TasCOSS Submission to the Senate Standing Committee on Economics Inquiry into Regional Inequality in

Submission to the Senate Standing Committee on Economics Inquiry into Regional Inequality in Australia May 2018

About TasCOSS TasCOSS is the peak body for the community services sector in Tasmania. Our membership includes individuals and organisations active in the provision of community services to low income, vulnerable and disadvantaged Tasmanians. TasCOSS represents the interests of its members and their clients to government, regulators, the media and the public. Through our advocacy and policy development, we draw attention to the causes of poverty and disadvantage, and promote the adoption of effective solutions to address these issues.

Please direct any enquiries about this submission to: Kym Goodes CEO Ph. 03 6169 9500 E-mail: Kym@tascoss.org.au

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Executive Summary This submission provides a snapshot of indicators and impact of inequality in Tasmania. Using data and surveys from one of the more regional parts of our state – the North/North West – we demonstrate the many dimensions of life that are affected by regional disadvantage, in particular: income, housing, employment, education, transport, health and digital inclusion.

Our submission not only provides evidence of large inequalities between regional Tasmania and nonregional areas of the State and the rest of the country, it also points to some of the drivers of this inequality. While some of these drivers are beyond the control of a single government to address, particularly those regarding technological change, this submission highlights opportunities for policy intervention at state and federal level that would help address many of the inequalities currently being experienced by Australians who live in regional areas. Given that just over a third of the population lives in these areas, addressing this inequality should be a matter of urgent national attention.

Key policy challenges 

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Boosting the education and skills of people in regional Australia won’t be enough. Without the right jobs, those with more education and higher skills will simply seek work elsewhere – most likely in Australia’s larger cities.

Technological advances, particularly in communications, are not a cure-all for regional Australia.

Governments need to ensure that regional Australians have meaningful access and opportunities to take advantage of new technologies. Governments also need to be conscious of the unintended effects technology brings to regional areas, particularly on employment opportunities and the impact of the withdrawal of face-to-face service delivery.

Regional Australia needs better access to health and other services.

Better and more affordable access to transport in regional areas, whether public or private, would assist low-income Australians, in particular, to take advantage of educational and employment opportunities.

Housing affordability is as much of an issue in regional areas as it is in parts of Australia where housing costs receive more attention. That is because of the close connection in regional areas between housing, income poverty and lack of access to services and employment opportunities.

For a range of reasons, poverty is exacerbated in regional areas. Increasing income support payments are one key to overcoming regional inequality in Australia.

Introduction TasCOSS welcomes the opportunity to provide input into the Senate Standing Committee on Economics Inquiry into Regional Inequality in Australia.

Regional inequality manifests in a myriad of ways. Compared to their city counterparts, people living in regional Australia experience poorer health outcomes, have lower levels of educational attainment,

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earn lower incomes and are not enjoying the same benefits of technological advances. With over a third of Australians living in regional areas, these poorer outcomes can not be due to individual failings; it is clear that there are larger forces at work preventing equality in outcomes between regional and metropolitan Australians.

This submission provides a snapshot of the diverging fortunes of regional and metropolitan Australia through the lens of one of the more regional parts of Tasmania, the North/North West. We see that the greater Burnie area has poor outcomes across a range of indicators – education, digital inclusion, access to services, transport and housing and health. These indicators are influenced by the ‘capitals framework’ adopted by the Productivity Commission in its 2017 report, Transitioning Regional Economies.i What they demonstrate is that, what might at first appear to be a story about the economic underperformance of regional areas, is as much if not more of a story about the human toll of government underinvestment in essential services and human opportunity. The invitation is to level the playing field.

The data we use in this submission is drawn from a variety of sources. Two reports, in particular, capture the story told by this submission. The first, at Attachment 1, is Voices of Our Region: North West and West Tasmania. Through data and interviews, this TasCOSS report highlights the extent of disadvantage in relation to the rest of Tasmania. The second report, at Attachment 2, is the 2017 Tasmania Report, which uses economic and social indicators to paint an often bleak picture of disadvantage relative to the rest of the country - but in doing so also points clearly to what needs to be done.

Attachments 1. Voices of Our Region: North West and West Tasmania 2. Tasmania Report 2017

Drivers and impact of regional inequality Education Education and skills are often described as ‘human capital’ in the economic literature. People learn new skills through formal learning—schooling, apprenticeships and vocational qualifications, and university—and informal learning gained on-the-job and from family, friends, and peers. Education and skills are key factors undergirding regional economic health, and Tasmania’s regional centres are almost invariably disadvantaged in this domain.ii Education and skills are about more than economic growth or decline. Low economic and social opportunity are closely connected to poor health outcomes, and the protective effect of education (especially early education) and good employment on health and wellbeing is critically important.iii

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Securing higher levels of education in regional areas is only part of the answer, though. That is because people with higher levels of education and skills tend to move to areas with more and better employment opportunities. Graduates of Australian regional university campuses are very mobile, and the big cities are the beneficiaries: 62% of graduates from ‘inner regional’ campuses relocate to major cities, according to one 2010 study, alongside 39% of graduates from ‘outer regional’ areas.iv The overwhelming motivation of graduates who move is for employment (and employment appropriate for their newly-acquired skills), with this factor outweighing the lifestyle benefits of country living.vvi Tasmanian research has also found that a lack of suitable jobs is driving people out of Tasmania.vii Unemployment is our biggest challenge.

Young people’s expectations of work have changed, they need to move to where the work is.viii The graphs below show that the age patterns of migration for Burnie and for Melbourne are almost mirror-images: Burnie exports its young, while Melbourne sees an outflow of people approaching retirement age (who are not constrained by the availability of jobs).ix This reflects the geography of employment in Australia: young people are moving for work.

Greater Melbourne, net inter-regional migration 2006-07 to 2015-16 50000

40000

30000

20000

10000

0 0 - 14

15 - 24

25 - 44

-10000

-20000

-30000

5

45 - 64

65 and over

Burnie-Ulverstone (SA3) net inter-regional migration 2006-07 to 2015-16 400 200 0 0 - 14

15 - 24

25 - 44

45 - 64

65 and over

-200 -400 -600 -800 -1000 -1200 -1400 -1600 -1800

Technological change and digital inclusion Telecommunications technology has been touted as a lifeline for regional Australia because of the potential for work to be conducted remotely, service centres to be relocated from cities to regional areas and the growth of new forms of work that are driven by or take advantage of technological developments. The evidence, however, suggests that technological advances have helped cities more than regions in Australia.

One reason for this is that people still seem to prefer face-to-face interactions, at least for the provision of certain services.x Another reason is that tech-intensive industries tend to concentrate in urban areas, which means technology is changing business location decisions but in favour of large cities.xi A third reason is that new communications technologies are resulting in job losses from regional communities.

Branches of the big banks have been shuttered across Tasmania, including in New Norfolk, Westbury, Longford, Cygnet, Bicheno, Bridport, Somerset, and Westbury.xii Or to take the example of wholesale trade, jobs in this sector declined by 34% in Tasmania between 2006 and 2016, or by about 2500 positions; that drop was sharper in Tasmania than any other state or territory.xiii There are many other examples, such as the disappearance of video rental stores due to online streaming.

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Centralisation of Government employment and minimal funding for local services [is a problem].

North West is becoming like a "ghost town".xiv Beyond jobs, technological change can bring social exclusion. Government and commercial services— banking, as mentioned above, but also Centrelink and Medicare claims—are increasingly provided online, with an expectation of digital access and ability. But we know Australia’s regions—and especially Tasmania—are not as digitally included, and our regional populations not as able with technology as their metropolitan cousins. Even within Tasmania, the gap between the digital inclusion of cities and country is widening.xv Of all the states or territories, people in Tasmania are the least likely to access government services online.xvi As the Australian Digital Inclusion Index (ADII) demonstrates, another issue is digital ability. While the ADII is only one indicator of community well-being, it reinforces what is already well-known –the benefits of new technologies are not shared equally, and people living in poverty can have their disadvantage further entrenched by digital exclusion.

A SACOSS 2016 report into connectivity costs shows that 62% of the (low income) respondents surveyed reported experiencing difficulty paying for, or having to cut back or stop using, one or more telecommunications services for financial reasons in the last 12 months.xvii In the same year, the Salvation Army’s Out of Reach report demonstrated that 58% of surveyed households with children could not afford an internet connection at home and 74% did not have a computer, tablet or iPad.xviii While it may be assumed that young people are ‘digital natives’, these data show that some children and young people lack adequate access to the internet and digital technology platforms. There is clearly a risk that over time, this initial disadvantage will be amplified in education and the labour market.

The potential benefits of digital inclusion and risks of exclusion related to poverty are particularly significant in Tasmania, because 31.3% of Tasmania’s population are in the most disadvantaged socioeconomic status quintile (one-fifth) of Australia’s population, a higher proportion than for any other State or Territory.xix The latest ADII report shows that Tasmania remains Australia’s least digitally included state and that the gap between Tasmania and other jurisdictions is increasing.xx Some groups in Tasmania experience particularly high levels of digital exclusion, shown by ADII scores substantially below the state average (49.7). These are people in low income households (40.5), older Australians (41.0), people who did not complete secondary school (42.7), and people not in paid employment (45.8).

Without remedial action, Tasmania will be left further behind. A whole of community approach to digital inclusion will enable Tasmania to derive much needed benefit from the digital economy.

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Access to services and health Technology will also have an impact on inequality in access to health services. An increase in Medicarefunded ‘telehealth’ consultations (video-conferencing) could have a similar exclusionary effect as the withdrawal of banking and other services in Australia’s regional areas. As more demand moves to telehealth, the local provision of GP services may become unsustainable.xxi The need for provision of health care in regional Australia will grow, with people living longer and the increasing burden of chronic disease. In the Burnie region, the median age at death is 76 compared to 82 in Greater Melbourne.xxii In less connected Tasmanian communities outcomes are far worse, with the median age at death on Tasmania’s West Coast or in the Central Highlands an astonishing 72—ten years fewer of life than in greater Melbourne. Rates of death from avoidable causes on Tasmania’s isolated West Coast is 2.3x that of Greater Melbourne.xxiii Dental services are a particularly acute need in regional Australia. Though the West Coast of Tasmania does have visiting children’s dental services, adult dental care is not provided in either the public or private sectors, with the closest clinic some two hours’ drive away in Burnie. Tasmanians have the worst dental health in the nation.xxiv

Transport and housing Many regional and rural areas of Australia are car-dependent. Over 90% of workers in the Burnie region travel to work by car, motorcycle, or truck as a passenger or driver.xxv While many people in Australia’s large cities choose to use a private vehicle to travel to work, regional and rural areas are disadvantaged because there is often no real alternative to relying on a private vehicle. Social research connects transport with social and economic isolation, and notes that young people, women, unemployed people, Indigenous Australians, older people, people with disability, people on low incomes and sole parents are most vulnerable to transport disadvantage. Enforced car dependence makes the cost of purchasing and running a car involuntary, and this becomes an additional financial stress on low-income families and individuals. And for people without the means to run a private car, social and economic isolation is the inevitable result. xxvi Public transport is limited, there is some public transport around town. There are no buses on Sunday.

The public transport between towns is very expensive. You are stuck in Burnie and can’t afford to get out.xxvii Transport disadvantage is closely connected to housing disadvantage: with inner city or urban areas becoming increasingly unaffordable - whether to rent or to buy a house – more people are pushed further away from areas that offer services, employment and access to public transport. This has a number of flow-on effects, including making it harder for young people to access education.xxviii The

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recent Independent Review into Regional, Rural, and Remote Education observed that the unaffordability of student accommodation in the major cities for young people on Youth Allowance closes off educational opportunities for students from regional Australia, who cannot remain in their parental home while they study.xxix Housing in regional areas can often be less expensive than in urban areas. As the Voices of Our Regions report shows, however, this is not always the case, partly because lower incomes in regional areas means people can still be paying a large proportion of their income on housing costs. Lower housing costs can also act as a perverse incentive to remain in areas with fewer employment opportunities, because moving to an area with more opportunities would be unaffordable.

The difference in the prices of rents away from here are too high. We can’t relocate.xxx

Income Slightly over a third of Australians live in regional areas.xxxi Poverty is slightly worse in rural, regional and remote areas (14.1% ‘outside capital cities’) than in capital cities (12.8%). When housing costs (which are higher in capital cities) are not taken into account, that divide becomes greater.xxxii As this submission has shown, households living in poverty in regional and rural areas experience additional pressures that exacerbate poverty such as fewer employment opportunities and reduced access to health services, education and transport. Surveys conducted in Tasmania’s North and North West found that, as a result of these inequalities, a higher proportion of people living in the region were unable to raise $2000 within two days in case of emergency than the state average.xxxiii Every year 5000 households go without meals, 7000 can’t afford to heat their homes and over 21,000 struggle to pay their bills on time.xxxiv These surveys found that key spending pressures included: the price of private rentals; the cost of food, utilities, and telecommunications; some also noted the impact of big occasional bills such as car registration. Many said that they had accessed help from family, friends, emergency relief services and their local Neighbourhood Houses. A number of participants appreciated financial literacy training and initiatives that help people make their income go farther by bartering of goods and services.

Learning about how to save money and spend what we have well has really helped... There is also a new program called CENTS, where you can trade skills or things that other people might want to buy. This is a great idea, as it doesn’t affect Centrelink.xxxv Increasing income support payments would go a long way to addressing poverty in regional and rural areas. Voices from across the community and private sectors are calling for an increase in core working age payments, including ACOSS, the Business Council of Australia, KPMG, and Deloitte.xxxvi An expanded

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and sufficient safety net would address both regional inequality and core economic inequality in Australia. This need will only become more urgent as the geography of opportunity in Australia continues to change.

Conclusion Regional Australia is not in an inevitable decline, just as current levels of regional inequality have not been inevitable but the result of a succession of policy choices. But to change, we need to invest differently – in communities and people, in the same way we invest in national infrastructure, in research and development and in projects of state significance. In regional Australia in particular, our people are our greatest resource and without them, regional Australia will wither and die. TasCOSS encourages the Committee to use this submission to recommend greater investment in the people of regional Australia, and in the communities in which they live and have a right to thrive.

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Endnotes

i

Productivity Commission. (2017). Transitioning regional economies: Study report. Retrieved from

http://www.pc.gov.au/inquiries/completed/transitioning-regions/report ii

Stimson, R., Baum, S., & van Gellecum, Y. (2004). A typology of economic and human capital performance across Australia's large and medium

sized towns. The Australasian journal of regional studies, 10(3), 367-382. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Yolanda_Van_Gellecum3/publication/43458523_A_typology_of_economic_and_human_capital_perfor mance_across_Australia's_large_and_medium_size_towns/links/0a85e5310098a5f173000000/A-typology-of-economic-and-human-capitalperformance-across-Australias-large-and-medium-size-towns.pdf Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2018). Index of education and occupation. Census of population and housing: Socio-economic indexes for areas (SEIFA), Australia, 2016. Retrieved from http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/2033.0.55.001 Productivity Commission. (2017). Transitioning regional economies: Study report and Interactive map. Retrieved from http://www.pc.gov.au/inquiries/completed/transitioning-regions/report/transitioning-regions-report.pdf and http://www.pc.gov.au/ Eslake, S. (2017). Education, productivity, and economic performance: Tasmania, then, now, and tomorrow. Retrieved from https://educationambassadors.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/2017-03-16-John-West-Memorial-Lecture.pdf iii

World Health Organization. (2008). Closing the gap in a generation: health equity through action on the social determinants of health:

Commission on Social Determinants of Health Final Report. Retrieved from http://whqlibdoc.who.int/publications/2008/9789241563703_eng.pdf?ua=1 iv

Corcoran, J., Faggian, A., & McCann, P. (2010). Human capital in remote and rural Australia: the role of graduate migration. Growth and

change, 41(2), 192-220. v

Ferguson, M., Ali, K., Olfert, M. R., & Partridge, M. (2007). Voting with their feet: jobs versus amenities. Growth and Change, 38(1), 77-110.

Retrieved from http://www.academia.edu/download/46116229/j.1468-2257.2007.00354.x20160531-8899-1iv74mm.pdf Brown, K. H., & Heaney, M. T. (1997). A note on measuring the economic impact of institutions of higher education. Research in higher education, 38(2), 229-240. Retrieved from https://sites.lsa.umich.edu/mheaney/wp-content/uploads/sites/38/2014/01/Brown_Heaney.pdf vii

Denny, L. (2014). The Tasmanian diaspora: A snapshot. Retrieved from

http://www.academia.edu/11128626/The_Tasmanian_Diaspora_Report_-_a_snapshot viii

ix

TasCOSS consultation survey; unpublished.

Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2017). Migration, Australia, 2015-16: ABS.Stat. Retrieved from

http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/Lookup/3412.0Main+Features72015-16?OpenDocument x

Leamer, E. E., & Storper, M. (2001). The economic geography of the internet age. Retrieved from

https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Michael_Storper/publication/5222966_The_Economic_Geography_of_the_Internet_Age/links/00b4952 36df0796ba1000000.pdf

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xi

Kolko, J. (2010). Urbanization, agglomeration, and coagglomeration of service industries. In Agglomeration economics (pp. 151-180).

University of Chicago Press: Chicago. Retrieved from http://www.nber.org/chapters/c7983.pdf xii

Geale, H. (2016, April 5). Rattray joins chorus calling for ANZ Local Link sites to be reinstated. The Examiner. Retrieved from

https://www.examiner.com.au/story/3832821/anz-service-cut-backlash-continues/ Aquilina, S. (2017, November 13). ANZ bank at Longford will close in 2018. The Examiner. Retrieved from https://www.examiner.com.au/story/5051176/anz-longford-branch-will-close-its-doors/ Ford. S. (2017, October 13). Bank branches to close at Somerset, Westbury. The Advocate. Retrieved from https://www.theadvocate.com.au/story/4986696/bank-branch-closures-in-nw-north/ xiii

Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2017). Census TableBuilder,

xiv

TasCOSS consultation survey; unpublished.

xv

Thomas, J., Barraket, J., Wilson, C., Ewing, S., MacDonald, T., Tucker, J., & Rennie, E. (2017). Measuring Australia’s Digital Divide: The Australian

Digital Inclusion Index 2017. Retrieved from https://digitalinclusionindex.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Australian-Digital-Inclusion-Index2017_v2.pdf xvi

Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2015). General Social Survey: Summary Results, Australia, 2014. Retrieved from

http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/4159.0 xvii

Ogle, G. & Musolino, V. 2016, Connectivity costs: Telecommunications affordability for low income Australians. Retrieved from

https://www.sacoss.org.au/sites/default/files/public/documents/Reports/161103_Connectivity%20Costs_accessible-web.pdf xviii

The Salvation Army. (2016). Out of Reach: National economic and social impact survey 2016. p. 46. Retrieved from

https://salvos.org.au/scribe/sites/auesalvos/files/media/newsroom/pdf/The-Salvation-Army-ESIS2016_Report.pdf xix

Eslake, S. (2017). Education, productivity, and economic performance: Tasmania, then, now, and tomorrow. Retrieved from

https://educationambassadors.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/2017-03-16-John-West-Memorial-Lecture.pdf xx

Thomas, J., Barraket, J., Wilson, C., Ewing, S., MacDonald, T., Tucker, J., & Rennie, E. (2017). Measuring Australia’s Digital Divide: The

Australian Digital Inclusion Index 2017. Retrieved from https://digitalinclusionindex.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/Australian-DigitalInclusion-Index-2017_v2.pdf Tasmania’s index score is 6.8 points below the national average (49.7 compared with 56.5). The second lowest state is South Australia on 53.9, 2.6 points below the national average. xxi

Telehealth: Specialist video consultations under Medicare (2014, May 8). MBS Online. Retrieved from

http://www.mbsonline.gov.au/telehealth xxii

Public Health Information Development Unit. (2018). Social Health Atlas of Australia (April 2018). By public health area (PHA). Retrieved from

http://phidu.torrens.edu.au/social-health-atlases/data xxiii

Public Health Information Development Unit. (2018). Social Health Atlas of Australia (April 2018). By public health area (PHA). Retrieved

from http://phidu.torrens.edu.au/social-health-atlases/data xxiv

Royal Flying Doctor Service Tasmania. (2017). Rural and remote primary health care, including hospital avoidance/delay policy proposal.

xxv

12 Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2017). Census general community profiles—2016.

Retrieved from

http://www.abs.gov.au/websitedbs/D3310114.nsf/Home/2016%20Census%20Community%20Profiles

xxvi

Rosier, K. & McDonald, M. (2011). The relationship between transport and disadvantage in Australia: CAFCA resource sheet. Retrieved from

https://aifs.gov.au/cfca/publications/relationship-between-transport-and-disadvantage-austr xxvii

TasCOSS. (2017). Voices of our regions: North West and West Tasmania. Retrieved from

https://issuu.com/tascoss7/docs/voices_of_our_regions_nw__w_web xxviii

McLachlan, R., Gilfillan, G., & Gordon, J. (2013). Deep and persistent disadvantage in Australia: Productivity Commission staff working

paper. p. 90. Retrieved from http://www.pc.gov.au/research/supporting/deep-persistent-disadvantage/deep-persistent-disadvantage.pdf ACOSS & National Rural Health Alliance. (2013). A snapshot of poverty in rural and regional Australia. p. 9. Retrieved from http://ruralhealth.org.au/documents/publicseminars/2013_Sep/Joint-report.pdf xxix

Halsey, J. (2018). Independent review into regional rural and remote education – Final report. Retrieved from

https://docs.education.gov.au/system/files/doc/other/01218_independent_review_accessible.pdf xxx

TasCOSS. (2017). Voices of our regions: North West and West Tasmania. Retrieved from

https://issuu.com/tascoss7/docs/voices_of_our_regions_nw__w_web xxxi

Australian Bureau of Statistics. (2018). Regional Population Growth, Australia, 2016-17.

http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/abs@.nsf/mf/3218.0 xxxii

ACOSS. (2016). Poverty in Australia. Retrieved from https://www.acoss.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Poverty-in-Australia-2016.pdf

xxxiii

TasCOSS. (2017). Voices of our regions: North West and West Tasmania. Retrieved from

https://issuu.com/tascoss7/docs/voices_of_our_regions_nw__w_web xxxiv

Eslake, S. (2017). Tasmania report 2017. p. 5. Retrieved from http://www.tcci.com.au/getattachment/Services/Policies-Research/Tasmania-

Report/TCCI-Tasmania-Report-Final.pdf.aspx xxxv

TasCOSS. (2017). Voices of our regions: North West and West Tasmania. Retrieved from

https://issuu.com/tascoss7/docs/voices_of_our_regions_nw__w_web xxxvi

Iggulden, T. (2018, May 2). Budget repair less urgent than raising dole payments, leading economist Chris Richardson says. ABC Online.

