to their original land or further inland, with the latter becoming more common as more land is lost to rising sea levels.

These intensified natural hazards, exacerbated by climate change, are causing an exponential increase in displacement rates. In the last 10 years, there have been 12 storms, with more than half recognised as Category 5 cyclones (Kelser, 2021), the strongest storm level on record. While these used to be a rare occurrence, two Category 5 storms struck Fiji twice in 2020 alone, triggering over 100,000 displacements across the archipelago (IMDC, 2021).

This is a major concern when looking at strategies to ensure the future safety of Fijians as it reduces the time and capacities of communities to rebuild between hazards, which can increase the likelihood of not meeting all of their needs.

The impacts of human-induced displacement Aside from the impacts of climate change, human-induced environmental degradation also plays a role in exacerbating the risks of displacement in Fiji (Global Protection Cluster, 2020).

Of these, deforestation of mangroves has historically played a large role. When the traditional Fijian vernacular was more prevalent, this deforestation was due to its use as a construction material as well as for fuel. This has declined with globalisation and the introduction of more ‘contemporary’ materials and fuel alternatives. However, anthropogenic stressors, such as conversions to sugarcane plantations, are the current driver of mangrove loss in Fiji (Clint and et al., 2021). Furthermore rapid urban development and a rise of informal settlements are also putting pressure on mangrove forests as well as coral reef extraction, both of which are highly effective at providing natural barriers against storm surges and cyclones (UN Habitat, n.d.). The loss of these has thus led to the loss of Fiji’s first line of defence against coastal hazards, which has increased communities’ exposure.

Fig 4: An informal settlement in a swampy, unstable mangrove forest in Suva, Fiji (Monash University, n.d.)

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

How does planned relocation impact Fijians?

Planned relocation is the process of state-led resettlement of communities that are displaced or at risk of displacement. It is a relatively new strategy to combat climate change in Fiji, with the community of Vunidogoloa village being the first to relocate in 2014 (McNamara and Jacot Des Combes, 2015). Since then, several villages have been fully or partially relocated, leading to the Fijian Government issuing ‘Planned relocation guidelines’ in 2018 and subsequently launching the World’s first ‘Climate Relocation and Displaced Peoples Trust Fund for Communities and Infrastructure’ a year later (UN News, 2019). The guidelines are a ‘living’ document outlining principles and procedures for all stakeholders involved in the relocation process including the community, the government and donors (Ministry of Economy Fiji, 2018). This year alone, the government has identified 800 vulnerable communities, planning for over 43 villages to be relocated (Rowling 2021). With an increasing amount of coastal land becoming uninhabitable, relocation seems to be the best solution to tackle the impending threat. However, with the hazards occurring on an annual or even biannual basis, Shelter Projects states that shelter responses in the Pacific should “focus on promoting Disaster Risk Reduction in support of affected populations’ self-recovery efforts” (Shelter projects, 2016:4). Is relocation allowing populations to self-recover or is it increasing other forms of vulnerability and simply delaying the inevitable?

There is no doubt that relocation has its advantages. Moving villages that are currently based on low-lying coastal land, that is at risk of flooding or altogether disappearing, to higher land, is an obvious solution in terms of physical safety. This can include safer living conditions and more stable housing, with foundations built on more durable soil, access to cleaner drinking water and sanitation, and better food security, provided that the new location is closer to subsistence and cash-crop farming plots (McMichael and Powell, 2021).

However, there are also equally negative impacts of relocation that occur, particularly if the process is carried out without proper consideration for the needs of all those in the community. This can include tangible losses such as loss of livelihoods, recreational activities and changes to family dynamics, which can have detrimental impacts on mental health as well. Women, in particular, are observed to be affected by these losses, through potential changes to gendered livelihood activities such as craft-work, textile weaving, and local food provision (Kelman et al., 2021). In Vunidogoloa, there have also been reports of increased gender-based violence, partly as a result of the move from large communal extended family houses in the old location to separate homes for each family in the new location. The women here attributed this to the lost protection afforded by communal living (McMichael and Powell, 2021).

Furthermore, another impact, which is perhaps more subtle and harder to recognise, is the psychosocial, non-economic losses of “place, identity and belonging” (Ilan Kelman et al 2021:9) that can occur due to the loss of heritage and place attachment. Although often the hardest and least likely to be addressed, place attachment is recognised as a significant barrier to the willingness of communities to move from their land (Singh et al., 2020).

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

Understanding the concepts of Vanua and place attachment

“ Land is more than just a means of earning livelihoods for an indigenous Fijian, it is strongly linked to traditional and emotional well-being.”