Retrieved from http://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-05-02/budget-repair-less-urgent-than-raising-dole-economist-says/9717140 ACOSS. (2018). Could you live on $278 per week? Retrieved from https://www.acoss.org.au/raisetherate/ McIllroy, T. (2018, May 3). BCA's Jennifer Westacott chides Liberal MP Julia Banks: 'You can not live on $39 a day'. Australian Financial Review.

Retrieved from http://www.afr.com/news/bcas-jennifer-westacott-chides-liberal-mp-julia-banks-you-can-not-live-on-39-a-day-20180503h0zkrq Aston, H. (2016, April 29). Raise the dole, spend less on the dying, says multinational accountancy firm KPMG. Sydney Morning Herald.

Retrieved from https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/raise-the-dole-spend-less-on-the-dying-says-multinational-accountancy-firm-kpmg20160428-gogzmh.html

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VOICES OF OUR REGIONS North West and West Tasmania

CONTENTS

FOREWORD_______________________________________________________________________________________ 2 ABOUT THE REGION__________________________________________________________________________ 4 DEMOGRAPHICS_______________________________________________________________________________ 5 IN THEIR OWN WORDS______________________________________________________________________ 6 Income__________________________________________________________________________________________ 7 Children________________________________________________________________________________________ 8 Employment________________________________________________________________________________ 10 Housing_______________________________________________________________________________________ 12 Transport____________________________________________________________________________________ 14 Education____________________________________________________________________________________ 16 Safety_________________________________________________________________________________________ 18 Health_________________________________________________________________________________________ 20 Getting heard______________________________________________________________________________ 22 SMITHTON THROUGH MY EYES_______________________________________________________ 24 COMMUNITY IN FOCUS: SMITHTON_________________________________________________ 26 Income and child disadvantage__________________________________________________ 26 Employment________________________________________________________________________________ 27 Education____________________________________________________________________________________ 27 Housing_______________________________________________________________________________________ 28 Safety_________________________________________________________________________________________ 28 Transport____________________________________________________________________________________ 28 Health_________________________________________________________________________________________ 28 Getting heard ____________________________________________________________________________ 29 APPENDIX 1____________________________________________________________________________________ 30 ENDNOTES______________________________________________________________________________________ 31 Acknowledgments_________________________________________________________________________ 32

TASCOSS: VOICES OF OUR REGIONS NORTH WEST AND WEST

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FOREWORD

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ride. Compassion. Strength. These are the key themes that rose to the top of our discussions with residents of Tasmania’s North West and Western regions.

Pride in their history, their beautiful environment, their achievements as a community. Pride in each other, their resilience and connectedness.

Compassion for those doing it as tough or tougher than themselves. And insight into the need for communities like theirs to lift all members up by coming together and finding effective solutions.

And strength. Time and again those we spoke with or who responded to our online survey in this region highlighted the connectedness of their communities—connections with each other, with family, friends, communities, with local history and their surrounding environment.

And all of this adds up to trust—in an active and actioned belief that the things that hold this region and its people together are stronger than any differences or circumstances that may try to tear them apart.

Through this project we also found ideas, solutions and a sense that things need to change and be done differently if we are to improve the lives of every community member.

Health, education, employment and safety: these were all cited as priority concerns. But not in a context of whining—in a context of ‘We can fix this. We can propel change for the better.’

TASCOSS: VOICES OF OUR REGIONS NORTH WEST AND WEST

And as would be expected in a part of our State with a higher than average number of children being born into poverty, long-term, entrenched unemployment, many transportation gaps and poor educational attainment, there was great concern for the future.

Although residents know they can count on others within the community if they fall on particularly hard times, there is a strong desire to prevent those hard times from ever arising—to model respectful relationships, encourage academic achievement and ensure work wasn’t just available but was meaningful for those who call this region home.

It is tricky to single out community service organisations in this region because they are such an integrated part of its communities. Community development and emergency relief agencies were referred to time and again as a vital and trusted member of the fabric of this region—providing assistance, support and building capacity throughout.

Pride. Compassion. Strength.

What leader wouldn’t take the time to speak, listen and learn from the people who know the North West and West best: the people who sit there, solutions in hand, eager for the support needed to change their communities for the better.

KYM GOODES TASCOSS CEO

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Health, education, employment and safety: these were all cited as priority concerns. But not in a context of whining— in a context of ‘We can fix this. We can propel change for the better.’

TASCOSS: VOICES OF OUR REGIONS NORTH WEST AND WEST

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ABOUT THE REGION

The North West and West region includes the local government areas of Burnie, Central Coast, Circular Head, Devonport, Kentish, King Island, Latrobe, Waratah-Wynyard, and West Coast.

T

he North West and West makes up approximately 22% of Tasmania’s population.* The region’s population is slightly older than that of Tasmania overall; it also has a higher proportion of people that identify as Aboriginal than the state as a whole.

The electorate of Braddon, which encompasses much of the region, falls into the second-highest quintile of personal well-being among electorates in Australia in a survey that measures people’s satisfaction with the quality of their lives. Braddon has a score of 76.95 compared to a national average of 76.9.

TasCOSS visited three communities in the North West and West: Shorewell Park in Burnie, Smithton, and Rosebery. We chose these communities as part of a Tasmania-wide selection process, on the basis of a matrix that included:

King Island

Smithton Burnie Circular Head WaratahWynyard

Devonport Central Latrobe Coast Kentish

Rosebery

West Coast

Population size Rough catchment size Aboriginal population

We spoke with 29 residents of the North West and West at the following locations:

Geographical isolation

Wyndarra Centre, Smithton

Levels of unemployment, both current and over time

Burnie Neighbourhood House, Shorewell Park

Presence/absence of health services

Rosebery Neighbourhood House

Population health Transport options

We also conducted an on-line survey that attracted 13 respondents from the North West and West region.

High school attendance rates Median weekly household income SEIFA IRSAD score within Tasmania Heart Foundation Heart Map rating

*For sources for all data used in this report, please see endnotes, p31.

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DEMOGRAPHICS

2014 Region

Population

Aboriginality (2011)

Median age

NORTH WEST AND WEST

113,927

5.9

42.7

Burnie/ Ulverstone

49,773

6.0

42.9

– Shorewell Park

(Parklands Camdale SA2)

5.5

40

6,528 Devonport

45,776

4.8

42.9

West Coast

18,378

8.3

41.5

– Smithton

4,099

14.4

38.3

– Rosebery

(West Coast SA2)

(West Coast SA2)

(West Coast SA2)

4,527

6.7

41.3

514,762

4.0

41.5

TASMANIA

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IN THEIR OWN WORDS

The importance of community Most participants in all three locations were proud to live in a lovely part of the state. As one participant said: I love being here. This is my home.

I’m stamping my feet on it and saying ‘it’s mine’.

In all three locations, participants spoke of the pleasure of living in a beautiful environment in which they could connect with nature. They also appreciated the region’s low population pressures and gentle pace of life, which gives people the time to connect with family, to form strong friendships, and to engage in activities they described as nurturing, such as growing their own food.

Gardening is simple. You water and weed – amazing

In particular, all participants praised their local Neighbourhood Houses, including the volunteers who work there, for their warmth and support, as well as for their part in building community pride. Some said that local employers (for example, the mine in Rosebery) have also shown strong community spirit.

At their best, participants in all three locations said, small communities have some great attributes. In particular, several participants noted that beyond strong connections between friends and family, services in small communities have the ability to connect with their clients more deeply than might be the case in a larger, more anonymous setting. Some praised local businesses that have been willing to go the extra mile for those in need.

We’re all humans [here]…We’re not a number.

to watch. You watch how plants grow and you have hope for yourself that you can grow.

Several people suggested that these factors underpin the community spirit found across the region, and the pride that local residents feel in their communities.

Particularly in Burnie, participants suggested that local efforts to build community spirit are having positive effects.

The [local] park is improving, feels safer, and there is greater community pride…There is a stigma attached to Shorewell, [but] this is shifting. We like to feel proud of being a ‘Shorewellian.’

The challenges for people doing it tough Although participants loved many things about their lives, they also were faced with challenges. These covered a wide range of issues—income, employment, education, housing, health, transport, and safety— including how they affect children in the region.

(What worries me is) …lack of permanency in jobs, cost of living, access to services, how my children will ever afford to buy a house.

In the three locations, all participants said that the people around them were what they valued the most about their community. Many spoke of the willingness of their local community to come together in tough times, and praised the volunteers who operate across the community to help others in need.

If [all the volunteers] stopped, Circular Head couldn’t keep going.

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INCOME

D

espite pockets of prosperity, the North West and West is not a wealthy region. Half of North West and West’s residents earn less than $40,000 a year; this is 2.6% lower than the median income for Tasmania, and is 11% lower than the Australian median income.

With the exception of the West Coast, the region has a higher proportion than the Tasmanian average of disability support pensioners, and a higher proportion of the region’s older residents rely on the aged pension.

Residents of the region who can’t find a job are also more likely than the state average to remain unemployed for longer than six months. As a consequence, surveys have found that a higher proportion of people living in the region were unable to raise $2000 within two days in case of emergency than the state average.

All participants appeared to live modestly, and several stressed that they did their best to manage their money well and to live frugally and self-reliantly. However, most were doing it tough financially. This reflects the difficulties of finding secure, adequate employment, as well as the gap that has emerged between the levels of Federal assistance programs (Newstart, the disability and aged pensions, Commonwealth Rent Assistance) and cost of living.

Key spending pressures included the price of private rentals and the cost of food, utilities, and telecommunications; some also noted the impact of big occasional bills such as car registration. Many said that they had accessed help from family, friends, emergency relief services and their local Neighbourhood Houses.

A number of participants appreciated financial literacy training and initiatives that help people make their income go farther by bartering of goods and services.

Median household income: North West and West: $39,694 Tasmania: $40,749 National: $44,940 Proportion of the population 16-64 who are disability support pensioners: North West and West: 10.1% Burnie/Ulverstone: 10.8% Devonport: 10.2% West Coast: 7.8% Tasmania: 8.8% Proportion of people aged 65+ who receive the aged pension: North West and West: 77.8% Burnie/Ulverstone: 79.4% Devonport: 78.1% West Coast: 71.7% Tasmania: 75.1% Proportion of the working aged population receiving an unemployment benefit for longer than six months: North West and West: 7.1% Burnie/Ulverstone: 7.5% Devonport: 7.0% West Coast: 6.3% Tasmania: 6.7% Proportion of people unable to raise $2000 in an emergency within 2 days: North West and West: 13.9% Tasmania: 12.2%

Learning about how to save money and spend what we have well has really helped... There is also a new program called CENTS, where you can trade skills or things that other people might want to buy. This is a great idea, as it doesn’t affect Centrelink.

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Proportion of people who ran out of food and could not afford to buy any more: North West and West: 4.8% Tasmania: 5.0%

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CHILDREN

Children in disadvantage As in Tasmania as a whole, the impact of the North West and West’s low incomes is disproportionately concentrated on the region’s children: some 30% of the region’s children live in low-income families, and 20% live in jobless families. Burnie-Ulverstone in particular has a higher-than-state-average proportion both of children living in low-income families and of singleparent families; these two figures are often correlated due not only to the lack of two incomes in a family, but also lower average individual incomes for single parents.

A significantly higher-than-state-average proportion of the region’s children also live in households where the mother’s education did not go above Year 10—a fact that is significant because low parental educational attainment often contributes to lower family incomes.

Parents among the participants emphasised that they did their best to ensure that their children are buffered from deprivation: a few, for instance, said that the parents always made sure that their children had healthy food to eat. But their care came with a cost: sometimes they had to miss meals themselves.

Meanwhile, participants noted that where most local activities come with a price tag, children from lowincome families can miss out on participating in many forms of entertainment and stimulation.

Some participants noted that the risks associated with boredom grow as children get older.

There’s not much for teenagers to do. Teenagers are left to their own devices or they go and hang out with the adults, something like that. A lot of time when there is something to do, it ends up being something illegal.

Child protection Several participants called for more help for children having problems at home and those living on the street, in the forms both of better family support and in better out-of-home alternatives where necessary. A few also noted the need for violence prevention across the community.

There needs to be something for kids and youth to do that doesn’t always cost money. There is laser tag and the cinema etc., but they cost money. The skate park is free but it is not suitable for young children, it’s not safe because of some of the older kids.

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Proportion of children that live in low-income families: North West and West: 30.7% Burnie/Ulverstone: 31.3% Devonport: 32.8% West Coast: 24.7% Tasmania: 30.0% Proportion of total children under 15 years that are in jobless families: North West and West: 20.1% Burnie/Ulverstone: 21.6% Devonport: 20.8% West Coast: 14.9% Tasmania: 18.4% Proportion of total families with children under 15 years that are single parent families: North West and West: 26.8% Burnie/Ulverstone: 28.7% Devonport: 27.8% West Coast: 20.1% Tasmania: 26.4% Proportion of total children under 15 years living in families with low maternal educational attainment: North West and West: 45.9% Burnie/Ulverstone: 46.1% Devonport: 46.2% West Coast: 44.9% Tasmania: 37.2%

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EMPLOYMENT

A

lower proportion of people in the North West and West are unemployed than in Tasmania as a whole While the region’s participation rate in January 2017 was slightly below the Tasmanian average, the 3,000 people in the region out of work represented only 20% of the total number of people unemployed in the state, compared with the region’s 22% of the state’s population. Meanwhile, youth unemployment in the region in January 2017 was 3.2% lower than the Tasmanian rate overall.

Nevertheless, unemployment in the region remains high. As of the September quarter of 2016, West Coast had the highest level of unemployment by LGA for the region at 8.1%, followed by Devonport; BurnieWivenhoe was the local area with the highest rate at 10.6%, followed closely by Acton-Upper Burnie and East Devonport.

Unemployment preyed on the minds of most participants in all three communities.

Employment is really big – once you get out of school it’s huge. There aren’t many jobs.

In their discussions, participants focussed as much on the sense of self-worth that comes from stable, rewarding employment as the increased level of financial security that employment offers. Meanwhile, underemployment was also a concern to many participants. Even those who were employed spoke about the inconsistent nature of their employment and their need for more hours, and more regular hours.

Money is a constant worry. A reliable job can be hard to find, and particularly one that makes you feel good about yourself.

Nevertheless, participants in Burnie in particular had strong feelings about the importance of balancing economic growth with environmental concerns.

In the 1960s and ‘70s Burnie was a stinking industrial joint, but everyone had a job. Burnie as a city now has never looked better but there are no jobs…We certainly don’t want to go back to destructive industries.

Participants in all communities spoke about the need for more secure, adequate employment opportunities, particularly for local young people.

Youth unemployment leads to drugs leads to crime leads to violence leads to the Justice system.

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Unemployment rate: 5.4% (Tasmania: 5.9%) Unemployed total persons: 3,000 Males: 1,700 Females: 1,300 LGA and SA2 figures: Burnie: 7.1% – 703 people Acton-Upper Burnie: 10.2% – 160 people Burnie-Ulverstone region: 3.2% – 94 people Burnie-Wivenhoe: 10.6% – 208 people Parklands-Camdale: 6.6% – 198 people Romaine-Havenview: 4.8% – 92 people Central Coast: 5.1% – 550 people Penguin-Sulphur Creek: 4.5% – 115 people Ulverstone: 6.3% – 201 people West Ulverstone: 6.8% – 136 people Turner’s Beach-Forth: 3.1% – 56 people Circular Head: 4.1% – 176 people North West: 3.0% – 68 people Smithton: 5.3% – 109 people Devonport: 7.3% – 883 people Devonport: 8.3% – 555 people East Devonport: 10.0% – 208 people Miandetta-Don: 3.4% – 64 people Quoiba-Spreyton: 3.9% – 62 people Kentish: 5.7% – 176 people Sheffield-Railton: 5.7% – 177 people King Island: 2.0% – 19 people Latrobe: 4.2% – 231 people Latrobe: 4.9% – 113 people Port Sorell: 3.7% – 104 people Waratah-Wynyard: 5.1% – 353 people Somerset: 5.6% – 107 people Wynyard: 5.8% – 166 people Waratah: 3.8% – 80 people West Coast: 8.1% – 190 people No breakdown by town

TASCOSS: VOICES OF OUR REGIONS NORTH WEST AND WEST

Participation rate, persons: 59.0% Males: 64.0% Females: 54.1% Tasmania: 59.5% Males: 64.9% Females: 54.2% Youth unemployment: 12.8% (Tasmania: 16.0%) Employed full-time: 33,600 Employed part-time: 18,900 Unemployed: 3,200 Not in the labour force: 38,000 Proportion of total families with children under 15 years that are jobless: North West and West: 19.2% Burnie/Ulverstone: 20.4% Devonport: 19.8% West Coast: 14.7% Tasmania: 17.5%

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HOUSING

H

ousing is comparatively affordable in the North West and West, with a higher proportion of dwellings in the region that are social housing than elsewhere in the state. As a consequence, the proportion of lowincome households in the region suffering from overall housing stress (rental and mortgage) is lower than that for the state as a whole. Still, only 12% of dwellings in the region are affordable to households on government income support. Furthermore, possibly because lowerincome buyers have been attracted to the West Coast and Devonport because of lower than average property prices, a higher than average proportion of mortgages in these areas are to lower-income people who are suffering financial stress as a consequence of buying.

Most participants said that they appreciated the region’s comparatively low housing costs and the availability of social housing, although a few Burnie residents expressed concerns at the condition of the Housing Tasmania stock there. Many participants spoke of owning a home as their dream, even though most feared that it was out of reach unless they were able to secure stable, adequate employment.

At the same time, participants on the West Coast commented that the affordability of housing in that area makes it very risky to relocate to another town for employment, as they feared that they wouldn’t be able to afford adequate housing in another region.

The difference in the prices of rents away from here are too high. We can’t relocate.

Even those participants who owned property worried about the future, wondering if they would be able to stay in their homes or how their children would ever afford to buy a house.

We worry that the money we’ve saved will not be sufficient to allow us to maintain our home and our contacts with family (in retirement).

It might not ever happen for us but owning a home would be an amazing thing. A stable job that pays a fair wage would need to be the first thing, otherwise the banks won’t even look as us.

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Number and percentage of dwellings affordable to all households on government benefits:

56/12% (Tasmania: 92/6%) Number and percentage of dwellings affordable to all households on minimum income:

190/ 40% (Tasmania: 424/27%) Percentage of households in dwellings receiving rent assistance: North West and West: 18.3% Burnie/Ulverstone: 19.1% Devonport: 19.5% West Coast: 13.5% Tasmania: 18.8% Low income households with mortgage stress: North West and West: 8.4% Burnie/Ulverstone: 7.6% Devonport: 8.6% West Coast: 9.8% Tasmania: 8.1% Low income households in rental stress: North West and West: 28.3% Burnie/Ulverstone: 30.8% Devonport: 30.5% West Coast: 16.3% Tasmania: 28.9% Low income households in financial stress from mortgage or rent: North West and West: 25.8% Burnie/Ulverstone: 26.3% Devonport: 27.1% West Coast: 20.8% Tasmania: 29.0% Dwellings rented from housing authority: North West and West: 6.1% Burnie/Ulverstone: 7.4% Devonport: 6.4% West Coast: 2.0% Tasmania: 5.4%

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TRANSPORT

O

utside of Burnie and Devonport, where Metro and Merseylink provide local services, the North West and West are poorly served by public transport, with buses from Rosebery to Burnie running only two days a week. Perhaps unsurprisingly, a smaller-than-stateaverage proportion of dwellings in the region have no motor vehicle.

Transport emerged as an important issue in all communities, with participants concerned about limits to routes, and timetables, as well as the cost of fares.

There are no buses on Sunday. The public transport between towns is very expensive. You are stuck in Burnie and can’t afford to get out.

People trying to use public transport to travel between communities in the region, rather than going on through to Launceston or Hobart, face particular challenges—an issue that affects employment.

The majority of jobs are in Strahan which is

Mothers in particular noted the difficulties faced by people who are dealing with heavy loads or young children when trying to use busses, particularly when there are no footpaths. Participants in all three communities spoke of the importance of better footpaths and cycleways to enable people to get around without a car.

Transport has been very difficult. With my first baby I relied on public transport and would walk 30 minutes or more rather than catch a bus, as it was so difficult to get prams in and out when travelling by myself. If I had to go into town I would get a friend to come with me or meet me there to help me off the bus.

People on the North West Coast appear to pay about the same, or a little less, for petrol than Hobart and Launceston residents; West Coast information is not updated frequently enough to make accurate comparisons.

hard for people who don’t drive.

Some participants also raised the issue of limited eligibility for community transport.

We do have…cars that run us to Burnie but in the middle of the night you can’t ring someone and ask them to organise a lift for you. And some people can’t use them – only for pensioners, not for people on Newstart allowance.

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Dwellings with no motor vehicle: North West and West: 7% Burnie/Ulverstone: 7.8% Devonport: 6.7% West Coast: 5.8% Tasmania: 7.9%

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EDUCATION

A

higher proportion (substantially higher, in the case of the West Coast) of North West and West Coast residents left school at year 10 or below than in Tasmania as a whole. Additionally, around 70% of the region’s primary schools have a disproportionate number of children from low-socio-economic backgrounds.