(Singh et al., 2020:7)

The significance of land to Fijians Place attachment is defined as the emotional bond between a person and a place (Kals and Maes, 2002). The extent to which this occurs depends on two dimensions, place identity and place dependence. Both of these dimensions are strongly embedded in Fijian culture, particularly for indigenous Fijians, who view their ‘vanua’ or home, not as a detached entity that can be picked up and placed elsewhere, but as one that intrinsically revolves around “emotions, local knowledge and customary behaviour” (Singh et al, 2020:7). This notion of vanua is often seen as a powerful link in creating community solidarity and there can be a strong belief that leaving their land, even when facing danger, can lead to chastisement and a loss of relationships and customs (ibid.). Thus land can be seen as a crucial part of Fijians’ identity and any attempts to provide shelter solutions must take this into account.

Understanding the Fijian land tenure system When considering ways to address place attachment in shelter solutions, it is important to note that not all Fijians have the same land rights. Within the archipelago, there are significant divisions between different communities and their access to land. The land tenure system is divided into three types of land, Crown land, iTaukei land and freehold land of which 87% is iTaukei land, which cannot be sold and belongs to different iTaukei clans (Latianara, 2021). These distinct land divisions can create difficulties for relocation, particularly when a community cannot be relocated within their own land and therefore have to be placed on land provided by another host community. In this situation, understanding the needs of both the community relocating and the host community, is crucial in order to avoid intensifying any cultural and spiritual implications that may have occurred through the abandonment of traditional land (Global Protection Cluster, 2020).

The population of Fiji is split into formal and informal settlements. The formal housing sector includes registered villages that are owned, settled and led by iTaukei Indigenous Fijian clans as well as urban communities settled by a mixture of other ethnicities such as Indo-Fijians, other Pacific Islanders, Europeans, Chinese and some expats (Shelter Cluster Fiji, 2019).

These communities typically have secure land tenure. Contrastingly, the informal housing sector is made up of ‘tikovakagalala’ homes which refers to that of iTaukei families that are still on clan land but, usually for farming purposes, have chosen to live outside the village boundary. These households do have some recognition under Fiji law and often still have social ties to their clan and mataqali (Tribe) (ibid.).

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

However, the second group in this sector, who have little to no secure land tenure at all, is the growing informal or squatter communities, primarily made up of Indo-Fijians and iTaukei families. The housing security for these households can be extremely unstable, with building rights usually facilitated through ‘handshake’ agreements and either monthly cashbased rent payments or a single lump sum. Furthermore, there is rarely any strong leadership and protection by law is scarce (ibid.). This lack of security can lead to informal settlements inevitably ending up in the least-desirable, hazard-prone locations of Fiji, without the proper resources or necessary infrastructure to protect themselves. While place attachment for these communities may still be important, Masi Latianara, the National Director for Habitat for Humanity Fiji, believes that “if they were given a more desirable location they would certainly move” (Latianara, 2021). However, although technically stated as eligible in the Relocation Guidelines, these informal communities tend to be overlooked in formal relocation strategies (Global Protection Cluster, 2020). This can push their settlements into even more unstable and high-risk areas such as mangrove forests, which as previously mentioned, can also have a detrimental impact on the overall protection against coastal hazards through their deforestation. This goes to show how vital community participation is when looking at relocation or other shelter strategies, as the needs can vary drastically from community to community, depending on their relationship to their existing land.

“With over 80 per cent of land in Fiji communally owned by the iTaukei communities, cultural and spiritual ties to the land inevitably play a prominent role in relocation processes.”

(Global Protection Cluster, 2020)

"Even though we are safe away from the impact of climate

change, our mind, our soul, always thinks back to our old village site"

~ Vunidogoloa resident ~ (BBC, 2020)

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Fig 5: Vunidogoloa’s newly relocated village on higher ground, away from crucial livelihoods (TIME, 2019)

Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

Analysing existing and proposed solutions: Identifying the current actors - Fiji cluster system and partner organisations: There is a well-established network of actors responding to the growing problems in Fiji.

The Fiji Cluster System (Fig 3) has been in operation since 2011, with the National Disaster Management Office (NDMO) overseeing the coordination of all national-level disasterresponse programmes (Shelter Cluster Fiji, 2019). The Shelter Cluster is led by the Ministry of Housing and Community Development while Habitat for Humanity Fiji and the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies act as co-leads.

Fig 6: The Fiji Cluster System highlighting where the Shelter Cluster fits in (Shelter Cluster Fiji, 2019)

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

What steps are currently taken before resorting to relocation?