Students who live in the North West and West are less likely to be participating full time in secondary school education at the age of 16 than Tasmanian children as a whole, particularly in Burnie/Ulverstone; they are also less likely to be learning or earning at ages 15-19, particularly on the West Coast. And even when they are enrolled, they do not necessarily appear to be attending: in total, six schools in the area (17% of all schools) had 90% attendance rates of under 60% in 2015.

Most participants appeared to appreciate the quality of education offered by the region’s public schools.

I value our good public school system.

Participants in all four communities expressed concern about the capacity of teachers to maintain discipline in classrooms and provide dedicated assistance to those students that needed more support. In particular, participants across the four communities described a pattern of children being placed on part-time timetables as early as kinder and prep in primary school. According to the MySchool website, around 5% of the region’s primary school students appear to have been on parttime timetables in 2015, with individual school levels ranging to as high as 8.8%.

Sometimes the move to a part-time timetable was described as being due to “disruptive behaviour,” which parents felt teachers could be better equipped to address in a supportive fashion.

My oldest son suffered trauma as a small child. The teachers don’t know what to do with him. I can’t get support for him in the school system. They have no trauma training. He’s 7 years old, but when he gets

But two, often inter-related issues emerged in all communities in relation to education: exclusion and bullying.

Participants in all four communities expressed concerns about the ability of the education system to cope with children who require extra support, whether educational or behavioural. This is not a small problem: in 2015, a substantial proportion of children in the North West and West region showed signs that they might require extra support once they went into school (as assessed by vulnerability in early childhood). In some local government areas, this proportion was 25% or more. In a few communities, it was above 40%, with 2431% almost certain to require extra support if they were to remain engaged in the classroom and learn effectively.

TASCOSS: VOICES OF OUR REGIONS NORTH WEST AND WEST

agitated and in confrontation he lashes out like a 3 year old. He doesn’t have the emotional range for his age. So he gets sent home. They can’t keep doing that.

In other instances, however, schools appear to be putting children who have been subjected to bullying on part-time timetables rather than resolving the bullying itself.

My child is not physically safe…but is the one who has to see the social worker [and the counsellor]…is the one who is only allowed to go to school for two mornings a week...is the one that gets segregated and isolated, and made more of a target.

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The North West and West region has:

25 primary schools 2 K-10 district schools 2 K-12 district schools 5 7-10 high schools 1 7-12 high school 2 11-12 colleges People who left school at Year 10 or below, or did not go to school, per 100: North West and West: 54 Burnie/Ulverstone: 53.3 Devonport: 53.8 West Coast: 56.6 Tasmania: 45.7 Full time participation in secondary school education at age 16: North West and West: 62.9% Burnie/Ulverstone: 60.8% Devonport: 63.8% West Coast: 66.3% Tasmania: 67.6%

Vulnerable on one/two domains (LGA/most vulnerable community): Burnie: 19.7/6.7 Shorwell Park: 40.0/24.0 Central Coast: 27.3/15.2 Central Coast West: 31.7/20.0 Circular Head: 18.8/7.7 Smithton: 25.9/12.1 Devonport: 19.5/10.4 Devonport: 20.1/13.0 Kentish: 24.3/17.1 Outer Sheffield: 32.4/18.9 Latrobe: 14.2/7.8 Latrobe and surrounds: 17.7/10.1 Waratah-Wynyard: 15.5/5.4 Somerset and surrounds: 23.7/13.2 West Coast: 30.6/18.1 Rosebery/Tullah: 57.9/31.6 Tasmania: 21.0/10.7

Learning or earning, ages 15-19: North West and West: 76.1% Burnie/Ulverstone: 76.4% Devonport: 76.5% West Coast: 74.1% Tasmania: 77.8%

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SAFETY

T

he North West and West is generally a safe region, with residents feeling safer and more confident in the police and with lower rates of most types of major crime (with the exception of property damage) than the Tasmanian average.

Although, as noted above, participants appreciated the many many advantages of smaller tight-knit communities, they observed that there is a flip side to this intimacy: “you can’t sneeze without the whole town knowing.” At the personal level, a number of participants in all three locations spoke of experiences of bullying, exclusion and ostracism. These included instances of bullying by local children of a person with mental illness, exclusion of a child with disabilities, violence and hostility toward a gay man and his mother, and shunning of the mother of a man currently in gaol.

These and similar issues appeared to impact greatly on participants’ individual perceptions of safety.

In fact, safety and public order emerged strongly in all three communities, revolving around a few major themes.

Young people Participants in all three communities were concerned about antisocial and illegal behaviour among young people. Indeed, in Tasmania Police’s Western region a higher proportion of most categories of crime—nearly double in relation to some offenses, like car theft—were committed by young people than is the case across the state as a whole.

I know kids in grade 5 and 6 that are already in trouble with the law.

There was a sense by some participants that the more traditional methods of disciplining children had not yet been replaced with effective alternatives. Similarly, many felt that more training and support could be provided to teachers to assist them in addressing discipline issues at school. The situation is made worse, many suggested, by the absence of activities for children and young people, particularly teenagers, which results in boredom and can lead to anti-social behaviour.

With the exception of car theft, much of the behaviour by young people that particularly worried participants was of a public order rather than criminal nature-noise, targeted littering, hooning, throwing rocks at roofs, or aggressive comments. These kinds of behavior, participants said, make community members— particularly women and girls—feel unsafe.

The young boys say terrible things to the young girls—they use really bad words—and they do it over and over again.

A few participants noted that better modelling from adults, including a crackdown on family violence, will be necessary if these kinds of behaviours are to change.

It’s hard to teach safe relationships at schools when the whole town needs a kick up the arse and to learn the lesson.

Educating young people to stand up to violence is paramount.

Drugs Particularly but not exclusively in Burnie, participants were also worried by the impact of drugs on their communities. On the one hand, participants emphasised that many drug users are prisoners of their habits and need help rather than punishment. At the same time, participants in all three communities took a very hard line towards drug dealers.

We need a rehab facility here so that people can get help. There is a very long waiting list for the facilities we have.

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Policing Against the backdrop of these safety concerns, a number of themes around current policing practices emerged.

Participants felt that there had been a move away from community policing and lessening of police presence and engagement in communities as part of a decline in a wide range of services and support.

Many felt that the policing approach to stopping crime has narrowed to drive-through surveillance, at the expense of serving as a continuous reassuring presence or responding to incidents that make people feel unsafe.

Many also expressed a belief that police were targeting some communities for fines, for instance by waiting near the entrances to social housing areas and spot-checking for licenses and registration.

People said, these perceptions lead to mistrust and resentment towards police, which affects the whole community badly—especially children.

Kids have no one to turn to that they can trust.

The police should work with the community, not against it.

A few participants also put in a special plea to bring responses to violence against parents by children, particularly adult children, into line with domestic violence responses, saying that it is a terrible emotional burden for a parent to have to take out an AVO against a child.

Police don’t get family violence by kids.

Feel safe/very safe at home: West: 91% Tasmania: 89% Feel safe/very safe out in public locally after dark: West: 58% Tasmania: 58% Satisfied/very satisfied with how police deal with public order problems: West: 75% Tasmania: 73% Victims of serious crime, per 10,000 population, and proportion committed by juveniles: West: 6/19.0% Tasmania: 10/17.1% Offenses against the person, per 10,000, and proportion committed by juveniles: West: 81/15.5% Tasmania: 79/11.4% Offenses against property, per 10,000 population: West: 351 Tasmania: 391 Home burglary offenses, per 10,000 population, and proportion committed by juveniles: West: 21/19.0% Tasmania: 22/26.1% Property damage offenses, per 10,000 population: West: 69 Tasmania: 61 Car burglary offenses, per 10,000 population, and proportion committed by juveniles: West: 17/46.2% Tasmania: 23/25.2% Stolen motor vehicles, per 10,000 population, and proportion committed by juveniles: West: 13/56.3% Tasmania: 24/29.1%

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HEALTH

T

he North West and West are comparatively wellserved with medical facilities, with regional, community or district hospitals in Burnie, Latrobe, Smithton and Queenstown. Nevertheless, compared to Tasmanians as a whole, people in the North West and West are: At a higher risk of fair-to-poor health, especially in Burnie/Ulverstone.

At a higher risk of psychological distress, especially in Burnie/Ulverstone.

More likely to be physically disabled, especially in Burnie/Ulverstone.

More likely to die prematurely, especially on the West Coast.

More likely to smoke, especially in Burnie/Ulverstone.

More likely to consume risky amounts of alcohol, especially in Burnie/Ulverstone.

More likely to be obese, especially on the West Coast.

Participants across the three communities noted long waiting lists for specialists, and the need to travel long distances to see them. Participants in Rosebery also noted the lack of local palliative care facilities.

When my husband was dying, at the time, I was grateful that the hospital wards were open.

But shortly after he died the wards closed.

Now people have to go to Burnie when they are in palliative care.

Some participants said that staff at major health care facilities in the region were sometimes insensitive to the long distances that people have to travel for care and the challenges of arranging transport if patients can’t drive themselves.

I’ve heard of people going to Burnie in the ambulance and being discharged at night because the hospital needs the bed [with no one coordinating transport].

And they know that they’re from this area.

While life spans in the North West and West overall are similar to Tasmanians as a whole, West Coasters are likely to die four years younger than other Tasmanians.

Our biggest challenge is keeping people healthy physically and mentally.

Many participants across the three communities were happy with local health services—provided that they were able to access them. Many spoke of long waits to access a local GP, as well as the difficulty of establishing relationships with GPs who only stay in the community for short periods of time.

We don’t have doctors every day—they are on rotation and on different days...You go and see one doctor, and then you go back a few weeks later and you get told a completely different thing. And you have to retell the whole story again.

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I have a sister in Smithton.

She went into labour at 4 am and the hospital told her to drive through the Burnie. She has two other kids. They finally got to Burnie at 7 am, and the people there tried to ask her to go back to Smithton.

But she didn’t.

A number of participants called strongly for better mental health services in the region.

People get stuck for various reasons and often help isn’t there and they can’t help themselves.

Especially with things like…depression…The avenue to find help needs to be easier than turning to drugs, [but] at the moment that’s not the case.

A few online survey respondents also urged better disability services in the region, with one particularly calling for improved respite services for younger people with disabilities.

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Estimated population aged 15+ with fair or poor self-assessed health, per 100:

Estimated population aged 18+ who are current smokers, per 100:

North West and West: 19.2 Burnie/Ulverstone: 19.6 Devonport: 18.9 West Coast: 19.0 Tasmania: 17.9

North West and West: 25.7 Burnie/Ulverstone: 26.0 Devonport: 24.9 West Coast: 24.6 Tasmania: 22.3

Estimated population aged 18+ with high or very high psychological distress, per 100:

Estimated population aged 18+ consuming highrisk levels of alcohol, per 100:

North West and West: 9.4 Burnie/Ulverstone: 9.7 Devonport: 9.1 West Coast: 8.9 Tasmania: 8.9

North West and West: 6.3 Burnie/Ulverstone: 6.4 Devonport: 6.3 West Coast: 6.2 Tasmania: 5.9

Proportion of the population with a profound or severe disability and living in the community, all ages:

Estimated population who are obese, per 100:

North West and West: 3.6% Burnie/Ulverstone: 3.9% Devonport: 3.7% West Coast: 3.0% Tasmania: 3.3%

North West and West: 29.0 Burnie/Ulverstone: 28.9 Devonport: 29.0 West Coast: 29.2 Tasmania: 27.2

Premature mortality, per 100,000: North West and West: 303.3 Burnie/Ulverstone: 306.4 Devonport: 281.0 West Coast: 351.8 Tasmania: 284.4 Median age of death: North West and West: 80 Burnie/Ulverstone: 80 Devonport: 80 West Coast: 76 Tasmania: 80

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GETTING HEARD

A

n unanticipated theme that emerged strongly was frustration at feeling unheard by all levels of government. Across the region, participants complained that state-level politicians rarely visit their neighbourhoods or ask for their opinions about either the problems that they face, or possible solutions to these problems. Similarly, many said that local governments do not effectively seek out the views of their residents on key issues such as infrastructure spending. As a result, participants said, ordinary people feel that their knowledge, experience and opinions are not valued, and that they do not have a role to play in achieving change or planning for the future in their local areas.

Participants in Rosebery in particular said that government actions taken without community consultation are often counterproductive for communities: for example, when services are pulled out, people have to leave.

Services are being lost all the time—it’s a major disincentive for people staying in the area…A lot of people are leaving because of schools.

People actually coming out and talking with us like you are doing would help.

[To politicians] Come and visit. Spend a week. Step into someone else’s shoes…Engage in community chats, street by street...Talk to kids themselves.

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Julie [not her real name] is a very impressive young woman. At 15 years of age, she had her first child; nevertheless, she went back to complete her schooling. With the birth of her second child, however, came anxiety and depression, and the bills associated with treatment for these have added to her expenses.

She has recently put her youngest child into childcare one day a week to come volunteer at the local Community House to learn administrative and community service skills.

But this costs her an additional $40 per fortnight, with no guarantee of the training leading to employment.

TASCOSS: VOICES OF OUR REGIONS NORTH WEST AND WEST

She told us that she prioritises giving her kids healthy food, but often misses meals herself. She accesses emergency relief services including Second Bite, Produce to the People and Vinnies, and is in contact with two-three other community services.

She is closely involved with her local Child and Family Centre and is part of a group trying to build momentum for a Community House in her area, a public housing suburb with no shops. The group has plans for a community garden and the coordination of milk delivery to give her community access to more fresh and healthy produce.

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SMITHTON THROUGH MY EYES

Sue Popowski, a long-term resident of Smithton, has provided us with a short, personal view of Smithton and its history.

M

y family moved to a small soldier settlement farm at Togari in the late 1960s. It was a small community

that regularly gathered at the community hall. We had 85 cows, which was enough to keep a family. All the cows had names and were treated like pets. Now farms are larger acreage and are run by corporations, and families generally find it hard to own their own farms; they’re employed as share farmers or managers.

In the ‘70s and ‘80s Smithton was booming—everyone had a job. I remember that I could walk into any employment I wanted. There were head offices, which meant that there were managers and senior staff and families that lived in the area. Technology changed all this—there are only a couple of head offices now, with many people travelling into town when required. Farmers are now using robots for milking. McCain no longer process vegetables here, just potatoes. This has led to the loss of a lot of jobs mostly for women, and that’s had an effect on local retailers—women brought in that second income.

Over the years, Smithton has had to learn to adapt. Our traditional industries have been rationalised. But we’re not ones to give up. Smithton was built on the timber industry, with many sawmills dotted around the district.

Now there are only two mills but the minor species veneers—blackwood, sassafras—are much sought after.

The famous Duck River butter is now made in Devonport, but over 50% of the state’s milk comes from Circular Head, and now have two factories which process milk.

Very high quality products are produced in the region.

We ship abalone, oysters, crayfish, and local grass-fed Cape Grim and Robbins Island Wagyu beef overseas; Cape Grim rainwater is some of the purest in the world. Even the local butcher in Smithton has won awards for his

TASCOSS: VOICES OF OUR REGIONS NORTH WEST AND WEST

sausages and ham, and the local baker for their pies.

Some changes have affected the way the community comes together. Team sports—football, netball and hockey in the winter, softball and cricket in the summer— used to be a big part of life here. If you played one sport, you usually played a couple, and you were expected to give back by being on committees, umpiring or scoring.

Even though the traditional sports are still played, now people are doing more individual sports like bike riding and bushwalking, as well as sports that rely on equipment for which you have to go to Burnie. I feel that one reason families move away from Smithton is that they’re spending so much time driving kids to Burnie for after-school activities.

The community is still really strong. If there is ever a crisis in the district, you can bet that everyone will pull together, whether it be floods or bushfires—yes, we have had both. People rallied to raise money for the aged care facility, and now we are once again raising money to help fund a pool. This Australia Day we saw a local lady swim from Stanley to Smithton to raise funds. When she swam up the Duck River towards the crowd, there was so much cheering, people were so proud that tears were falling—a massive effort.

There are many people who have lived in Smithton and moved away for various reasons—however, most will say that the years in our town and the district were some of their best.

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We’ve lost a lot of our older industries.

But we’re not ones to give up.

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COMMUNITY IN FOCUS: SMITHTON

P

articipants at Smithton expressed the same sense of community connection that came through in all the meetings. Indeed, many said that the whole Circular Head community is a tight-knit one, and that people rally around when individuals or the community are in times of need. As noted earlier, many participants particularly praised the community’s volunteers, who play a significant role throughout the region; a few also said that acting as volunteers brought them social contact as well as a positive feeling of being helpful to people in the community who are isolated.

Although Smithton is isolated, participants appreciated the presence of a reasonable number of services in the community, including the hospital, good GPs, aged care facilities and services, and community transport. One resident had indeed relocated to Smithton because the situation there is – ...much better than the West Coast, where services are non-existent.

Income and child disadvantage Smithton’s median income is slightly higher than that for Tasmania. A lower proportion of the population than regionally or Tasmania-wide are on disability benefits, but a higher proportion of older people receive the aged pension. A smaller proportion of Smithton residents receive unemployment benefits long-term. A lower proportion of Smithton’s children live in low-income, jobless or single-parent families than the state average.

By contrast, Smithton has a sharply higher than stateor regional-average proportion of children living in households where their mother did not go to school beyond Year 10.

Smithton participants noted that low income levels are particularly problematic where children are concerned, since many popular recreational activities for children come with a significant cost; as a result, they said, children from low income families are excluded, which leads to boredom and trouble in the end. One parent also wished for more support for children with disabilities, who can be excluded from recreational activities as well.

Several participants said that violence against children is a problem in Smithton, which interventions by child protection services do not always solve.

Everyone we spoke to in Smithton spoke of the resilience and community spirit of the entire Circular Head region, which stretches west from the ‘Sisters Hills’ through Stanley and Smithton to Marrawah and south to the Pieman River. In fact, people we spoke to were more likely to refer to themselves as being from Circular Head than from a particular town.

We are tight-knit across the whole Circular Head community.

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SMITHTON

Employment A smaller proportion of people in Smithton are unemployed than in the North West and West and in Tasmania as a whole—a total of around 110 people as of January 2017.

Smithton participants spent less time than those in other communities discussing issues around employment, but one observed that – …12-hour shifts leave parents with no time to spend with their children.

Education A notably higher proportion of Smithton residents had left school at Year 10 or below than either their West Coast or Tasmanian counterparts. Smithton children are less likely to be participating full time in secondary school education at age 16 than either their regional counterparts or the Tasmanian average; a slightly higher proportion than for the West Coast as a whole are earning or learning at ages 15-19 than their West Coast counterparts, but a lower proportion than in Tasmania as a whole.

Smithton participants were generally supportive of the local educational system, but some noted that classes were too big and staff too few to provide extra time, support and care to children whose behaviour is disruptive or who are falling behind. This last point stands out, given that in 2015, 25.9% of Smithton children—notably higher than the Tasmanian average— showed signs that they might require extra support once they went to school, with 12.1% almost certain to require extra support if they were to remain engaged in the classroom and learn effectively. In fact, in Term 3 of 2015, Smithton Primary School’s 90% attendance rate was just over 60%, and Smithton High School’s was 51%.

TASCOSS: VOICES OF OUR REGIONS NORTH WEST AND WEST

Median household income (excluding Government pensions and allowances): Smithton: $40,917 Tasmania: $40,749 Australia: $44,940 Proportion of the working aged population receiving an unemployment benefit for longer than six months: Smithton: 5.4% West Coast: 6.3% Tasmania: 6.7% Proportion of the population 16-64 who are disability support pensioners: Smithton: 7.6% West Coast: 7.8% Tasmania: 8.8% Proportion of people aged 65+ who receive the aged pension: Smithton: 75.9% West Coast: 71.7% Tasmania: 75.1% Proportion of children that live in low-income families: Smithton: 21.1% West Coast: 24.7% Tasmania: 30.0% Proportion of total children under 15 years that are in jobless families: Smithton: 14.0% West Coast: 14.9% Tasmania: 18.4%

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Housing A lower percentage of households in Smithton receive rent assistance than for the region as a whole or Tasmania overall. A lower proportion of Smithton’s low-income households are in financial stress from mortgages or rent than in Tasmania as a whole, a fact that may reflect in part the fact that a higher dwellings there than in Tasmania as a whole, and a much higher proportion than in the public-housing-poor West Coast, are affordable (social) rental housing properties. Housing indeed did not emerge as a strong theme in the Smithton meeting, although one participant noted long waits for maintenance of public housing properties.

Safety Participants said that Smithton definitely has a tough end of town where drugs, petty theft and family violence are frequent concerns. As in Burnie, a few participants noted that the entire north coast is vulnerable to drugs coming across Bass Strait in private vessels, with the result that the community faces “every variety [of drug] going” as well as higher levels of burglary associated

with drug use. Some participants felt particularly intimidated by violence associated with drug dealing; a few said that they often avoided going outside for fear of witnessing something that could get them in trouble with drug dealers. However, a few participants emphasised that diversion, rather than imprisonment, is the best way to deal with young drug users.

Transport Smithton is transport-poor, with one bus service a day running to and from Burnie, from which it is possible to catch four services a day to Hobart via Devonport and Launceston. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the rate of households with no motor vehicle is below the Tasmanian average, although still well above the rest of the West Coast. One participant was proud to be a driver for community transport, saying that his and the service’s efforts are crucial for isolated members of the community.

While Smithton information is not updated frequently enough to make accurate comparisons, residents appear to pay a little more for petrol than other residents in the region.

Health A powerful testimony to the community spirit of the Circular Head area is the local residential aged care facility, Emmerton Park.

First established in the 1960s, the facility has twice been significantly expanded through community activism and donations —most recently in the 2000s, when the Circular Head community raised over $900,000 in just 12 months towards a purpose-built 60-bed nursing facility at the site, with an additional $1.4m coming from Circular Head Council.

The facility won the 2013 National Aged Care Organisation Award—the highest honour in Australian aged care—and is strongly supported through the dedication of local volunteers.

TASCOSS: VOICES OF OUR REGIONS NORTH WEST AND WEST

Smithton is comparatively well-served with a District Hospital and a good variety of primary health care services.

Nevertheless, compared to Tasmanians as a whole, Smithton residents are: At a higher risk of fair-to-poor health.

At a higher risk of psychological distress.

More likely to be physically disabled.

More likely to die prematurely.

More likely to smoke.

More likely to consume risky amounts of alcohol.

More likely to be obese Likely to die a year earlier.

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SMITHTON

In particular, Smithton’s premature mortality rates are very high. The town’s rates of premature death from cancer are over 30% higher than Tasmania’s; from lung cancer, over 40% higher; from circulatory system diseases, 130% higher; from heart disease, 90% higher; from cerebrovascular disease, 167% higher; from respiratory diseases, 46% higher; and from external causes, 22% higher. Primary Health Tasmania profiles show that most of Smithton’s services are dedicated to chronic disease management.

Most Smithton participants did not address health directly in their comments, a fact that may reflect the comparatively good services described above. However, participants warmly supported initiatives related to the social determinants of health, such as community gardens and increased support for families.

Proportion of total families with children under 15 years that are single parent families: Smithton: 22.2% West Coast: 20.1% Tasmania: 26.4% Proportion of total children under 15 years living in families with low maternal educational attainment (highest level of education year 10 or below): Smithton: 49.1% West Coast: 44.9% Tasmania: 37.2%

Getting heard As already noted, Smithton participants strongly suggested that politicians and bureaucrats visit the town and spend some time with the community in order to better understand local issues and seek out local solutions. One participant stated that organisations that are funded to provide services to the Circular Head area often do not actually come into the area.

When will government realise that the people on the ground are the people who have answers to some of the issues. Government should consult, not insult.

We heard many stories of the power of volunteering in the Circular Head community, and of the benefits both to the community and to volunteers themselves.

From drivers of community transport to volunteer gardeners to people helping community residents with disabilities get out of the house, volunteers brought good things to the lives of others, often while gaining strength themselves during hard times. Sporting groups, emergency services, Rotary, church and community groups—all play their part in building connections in the community.

It is amazing to see the different kinds of people that pull together. It brings everyone to the same level.

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APPENDIX 1

2014 Region

Population

Aboriginality (2011)

Median age

North West and West

113,927

5.9

42.7

• Burnie/Ulverstone

49,773

6.0

42.9

(Parklands-Camdale SA2) 6,528

5.5

40

• Devonport

45,776

4.8

42.9

• West Coast

18,378

8.3

41.5

• Smithton

4,099

14.4

38.3

• Rosebery

(West Coast SA2) 4,527

(West Coast SA2) 6.7

(West Coast SA2) 41.3

514,762

4.0

41.5

• Shorewell Park

Tasmania

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ENDNOTES

About the region ABS Data by Region, http://stat.abs.gov.au/itt/r.jsp?databyregion&ref=CTA2#/; Australian Centre on Quality of Life (2016), Australian Unity Wellbeing Index Survey 33.0; ABS Census QuickStats (2011 figures); ASGS-RA, http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/ausstats/subscriber. nsf/0/EB3374C05104D74ACA257D1E00128192/$File/1270055005_2011_remoteness_ structure_maps.pdf ; MMM, http://www.health.gov.au/internet/main/publishing.nsf/ Content/09386AD28F3A1969CA257F1500041414/$File/PHN601_Tasmania_MMM.png; LMIP labour market information; DHHS, services by area, http://www.dhhs.tas.gov.au/home; PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania; TasCOSS research; www.myschool. edu.au; SEIFA IRSAD 2011; http://www.heartfoundation.org.au/for-professionals/australianheart-maps. SEIFA IRSAD is Socio-Economic Indexes for Areas (SEIFA), a product developed by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS); the measure within this index is of Relative SocioEconomic Advantage and Disadvantage (IRSAD).

Income ABS Regional Profile, 2013; PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania, Data by PHA, SA4, 2014; DHHS (2014) Report on the Tasmanian Population Health Survey 2013, p. 16.

Children in disadvantage PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, SA4, 2014; PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, 2011. Low educational attainment is defined as a highest level of schooling of Year 10 or below.

Employment ABS 6291.0.55.001, Labour Force Australia, Detailed – Electronic Delivery, Table 16, Labour force status by labour market region (ASGS) and sex, Original, January 2017; LMIP, Small Area Labour Markets, LGA and SA2 Data Tables, September quarter 2016; LMIP SA4 Summary Data, January 2017; LMIP SA4 Population by Labour Force Status, January 2017; PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, 2011. Burnie-Ulverstone SA2 is split split between Central Coast (52.5%), Burnie (47.5%) and Waratah-Wynyard LGAs; Turner’s Beach-Forth SA2 is split between Central Coast (88%), Devonport (11%) and Kentish LGAs; Quoiba-Spreyton SA2 is split roughly 80-20 between Devonport and Latrobe LGAs.

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ENDNOTES (CONTINUED)

Housing Anglicare Rental Affordability Snapshot 2016, Technical Appendix; PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, SA4, 2014; PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, SA4, 2011. “Low income” is defined as households in the bottom 40% of income distribution for Tasmania; “stress” is defined as spending more than 30% of income on housing payments.

Transport PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, 2011; https://www.petrolspy.com.au.

Education PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, 2011; Australian Early Development Census, 2015, www.aedc.gov.au/data/data-explorer; https://www.myschool.edu.au.

Safety Tasmania Police Corporate Performance Report, January 2017.

Health PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, SA4, 2011; PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, SA4, 2011-13; PHIDU (2016), Social Health Atlas of Australia, Tasmania. Data by PHA, SA4, 2009-13.

Acknowledgments The conversations that inform this report would not have been possible without the support of many people and organisations. In particular, we would like to thank (in the order that we visited them) Rosebery Neighbourhood House, Wyndarra Centre, and Burnie Neighbourhood House for recruiting participants, hosting the discussions, and helping us ensure that we had recorded participants’ views accurately.

Our greatest thanks go to the participants themselves, who were generous with their time, their candour and their insights. We greatly appreciate their willingness to speak with us, and their permission to share their voices with you.

This report was compiled and written by Lisa Schimanski and Wynne Russell.

We welcome your thoughts. Please send comments or questions to lisa@tascoss.org.au or wynne@tascoss.org.au.

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tascoss.org

TASMANIA REPORT

2017

CONTENTS

EVENT PARTNERS

From the Chair

3

About the Author

4

A Social vision for Tasmania TasCOSS Introduction

5

Tamania’s Economy

7

Tamania’s Labour Market

25

Tamania’s Residential Property Market

37

Tamania’s Population and Society

47

Tamania’s Education System

59

Tamania’s Public Sector

73

Tasmania’s Longer-term Economic Challenge

85

Tamania’s Regions

101

Looking Forward: the 2018 Election and Beyond

111

From the Chair SUSAN PARR

As engaged Tasmanian leaders, you all know the significance of accurate data in measuring and managing key objectives and the benefits of positive relationships with stakeholders who join with us in striving to achieve a better Tasmania for all and who recognise that prosperity and wellbeing are intrinsically linked at an individual and community level.

It is gratifying to note that many organisations like Tasplan Super, are now using the Tasmania Report in their planning.

The significance of economic indicators alone can cloud vision and judgement. The juxtaposition of social and economic indicators informs a fuller appreciation and prompts debate about the priorities that Tasmania must set. Of course, State Government plays a huge part in the achievement of community priorities, but Local Government, health and education institutions, industry, businesses, community groups, households and individuals have a responsibility to look beyond self-interest and professional empires, and understand and act for the needs of Tasmania as a whole.

Tasmanians are the unhealthiest, oldest, worst educated, most under-employed and most dependent on Government benefits in Australia. This is not sustainable and if it continues will condemn a large number of Tasmanians to unproductive lives with compromised opportunities for employment, personal fulfilment and community engagement. The flow on effects mean increasing health costs, more people who feel alienated from society, and who in turn, have no stake in developing communities.

Traditionally, business has not examined the qualitative indicators of Tasmania’s success such as housing, education and health.

The TCCI believes that the true measure of a successful Tasmania must include improved achievements in these areas as well as the quantitative indicators of employment, infrastructure development, levels of taxation and the costs of doing business in an island state with a static population and limited transport options.

The recent Productivity Commission Report Shifting the Dial: 5 year productivity review (October 2017) highlights the need for “a new agenda focused on individuals. Getting better outcomes involves new agendas involving the non-market economy (mainly education and healthcare), the innovation system, using data, creating well-functioning cities and re-building confidence in institutions.”

As we approach the next State election, it is essential the each of the parties seeking government commit to a clear strategic plan designed to achieve measurable outcomes in education and training, health and infrastructure underpinned by a commitment to rebuild confidence in our institutions.

This will require leaders with courage, vision and valour to see beyond political horizons to deliver policies that avoid the future as described by the Productivity Commission.

Mediocrity is not the future Tasmanians deserve.

The TCCI envisages Tasmania as the most successful state in the Commonwealth. The measures of that success include prosperity but depend on education standards and good health and confidence in our institutions.

With the publication of the third Tasmania Report, the TCCI will continue to track Tasmania’s progress towards the attainment of improved results in jobs, construction, exports, new businesses, housing, health status and educational achievement.

I commend the report to you all.

Susan Parr Chair Tasmanian Chamber of Commerce and Industry

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

It is with great pleasure and pride that I introduce this third Tasmania Report to you. It is remarkable both in the quality of the data, the analysis and the themes identified by Saul Eslake, as well as the unique partnership that makes the funding of the report possible. The idea that the Tasmanian Chamber of Commerce and Industry and TasCOSS together with partners Bank of us, Chartered Accountants Australia and New Zealand, the Federal Group, Southern Cross Television and the Mercury Newspaper could combine in a partnership that provides all of us with key data continues to disrupt conventional attitudes around likely partnerships formed for the benefit of all Tasmanians.

3

About the author SAUL ESLAKE Saul Eslake worked as an economist in the Australian financial markets for more than 25 years, including as Chief Economist at McIntosh Securities (a stockbroking firm) in the late 1980s, Chief Economist (International) at National Mutual Funds Management in the early 1990s, as Chief Economist at the Australia & New Zealand Banking Group (ANZ) from 1995 to 2009, and as Chief Economist (Australia & New Zealand) for Bank of America Merrill Lynch from 2011 until June 2015.

He has now established his own independent economics consultancy business, based in Tasmania, and also has a part-time appointment as a Vice-Chancellor’s Fellow at the University of Tasmania.

Saul has been a non-executive director of Hydro Tasmania, the energy business owned by the Tasmanian State Government since March 2008. He is also on the Board of Housing Choices Australia Ltd, a not-for-profit provider of affordable rental housing in three states, including Tasmania; and is Chair of the Board of Ten Days on the Island, Tasmania’s biennial multi-arts festival.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Saul has a first class honours degree in Economics from the University of Tasmania, and a Graduate Diploma in Applied Finance and Investment from the Securities Institute of Australia. In December 2012 he was awarded an Honorary Doctor of Laws degree by the University of Tasmania. He has also completed the Senior Executive Program at Columbia University’s Graduate School of Business in New York.

4

SAUL HAS A FIRST CLASS HONOURS DEGREE IN ECONOMICS FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF TASMANIA, AND A GRADUATE DIPLOMA IN APPLIED FINANCE AND INVESTMENT FROM THE SECURITIES INSTITUTE OF AUSTRALIA.

A social vision for Tasmania TasCOSS CEO In the three years since the first TCCI Tasmania Report the story of Tasmania has evolved and our vision and sense of who we are and who we want to be is starting to look very different.

Education and health, low household incomes, housing affordability and the essentials of life such as energy, healthy food and transport continue to be major issues.

Every year 5000 households go without meals, 7000 can’t afford to heat their homes and over 21,000 struggle to pay their bills on time.

But the evidence is building: We don’t want this to be the story of our future. The people of Tasmania know that things can change.

The first indication of this major change was the outcome of the federal election in 2016 and the loss of three House of Representative members who demonstrated a deep ignorance of the views of their constituency. Our rejection of those views at the polls was the first strong evidence that Tasmanians wanted a new way of thinking and the first major twist in our traditional story. The 63.6% Yes vote for marriage equality from Tasmania shows that this isn’t a one off.

These messages paint a strong picture of who we are: progressive change-makers who want our communities and our state to be fair, equal and inclusive.

This hasn’t always been our traditional narrative.

Our story has long been one of power that sat with a few and often negatively impacted many – the sobering data in the Tasmania Report is the legacy of this approach.

But change is hard. Our story, the culture and the perceptions of who we are, runs deep. We tend to default to discussion about our deficits and, in doing so, quickly lose sight of our greatest potential asset – our people. People are not born a liability. Our systems, our cultures, our ingrained attitudes can cause people to be marginalised and not able to participate, socially or economically. In fact, people are the competitive advantage we have to leverage a new future.

To change, we need to invest differently – in communities and people, in the same way we invest in projects of state significance, in industries, in tourism infrastructure.

Our story should be about all, not some.

We need a bold government to take us there. A government striving for truly “balanced books”, not just measuring that balance economically, but also outcomes for people.

This then pays dividends, in health, education, employment, participation rates and the strength and resilience of our communities.

The first chapters of our new story of our state have been written by all of us and they herald a Tasmania that is fair, just and inclusive. We are poised at the start of our next chapter and it is our job as Tasmanians to act and to tell our decision-makers what we want our story to be.

Kym Goodes CEO Tasmanian Council of Social Service

People and communities matter to Tasmanians, it is at the heart of who we are. It is what connects us all, the threads of humanity that run through a small state like Tasmania.

This is why Tasmanians want the voices and needs of those on the margins brought to the centre.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

The evidence is building: We don’t want this to be the story of our future.

5

6

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

SECTION ONE TASMANIA’S ECONOMY

Tasmania’s overall economic performance in 2016-17 Tasmania’s economy – as measured by chain-volume or ‘real’ gross state product (GSP)1 – grew by 1.1% in 2016-17, in line with the most recent Treasury forecast (though well below the original 2016-17 Budget forecast of 2¼%), and down slightly from 1.3% in 2015-16. Over the past four years, Tasmania’s economy has grown at an average annual rate of 1.3%, up from an average of 0.8% over the preceding three years. The ABS has upwardly revised its previously published estimates of Tasmania’s economic growth since 2000-01 – for further discussion see Box 1.

2008-09 (Chart 1.1). Over the eight years since then, Tasmania’s economy has grown at an average annual rate of 1.0%, well below the national average of 2.6% per annum.

As a result, Tasmania’s share of the national economy has continued to decline, from 1.9% in the years preceding the onset of the global financial crisis, to 1.7% in 2016-17.

Chart 1.1: Growth in real gross state product, Tasmania and mainland

Chart 1.2: Growth in real gross state product, states and territories, 2016-17

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Tasmania’s economy grew more slowly than the national average in 2016-17, as it has done every year since

Tasmania’s growth rate in 2016-17 was slower than that of any other state or territory, with the exception of Western Australia, where economic activity contracted by 2.7% in 2016-17 (Chart 1.2). Western Australia’s result was the worst outcome for any state or territory since 1991-92.

8

1 For a more detailed explanation of what GSP measures and how it is derived, see ABS, Australian System of National Accounts: Concepts, Sources and Methods, 2015 (5216.0), Chapter 21, pp. 468-523, or the explanatory notes to ABS, Australian National Accounts: State Accounts 2016-17(5220.0). The Tasmanian Treasury continues to harbour significant reservations about the ‘reliability and volatility’ of ABS estimates of GSP and other key data for Tasmania (see Tasmanian Government, Budget Paper No. 1, May 2017, p. 28). Nonetheless, the ABS data provide the only basis for analysing the performance of the Tasmanian economy over time, and for making comparisons between Tasmania’s economic performance and that of other states and territories, and hence are used throughout this Report.

The latest ABS State Accounts incorporate significant revisions to previously published estimates of the growth rate and size of the Tasmanian economy. As a result, Tasmania’s real gross state product is now estimated to have grown at an average annual rate of 2.2% between 2000-01 and 2015-16, as against 1.8% according to the corresponding estimates published this time last year.

poorly over the following four years as previously reported, growing at an average annual rate of 0.8% between 2009-10 and 2012-13 rather than contracting at an average annual rate of 0.1% as previously reported. The previously reported growth rate for the three years to 2015-16 has been revised down by 0.2 pc points per annum, to 1.3% per annum (see Chart B1.1 below).

In particular, the Tasmanian economy is now estimated to have grown more rapidly over the five years to 2008-09, at an average annual rate of 3.1%, 0.7 pc points per annum faster than previously reckoned; and not to have fared quite as

As a result of these revisions, Tasmania’s economy is now estimated to have been $4.2bn, or 8.3% larger in 2015-16 than reported a year ago (Chart B1.2).

Chart B1.1: Latest and previous estimates of growth in Tasmania’s real gross state product

Chart B1.2: Latest and previous estimates of the size of Tasmania’s gross state product

These revisions are the result of significant historical revisions to the ABS national accounts which are made every five years or so to incorporate updated data sources (including the 2016 Census) and changes in methods and classifications, as well as other revisions to state-based data. On this occasion the revisions have been larger for Tasmania (and the ACT) than for other states (or the NT), or for Australia as a whole.

Among other things this means that Tasmania’s per capita gross product did not decline as sharply relative to that of Australia as a whole as previously reported (and discussed in last year’s Tasmania Report. The significance of this is discussed in more detail later in this Section. The revisions also imply that measures such as government spending or net debt will be slightly smaller when expressed as percentages of gross product (all else being equal) than previously reported.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Box 1: Tasmania’s economy is larger than previously thought

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As is traditionally the case, Tasmania’s relatively slow population growth detracted from its economic performance by comparison with the rest of Australia. Tasmania’s population increased by 0.6% in 2016-17, the fastest growth rate since 2010-11. However that was still a percentage point below the national average.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Chart 1.3: Growth in real gross state product, per capita, states and territories, 2016-17

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Abstracting from differences in population growth, Tasmania’s per capita gross product increased by 0.5% in 2016-17. This was slightly above the national average of 0.4% (a figure which was dragged down 0.7 percentage points by the 3.3% decline in Western Australia) (Chart 1.3), but lower than in any year since 2013-14.

Over the past four years, Tasmania’s per capita real growth rate has, on average, matched the national figure of 0.9% per annum, a performance exceeded only by New South Wales and the two Territories. This comparison has not been greatly affected by the revisions to previously published ABS estimates described in Box 1 above.

However, those revisions have significantly raised Tasmania’s per capita real growth rate over the previous decade – from an average of 0.9% per annum previously reported to an average of 1.6% per annum according to the latest estimates.

By contrast, the average real per capita growth rate of the mainland states and territories over the ten years to 2012-13 remains unaffected by these revisions, at 1.4% per annum.

Put differently, Tasmania’s economic performance as measured by real per capita growth in gross state product exceeded that of the rest of Australia by a wider margin than previously thought over the years preceding the onset of the financial crisis; and fell behind that of the rest of Australia by a smaller margin than previously thought over the four years after the financial crisis.

Chart 1.4: Growth in real per capita gross state product, Tasmania and mainland

Performance of key sectors of Tasmania’s economy in 2016-17 The industry detail of the ABS State Accounts (see Chart 1.5 below) suggests that the growth in Tasmania’s economy during 2016-17 was largely driven by four sectors – public administration and safety, the estimated output (gross value added) of which increased by 14.2% (more than reversing a 7.7% decline in 2015-16); health care and social assistance (the largest individual sector of the Tasmanian economy), where output increased by 6.1%; agriculture, forestry and fishing (the second-largest sector of the Tasmanian economy), which recorded a 4.9% increase in value added, following on from a 4.7% increase in 2015-16 (previously reported as an 8.2% decline); and wholesale trade, in which output rose by 9.5%.

Other sectors recording growth in 2016-17 included accommodation and food services (where value added increased by 3.8%), electricity, gas, water and waste services (3.3%), retail trade (1.7%), and education and training (0.7%).

Value added in mining fell by 9.1% in 2016-17, the third consecutive large decline, while the financial and insurance services sector contracted by 11.2% (partially reversing a reported 30.8% increase in 2015-16) and the construction sector by 5.2% (following an 8.9% decline in 2015-16).

The declines in activity in these three sectors sliced almost 1.5 percentage points off Tasmania’s overall economic growth rate in 2016-17. Other sectors to record significant declines in value added in 2016-17 were transport, postal and warehousing services (down 5.1%), art and recreation services (down 5.9%), and manufacturing (down 1.0%, after a 9.4% decline in 2015-16).

It’s unclear what has driven the large recorded swings in the public administration and safety, and finance and insurance sectors over the past two years. It is hard to reconcile these with other data (including on employment in these sectors), or with anecdotal evidence.

The reported slow growth in the accommodation and food services, and education and training sectors, and the reported contraction in the art and recreation sectors in 2016-17, also seem hard to reconcile with other data, including on visitor numbers and (in the case of art and recreation services) employment.

•

the health care and social assistance sector expanded by almost 18% over the five years to 2016-17, accounting for nearly 60% of the increase in Tasmania’s real gross state product over this period (growth in this sector reflects not only traditional health services but also aged and disability care including the NDIS);

From a longer-term perspective the latest ABS State Accounts suggest that most of the growth in the Tasmanian economy over the past five years has come from just two sectors:

•

while the agriculture, forestry and fishing sector has expanded by 19% over the past five years, accounting for 45% of the increase in real GSP since 2011-12.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Chart 1.5: Change in real gross value added by industry, Tasmania, 2016-17

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Other sectors to have recorded strong growth over the past fi ve years were information, media and telecommunications (20%); rental, hiring and real estate services (23%); and (despite the large decline in 2016-17) finance and insurance services (11%).

past fi ve years – including manufacturing (-11%), mining (-22%), and electricity, gas, water and waste services (-17%)2.