It is widely acknowledged by all the actors, that relocation should be the last resort, only to be carried out after all other feasible adaptation options have been explored (COP23, 2018). For this reason, there are a number of alternative programmes being developed in Fiji to address the displacement of communities as well as reduce their vulnerability to future hazards, such as mangrove rehabilitation, sea wall construction (Chaudhury, 2019) and shelter reinforcements, for which Habitat for Humanity are a key actor. Although they have executed a few relocations since their conception 30 years ago, Habitat’s main focus lies in the reconstruction of existing and new houses on current land as well as training and capacity building for communities with the belief that “sustainability comes in when people have the capacity to rebuild themselves” (Latianara, 2021). Rather than prescribing specific shelter solutions, they recognise that there is a range of roles that may take up at different stages of the process. Together with the Inter-Agency Standing Committee Shelter Cluster, they have been operating what is the known as the ‘Pathways to Permanence’ in countries around the world. This concept aims to provide disaster-affected communities with stepping stones to achieve permanent shelter solutions through the use of “holistic program interventions” (Habitat, n.d.) and is based on the idea that “safe, decent shelter provides the platform upon which much of post-disaster assistance [such as health, water, sanitation, livelihoods etc] is built” (Shelter Cluster Fiji, 2019:18) (Fig 4). Though no two pathways are exactly the same as they are heavily influenced by the context, Fig 4 illustrates a general potential pathway for communities that want to stay in their existing site, showing that there are still steps that can be taken to ensure their future safety, without the need for relocation. However, with the increasing frequency of disasters in Fiji, the rate of reconstruction could be too slow to ensure households are protected against the next hazard. For this reason, there is a need for more holistic resilience and reduction programmes that look at strengthening whole land strategies rather than just at the individual household level.

Fig 7: The Pathways to Permanence illustration (Habitat, n.d.)

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

It is also crucial to recognise and integrate the strengths of Fijian heritage. In an interview with Masi, the national director at Habitat for Humanity Fiji, he laments that the traditional Bure dwelling (Fig 7), “which has gone through centuries of environmental testing, is all but lost” (Latianara, 2021). In fact, today, it makes up just 3% of the overall housing stock (Shelter Cluster Fiji, 2019). This is primarily as a result of colonial and Western influence on Fijian housing technology resulting in a desire for ‘contemporary and modern’ style houses, that are not as resilient against the hazards in Fiji (Latianara, 2021). However, Masi explains that rather than building these houses themselves, Habitat for Humanity are working with local builders to help them recognise the value of their traditional construction with the belief that the revival of their vernacular will come automatically once it is seen as desirable (ibid.).

It is important to note here that the revival of old Fijian construction techniques, for which mangroves and other timbers are often used, needs to occur alongside mangrove planting and rehabilitation to ensure that it is sustainable and does not exacerbate deforestation.

“Community members fully understand their local environment, and as such have the capacity to reduce the impacts of climate change by utilizing their local knowledge of the environment and natural resources” (Singh et al., 2020:12)

Fig 8: Traditional Fijian Bure (Shelter projects, 2016)

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

When relocation is the only option, how can place attachment be maintained?

Keeping existing physical and emotional ties with land is difficult in a process where communities are physically moving their entire settlements. However, there are some ways to mitigate the loss, at least to some extent. Where possible, the new site should be located within the customary boundaries of their own clan’s land. This can help to keep their ties to the land intact, as well as avoiding land ownership issues (Singh et al., 2020). However, with growing displacement, this may not always be an option. In this case, it is crucial to facilitate discussions about land rights and compensation between the relocating community and the host community right from the start of the process (McNamara and Des Combes, 2015).

The Vunidogoloa community was relocated within their own territory but the move was still an “emotionally disturbing experience” (Singh et al., 2020:11) for some. However, there were a few techniques that were used to mitigate the loss of place attachment. One such strategy was engaging with the community throughout the process. This lead to them supplying the timber for housing construction from their customary lands. Not only did this provide a physical tie to their vanua but it was also sustainable and helped to reduce the cost of the relocation (McNamara and Des Combes, 2015).

Integrating shelter and ecosystem-based adaptation strategies for disaster risk reduction Although there is vast research on both of these topics separately, there is very little on examples and benefits of integrating shelter strategies with EBA systems such as mangrove planting, permaculture and intercropping (Singh et al., 2020). Masi states that while the two sectors are very much related, they often do not collaborate because the cost associated with both housing and “this kind of protected remedial infrastructure” is so high that funding streams don’t deal with them together (Latianara, 2021).