Charts 1.6 and 1.7 illustrate some of the more significant changes in the structure of Tasmania’s economy since the turn of the century.

Conversely some of the more traditional mainstays of the Tasmanian economy have contracted significantly over the

Chart 1.7: Selected sectors’ shares of Tasmanian gross state product

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Chart 1.6: Selected sectors’ shares of Tasmanian gross state product

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As with the figures for 2016-17, it seems hard to reconcile the reported very slow growth of just 2.5% in the accommodation and food services sector, or the decline of 0.7% in the arts and recreation sectors, over the past fi ve years with other indicators.

2

Major expenditure components of Tasmania’s economic growth Chart 1.8 below shows the changes in the major expenditure components of Tasmania’s gross state product in 2016-17, alongside corresponding figures for the mainland states and territories as a group.

Chart 1.8: Changes in major expenditure components of real gross state product, 2016-17

The decline in the total household consumption spending seems to have been driven by a large deterioration in ‘net interstate expenditure’ – the difference between what Tasmanians spend interstate and what mainlanders spend in Tasmania. Abstracting from that factor, Tasmanian household consumption spending increased by 1.4% in 2016-17.

This deterioration in net interstate spending seems difficult to reconcile with the available evidence on the number of visitors to Tasmania – although there is far less data available on the number of Tasmanians visiting the mainland, or how much they spend whilst there.

However, growth in most other categories of household spending was relatively subdued in 2016-17 – apart from communications (spending on which rose 6.6% in real terms) and furnishings and household equipment (where spending rose by 4.1%).

This likely reflects the subdued growth in Tasmanian household incomes. Aggregate Tasmanian household disposable income was unchanged in real terms in 201617, the weakest outcome since 2013-14, largely reflecting a decline in real terms in total wage and salary income, together with a (surprising) decline in income from social security benefits.

An even more striking feature of Tasmania’s economic performance in 2016-17, according to the ABS State Accounts, was an 18.7% decline in housing investment, following a 4.3% decline in 2015-16 and an 18.1% increase in 2014-15. This decline lowered Tasmania’s overall economic growth rate in 2016-17 by 0.9 of a percentage point. The level of housing investment spending in 2016-17 was the lowest, in real terms, since 2001-02. By contrast, housing investment spending in the rest of Australia rose by 2.7% in real terms in 2016-17, to a new record high (Chart 1.8).

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Household consumption spending fell by 0.6% in real terms in 2016-17, after a 4.0% increase in 2015-16.

Tasmania was the only state or territory in which consumer spending fell in 2016-17. Year-on-year declines in household spending are in fact comparatively rare: in the history of the ABS State Accounts (which goes back to 1990-91) they have never been recorded in New South Wales, Queensland or Western Australia, and only once in Victoria (in 1990-91), South Australia (in 1992-93), the ACT (in 2008-09) and the Northern Territory (in 2014-15). It has only occurred once before in Tasmania (in 2012-13).

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The outsized fluctuations in housing activity in Tasmania over the past three years appear largely attributable to the effects of the $30,000 ‘First Home Owners Boost’ originally introduced in the 2013-14 State Budget, and extended (at lower levels) in subsequent budgets.

As has almost always been the case on other occasions and in other jurisdictions, the principal effect of cash grants to

first home buyers is to ‘bring forward’ purchases which would otherwise have been made at a later date (as well as, in many instances, to increase purchase prices by the amount of the grant, resulting in a temporary ‘spike’ in housing activity followed by a subsequent decline (see Charts 1.9 and 1.10).

This episode again demonstrates (if it needs demonstrating) that there is no long-term economic benefit to be derived from such schemes.

Chart 1.9: Finance commitments to first home buyers in Tasmania

Chart 1.10: Housing commencements and completions in Tasmania

Partly offsetting the weakness in household consumption and investment spending was a 5.3% increase in business investment, the best outcome in five years and in contrast to a 6.9% decline in business investment on the mainland.

The increase in business investment in Tasmania in 2016-17 largely reflects a 16% real increase in new engineering construction. More than half of this was on telecommunications projects, but there were also significant increases in business spending on roads and subdivisions, water storage and supply, and recreation projects (Chart 1.11).

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Chart 1.11: Private sector engineering construction work done, Tasmania

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Private new non-residential building expenditure declined by 1.8% in real terms in 2016-17, after three years of very strong gains (although average prices in this sector rose by 5½%). More work was done on ‘short-term accommodation facilities’ (mainly hotels) in 2016-17 than in the previous five years combined (Chart 1.12).

There was also a significant increase in work done on aged care facilities, while office construction work remained at a high level. However, work done on new factories fell to its lowest level in 15 years, while work on agricultural and aquacultural facilities declined sharply from elevated levels in the previous two years.

The other major component of business investment, expenditure on machinery and equipment, increased by 3.0% in real terms in 2016-17, the largest increase in five years.

Public sector spending in Tasmania rose by 5.6% in real terms in 2016-17, in contrast to a marginal decline on the mainland. This was the result of strong growth in both consumption and investment spending by both the national and state governments, and in investment spending by Commonwealth public enterprises (presumably reflecting NBN-related work), partly offset by a decline in investment spending by state and local public enterprises.

Public sector consumption and investment expenditure has directly contributed more than 80% of the increase in Tasmania’s real gross state product over three years to 2016-17, according to the latest ABS State Accounts. This is in stark contrast to mainland Australia, where public spending (as measured in the national accounts) has declined over the past three years3.

The performance of Tasmania’s state public sector is discussed in more detail in Section 7.

Note that the measures of public sector expenditures in the ABS national and state accounts only include purchases of goods and services by governments and public corporations, and do not include cash transfers to individuals (pensions and benefits), businesses (subsidies) or other government (grants).

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TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Chart 1.12: Private non-residential building work done, Tasmania

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Tasmania’s trade The dollar value of Tasmania’s international exports of goods rose by 3.8% in 2016-17, compared with a 19.6% increase in the value of mainland exports (Chart 1.13). Based on the limited information available publicly, the increase in the value of Tasmania’s exports appears to reflect increases in exports of metals (which would have benefited from higher prices, especially for aluminium and zinc), dairy products and paper, partly offset by lower exports of meat, fruit and vegetables, and vessels.

The ABS State Accounts dissects this increase in the value of Tasmania’s goods exports into an estimated 7.9% increase in average prices, and a 3.8% decline in the volume of international exports – partially reversing an estimated 10.6% decline in prices and a 19.7% increase in volumes in 2015-164.

The value of exports to Taiwan, Korea, the US and the EU also fell in 2016-17, offset by a large increase in exports to ASEAN countries (who collectively represent Tasmania’s largest export market), Japan, Hong Kong and India. Chart 1.14 shows the change in the destination of Tasmania’s merchandise exports over the past decade.

Chart 1.13: Value of merchandise exports, Tasmania and mainland

Chart 1.14: Tasmania’s merchandise exports, by destination

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

By destination, the value of Tasmania’s merchandise exports to China fell by 23% in 2016-17 after surging by almost 80% in 2015-16 (suggesting that some large one-off exports to China in 2015-16 may have been a significant factor in the large swings in export volumes reported in the ABS State Accounts).

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4 As noted in last year’s Tasmania Report, the swings in the estimates of the average prices of Tasmania’s exports contained in the annual ABS State Accounts occasionally seem implausibly large, resulting in similarly implausible movements in estimates of export volumes. To at least some extent, any measurement errors in these estimates of export prices and volumes are off set in the ‘balancing item’ between the production- and expenditure-based measures of gross state product.

The value of Tasmania’s international exports of services rose by 16.7% in 2016-17, the third consecutive large gain (Chart 1.15). Services exports now account for 19% of the total value of Tasmania’s international exports, up from 10.7% in 2006-07, and for 2.7% of gross state product, up from 2.2% a decade ago. However, Tasmania is still some way behind the

mainland with regard to the importance of services exports, which account for 21.9% of total mainland exports and 4.7% of mainland gross product (Chart 1.16).

Chart 1.15: Value of services exports, Tasmania and mainland

Chart 1.16: Services exports as percentages of gross product

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Tourism has been a significant contributor to the growth in Tasmania’s services exports in recent years – see Box 2.

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Box 2: Tasmania’s tourism industry Tasmania’s tourism industry has experienced significant growth over the past five years. Total visitor numbers rose by more than 48% over the five years to 2016-17, compared with less than 4% over the preceding five years (Chart B2.1). More than one-quarter of this increase is attributable to international visitors, whose numbers have grown by almost 80% over the past five years, while the number of interstate visitors has grown by 44% over this period.

Although the average number of nights spent by visitors to Tasmania has not changed much over this period, the average visitor spend has increased by about 15%, so that total visitor spend has increased by more than 70% over the five years to 2016-17 (Chart B2.2), or from about 5% to about 7¾% of gross state product.

Employment in tourism-related sectors (accommodation and food services, and art and recreation services) has increased by almost 122,000 – more than half the increase in total employment in Tasmania over the past five years.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Tasmania’s tourism industry was adversely affected by the appreciation of the A$ during the ‘mining boom’ and has benefited from the substantial depreciation which occurred between 2012 and 2015. However, the continued growth in visitor numbers despite a gradual rise in the A$ since early 2016 suggests that other factors have also been important – including the development of new attractions (such as MONA and its associated festivals, other cultural and sporting events,

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food and wine tourism, and new walking and hiking trails), the enhanced exposure provided by Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit in November 2014, successful marketing, and improved access through growth (of over 40%) in the number of aircraft seats into Tasmania.

As noted earlier in this section, the growth in Tasmania’s tourist industry suggested by these statistics does not appear to be fully reflected in the industry detail of the ABS State Accounts, for reasons that are not immediately clear. It may be that some of the growth in spending by visitors to Tasmania has been offset by growth in spending by Tasmanians interstate (something on which far less data is available, but which would have also been facilitated by growth in airline capacity, among other things).

Another contributor to the growth in Tasmania’s services exports is education. The number of overseas students enrolled at the University of Tasmania (including the Australian Maritime College) has risen from just over 4,800 in 2013 and 2014 to almost 5,500 in 2016 (the latest year for which data are available). However, this remains short of the peak level of enrolments attained in 2011.

Tasmania has less than 1½% of Australia’s total overseas higher education student enrolments, below its 2% share of Australia’s total population. This suggests that there is potential for further growth in overseas student numbers in Tasmania – something which would also contribute to further growth in international visitors, via students’ families and friends.

By contrast, overseas enrolments at mainland higher education institutions have grown more rapidly than in Tasmania over the past three years, and are now well in excess of their previous peak in 2011 (Chart 1.17).

Tasmania’s direct international imports of goods and services rose by 14.4% in real terms in 2016-17, the largest increase in five years. This was presumably driven by the increase in business investment in machinery and equipment (which is particularly import-intensive) noted earlier (and possibly by increased spending on tele-communications networks), as well as by a 10% increase in services imports.

In practice, a large share of Tasmania’s imports come via the mainland, just as a proportion of Tasmania’s exports leave Australia via the mainland. These trans-actions, together with Tasmania’s exports to and imports from the rest of Australia and changes in the level of business inventories – none of which are directly measured – are implicitly captured in the ‘balancing item’ on the expenditure side of the ABS State Accounts. As shown in Chart 1.8 above, this ‘balancing item’ contributed 1.5 percentage points to growth in Tasmania’s gross state product in 2016-17, the first positive contribution in four years.

At face value, this suggests that interstate trade (that is, between Tasmania and the mainland) contributed positively to growth in Tasmania’s economy in 2016-17, in ways not otherwise captured in the ABS State Accounts – although given that this ‘balancing item’ also includes other items (including measurement errors) it is difficult to be definitive on that score.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Chart 1.17: International higher education student enrolments, Tasmania and mainland

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Near-term prospects for Tasmania’s economy The analysis in this section thus far has shown that Tasmania’s economy has continued its recovery from the recession of 2011-13 (a recession which wasn’t as severe as previously reported, and which followed a period of stronger growth than previously reported). It has highlighted some areas of encouraging strength, particularly in agriculture, health, aged and disability care, tourism and commercial construction (especially infrastructure and hotels). However it has also shown that the recovery has been heavily dependent on continued growth in public sector spending; and that it has been constrained by weakness in household spending, in particular on dwelling construction).

The improving outlook for the world economy, as noted by both the IMF and the OECD in their most recent forecasts5 is a positive development for the Tasmanian economy, given that exports account for more than 12% of Tasmania’s economy.

But the two most important elements to sustaining the recovery in Tasmania’s economy are a revival in household spending, and continuation of the upturn in business investment.

Chart 1.19: Retail sales, Tasmania and mainland

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Chart 1.18: Consumer confidence, Tasmania and Australia

Consumer confidence appears to have picked up in Tasmania in recent months, after an extended period in which Tasmanian consumers were notably more pessimistic than the Australian consumers as a whole (Chart 1.18).

However, this is yet to translate into any pick-up in retail sales (Chart 1.19). Tasmanian retailers are as exposed as their counterparts elsewhere in Australia to heightened competition from new channels for selling goods to consumers.

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5 The IMF forecast, in its most recent World Economic Outlook released in October 2017, growth in the global economy of 3.7-3.8% per annum from 2018 through 2022, stronger than in any year since 2011; while the OECD’s latest Economic Outlook, published in late November, says that ‘the global economy is now growing at its fastest pace since 2010, with the upturn becoming increasingly synchronised across countries’.

exposed to increases in energy costs than households in mainland eastern states. A continued gradual increase in the growth rate of Tasmania’s population should also be helpful, at the margin, for growth in household spending.

Tasmanian households are, in general, less indebted than their mainland counterparts and hence devote a smaller percentage of their incomes to interest payments (4.1% in 2016-17) than households elsewhere in Australia (5.8%). They are therefore less likely to be concerned by the prospect of higher interest rates at some point in the future. And although Tasmanian households spend the same proportion of disposable income (2.1%) on energy as the national average, they have been less

Chart 1.20: Residential building approvals, Tasmania and mainland

However, the most important obstacle to a sustained upturn in growth in Tasmanian household spending is continued weak growth in household incomes. As discussed in Section 2 below, recent developments in employment growth in Tasmania are somewhat encouraging from that perspective – although it remains to be seen whether the recent strong growth in employment will be sustained. However, Tasmanian employee households, like their counterparts in other states, are continuing to experience unprecedentedly slow growth in wage and salary earnings – something which, according to the Reserve Bank6 and others, seems likely to persist for some time yet.

Hence, the best that can probably be hoped for is very moderate growth in Tasmanian household spending in 2017-18 and 2018-19.

The significant downturn in dwelling construction which, as noted earlier in this section, sliced almost a full percentage point off Tasmania’s overall economic growth rate in 2016-17, seems likely to be reversed in the current financial year.

However, it seems to be taking longer than usual for construction to get under way after approvals have been granted. The number of dwellings commenced in the June quarter 2017 was only 7½% higher than a year earlier, while the number of dwellings under construction in the June quarter was almost 3% lower than a year earlier.

6

Reserve Bank of Australia, Statement on Monetary Policy, November 2017, pp. 68-9.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

The number of residential building approvals granted by local governments in Tasmania has risen by almost 47% since August last year, which suggests that there should be a significant increase in residential building work in 2017-18 (Chart 1.20).

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The reasons for this extended backlog are not clear.

However, if it can be reduced, then residential construction should make a positive contribution to growth in the Tasmanian economy in 2017-18 and beyond.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

The level of non-residential building approvals has tailed off over the past year in Tasmania, in contrast to the trend on the mainland (Chart 1.21). Nonetheless, the ‘pipeline’ of work to be done on projects already under way remains high

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by historical standards (Chart 1.22), reflecting the volume of work now under way on new hotels, offices and University of Tasmania projects. There is also almost $600bn of work to be done on engineering construction projects around Tasmania. All of this constitutes a solid basis for expectations that commercial construction will continue to provide an important source of impetus for the Tasmanian economy in 2017-18 and perhaps beyond.

Chart 1.21: Non-residential building approvals, Tasmania and mainland

Chart 1.22: Value of non-residential building work yet to be done, Tasmania and mainland

More generally, the ongoing relatively high level of business confidence in Tasmania augurs well for the prospects for continued growth in business investment.

policies, which has generally been much higher in Tasmania than in other states or territories since the last state election in 2014 (Charts 1.23 and 1.24). The history of the series depicted in Chart 1.24 (and of the equivalent series for other states) suggests that declines in business confidence occur gradually – typically when a government has been in office for an extended period – and are followed by an abrupt improvement when an election results in a change of government (as happened in New South Wales in 2011, and in Tasmania in 2013). Abrupt declines following changes of government are much less common.

The most widely-regarded measures of business sentiment, though more volatile for Tasmania than for Australia as a whole, have on average indicated higher levels of business confidence in Tasmania than the national average in recent years (Charts 1.23 and 1.24).

One of the reasons for that is the continuing confidence of small and medium businesses in state government economic

Chart 1.23: Expected business conditions – NAB Business survey

Chart 1.24: Small & medium enterprise business confidence – Sensis survey

Chart 1.25: SMEs assessment of state & territory government policies, September 2017

Chart 1.26: SMEs assessment of Tasmanian Government policies

However, in order to narrow the long-standing gap in economic performance, and in material living

standards, between Tasmania and the rest of Australia, the Tasmanian economy will need a sustained period of growth at a pace of 2½% per annum or better. What needs to be achieved in order to attain that objective will be considered in greater depth in Section 7.

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

In the absence of any unforeseen shocks, it seems reasonable to anticipate that Tasmania’s economy will continue to grow at a pace similar to the 1-1½% per annum of the past three years, possibly reaching 2% in 2017-18 – although the 2½% growth forecast for 2017-18 in the most recent State Budget may be a stretch.

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Tasmania’s economy, as measured by ‘real’ gross state product, grew by 1.1% in 2016-17 to $28.58 billion, slightly down on the 1.3% increase in the last two financial years and down on the national growth of 2.0%, the 26th consecutive year of national economic growth in Australia.1 Private business investment grew by 3.7% and it is exciting to see that sectors such as Agriculture, Forestry and Fishing as well as Healthcare and wholesale trade increasing by 4.9%, 6.1% and 9.5% respectively.

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TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

While the economic numbers represent only one thread in the tapestry that is Tasmania, they do reveal there are opportunities to advance our overall health, education, and productivity, and to reduce our dependency on government benefits. This report provides rich insights into how businesses can partner with government to turn Tasmania’s challenges into opportunities.

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It is Chartered Accountants Australia and New Zealand’s pleasure to be a sponsor of the annual Tasmania Report, and to be a part of the continuing growth and success of Tasmania’s economy

PAUL BREEN Chair – Tasmanian Regional Council Chartered Accountants Australia and New Zealand

charteredaccountantsanz.com/AoP 1 Australian Bureau of Statistics, Key National Accounts Aggregates, http://www.abs.gov.au/ AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/DetailsPage/5204.02016-17?OpenDocument

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SECTION TWO TASMANIA’S LABOUR MARKET

Employment in Tasmania until the winter of 2016, followed by a strong rebound which continued through to mid-2017, after which the level of employment appears to have flattened out (Chart 2.2).

Monthly labour force data suggests that this reflects a decline in employment which began in late 2015 and continued

Chart 2.2 also highlights that in April 2017, employment in Tasmania finally regained the level it had reached before the

Chart 2.1: Employment growth, states and territories, 2016-17

Chart 2.2: Level of employment, Tasmania, monthly

onset of the global financial crisis in October 2008 (a milestone the mainland passed in August 2009).

However the level of full-time employment is still some 15,200, or more than 9%, below its pre-financial crisis peak.

The only other state where full-time employment remains below pre-crisis levels is South Australia, where it is still 2% below the pre-crisis peak. For the mainland as a whole, full-time employment is now more than 9% above its pre-financial crisis peak (Chart 2.4)7.

Two-thirds of the increase in employment since the recession trough in late 2013, and all of the increase since the most recent low in mid-2016, has been in the form of part-time employment. Indeed, thanks to this most recent surge, part-time employment in Tasmania has now grown almost as rapidly since the financial crisis as it has on the mainland (Chart 2.3).

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

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Employment increased by 0.8% in Tasmania, on average, in the 2016-17 financial year, slightly less than half the national average (Chart 2.1).

For a more detailed analysis and discussion of changes in employment (including by age, gender and industry) between the 2006 and 2016 Censuses, see the recently-published report by Lisa Denny of the Institute for the Study of Social Change at the University of Tasmania, The Changing Nature of Work in Tasmania, November 2017.

7

Chart 2.3: Part-time employment, Tasmania and mainland

Chart 2.4: Full-time employment, Tasmania tand mainland

The weakness in full-time employment in Tasmania has been especially pronounced among men.

By contrast, although full-time employment fell almost as much among women as for men between 2008 and 2013, it has since risen by almost 12%, to be just 1,700 or 3% below the pre-ďŹ nancial crisis peak (Chart 2.5).

Chart 2.5: Full-time employment by gender, Tasmania

Part-time employment has risen by roughly similar proportions for both women and men (a little less and a little more, respectively, than 25%) since the ďŹ nancial crisis.

Chart 2.6: Part-time employment by gender, Tasmania

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

The number of males in full-time employment has fallen by more than 13,000, or nearly 12%, since before the ďŹ nancial crisis, and is still less than 3% above the recession low in mid-2013 (when it was lower than it had been at any time since the beginning of 2003).

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This stark contrast between the employment experiences of men and women in Tasmania is in large part the result of profound structural changes in the industry composition of employment over the past decade.

food services sector has also increased by more than 1,300 (or nearly 20%) over the past two years – more than any other sector except construction - after falling by 1,200 between 2007-08 and 2014-15.

Chart 2.7 shows changes in full- and part-time employment in Tasmania by industry between 2007-08 (the year before the financial crisis) and 2016-17. Full-time employment in manufacturing and agriculture, forestry and fishing − sectors traditionally dominated by males − fell by 6,300 (or nearly 32%) and 2,200 (or 19%) respectively, over this period. Full-time employment in retailing – which employs a larger proportion of females – fell by 2,900 (or nearly 20%) between 2007-08 and 2016-17.