However, enhancing the resilience of the land on which settlements will be placed seems like it would have its benefits. One example of where this strategy has been used is ACTED’s programme to support flood-affected families in Pakistan in 2012 through the integration of disaster risk reduction, shelter and food security inspired by permaculture practices.

Through cross-sectoral collaborations with WASH and the Nutrition cluster, they were able to come up with innovative ways to mitigate sanitation risks by planting trees that absorb the surplus waste-water, plant trees as windbreaks for shelter protection as well as households’ vegetable gardens and create new livelihood opportunities (ACTED, 2012). Although the information on the success of this project is limited, there has been a lot of emerging data on the benefits of permaculture in increasing the strength of soil and the resilience of crops and farms during storms. It would certainly be interesting to see whether it can be integrated within shelter and settlement design to create resilient self-reliant communities.

“EBA is a ​​ relatively new strategy used in disaster risk reduction and climate change adaptation, which utilizes the most accessible asset; the natural system, to adapt to the impacts of climate variability” (Singh et al., 2020:14)

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

Conclusion: “This is a special place, and we will do everything we can to make sure our future generation have the same benefts that we enjoyed, growing up near the ocean on royal ground.” ~ Meredani - Elder in Vunisavisavi Village ~ (World Bank, 2017)

It is often the case that shelter solutions to climate change impacts fall short of truly understanding the needs of the population. In Fiji in particular, the solution of relocation, while seemingly the best outcome, can fail to recognise the non-economic losses that can arise from the loss of the strong connection with their land. While shelter solutions cannot always completely prevent this, particularly in a situation where relocation is necessary for the immediate safety of the communities, the process can play a role in mitigating the impacts through engaging directly with different communities and helping to record and share the knowledge and value of traditional culture and skills that have proven to be resilient against natural hazards in the past.

In the event of relocation, it is also vital that the government, and any other stakeholders involved in the organisation, engage in a ​​Monitoring, Evaluation, Accountability and Learning (MEAL) process after the community has settled in the new location to ensure that the negative impacts of the relocation do not outweigh the positives (Shelter after Disaster Lecture, 2021). It would be particularly important here to engage with the most vulnerable and perhaps marginalised groups such as women, children and disabled who may feel the impacts of relocation the most, as well as informal communities whose voices have almost entirely been left out of the relocation guidelines in the past.

There is also scope for Fiji to act as a trial country for new, innovative, cross-sectoral interventions, through international funding provided to their ‘Climate Relocation and Displaced Peoples Trust Fund for Communities and Infrastructure.’ With their biggest hazards being recurring rapid-onset or slow-onset disasters, they have the benefit of foresight, at least to some level, which can and should allow for more disaster reduction and prevention programmes to be tested and implemented. By focusing on this, it could potentially help to both increase the resilience of coastal communities and strengthen natural barriers against hazards, thereby reducing the risk of displacement and the need to relocate.

However, it is important to note here that while funding may come from international adaptation financing, the methods and interventions should be community-led as this is the only way to ensure sustainability and to value their own existing resilience and strong devotion to their vanua.

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

Bibliography: ACTED (2012). Humanitarian interventions Long-term impact. [online] Available at: https://reliefweb.int/sites/ reliefweb.int/files/resources/acted_pakistan_2012_bd_final.pdf BBC (2020). Climate change: How global warming & rising sea levels are affecting Fiji - CBBC Newsround. www.bbc.co.uk. [online] Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/newsround/53556377.

Chaudhury, M. (2019). From Mangroves to Tin Roofs: Fiji Uses Built and Natural Infrastructure for Climate Adaptation. www.wri.org. [online] Available at: https://www.wri.org/insights/mangroves-tin-roofs-fiji-usesbuilt-and-natural-infrastructure-climate-adaptation.

Clint, C. and et al. (2021). Landcover change in mangroves of Fiji: Implications for climate change mitigation and adaptation in the Pacific. Environmental Challenges, [online] 2, p.100018. Available at: https://www. sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2667010020300184#:~:text=The%20areal%20extent%20of%20 mangroves.

COP23 (2018). Planned Relocation Guidelines Living Document. [online] Available at: https://cop23.com.fj/wpcontent/uploads/2018/12/CC-PRG-BOOKLET-22-1.pdf.

Disaster Displacement. (n.d.). Internal displacement in the context of disasters and the adverse effects of climate change - Submission by the Envoy of the Chair of PDD. [online] Available at: https://disasterdisplacement.org/ staff-member/internal-displacement-in-the-context-of-disasters-and-the-adverse-effects-of-climate-change.

GFDRR (2017). STORIES OF CLIMATE VULNERABILITY AND RESILIENCE IN FIJI. [online] Available at: https:// www.gfdrr.org/sites/default/files/publication/Fiji%20Newspaper.pdf Global Protection Cluster (2020). Fiji Learning from Communities in the Development of National Planned Relocation Guidelines in the Context of Climate Change. [online] Available at: https://www. globalprotectioncluster.org/wp-content/uploads/fiji.pdf.

Habitat (n.d.). Disaster Risk Reduction and Response habitat.org/disaster Habitat for Humanity’s Pathways to Permanence. [online] Available at: https://www.habitat.org/sites/default/files/pathways-to-permanence.pdf IMDC (2020). Sudden-Onset Hazards and the Risk of Future Displacement in Fiji. [online] Available at: https:// www.internal-displacement.org/sites/default/files/publications/documents/fiji_riskprofile_idmc.pdf.

IMDC (2021). Global Report on Internal Displacement 2021. [online] Available at: https://www.internaldisplacement.org/sites/default/files/publications/documents/grid2021_idmc.pdf. ​​ Kelman, I., Ayeb-Karlsson, S., Rose-Clarke, K., Prost, A., Ronneberg, E., Wheeler, N. and Watts, N. (2021).

A review of mental health and wellbeing under climate change in small island developing states (SIDS).

Environmental Research Letters, 16(3), p.033007.

McMichael, C. and Powell, T. (2021). Planned Relocation and Health: A Case Study from Fiji. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 18(8), p.4355.

McNamara, K.E. and Des Combes, H.J. (2015). Planning for Community Relocations Due to Climate Change in Fiji. International Journal of Disaster Risk Science, 6(3), pp.315–319.

Ministry of Communications (2018). The Fijian Government. [online] The Fijian Government. Available at: https://www.fiji.gov.fj/Media-Centre/News/WORLD%E2%80%99S-FIRST-%E2%80%93EVERRELOCATION-TRUST-FUND-FOR-PEOP. Salem, S. (2020). Climate Change and the Sinking Island States in the Pacific. [online] E-International Relations.

Available at: https://www.e-ir.info/2020/01/09/climate-change-and-the-sinking-island-states-in-the-pacific/.

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Assignment 2: 4000 words

Shelter Cluster Fiji (2019). National Coordination Inclusive and Accessible Shelter Planning for Fijian Communities Fiji Shelter Handbook Inclusive and Accessible Shelter Planning for Fijian Communities. [online] Available at: https://reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/resources/fiji_shelter_handbook_final_7.05.19.pdf.

Shelter projects (2016). FIJI 2016 / TROPICAL CYCLONE WINSTON CASE STUDY. [online] Available at: https:// shelterprojects.org/shelterprojects2015-2016/SP15-16_A15-Fiji-2016.pdf.

Singh, P., Charan, D., Kaur, M., Railoa, K. and Chand, R. (2020). Place Attachment and Cultural Barriers to Climate Change Induced Relocation: Lessons from Vunisavisavi Village, Vanua Levu, Fiji. Managing Climate Change Adaptation in the Pacific Region, pp.27–43.

UN Habitat (n.d.). Fiji Resilient Informal Settlements. [online] spark.adobe.com. Available at: https://spark.adobe. com/page/4cyN86xFKwXLc/ UN News (2019). News | Fiji Permanent Mission to the United Nations. [online] www.un.int. Available at: https://www.un.int/fiji/news/world%E2%80%99s-first-%E2%80%93ever-relocation-trust-fund-peopledisplaced-climate-change-launched-fijian-prime World Bank (2017). Fallen Kingdom: Rising tides for one of Fiji’s most sacred communities. [online] World Bank.

Available at: https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2017/11/07/fallen-kingdom-rising-tides-for-oneof-fiji-most-sacred-communities www.worldometers.info. (2021). Fiji Population (2020) - Worldometer. [online] Available at: https://www. worldometers.info/world-population/fiji-population/#:~:text=The%20current%20population%20of%20Fiji.

Figure list: GFDRR (2017). STORIES OF CLIMATE VULNERABILITY AND RESILIENCE IN FIJI. [online] Available at: https:// www.gfdrr.org/sites/default/files/publication/Fiji%20Newspaper.pdf Habitat (n.d.). Disaster Risk Reduction and Response habitat.org/disaster Habitat for Humanity’s Pathways to Permanence. [online] Available at: https://www.habitat.org/sites/default/files/pathways-to-permanence.pdf Ramírez-Lovering, D. and et al. (n.d.). Revitalising Informal Settlements and their Environments (RISE). [online] Art, Design and Architecture. Available at: https://www.monash.edu/mada/research/rise.