The rapid growth in the health care and social assistance sector (noted previously in Section 1) has generated almost 5,500 new part-time jobs since 2007-08, an increase of almost 44%. Many of these positions have been taken up by women. Part-time employment in accommodation and food services has increased by just over 2,600 (27%) over the past nine years. Other sectors where part-time employment has increased significantly have been retail trade (1,800 or 15%), public administration and safety (1,800 or 65%), and administration and support services (1,250 or 45%).

The only sectors to have experienced significant growth in full-time employment over the past nine years have been construction (3,900 or 26%) and professional, scientific and technical services (1,900 or 27%). Full-time employment in the accommodation and

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Chart 2.7: Change in full- and part-time employment by industry, Tasmania, 2007-08 to 2016-17

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Tasmania’s (trend) unemployment rate fell by about ½ pc point over the second half of 2016, but has since remained more or less unchanged at 5.9-6.0%, the lowest since mid-2011 (Chart 2.8). By contrast, the unemployment rate on the mainland was steady at 5.7-5.8% throughout 2016 and into the first quarter of 2017, but has since declined to 5.4%. After being lower than three (or sometimes four) of the mainland states between December 2016 and May 2017, since September 2017 Tasmania has once again had the highest (trend) unemployment rate of any state or territory.

The extent of unemployment in Tasmania has traditionally been masked by a markedly lower labour force participation rate than in the rest of Australia – something which is in large part, but not completely, explained by Tasmania having a larger proportion of its ‘working age’ population (as defined by labour force statistics) being aged 65 or over than any other state or territory. That difference, though still large, has narrowed somewhat since mid-2016, with Tasmania’s (trend) participation rate rising by 1.4 pc points to 60.9% as of October 2017, as against an increase of 0.4 pc point to 64.3% on the mainland over the same period (Chart 2.9)8.

Chart 2.8: Unemployment rate, Tasmania and mainland

Chart 2.9: Labour force participation rate, Tasmania and mainland

The net effect of the decline in Tasmania’s unemployment rate and the increase in labour force participation since mid-2016 is that the proportion of Tasmania’s working-age population who are employed – the employment rate – has increased by 1.7 pc points, to 57.3% (as of October 2017), the highest figure since mid-2011.

This is still lower than in any other state or territory, and 4.4 pc points below the corresponding average for the mainland as a whole.

8 Hypothetically, if Tasmania’s participation rate remained unchanged at its July 2016 level and employment grown as it did between then and October 2017, Tasmania’s unemployment rate would have fallen to around 4%. In practice, employment would not have grown as it did had the participation rate been unchanged, because a large proportion of the jobs created during this period appear to have been taken up by new (or re-) entrants to the labour force.

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Unemployment and under-employment

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Chart 2.10: Proportion of ‘working age’ population aged 65 or over

However, given that almost 23½% of Tasmania’s ‘working age’ population (4.3 pc points more than the corresponding proportion of the mainland’s ‘working age’ population) are 65 or over (Chart 2.10), and that only 11% of them are actually working (1.5 pc points less than the mainland’s

65-and-over population), it would be surprising if Tasmania’s overall employment rate wasn’t significantly lower than that of the rest of Australia.

Indeed, as shown in Section 4 of last year’s Tasmania Report, the gap in overall employment rates between Tasmania and the mainland is likely to widen over time, all else being equal, because Tasmania’s population is ageing much more rapidly than the rest of Australia.

Rather more encouraging is that the proportion of 15-64 year old Tasmanians who are working has increased by 1.4 pc points since October 2016 – and by 3.2 pc points from the low point in early 2014 (Chart 2.11). Indeed, the employment rate of 15-64 year old Tasmanians is now higher than at any time other than between January 2008 and April 2009. And the gap between this measure and the corresponding figure for the rest of Australia is now, at 0.6 pc points, lower than at any time in the past 25 years, apart from February-September 2009 and September-October 2015.

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Chart 2.11: ‘Employment rate’ for population aged 15-64

Nonetheless, it should be an objective of Tasmanian Government policy to eliminate this gap altogether. Chart 2.12 shows that a lower proportion of Tasmanians in every age group within the ‘working age’ population are in employment than in the corresponding group of the population of the rest of Australia – with the conspicuous exception of 15-19 year olds. And that exception should not be regarded as an achievement, because it is the mirror image of the fact that a smaller proportion of Tasmanians in this age group are continuing in full-time education than of the same age group in other states and territories.

(CC)

Earlier in this section it was noted that most of the increase in employment in Tasmania in recent years had been in the form of part-time employment. Part-time work is often a preferred option for people with caring responsibilities, people who are undertaking some form of study or training, and older people transitioning towards retirement.

However, Tasmania has a higher proportion of people who are working fewer hours than they are willing and able to than in any other State or Territory (Chart 2.13). Moreover, unlike the unemployment rate, this proportion has not declined over the past few years (Chart 2.14).

Chart 2.13: ‘Under-employment’ rates, states and territories, 2016-17

Chart 2.14: ‘’Under-employment’ rates, Tasmania and Australia, 2006-17

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Chart 2.12: Private non-residential building work done, Tasmania

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Long-term and youth unemployment While Tasmania’s unemployment rate has been gradually declining over the past four years, there remains a significant cohort of Tasmanians who have encountered severe difficulties in finding or remaining in work. The proportions of Tasmania’s unemployed who have been out of work for more than a year, and for more than two years, are each higher than in any other State or Territory (Chart 2.15). Moreover, in contrast to the overall unemployment rate, the margin by which long-term unemployment in Tasmania exceeds that for the rest of Australia has continued to widen (Chart 2.16)

Chart 2.15: Long-term unemployment rates, states and territories

Chart 2.16: Very long-term unemployment rates, Tasmania and mainland

Chart 2.17: Median duration of unemployment, Tasmania and Australia

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The median duration of unemployment in Tasmania has declined significantly from more than 23 weeks in the second half of 2014 to just over 18 weeks in 2017 – implying that Tasmanians are, in general, taking less time to find a job than previously (Chart 2.17). Nonetheless, the median duration of unemployment remains higher than the national average, and it remains higher than before the recession of 2012-14.

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Additionally, the job search experience for Tasmanians who have been out of work for a long time has not improved very much. Those out of work for two years or more are taking an average of 109 weeks to find a job, a decline of only eight weeks from the most recent peak in 2016, and about five weeks longer than the national average.

Unemployment among young (15-24 year old) Tasmanians has fallen significantly over the past three years, from nearly 18% (of 15-24 year olds in the labour force) in late 2014 to just under 14% as of October 2017 (Chart 2.18). This partly reflects an increase in employment among 15-24 year-olds) but also, importantly, an increase in the proportion of this age group engaged in full-time education.

The number of so-called ‘NEETs’ (not in employment, education or training) as a proportion of the total number of 15-24 year olds in Tasmania has fallen from a peak of around 18% in 2016 to 15.2% on average over the 12 months ended October 2017, but is still higher than in any other jurisdiction except the Northern Territory and Queensland (where it is the same as in Tasmania) (Chart 2.19).

Tasmania’s youth unemployment rate remains above the national average, although it is no longer the highest in Australia, being some 2½ pc points lower than in South Australia, and only marginally higher than in Western Australia, Queensland and Victoria.

Expanding opportunities for young Tasmanians to engage in education and training, and to enhance their capacity to find and hold down jobs, is critical to narrowing the gap in overall labour force participation rates between Tasmania and the rest of Australia discussed earlier in this section.

Tasmania also has an above-average proportion of 15-24 year olds who are neither in the labour force (that is, neither working nor actively looking for work) nor in full-time education.

Chart 2.19: 15-24 year olds not in education, employment or training states and territories

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Chart 2.18: Youth unemployment rates, Tasmania and Australia

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Labour earnings A common development across ‘advanced’ economies in recent years has been the persistence of unusually slow growth in employee earnings, even in economies where unemployment has fallen to (or below) levels traditionally regarded as being consistent with ‘full employment’. A number of different explanations have been proffered for this, including the lingering effects of the global financial crisis; heightened competition from workers in ‘emerging and developing’ economies (via globalisation and ‘offshoring’) or from various forms of technological innovation (including robots and computers); changes in the structure or regulation of labour markets which have altered the ‘balance of power’ between employers and employees; and a widespread and persistent slow-down in productivity growth which pre-dates the financial crisis.

This trend has been evident in Australia – especially since the end of the ‘mining boom’ – and seems likely to persist for some time yet to come given that Australia is still some way from being at ‘full employment’ 9.

As measured by the ABS wage price index, nowadays the most widely-used measure of movements in labour costs, wages growth appears to have slowed slightly less in Tasmania over the past few years than elsewhere in Australia (Chart 2.20).

This stems from the fact that, since the end of the ‘mining boom’, public sector wages have risen by about ¼-½% per annum more than private sector wages – and public sector employees account for a larger share of total employment in Tasmania (20%) than on the mainland (16.2%).

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

However, the wage price index, by design, says nothing about the level of wages, and abstracts from the effects of compositional changes in the workforce – for example between high- and low-paying jobs, or between full- and parttime jobs, both of which have been (as discussed earlier in this Section) quite substantial in Tasmania in recent years.

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An alternative measure which captures the effects of these changes can be derived, on a financial year basis, from the estimates of ‘employee compensation’ (wages and salaries, plus superannuation contributions and workers’ compensation premiums) provided in the ABS State Accounts.

9

See Reserve Bank of Australia, Statement on Monetary Policy, November 2017, pp. 68-9.

Chart 2.20: Ordinary hourly rates of pay (excluding bonuses), Tasmania and mainland

Average employee compensation per hour worked in Tasmania in 2016-17, of $33.13, was the lowest of any state or territory, and 19% below the national average (Chart 2.21).

This represents a 0.6% decline from 2015-16 (presumably as a result of changes in the ‘mix’ of employment). Over the past five years, average hourly employee compensation has increased by just 0.7% per annum, less than in any other state or territory, and well below the national average of 2.0% per annum.

Moreover, because Tasmanian employees work fewer hours, on average, than workers in any other state or territory, their average annual compensation of $52,932 in 2016-17 was nearly 23% below the national average of $68,474 (that is, a larger margin than the difference in average hourly compensation).

As previous Tasmania Reports have emphasised, and as again discussed in more detail in Section 7 of this Report, the single most important reason why Tasmanian wages and salaries are lower than anywhere else in Australia is because Tasmanian labour productivity is 12% below the national average: and one of the most important reasons for that is because Tasmanian employees are, on average, less educated and skilled than those in other parts of Australia.

Chart 2.22: Annual growth in compensation per hour, Tasmania and mainland

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Chart 2.21: Employee compensation per hour worked, states and territories, 2016-17

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TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

SECTION THREE TASMANIA’S RESIDENTIAL PROPERTY MARKET

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For most of the past two decades, Tasmania’s residential property market has been less vibrant than those of other states and territories – with fewer transactions (relative to the size of the state’s population) and much more subdued movements in prices than other parts of Australia, and in particular by comparison with the capital cities of the mainland states.

That has changed over past couple of years, with the Tasmanian market ‘out-performing’ other states and territories on many dimensions. While there are many positive aspects to this, there is also a downside, particularly for those who do not own residential property, and are exposed to increases in the cost of rental accommodation.

Residential property prices Tasmanian residential property prices rose by 9.2% over the 12 months to October 2017, according to the hedonic indices complied by CoreLogic - faster than in any state or territory except Victoria, and compared with a national average of 6.6%. Over the past decade, Tasmanian residential property prices have risen by 21.2% - less than half the national average of 46.6%. However the national average

Chart 3.1: Hedonic home value indices, Tasmania, metropolitan and regional averages

reflects gains averaging nearly 57% in the five largest cities on the mainland (including 87% in Sydney and 79% in Melbourne).

By comparison, residential property prices outside the mainland capital cities have risen by only 15.3% over the past decade (ie, less than in Tasmania) (Chart 3.1). However, Tasmanian property prices remain, on average, below those in non-metropolitan areas of other states (with the exception of regional South Australia), and well below those in mainland capital cities (Chart 3.2).

Chart 3.2: Median sale prices, Tasmania, metropolitan and regional averages

Note: Hedonic indices measure the ‘organic change’ in underlying sale values of properties using the hedonic imputation methodology. They are designed to show rates of change in property prices rather than the level of prices. The median price is the middle (50th percentile) price of all transactions during the preceding three months. Source: CoreLogic Property Market Indices.

Chart 3.4: Median sale prices, Hobart, Launceston and NW Coast

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Chart 3.3: Hedonic home value indices, ‘Greater Hobart’ and regional Tasmania

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Residential property prices have risen further in Hobart and surrounding areas than in the rest of Tasmania. The CoreLogic hedonic home value index for ‘Greater Hobart’10 rose by 13.4% over the twelve months to October 2017, more than in any other capital city; and by 26.5% over the past five years (Chart 3.3), more than in any mainland capital city except for Sydney and Melbourne.

By contrast, home values across the rest of Tasmania rose by only 5.4% over the twelve months to October, and by 15.5% over the five years to October 2017. The latter is in line with the corresponding figure for regional Australia, which reflects outright declines in regional Queensland and (especially) WA, offset by much larger increases (of 37-42%) in regional NSW and Victoria.

Data compiled by the Real Estate Institute of Tasmania present a similar picture of larger price increases in Hobart

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Chart 3.5: Median time on market, ‘Greater Hobart’ and regional Tasmania

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than in the rest of Tasmania, although they do suggest that property prices have begun to rise at a faster rate in Launceston and (to a lesser extent) along the North West Coast during 2017 than at any time since 2009 (Chart 3.4).

CoreLogic data suggests that properties in Hobart are selling much more quickly than at any time in the past decade – typically in 20 days or less this past spring, compared with more than 70 days during 2013 (Chart 3.5), and with 27-30 days in recent months in Sydney and Melbourne. Properties are typically on the market for longer periods in the rest of Tasmania, but even so have recently been selling within less than 60 days, compared with more than 100 days in 2012-13.

Vendors in Hobart are also having to discount their initial asking prices by less than at any other time in the past decade in order to complete a sale – over the past spring by around 3½-3¾%, compared with 6½-6¾% in 2012-13.

Chart 3.6: Volume of residential property sales, Tasmania

Residential property sales volumes have continued to rise gradually in Hobart, although they remain below the levels experienced in the years preceding, and immediately after, the global financial crisis (Chart 3.6). However the volume of sales in Launceston and along the North West Coast – which have typically been less volatile than in Hobart – are now approaching the peaks experienced a decade ago (Chart 3.6).

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‘Greater Hobart’ includes Sorell, Richmond, Dodges Ferry, Lewisham, Brighton, Pontville, Margate and Snug.

Housing finance

However the value of finance commitments has continued to rise steadily (Chart 3.8), reflecting the ongoing rise in the size of the average mortgage taken out by Tasmanian home borrowers, from an average of $226,400 in 2015-16 to $241,600 in the first three months of 2017-18, an increase of 6.7%. This compares with an increase of 2.1% in the size of the average new mainland mortgage since 2015-16 (although the

Chart 3.7: Number of housing finance commitments to owner-occupiers

average new mortgage taken out by mainland home buyers is of course much larger, at $375,500 in the first three months of the current financial year).

As noted in Section 1, the further extension of the $20,000 ‘First Home Owners Boost’ in the most recent State Budget does not appear to have had any material impact on demand from first home buyers. Indeed first home buyers’ share of total lending for housing thus far in 2017-18 has been lower than in any year since 2003-04.

Instead, the recent growth in lending to home-buyers appears to have been largely attributable to people buying second or subsequent homes, or refinancing existing loans (Chart 3.9).

Chart 3.8: Value of housing finance commitments to owner-occupiers

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The number of housing finance commitments to owner-occupiers has levelled off in 2017, after rising steadily over the preceding two years, in contrast to the trend on the mainland where a modest decline during the first half of 2016 has been followed by a gradual recovery over the past winter and spring (Chart 3.7).

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Lending to residential property investors in Tasmania has been rising strongly since the middle of 2016, and by late 2017 had reached record levels, exceeding the previous peak in mid-2015, ahead of the introduction of tighter standards for lending to investors at the instigation of the Australian Prudential Regulatory Authority.

The rebound in lending to investors has been much more pronounced in Tasmania than on the mainland (Chart 3.10).

Chart 3.9: Re-financing and lending for home purchase, Tasmania

Chart 3.10: Value of housing finance commitments to investors

Nonetheless, investors still only account for 23% of total housing lending in Tasmania, a smaller proportion than in any other state or territory, and well below the national average of 36%.

Together with Tasmania’s slower population growth rate, and lower average household incomes, this is an important reason why property prices have risen by less, and housing remains more affordable (for buyers) than elsewhere in Australia.

Home ownership Tasmania has the highest rate of home ownership of any state or territory, at 69.2%, according to the results of the 2016 Census.

Tasmania’s home ownership rate has declined by just 0.2 percentage points over the 25 years since the 1991 Census, compared with a decline of 1.5 percentage points in the national home ownership rate.

Tasmania’s above-average home ownership rate is also a by-product of Tasmania’s older-than-average population, since home ownership rates typically increase with age, and home ownership rates nationally have declined by much less among people aged 55 or over (who comprised 33.5% of Tasmania’s population at the 2016 Census, compared with 27.3% of mainland Australia’s) than among younger age groups.

Tasmania is the only state or territory where more than half of all home-owners own their homes outright – that is, without any outstanding mortgage debt.

Chart 3.11: Home ownership rates, states and territories, 2016 Census

As a result, housing affordabililty (for buyers and owners) hasn’t deteriorated nearly as much in Tasmania as it has in other states. According to Real Estate Institute of Australia calculations, debt service payments on an average-sized mortgage absorbed 23.9% of average household income in Tasmania in mid-2017, compared with 31.4% across Australia as a whole11.

11

Real Estate Institute of Australia, Housing Affordability Report, June Quarter 2017.

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Tasmania’s above-average home ownership rate is partly attributable to the slower rate of increase in residential property prices over the past two decades, both in absolute terms and relative to household incomes. As noted earlier in this section, that partly reflects the fact that prospective home-buyers have faced less competition from investors in Tasmania than they have in other parts of Australia. There has also been relatively less demand from overseas immigrants.

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The rental housing market The rental housing market has tightened, particularly in Hobart, over the past year. Median rents for houses and units have risen by 7.4% and 8.0%, respectively, in Hobart over the year to the September quarter 2017. Elsewhere in Tasmania there has been less upward pressure on rents, although in Launceston, typical apartment rents increased by 6.0% over the year to the September quarter. One exception is apartments on the North West Coast, for which median rents declined by 3.6% over the year to the September quarter (Charts 3.12 and 3.13).

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These data are consistent with the measure of rents included in the consumer price index, which for Hobart rose by 4.1% over the year to the September quarter, compared with an average of just 0.8% for all capital cities.

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Chart 3.12: Median rents, 3-bedroom houses

Chart 3.13: Median rents, 2-bedroom units

The upward pressure on rents in Hobart reflects the significant decline in vacancies over the past four years.

Hobart’s vacancy rate fell below 2% in the September quarter for the first time in nine years, to its lowest level since the March quarter of 2004; the annual moving average rate (a better indicator of the underlying trend) is now down to levels not seen in seven years (Chart 3.14).

Vacancy rates remain much higher, and have fallen by less in Launceston and along the North-West Coast.

It has been suggested that the decline in the supply of rental accommodation in Hobart may have been exacerbated by property owners electing to make their properties available to tourists (using online platforms such as Airbnb) rather than to tenants12.

See, for example, Larry Schlesinger, ‘Airbnb keeping Hobart housing market robust’, Australian Financial Review, 14th June 2017; Loretta Lohberger, ‘Solid research needed to measure the impact of Airbnb on rental properties’, The Mercury, 23rd June 2017.

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Certainly, the number of Hobart properties listed on Airbnb has increased significantly over the past year. However it’s unclear to what extent this is driven by property owners seeking to rent out rooms in their own homes, as distinct from investment properties which would otherwise have been rented to tenants.

A measure of housing affordability for low-income rental households is compiled by National Shelter, Community Sector Banking and SGS Economics and Planning. It is based on the ratio of median income to the income at which median rent would represent 30% of income (30% of income being the most widely-used threshold for identifying housing stress)13.

Although rents in Tasmania are typically lower than in other states and territories, so are household incomes. Moreover, a higher proportion of households in Tasmania are on low incomes (that is, have incomes which place them in the bottom 40% of the national income distribution) than in the rest of Australia. Hence, housing is typically less ‘affordable’ for renters in Tasmania than it is for home buyers.

By this measure, rental affordability for low income households in Hobart has deteriorated significantly in Hobart over the past three years, and in the June quarter of 2017 was lower than in any other capital city except Sydney (Chart 3.14). Rental affordability in regional Tasmania has been more stable over the past four years – but this has been in contrast to a gradual improvement in rental affordability in the regional areas of mainland states over this period (Chart 3.15).

Chart 3.15: Rental affordability, regional Tasmania and regional mainland states

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

Chart 3.14: Rental affordability index, Hobart and mainland capitals

13

For further details see SGS Economics and Planning, Rental Affordability Index, November 2017.

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SECTION FOUR TASMANIA’S POPULATION AND SOCIETY

Population growth Tasmania’s population increased by 0.6% in 2016-17, the fastest growth rate since 2010-11, and marginally ahead of its average growth rate since the turn of the century. As it has been every year since 2004-05, Tasmania’s population growth rate was slower than that of any other state, although for

the third year in a row it was faster than that of the Northern Territory (Chart 4.1). The margin between the growth rate of Tasmania’s population and that of the rest of Australia was the smallest in six years (Chart 4.2).

Chart 4.1: Population growth, states and territories, 2016-17

Chart 4.2: Population growth, Tasmania and mainland Australia, 2000-01 to 2016-17

TCCI TASMANIA REPORT 2017

The gradual pick-up in the growth rate of Tasmania’s population has been driven by a turnaround in interstate migration, from a net outflow which peaked at more than 2,800 people in the year ended September 2013, to a net inflow of 681 people (the highest in nearly eight years) in the year ended March 2017 (Chart 4.3).

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This reflects both a decline in the number of people leaving Tasmania and an increase in the number of people moving to Tasmania from the mainland, compared with the years 2012-15 − although each remains well below the levels prevailing during the first decade of this century (Chart 4.4).

Net overseas immigration continues to add just over 1,000 people to Tasmania’s population each year. This represents 0.5% of Australia’s total net immigration intake – well below Tasmania’s 2.1% share of Australia’s population. An instructive comparison is with South Australia, whose population is about 3¼ times larger than Tasmania – yet it receives eight times as many overseas immigrants as Tasmania. This is the main reason why South Australia’s population has grown at a faster rate than Tasmania’s over the past five years, despite losing a relatively larger share of its population to net interstate migration over this period than Tasmania.

Chart 4.3: Components of Tasmania’s population growth

The rate of ‘natural increase’ in Tasmania’s population (ie, births minus deaths) has also continued to slow, adding just 0.3 of a percentage point to the growth rate of Tasmania’s population over the year to March 2017, down from 0.6 of a percentage point a decade ago – a much sharper slowdown than for Australia as a whole (Chart 4.5).

Chart 4.4: Net interstate migration to Tasmania, by age groups

Chart 4.5: Contribution of ‘natural increase’ to population growth, Tasmania and Australia

As discussed in this section of last year’s Tasmania Report, Tasmanian women have a higher total fertility rate – that is, they on average have more children over the course of their ‘reproductive years’ – than women in any other part of Australia except the Northern Territory.

In addition, because Tasmania’s population is, on average, older than that of the rest of Australia, and because Tasmanians die at a (slightly) younger age than people in the rest of Australia (with the conspicuous exception of the Northern Territory and, marginally, Queensland), Tasmania’s crude death rate, of 8.9 per 1,000 population in 2016, is significantly higher than the national average of 6.5.

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But because women in their ‘reproductive years’ represent a smaller proportion of the female population than that of any other state or territory, Tasmania’s crude birth rate – 11.0 per 1,000 population in 2015 – is the lowest of any state or territory, and well below the national average of 12.8.

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The composition of interstate migration to and from Tasmania continues to have a significant impact on the age profile of Tasmania’s population.

Chart 4.6: Net interstate migration to Tasmania, by age group

Tasmania has long been a ‘net exporter’ of people aged under 45 – and, in particular, people who are more likely than those in other age groups to be undertaking higher education, to be employed, and to be forming families – and a ‘net importer’ of people aged 45 or over, who on average are less likely to participate actively in the labour market.

The contrasting age profile of people moving to and from the mainland inevitably reinforces the trend in Tasmania’s birth and death rates discussed above.

Against that background, some encouragement may be drawn from the fact that the turnaround in net immigration since 2013 stems largely from a decline in the ‘net outflow’ of young adults. However, this development would need to strengthen further, and be sustained for an extended period, even merely to slow the rate at which Tasmania’s population is ageing.

Characteristics of Tasmania’s population Tasmania has the oldest, and most rapidly-ageing population of any Australian state or territory. At the August 2016 Census, the median age of Tasmania’s population was 42 (that is, half of Tasmania’s population was younger than 42 and half older), fi ve years above the corresponding figure for mainland Australia (Chart 4.7).

At the 2006 Census, Tasmania’s median age of 39 years was only 2 years higher than the mainland average.

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19.4% of Tasmania’s population at last year’s Census was aged 65 or over, the highest of any state or territory, and 3.7 percentage points above the average for mainland Australia. (Chart 4.8). The proportion of Tasmania’s population aged 65 or over has risen by 4.4 percentage points since the 2006 Census, whereas the corresponding proportion for mainland Australia has only risen by 2.4 percentage points.

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Conversely, 29.0% of Tasmania’s population at last year’s Census were aged between 20 and 44, the lowest of any state or territory and 5.7 percentage points below the mainland average. A decade earlier, the proportion of Tasmania’s population in this age range was only 2.4 percentage points below the mainland average.

Chart 4.7: Median age, states and territories, 2016 Census

Chart 4.8: Population aged 65 and over, states and territories, 2016 Census

While Tasmania’s population is considerably older than that of any other state or territory, this in large part reflects the younger demographic profile of the capital cities of Australia’s mainland states and territories.

Tasmania’s median age, and the share of its population aged 65 or over, are much closer to the corresponding averages for the non-metropolitan areas of the mainland states, and actually lower than the averages for the non-metropolitan regions of New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia (Charts 4.9 and 4.10).

Chart 4.10: Population aged 65+, Tasmania and regions of mainland states, 2016 Census

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Chart 4.9: Median age, Tasmania and regions of mainland states, 2016 Census

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Tasmania’s population is much less culturally diverse than that of any other state or territory. Only 12% of Tasmania’s population at the 2016 Census were born overseas, less than half the national average (Chart 4.11). Just 2.6% of Tasmania’s population were born in East, South-East or South Asia, compared with 9.9% of Australia’s total population. One or both of the parents of 23% of Tasmania’s population were born overseas, compared with 45% of the national total.

Only 5.4% of Tasmanians speak a language other than English at home, a quarter of the national average of 20.8%.

Again, however, these differences are largely attributable to the capital cities of the mainland states. The proportion of Tasmanians born overseas is actually slightly higher than that of the people living outside the capitals of the three mainland south-eastern states (Chart 4.12), while the proportion of Tasmanians speaking a language other than English at home is only slightly lower than that of the nonmetropolitan populations of New South Wales and Victoria, and higher than that of regional South Australia.

Chart 4.11: Overseas-born population, states and territories, 2016 Census

Chart 4.12: Overseas-born population, Tasmania and mainland regions, 2016 Census

Household income Tasmanians are poorer, on average, than people living in other states and territories. Median personal income in Tasmania according to the 2016 Census was $573 per week, lower than in any other state or territory, and 13.4% below the national average.

And median Tasmanian household income of $1,100 per week was 23.5% below the national average at the 2016 Census (Chart 4.13).

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If the mainland state capitals and Canberra are excluded from the comparison, then the median Tasmanian household income at last year’s Census was only 8.6% below the average for the non-metropolitan regions of the mainland states, and not significantly different from those in regional New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia (Chart 4.14).

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Chart 4.13: Median household incomes, states and territories, 2016 Census

Chart 4.14: Median household incomes, Tasmania and mainland regional areas

Tasmania’s low median household income is not because Tasmania’s low-income households have lower incomes than their counterparts in other states and territories, but rather because a much higher proportion of Tasmanian households earn low incomes; because there are relatively fewer high-income households in Tasmania than in other states and territories; and because the incomes of Tasmanian households which are classified as ‘high income’ are nonetheless typically not as high as those of high-income households in other states and territories.

Thus, as Chart 4.15 shows, 46% of Tasmanian households have a (gross) income of less than $1,000 per week – more than in any other state or territory, and more than 10 percentage points above the national average (though only 3½ percentage points above the average for the non-metropolitan regions of the mainland states).

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Chart 4.15: Weekly household income, by income range, 2016 Census

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Conversely, only 23% of Tasmanian households have a gross income of over $2,000 per week, fewer than in any other state or territory, and more than 12 percentage points below the national average (although only 4 percentage points below the average for the areas outside the capital cities of mainland states). At the top end of the income distribution, only 3.1% of Tasmanian households earn $4,000 per week or more, less than half the national average of 7.6% (and even 1.2 percentage points below the average for regional areas in mainland states).

payments, and pension and other benefits received) averaged just over $41,000 per person in Tasmania in 2016-17, which was just under $7,000 or 13½% below the national average (Chart 4.17).

National income redistribution systems therefore play a more important role in the well-being of households in Tasmania than they do in other states and territories. Data from the ABS State Accounts shows that primary household income (that is, wages and salaries, small business income, and interest, rent and dividends) averaged just under $40,000 per person in Tasmania in 2016-17, almost $12,700 or 24% less than the national average (Chart 4.16). However, household disposable income (that is, net of income tax and interest

Tasmania is the only state or territory where households (in aggregate) receive more from the social security system than they contribute to the personal income tax system.

This represented a net transfer to the Tasmanian economy (from the federal government) in 2016-17 of $791mn (equivalent to 2¾% of gross state product). For households in mainland states, the net impact of the personal income tax and social security systems is a transfer to the federal government equivalent to 4.3% of gross product.

Chart 4.16: Gross household primary income per person, states and territories, 2016-17

Chart 4.17: Household disposable income per person, states and territories, 2016-17

This largely reflects the fact that Tasmanian households (as a group) pay less in personal income tax (an average of $5,621 per person in 2016-17, 33½% less than the national average) than they receive by way of pensions and other benefits (an average of $7,154 per person in 2016-17, 32% above the national average) (see Charts 4.18 and 4.19).

Chart 4.19: Social security benefit receipts per person, states and territories, 2016-17

This should not be seen as any sort of achievement – on the contrary, it would be far preferable if Tasmanians’ circumstances were such that they could be ‘net contributors’ to the national tax-transfer system as households (in aggregate) in other states and territories are. But since that isn’t the case, it underscores the continuing importance to the well-being of Tasmanians of a progressive income tax system and an adequate social ‘safety net’.

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Chart 4.18: Personal income tax payments per person, states and territories, 2016-17

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Health and disability Last year’s Tasmania Report presented data from the ABS National Health Survey, conducted in 2014-15, which showed that a lower proportion of Tasmanians assessed their health status as ‘excellent’ or ‘very good’, and a higher proportion as ‘fair’ or ‘poor’ than of the population of any other state or territory14.

Further data from this survey released over the past year indicates that Tasmanians consult health professionals marginally more frequently, on average, than people all Australians – with the exception of dentists, whom they consult less frequently (Chart 4.20). 33% of Tasmanians

However, Tasmanians are notably more intensive in their use of hospital facilities than people living in other states and territories. According to the National Health Survey, 14% of Tasmanians had been admitted to a hospital as an inpatient during the previous 12 months, more than in any other state or territory, and 2.6 percentage points above the national average; 9.6% had visited an outpatient clinic, 2.0 percentage point above the national average; and 14.6% had visited emergency or casualty, 2.6 percentage points above the national average (Chart 4.21).

Chart 4.20: Consultations with health professionals in past 12 months

Chart 4.21: Use of hospital or medical facilities in the past 12 months

The 2014-15 National Health Survey also showed that 17.7% of Tasmanians had time away from work, study or school due to illness in the two weeks prior to the survey, 2.7 percentage points above the national average and a higher proportion than in any other state or territory. These outcomes are not surprising in view of Tasmania having a higher proportion of its population in older age groups, as noted previously in this section.

Data from the 2016 Census indicates that Tasmanians are more affected by disability than people in other states and territories (Chart 4.22).

Perhaps surprisingly, however, this is not a corollary of Tasmanians being older, on average, than other Australians. The proportion of Tasmanians aged 65 or over needing assistance with ‘core activities’ at last year’s Census, of 16.7%, was actually lower than in any other state except WA, and 0.7 percentage pts below the national average.

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Rather, 2.9% of Tasmanians aged under 15, and 4.2% of Tasmanians aged 15-64, needed assistance with ‘core activities’, in each case above the corresponding national averages of 2.6% and 2.9%, respectively.

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hadn’t seen a dentist within the past two years, compared with 26% of Australia’s population as a whole.

Tasmania Report, 2016, pp. 51-52.

Chart 4.22: People needing assistance with ‘core activities’, states and territories, 2016 Census

Socio-economic status This section has thus far presented data showing that Tasmanians are older, poorer, less healthy and more likely to be affected by disability than other Australians. Section 2 showed that Tasmanians are less likely to be employed than other Australians, and to earn less when they are employed; while Section 5 will show that they remain less well-educated, on average, than people living in other states and territories.

All of these factors are contributors to the fact that Tasmania has relatively greater concentrations of economic and social disadvantage than any other state or territory – and conversely, fewer concentrations of social and economic privilege than other parts of Australia.

of each state and territory government to raise revenue from its own resources, and the requirements for expenditure on public services, indicate that 31.3% of Tasmanians are in the most disadvantaged socio-economic status (SES) quintile (fifth) of Australians – 11.3 percentage points more than would be the case if socio-economic advantage and disadvantage were evenly spread across the country; while a further 23.3% of Tasmanians are in the second-most disadvantaged SES quintile – 3.3 percentage points more than if advantage and disadvantage were evenly spread (Chart 4.23).

Calculations undertaken by the Commonwealth Grants Commission as part of its annual assessments of the capacity

Conversely, only 8.9% of Tasmanians are in the highest SES quintile – 11.4 percentage points less than if advantage were evenly spread across Australia – while 15.5% were in the secondmost advantaged SES quintile – 4.6 percentage points than if there were an even spread of social and economic advantage.

Chart 4.23: Low SES status as a pc of population, December 2015

Chart 4.24: High SES status as a pc of population, December 2015

Conversely, there are almost two-and-a-half times as many people in the most disadvantaged quintile of the Australian population living in Tasmania as there are in the Northern Territory and ACT combined, even though the two territories’ combined population is only 23% larger than Tasmania’s.

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There are actually almost 4,500 more people among the most socio-economically advantaged fifth of the Australian population living in the Northern Territory than in Tasmania, even though the Northern Territory’s total population is less than half of Tasmania’s. There are more than 4½ times as many people in the highest SES quintile living in the ACT as there are in Tasmania, even though the ACT’s population is only three-quarters of Tasmania’s.

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Other dimensions of ‘well-being’ Much of this section has presented a less-than-flattering impression of the economic and social condition of Tasmania’s population. However, it’s worth remembering that, important as income, wealth and health are, they are not the only dimensions of ‘well-being’. Clearly, a very large proportion of Tasmanians choose to remain in the state, notwithstanding that they might well be able to earn a higher income if they moved elsewhere. Among the things that Tasmanians value are things that are difficult to put a dollar value on – but they are no less important for that.

Some of these other dimensions of well-being were highlighted in the 2016 Tasmania Report – for example, relatively fewer Tasmanians experience housing stress than people in other states and territories; Tasmanians spend less time travelling to and from work or study than people in any other state or territory; Tasmanians have more frequent contact with family and friends outside their own households than people in other states or territories; and the proportion of people who feel they are ‘able to have a say, most or all of the time’ on ‘important issues’ is higher in Tasmania than in any other state or territory15.

As one example of this, the Census found that 17.5% of Tasmanians aged 15 and over undertake voluntary work

Chart 4.25: People aged 15 and over doing voluntary work, 2016 Census

Chart 4.26: Occupied private dwellings with internet access, 2016 Census

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This wasn’t simply a function of a higher proportion of Tasmanians being aged 65 or over (even though people in this age group, wherever they live, are more likely to volunteer their time than people in younger age groups). The proportion of Tasmanians aged 15-64 who undertake some form of voluntary work was, at 16.8%, higher than in any other state, and 1.8 percentage points above the national average.

A different dimension where Tasmania does not compare so favourably is in regard to internet access. According to last year’s Census, 78.0% of Tasmanian homes had access to the internet – less than in any other state or territory, and more than 5 percentage points below the national average of 83.2% (Chart 4.26). Unlike some other indicators highlighted in this section, this comparison is not greatly affected by excluding the mainland metropolitan centres. The proportion of Tasmanian homes with access to the internet is lower than the average for the nonmetropolitan areas of the mainland states – and, in particular, lower than for regional Queensland or Western Australia (where distance might have been expected to have been a factor affecting internet access), though higher than in regional New South Wales and South Australia.

The results of last year’s Census, released over the past six months, provide some further instances where various aspects of ‘well-being’ or ‘social capital’ in Tasmania compare favourably with other states and territories.

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for an organisation or group, a higher proportion than in any other state or territory except for the ACT and (marginally) South Australia, and 2 pc points above the national average.

(Chart 4.25). It was also 2.1 percentage points above the average for non-metropolitan regions of mainland states.

Tasmania Report, 2016, pp. 51-52.

SECTION FIVE TASMANIA’S EDUCATION SYSTEM

The importance of education The first Tasmania Report, published two years ago, quoted the inaugural Professor of Economics at the University of Tasmania, Douglas Copland, as saying “not merely financially, but in the moral and social field, education is the most profitable investment a community can make”16. However, it is not only economists who stress the importance of education.

Nelson Mandela once said, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world”17.

The first Tasmania Report cited a range of international and Australian evidence demonstrating strong linkages between both the quantity of education (as measured by years of schooling, or the attainment of post-school qualifications) and the quality of education(as measured by standardized test scores) and economic outcomes, for individuals and nations18.

In particular, a person with at least 12 years of schooling is almost 60% more likely to have a job than a person who has had 10 years of schooling or less; and a person with a postsecondary qualification is, if he or she is employed, about 25% more likely to have a full-time job than a person without one.

Chart 5.2: Educational attainment vs full-time employment as a pc of total, May 2016

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Chart 5.1: Educational attainment vs employment-to-population ratio, May 2016

More recent Australian data shows that the higher a person’s level of educational attainment, the more likely he or she is to have a job (Chart 5.1); and the more likely it is that his or her job will be a full-time one (Chart 5.2).

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17 18

Marjorie Harper, Douglas Copland – Scholar, Economist, Diplomat, The Miegunyah Press, Melbourne, 2013, p. 48.

Nelson Mandela, Speech at the launch of the Mindset Network, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 16 July 2003.

Tasmanian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Tasmania Report, December 2015, pp. 34-35.

Chart 5.3: Educational attainment and median weekly earnings, August 2016

There is also a clear correlation between educational attainment and earnings in employment (Chart 5.3).

People with post-secondary qualifications (Certificate III/ IV or higher) earn an average of 56% more than those who have either no post-secondary qualifications (or a Certificate I/II); and people with a university degree earn 6% more, on average, than those who don’t have one (or 75% more than those who have no post-secondary qualification at all.

Findings such as these are directly relevant to the main themes of this report.

Educational attainment in Tasmania Tasmanians are, in general, less well-educated than people living in other parts of Australia.

Only 19.3% of Tasmanians aged 15-75 have a university degree or higher, the lowest proportion of any state or territory, and more than 7½ percentage points below the national average (Chart 5.4). This proportion has risen by 2.4 percentage points over the past three years – but the corresponding national average has risen by 2.8 percentage points over the same period, so the gap has actually widened since 2014.

Chart 5.5: Population aged 15-75 with no qualification beyond Year 10, May 2017

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Chart 5.4: Population aged 15-75 with bachelor degree or higher, May 2017

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Conversely, 27.5% of Tasmanians aged 15-75 have no qualification beyond Year 10. This is (by a wide margin) the highest of any state or territory, and 8.2 percentage points above the national average (Chart 5.5). More encouragingly, the proportion of 15-75 year old Tasmanians with no qualifications beyond Year 10 has fallen by 6.6 percentage points over the past three years, compared with a decline of 2.9 percentage points in the corresponding national average − so this gap is at least moving in the right direction.

Data from last year’s Census shows that Tasmania’s belowaverage levels of educational attainment cannot be ‘explained’ by the fact that a larger proportion of Tasmania’s population

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Chart 5.6: Population aged 15 & over with no qualifications beyond Year 10 – non-capital city regions, 2016 Census

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lives outside the capital city than that of any other state or territory, or that Tasmania lacks a large metropolitan area the size of the other state capitals.

A higher proportion of people aged 15 and over living in regional Tasmania (that is, outside of Hobart) have no educational qualifications beyond Year 10 than that of people living outside the capital cities of any other state (Chart 5.6).

And the proportion of people aged 15 and over living in Hobart who have no educational qualifications beyond Year 10 is higher than that in any of the six mainland ‘ provincial’ cities shown in Chart 5.7 with which Hobart might reasonably be compared.

Chart 5.7: Population aged 15 & over with no qualifications beyond Year 10 – ‘provincial cities’, 2016 Census

Conversely, the proportion of people aged 15 and over who have completed Year 11 or Year 12 is much lower in regional Tasmania than it is in the non-metropolitan areas of any mainland state (Chart 5.8); while the proportion of people aged 15 and over living in Hobart who have completed Year 11 or Year 12 is lower than in any of the mainland ‘provincial’ cities shown in Chart 5.9, apart from Townsville.

Chart 5.8: Population aged 15 & over who have completed Year 11 or Year 12 – non-capital city regions, 2016 Census

Chart 5.9: Population aged 15 & over who have completed Year 11 or Year 12 – ‘provincial cities’, 2016 Census

The below-average proportion of Tasmanians with university qualifications, and the above-average proportion who have never progressed beyond Year 10 of high school, partly reflects the patterns of interstate migration discussed in Section 4.

However it is also a legacy of persistently below-average participation in, and completion of, senior secondary school in Tasmania compared with the rest of Australia.

A smaller proportion of Tasmanian Year 10 students continue their studies on to Year 12 than of those in any other state or the ACT – or in the Northern Territory if the Indigenous population is excluded from the comparison (Chart 5.10).

By contrast, the retention rate at government schools declined by 0.4 of a percentage point, but was still the second-highest on record (albeit still 6.1 percentage points below the national average retention rate for government schools).

Tasmania’s apparent retention rate to Year 12 fell back by 1.8 percentage points, to 70.8%, in 2016, after rising by 5 percentage points between 2012 and 2015. By contrast, the national average apparent retention rate rose to a new record high of 82.9% (Chart 5.11). Apparent retention rates in the ACT and in South Australia are now both over 90%.

Apparent retention rates are based on enrolment figures – that is, the number of students enrolled in (in this case, Year 12) courses at the beginning of each year.

The decline in Tasmania’s Year 12 retention rate in 2016 was largely due to a 2.6 percentage point fall in the retention rate at non-government high schools, to its lowest level since 2010.

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Educational participation in Tasmania

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Chart 5.10: Apparent retention rates from Year 10 to Year 12, states and territories, 2016

They do not convey any information about the extent to which students successfully complete the courses in which they enrol.