Shelter projects (2016). FIJI 2016 / TROPICAL CYCLONE WINSTON CASE STUDY. [online] Available at: https:// shelterprojects.org/shelterprojects2015-2016/SP15-16_A15-Fiji-2016.pdf.

TIME (2019). The Leaders of These Sinking Countries Are Fighting to Stop Climate Change. [online] Time. Available at: https://time.com/longform/sinking-islands-climate-change/.

World Bank (2017). Fallen Kingdom: Rising tides for one of Fiji’s most sacred communities. [online] World Bank. [online] Available at: https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2017/11/07/fallen-kingdom-rising-tidesfor-one-of-fiji-most-sacred-communities

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Student no: 19172452

DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster

Assignment 2: 4000 words

Appendix: Transcript of Interview with Masi Latianara Interviewee: Masi Latianara, National Director of Habitat for Humanity Fiji Interviewer: Tanya Haldipur, DEP Masters student Date - Monday 13th Dec 2021 Location: Zoom [start of interview] Tanya: I understand that land ownership in Fiji is quite complex and can impact different communities. Can you give a bit of background on that?

Masi: so the land tenure system in Fiji, there’s three types of land, there’s crown land as you said, there’s itaukei or communal land and then there’s freehold and you’ve probably seen the percentages of that breakdown. Itaukei land or communal land is around 86/87% and the remaining 14 or so % is split between crown and freehold.

So freehold land, anybody can own, including foreigners. Um Crown land, there are restrictions to crown land which anybody can own but depending on the restrictions and then communal or itaukei land erm cannot be sold and only belongs to the itaukei people and it’s broken down through erm clans right so clans have ownership and so the legal ownership of that land stops at the clan level. It doesn’t go down any further right so it doesn’t go down to the families and it doesn’t go down to individuals it stays at the clan level and that land is protected into perpetuity, it cannot be sold. It can be leased um but it cannot be sold. And erm it can be leased, depending on the zoning or the type of use, it is erm, restricted to er I think around from 30 to 99 years, depending on the type of land right so agricultural leases are around 30 years and then residential leases are around 99 years and then everything in between.

Tanya: in terms of relocation, are there steps that have to be taken before that, is that the last measure?

Masi: erm yh definitely, its a costly measure to move right? Erm and so its definitely always the last resort. Erm im thinking of different situations erm coz you have land thats desirable and land that’s not desirable for whatever reason access to services or whether its low lying, flood-prone things like that. I think that regardless of the condition of the land, across all of the economic levels I would say that is similar access all economic levels moving would be the last resort. Now the reasons why people move is varied. They go from land disputes to temporary security of tenure um to climate change. Erm obviously when it comes to climate change, erm it affects, mostly it’ll affect coastal communities, communities in low lying areas. These would be formal as well as informal communities. Of course informal communities inevitably end up in the least desirable locations and these could be flood-prone they may not necessarily have the necessary infrastructure to protect the community from things like land slides things like that. But even then, yh, relocation is usually a last resort, as miserable as the some of these communities conditions are, its still, quite often and part of it is you know in informal settlements, if they were given a more desirable location they would certainly move. But, so part of the difficulty for moving for informal settlement is the attachment to the land but also there is no other alternative.

Tanya: How closely have you as a shelter practitioner come across or worked with more agriculture and planting strategies? I was researching strategies related to replanting mangroves to mitigate the impacts of storm surges. Is this something that shelter practitioners deal with or have any kind of interaction with or is it quite separate?

Masi: er its actually not separate its very much related. However, the way that funding comes in, erm, because a lot of the work thats done around this is externally funded right it’s not like the private sector that does this that go out and look for funding as a business opportunity. And so as a result, erm yh my knee jerk reaction is that because of the cost associated with both housing and this kind of protected remedial infrastructure, the two don’t often come together. The unit cost for housing and the unit cost for you know that kind of infrastructure is so high that er donors, funding opportunities don’t deal with them both at the same time. You know so but yh they are definitely directly related yh.

Tanya: So does that mean that even cross-sectoral collaborations don’t happen? Would you have different donors for different sectors?

Masi: Yes that’s certainly a reason for cross-sectoral collaborations not to happen - because of the funding yh.

Tanya: Is there often resistance to relocation because of place attachment and the cultural values and history of the land?

Masi: yh absolutely and it isn’t always one voice. It’s usually one part of the community wants to move and the other part doesn’t. And again it all comes down to access to resources. Erm, you know investment in the current site erm certainly there are cultural connections to the site. There’s obviously economical connections to the site that will affect decision making and yes yh for Fiji, formal communities, there’s definitely sort of cultural, almost religious connections historical connections.

Because in Fiji, the land and the people are very much tied to historical relationships so anything that happens to the land is seen or is determined by the historical relationships between the people that are there now and the people there in the past.

The decisions that were made as a result of relationships between different peoples that brought them to that land, erm these 16 are all very much kept alive, this relationship through oral record keeping.

time. You know so but yh they are definitely directly related yh.

Tanya: So does that mean that even cross-sectoral collaborations don’t happen? Would you have different donors for different sectors?

Student no: 19172452 DEVP7005 - Shelter after disaster Assignment 2: 4000 words Masi: Yes that’s certainly a reason for cross-sectoral collaborations not to happen - because of the funding yh.

Tanya: Is there often resistance to relocation because of place attachment and the cultural values and history of the land?

Masi: yh absolutely and it isn’t always one voice. It’s usually one part of the community wants to move and the other part doesn’t. And again it all comes down to access to resources. Erm, you know investment in the current site erm certainly there are cultural connections to the site. There’s obviously economical connections to the site that will affect decision making and yes yh for Fiji, formal communities, there’s definitely sort of cultural, almost religious connections historical connections.

Because in Fiji, the land and the people are very much tied to historical relationships so anything that happens to the land is seen or is determined by the historical relationships between the people that are there now and the people there in the past.

The decisions that were made as a result of relationships between different peoples that brought them to that land, erm these are all very much kept alive, this relationship through oral record keeping.

Tanya: With regards to livelihoods, as you mentioned economical connections, erm so for example a community where there are predominantly coastal/ water-based livelihoods, um, when they get relocated inland, how do you mitigate or help to introduce different livelihoods? How does that work?

Masi: Habitat hasn’t done many relocations I think over the past erm 15 years, well I think for the whole life of Habitat Fiji which is 30 years, we have relocated 2 or 3 communities and even then it was partial relocation, some decided to stay, some decided to move. Erm, and so when it comes to your question about the economic ramifications on livelihoods and income generation, erm, I mean our communities are small so for the experiences we are talking about maybe relocating about 15 houses. Erm and because they are formal communities they are also landowners so a lot of the time its moving them still within their own land. Yh so that’s one issue so the security of tenure is not affected however the point you brought up about being coastal and close to resources, erm, we haven’t done any formal studies on how that’s affected communities but its certainly a consideration in our planning and discussions with communities about how it’s going o affect their livelihoods so the discussions we have had has been around accessibility to their boats, being able to get out onto the ocean as quickly and conveniently as possible. We haven’t assessed whether any of the households have changed their resources focus you know like if they have gone from fishing to working in hotels. Although interestingly with covid, not so much about relocation erm but which might be of interest to you we are working with several communities right now who have historically for several generations have worked in hotels, coastal villagers who worked in hotels who are now, because of covid, because the tourism industry has shut down in Fiji, have resorted to fisheries and agriculture as alternative forms of income. And so I can imagine the communities that were terrestrial, you know further inland, are probably doing the same which they would only be able to do if they have access to land. So that’s probably only happening with formal communities and landowners. Informal communities are not landowners.

They don’t have anything beyond the footprint of their houses. If they were working in the tourism industry they would be pretty you know hard up in finding work elsewhere. So you could bring that point into your discussion about how erm you know the tourism industry shutting down, that relocation might have been an opportunity had they not had the resources and access to the land that they do. I have heard of a lot of families who actually lived in the city, the urban centres, who have moved back to their land, to their villages, because of covid. Because of how it affected their income because they’ve been laid off so a lot of families are migrating the other way out of urban centres and back into rural settlements. So that’s a relocation of sorts so yh something like a pandemic would do that.

Tanya: in terms of habitat for humanity in Fiji, what is your focus? Is it mainly on reconstruction of existing houses?

Masi: yes, existing and new as well as a lot of focus on training, building capacities. Housing is so expensive we can’t build all of the houses and so really the sustainability comes in when people have the capacity to rebuild themselves.

Tanya: How do you deal with remote communities and getting materials to them, especially straight after a disaster?

Masi: we do a lot of work on reclaiming damaged materials, repurposing damaged materials. We try to build capacity through training so that people are able to rebuild themselves. We do work with communities er to build based on the resources that they do have access to. So we look at native timbers, other materials bamboo erm we’ve just started with bamboo and stabilised earth block. Again, The sustainability in housing comes when homeowners are able to afford to rebuild their own homes. Because it is such a huge investment and so if we can develop technologies that they can use, that they can access it increases the sustainability factor of housing.

Fiji is in the process of transition going from village to city, from communal to individual, from [subsistence] to cash-based economy. Fiji is going through that transition which has affected housing technology. In Fiji, as a result of TV and magazines, movies etc, the perception of the housing process is contemporary style house, modern style house so the technology that our culture grew up with which is quite complex, changed overnight when colonialism came in, Christianity came in erm so just in a matter of years that perception of what progress meant started to change. So Fiji is now at the point where traditional construction which has gone through centuries of environmental testing is all but lost. Its been kept alive in the tourism industry but sort of a disneyland aspect of it. So in that transition, we have been brought up in contemporary style housing, we haven’t learnt the intimate details of living in houses like this. So that affects housing resilience.

Tanya: Does HfH try to address this at all? In terms of trying to find people that still have the knowledge and trying to share it around?

Masi: Yeah so we’ve got a few pieces of research we did around traditional resources and we are working with community builders to be able to, not revert to the traditional construction, but to first of all, recognise the VALUE of the traditional construction. And then the reverting to it will just come automatically when they see the value. So yh we are doing that we have done the research and that will probably translate into some sort of training module but there’s also certainly a lot of advocacy that needs to happen around it as well.

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Tanya: in terms of the traditional ways of building, are mangroves used as a material?

movies etc, the perception of the housing process is contemporary style house, modern style house so the technology that our culture grew up with which is quite complex, changed overnight when colonialism came in, Christianity came in erm so just in a matter of years that perception of what progress meant started to change. So Fiji is now at the point where traditional construction which has gone through centuries of environmental testing is all but lost. Its been kept alive in the tourism industry but19172452 sort of a disneyland aspect of it. So in that transition,-we haveafter beendisaster brought up in contemporary style housing, we haven’t Student no:

DEVP7005 Shelter

Assignment 2: 4000 words learnt the intimate details of living in houses like this. So that affects housing resilience.

Tanya: Does HfH try to address this at all? In terms of trying to find people that still have the knowledge and trying to share it around?

Masi: Yeah so we’ve got a few pieces of research we did around traditional resources and we are working with community builders to be able to, not revert to the traditional construction, but to first of all, recognise the VALUE of the traditional construction. And then the reverting to it will just come automatically when they see the value. So yh we are doing that we have done the research and that will probably translate into some sort of training module but there’s also certainly a lot of advocacy that needs to happen around it as well.

Tanya: in terms of the traditional ways of building, are mangroves used as a material?

Masi: yes definitely yes they are Tanya: does that cause issues with the deforestation of mangroves, because I know that they are very good for water protection.

Masi: In Fiji, no, because like I said we’ve all but lost the traditional methods of construction, so I suppose the mangroves are quite happy.

Tanya: And in terms of new ways of designing houses against things like rising sea levels, is elevating houses a strategy that is used often?

Masi: Yes, yh erm so the income bracket that we work with, when we do elevate houses, that space under the house is always seen as farm or living space so inevitably they will enclose it and you know put a floor down. But there’s always the understanding that this could flood and whatever happens in here may be temporary. And of course, human memory is so fickle, that if we don’t have a disaster in two years, everybody forgets and they start to have more permanent activities in those spaces, I suppose out of necessity as well.

Tanya: I came across Pathways to Permanence when researching about the cluster system in Fiji. Is that in collaboration with Habitat for Humanity?

Masi: yes it was developed globally but every country would have to localise it.

Tanya: what are the strategies for the pathway to ‘staying put’?

Masi: erm so obviously that pathway would depend on the threat. Obviously, if you are at threat of losing your entire house, you would look at a few things. Why are you going to lose your house, is it because of wind? Is it because of frost, swift water as in flash floods, is it because the house is not strong and so would fall down? Erm so you know you would make that assessment and then come up with a solution and so each assessment will be different. If the house is not safe erm you could either build a safe house or move, right? So if you want to stay there youd have to build a new house which would only happen if you have the resources to build it. Erm if you house just needed some remedial strengthening, retrofitting, you could do that. Erm we do talk about using vegetation as protection, you know mangroves or growing a wind break or something like that or cutting down trees that might be a threat.

Tanya: is erm subsistence farming generally done quite a distance from communities or is it relatively close?

Masi: no both yes both Tanya: okay, do you know if there has been any research in terms of farming that can also act as a protective barrier?

Masi: nope but I can give you the name of someone who would know. His name is Lex Thomson. He is an agroforester based in Australia but has done a lot of research in Fiji. He would know a lot about that.

[End of interview]

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