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Tasmania’s Year 12 completion rate - the number of students who meet the requirements of a Year 12 Certificate or equivalent expressed as a percentage of the potential Year 12 population (in turn defined as one fifth of the population aged 15-19) – was just 51% in 2015, the latest year for which data for all states and territories are publicly available. As shown in Chart 5.12, this was lower than in any other part of Australia except the Northern Territory.

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Tasmanian Government data indicate that the Year 12 completion rate rose significantly, to 56.4%, in 2016 – though this is still well below the national average (Chart 5.13).

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Chart 5.11: Apparent retention rates from Year 10 to Year 12, Tasmania and Australia, 1990-16

It is sometimes argued that Tasmania’s Year 12 certificate (the TCE) is ‘harder to obtain’ than the equivalents in other states, because since 2009 it has, unlike other states and territories, required students to demonstrate ‘ordinary adult capacity to use computers and the internet’ – and hence that comparisons with other states’ and territories’ completion rates are misleading. In practice, only a very small proportion of Tasmanian students fail to attain a TCE because of an inability to meet this requirement. A more detailed study, which included an assessment by principals in other states of how their Year 12 completion requirements compared with Tasmania’s, concludes that, if anything, the TCE is “the least demanding of all the states’ senior secondary certificate requirements”19.

Michael Rowan and Eleanor Ramsay, The Great TCE Completion Conundrum, Education Ambassadors, 2 September 2015.

Chart 5.13: Year 12 completion rates, Tasmania and Australia

It is also frequently asserted that Tasmania’s low Year 12 completion rates are the ‘inevitable’ result of the facts that a larger proportion of Tasmanian students than of students in other states and territories live in rural and regional areas; and that a larger proportion of students in Tasmania than in other states and territories come from low socio-economic status (SES) households.

As shown in Chart 5.14, Year 12 completion rates are lower in every geographic category in Tasmania than they are in the corresponding regions of every mainland state.

Both of those facts are, by themselves, undeniable (as has been acknowledged and discussed earlier in this report).

It is also true that, in general, students from rural and regional areas tend to have lower Year 12 completion rates than students from large cities; and that students from high SES households tend to have higher Year 12 completion rates than students from low SES households.

Similarly, Chart 15 shows that Year 12 completion rates are lower in every SES grouping in Tasmania than they are in the corresponding groupings in every mainland state.

However, data compiled by the Productivity Commission show that neither of these factors explains why Tasmanian Year 12 completion rates are so much lower than those in other states.

Indeed, a student from Hobart is less likely to complete Year 12 than a student from a remote area of any mainland state.

A student from a high SES household in Tasmania is less likely to complete Year 12 than a student from a low SES household in any of the mainland states.

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Chart 5.12: Year 12 completion rates, states and territories, 2015

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Chart 5.14: Year 12 completion rates by location, States and Territories, 2015

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Chart 5.15: Year 12 completion rates by SES status, States and Territories, 2015

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It is more likely that the ‘causation’ runs the other way round from how it has often been portrayed – that is, Tasmania’s historically low levels of educational participation and attainment are an important reason (albeit not the only one) why a higher proportion of Tasmanian households than of households in other States are fall into the lowest socio-economic status, rather than the latter ‘causing’ the former.

Combined with the evidence presented at the beginning of this section about the correlation between educational attainment, labour force status and earnings, it is highly likely that Tasmanians’ low levels of educational attainment are the reason for their lower-than-average participation in employment (at any given age) and their lower-than-average incomes – rather than the other way round.

Spending on education In the 2015-16 financial year, the Tasmanian government spent just over $13,900 per full-time equivalent student on school education, almost $2,000 per FTE student (or 17%) more than

Chart 5.16: Government spending on school education per FTE student, 2015-16

the average for all States and Territories, and more than any other jurisdiction except the Northern Territory (Chart 5.16).

This was equivalent to 4% of Tasmania’s gross state product in 2015-16, more than for any other State or Territory, and some 1.2 percentage points above the average for all States and Territories (Chart 5.17).

Chart 5.17: Government spending on school education as a pc of GSP, 2015-16

If this above-average spending were producing better-than-average educational outcomes – as appears to be the case in South Australia, for example – then that would be money well spent. However, Tasmania is spending more on education than other states and territories, on average, and getting worse results20 .

More detailed data compiled by the Productivity Commission suggest that Tasmania’s above-average spending per student on school education isn’t the result of above-average spending on teachers, but rather is due to above-average spending on non-teaching staff and on other operating costs (Chart 5.18).

The annual assessment by the Commonwealth Grants Commission, as part of its determination of GST revenue-sharing relativities, also concludes that Tasmania spends (slightly) more (per head of population) on school education than it would need to in order to provide ‘the same standard of service’ as the average of all states and territories, after taking account of differences in factors such as the proportion of the population which is of school age, the proportion of students attending government schools, the proportion of students living in provincial or remote areas, and the socio-economic status of students’ families (CGC, 2017 Update Report, Tables S7-3 and S7-4).

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Nor can Tasmania’s historically low levels of educational participation and attainment be attributed to inadequate levels of government spending on education.

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Chart 5.18: Spending per FTE student on government school education, by type, 2014-15

In the 2014-15 financial year (the latest for which these data are available), Tasmania spent only $253 (or 3.1%) more per student than the national average on teachers in government schools. But it spent $690 (or 29%) per student more on nonteaching staff, and $438 (or 15%) per student more on other operating expenses than the national average21.

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As outlined in the two previous Tasmania Reports, one of the reasons why Tasmania spends more on education, without getting commensurately better results, is the relatively small size of Tasmanian schools. Tasmanian government schools had an average of 295 FTE students each in 2016, fewer than those in any other state (on average), and well below the national average of 373 students per government school.

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Smaller schools will typically have higher overhead and fixed costs (eg for school leaders, administrative, support and maintenance staff ) per student than larger schools. However, in the Tasmanian context, there is no evidence to suggest that smaller schools produce better student outcomes.

Another reason why Tasmania spends relatively more on schools whilst obtaining poorer outcomes is that Tasmania’s long-standing system of senior secondary schools is a relatively expensive way of educating the relatively small proportion of eligible students who attend them.

More detailed data compiled by the Productivity Commission show that this is because Tasmania has relatively few large primary schools (with more than 400 students), a relatively large number of small secondary schools (with fewer than 300 students), and relatively few large secondary schools (with more than 800 students).

21 The estimates of schools expenditure published by the Productivity Commission in its annual Report on Government Services include depreciation and a ‘notional user cost of capital’, which are not included in the ABS figures used in Charts 5.16 and 5.17, and referred to in the accompanying discussion.

Tasmania’s college system The most obvious and substantial structural difference between the government school system in Tasmania and elsewhere in Australia is that Year 11 and 12 courses have traditionally been taught only in ‘colleges’, separate from high schools which in Tasmania, unlike other states, have traditionally only catered for Years 7 through 10. The only other jurisdiction which provides senior secondary education through separate colleges is the ACT – which, as shown throughout this Report, is economically, culturally and in almost every other way more different from Tasmania than any other part of Australia.

Colleges were originally established in Tasmania in the 1960s, as a ‘half-way house’ between the more structured environment of schools and the relatively greater freedom of universities, when the principal reason students undertook Year 11 and 12 studies was in order to ‘matriculate’, that is, qualify for entry into a university. They were intended to attract “the best qualified teachers and most promising students that one central college could provide”22. In 1995 the Catholic school system adopted the college model for Years 11 and 12 in southern Tasmania.

This Report does not suggest that the colleges have done a poor job of providing senior secondary education to the students who have attended, or are attending them.

The separate college system has also led to the existence of a number of obstacles confronting students who might otherwise have been more likely to progress all the way to Year 12, which do not exist in the integrated high school systems of mainland states.

The ‘structural break’ in the Tasmanian education system at Year 10 means that students in Years 7 through 10 at government high schools do not come into regular contact with Year 11 and 12 students who can serve as ‘role models’ for them, inspiring them to see Year 12 as the appropriate ‘exit point’ from schooling, rather than Year 10. As some of them have said, “you cannot be what you cannot see”.

However, it does appear that the college system is a relatively expensive way of providing Year 11 and 12 courses.

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One recent estimate, based on MySchool data for 2012, suggested that the average cost per graduate (across the eight colleges) was $58,525, compared with an average of $39,116 at thirteen South Australian high schools whose students came from a similar range of socio-economic backgrounds to the Tasmanian colleges, and $33,789 at a sample of independent schools in Tasmania and New South Wales. The average cost per graduate at the Tasmanian colleges was also $10-14,000 more than the University of Tasmania charged overseas students for two years of a BA or BSc course23.

Mike Frost, ‘Talking Point: Where our colleges went wrong’, The Mercury, 4 February 2016.

Michael Rowan and Eleanor Ramsay, ‘Tasmanian Colleges – Fit for the Purpose of Post-Compulsory Schooling?’ Education Ambassadors, August 2014, updated in Submission to the State of Tasmania Years 9-12 Education Review: Attachment 1, Australian Council for Educational Research, September 2016.

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23

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It means that students who do go on to Years 11 and 12 at a college lose contact with subject teachers and other staff who have come to know their strengths and weaknesses over their first four years of high school, and have to ‘start again’ with college staff who will only have two years to achieve the same insights – and who are themselves ‘starting from scratch’ with their new intakes each year.

Chart 5.19: Year 12 completion rates at 30 ‘extension’ high schools, 2012-2016

And of course it has traditionally meant that students from other than the four centres where the colleges are located have had to commute long distances, or board, in order to complete Years 11 and 12 – which have often turned out to be insurmountable hurdles.

One of the present Tasmanian Government’s most important policy initiatives has been the extension of Year 11 and 12 courses in high schools outside the four major population centres (where the colleges are located). 30 such schools now offer Year 11 and 12 courses.

42% of students enrolled in these schools in 2014 attained their TCE in 2016, up from 29% of those enrolled in these schools in 2010 who attained their TCE in 2012 – an increase of 13 percentage points, compared with an increase of 10 percentage points in the completion rate for all Tasmanian schools (including the ‘extension schools’).

The proportion of students at these schools in Year 10 who had attained at least some Year 11 or Year 12 credits has risen by 8 percentage points since 2012.

These figures suggest that providing the opportunity for a ‘seamless transition’ from Year 10 to Years 11 and 12 does have a positive effect on retention and completion rates.

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Against that background, the Government’s recentlyannounced commitment that, if returned to office at the forthcoming state election, it will enable the 19 high schools in the four major population centres (where almost three-quarters of Tasmania’s population live) to offer Year 11 and 1224 courses is a further important step towards eliminating the gap between Tasmania’s Year 12 retention and completion rates and those of the rest of Australia.

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24

See, eg, Lucy Stone, ‘Rockliff announces grades 11 and 12 rollout for all state schools if Liberal government re-elected’, The Examiner, 3 December 2017.

It may well be that, as the Opposition has suggested, the extension of Year 11 and 12 courses to all Tasmanian high schools will render the colleges ‘unsustainable’25. But this should be seen as a desirable consequence of the Government’s proposal. Some if not all of the colleges could be converted to comprehensive high schools offering classes from Year 7 through Year 12.

Ultimately, the question which should be asked is, if the college system really has done such a stellar job of educating Tasmanian students in the senior secondary years over the past five decades, why is it that no other State has seen fit to copy it (other than the ACT which, as argued earlier, might as well be Mars for all the relevance its circumstances have to Tasmania)?

There is no other single thing within the power of a Tasmanian Government to accomplish which would do more to solve the challenge which Tasmania confronts – of below-average engagement with the labour market, below-average productivity, below-average incomes, above-average incidence of multi-generational poverty, and worse-than-average health outcomes (among others) – than lifting Tasmanians’ educational participation and attainment rates to mainland levels.

Increasing Year 12 retention and completion rates is also critical to the success of the University of Tasmania’s ‘Northern Transformation Program’26, which envisages the development of new inner-city campuses in Launceston and Burnie, offering new pathways to employment and/or more traditional university degrees, in communities where participation in tertiary education has historically been much lower than in other parts of Australia.

The fact that no other state has seen fit to emulate Tasmania’s system – even outside of the mainland capital cities – but have instead maintained a network of high schools offering integrated courses from Year 7 through Year 12 (Year 8 through Year 12 in South Australia), in their capital cities and in locations far more remote from those capitals than any school in Tasmania is from Hobart – ought to convey a very clear message about how Tasmania’s system is regarded across the rest of Australia.

25 26

Nick Clark, ‘Education to be a major election issue as parties split on Year 12 school extensions’, The Mercury, 4 December 2017.

University of Tasmania, Transforming Lives. Transforming Cities - A partnership proposal to deliver an Education-Driven Revitalisation of Northern Tasmania, March 2016.

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Ideally, this commitment will be matched by other parties contesting the election.

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SECTION SIX TASMANIA’S PUBLIC SECTOR

Size of the public sector Tasmania has a relatively large state public sector. At the end of the 2016-17 financial year, the assets of the state non-financial public sector had a value equivalent to 88% of Tasmania’s gross state product for the year, a larger figure than for any other state except Queensland, and well above the average for all states and territories of 73.5% (Chart 6.1)27.

Tasmanian state non-financial public sector ‘operating expenses’ in 2016-17 were equivalent to 28.2% of gross state product, a larger proportion than in any other state or territory, and well above the average of 15.7% for all states and territories (Chart 6.2).

Chart 6.1: State non-financial public sector assets as a pc of GSP, 30 June 2017

The size of Tasmania’s state public sector partly reflects the relatively greater importance of its GBEs, whose assets at the end of 2016-17 were worth 38% of gross state product, and whose ‘operating expenses’ represented 10.5% of GSP in 2016-17 – in each case higher than for any other state or territory, and well above the averages for all states and territories of 15.7% and 3.5% of GSP respectively.

Chart 6.2: State non-financial public sector operating expenses as a pc of GSP, 2016-17

Chart 6.3: State public sector employment as a pc of total employment, 2016-17

Tasmania’s ‘general government’ (or core budget) sector was also larger than that of most other states and territories, with assets valued at the equivalent of 66% of GSP in 2016-17 (higher than in any other state except Queensland, and the two Territories), and ‘operating expenses’ amounting to 19% of GSP in 2016-17 (higher than for any other jurisdiction except the Northern Territory, and well above the average for all states and territories of 13.5%).

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The state public sector is also a relatively large employer, accounting for 16.2% of total employment in Tasmania in 2016-17 – more than in any jurisdiction except the Northern Territory, and 3.6 percentage points above the average for all states and territories (Chart 6.3).

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The Commonwealth Government is also a larger employer in Tasmania than in any other state, accounting for 2.2% of total employment – although this is a smaller figure than for the Northern Territory or (especially, but unsurprisingly) the Australian Capital Territory.

The value of assets owned by the entire Tasmanian state public sector, including the Tasmanian Public Finance Corporation (Tascorp) and the Motor Accident Insurance Board (which are classified as public financial corporations) was equivalent to almost 102% of GSP as at the end of the 2016-17 financial year.

27

Except for its very large unfunded superannuation liability – on which more below – the Tasmanian public sector is in a very strong financial position.

Tasmania is one of only two jurisdictions where the ‘general government’ sector is a net creditor – and the other, New South Wales, will be in this position only temporarily, whereas Tasmania’s general government sector is projected to remain a net creditor throughout the current forward estimates period, which ends in 2020-21(Charts 6.4 and 6.5)28.

Hence, even though Tasmania’s GBEs have a relatively large amount of net debt – equivalent in 2016-17 to 7.9% of gross state product, more than any other state or territory except Queensland, and well above the average of 5.5% of GSP for all states and territories29 – Tasmania’s total non-financial public sector debt is lower, as a proportion of gross product, than that of any other state or territory except New South Wales (Charts 6.6 and 6.7), and on the most recent state budget projections will be the lowest of any state or territory by 2020-21.

The NSW Government seems curiously unwilling to acknowledge that Tasmania shares its status as having no ‘general government’ net debt. Its 2017-18 Budget Paper No 1 makes no fewer than eleven separate comparisons between NSW and other ‘mainland states’ or the ‘average of mainland states’ with regard to net debt, or growth in net worth – as if Tasmania’s status as an island somehow disqualifies it from relevance in this context. One wonders whether if it had been, say, South Australia, rather than Tasmania which was also a net creditor, the NSW Budget Papers would have used ‘states whose capital cities begin with a consonant’ as a comparison. The refusal to acknowledge Tasmania’s position in this context is all the more surprising when it is noted that Tasmania is the only other state or territory whose government is of the same political complexion as that of New South Wales.

29 As noted above, Tasmania’s GBEs also have more assets, as a pc of GSP, than any other state or territory.

28

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Financial position and performance of Tasmania’s public sector

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Chart 6.4: ‘General government’ net debt as a pc of GSP, 30 June 2017

Chart 6.5: ‘General government’ net debt, Tasmania and all states & territories

Chart 6.6: State non-financial public sector net debt as a pc of GSP, 2016-17

Chart 6.7: State non-financial public sector net debt, Tasmania and all states & territories

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The extent to which this should be regarded as a ‘Good Thing’ is considered later on in this section.

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The improvement in the financial position of Tasmania’s general government sector reflects both tighter control over spending (especially by comparison with the first decade of this century) and reasonably buoyant growth in revenues (by comparison with what had been expected at the time of the last state election). This has, in turn, resulted in much lower ‘underlying’ net operating deficits (that is, after abstracting from the impact of one-off capital payments from the Australian Government, including in particular the $730mn payment associated with the transfer of the Mersey Community Hospital back to the Tasmanian Government in the last days of the 2016-17 financial year) in recent years, than between 2009-10 and 2014-15 (Chart 6.8).

Chart 6.10: Growth in major categories of ‘operating expenses’

Chart 6.9: Growth in Tasmanian general government operating revenue and expenses

After growing at an average annual rate of nearly 7% per annum between 2001-02 and 2009-10, growth in ‘operating’ expenses was curtailed to 2.6% per annum between 201011 and 2013-14, and since then has been held at an annual average rate of 3.8% per annum. Importantly, spending has grown at a slower rate than revenue since 2010-11, in contrast to the preceding decade (Chart 6.9).

The restraint in spending between 2010-11 and 2013-14 focussed primarily on education and public order and safety, and to a lesser extent on health (Chart 6.10).

Under the present Government, spending on health has grown at about the same rate as over the preceding three years; spending on education and on public order and safety at a faster rate than over the preceding three years; and all other areas of spending at a slower rate.

The latest forward estimates imply unusually slow growth in spending (in particular on health) over the four years to 2020-21. It is uncertain whether this will prove sustainable.

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Chart 6.8: Tasmanian general government ‘net operating’ and fiscal balances

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The improvement in revenue growth since the last state election reflects faster growth in state tax collections (in particular, stamp duty and, to a lesser extent, payroll tax); an increase in Tasmania’s share of the revenue from the GST; and an increase in specific purpose payments from the Australian Government – partly offset by lower tax and dividend payments from GBEs.

Chart 6.11: Growth in major categories of ‘operating revenues’

The stronger growth in state tax collections represents a ‘dividend’ from the improved performance of Tasmania’s economy (especially the property market); while the higher level of GST revenue and other payments from the federal government reflect factors entirely beyond the influence of the Tasmanian Government.

It is possible that state taxation revenue could grow at a faster rate over the four years to 2020-21 than projected in the most recent state budget. However, as discussed later in this Section, there is also some downside risk to Tasmania’s share of GST revenue, arising from the review of ‘horizontal fiscal equalisation’ currently being undertaken by the Productivity Commission.

Public sector infrastructure spending State Government infrastructure spending has picked up strongly over the past three years, to a level similar to that of other states and territories - but is projected to fall more sharply than in other states and territories over the next four years (Chart 6.12).

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Chart 6.12: ‘General government’ purchases of non-financial assets

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Chart 6.13: GBE purchases of non-financial assets

It is worth considering whether Tasmania could afford to undertake a higher level of borrowings (rather than continuing to be a net creditor) in order to fund higher levels of infrastructure spending.

International economic agencies have in recent years consistently advised that governments should be willing to incur additional debt in order to fund increased infrastructure spending, where they have the ‘fiscal space’ (borrowing capacity) to do so, especially given the historically low interest rates at which governments have been able to borrow in recent years.

Earlier this year, for example, the International Monetary Fund advised that “the case for increasing public investment is very strong almost everywhere in the world in light of the low long-term borrowing costs and substantial infrastructure deficiencies” 30.

This advice has been endorsed, in the Australian context, by both the former and current governors of the Reserve Bank 31.

The key point made by all of these agencies is that borrowing to fund the provision of assets which will generate economic or social benefits over a long period of time – provided that they are selected on the basis of rigorous evaluation processes – should be seen in a different light from borrowing in order to finance recurrent expenditures (such as pensions and benefits, wages and salaries, or interest and depreciation).

There are clearly areas where additional infrastructure spending could produce substantial long-term benefits in Tasmania – including enabling all high schools to provide classes up to Year 12; reducing the unmet demand for hospital facilities; improving Tasmania’s transport infrastructure; expanding Tasmania’s capacity to generate, store and transmit electricity; and upgrading facilities in Tasmania’s national parks. In many of these instances a sound business case could be made for financing part of the investment required by borrowing.

However, there is one very large obstacle standing in the way of Tasmania’s capacity to borrow more in order to finance additional infrastructure spending – and that is Tasmania’s very large unfunded public sector superannuation liability, and the substantial (and growing) call which this makes on Tasmania’s available revenue each year).

International Monetary Fund, Fiscal Monitor, April 2017, p. x.

See, for example, Glenn Stevens, ‘An Accounting’, Address to the Anika Foundation, 10th August 2016; or Phillip Lowe, ‘Buffers and Options’, Address to the Committee for the Economic Development of Australia (CEDA), 15th December 2016.

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Capital spending by Tasmania’s GBEs is higher, as a proportion of gross product, than in any other state or territory (Chart 6.13), principally as a result of the larger role which they play in the Tasmanian economy (in particular, Tasmania is one of only two states where the electricity supply industry is still almost entirely owned by the state government). Even so, GBE infrastructure spending is also projected to decline over the four years to 2020-21.

30 31

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Tasmania’s unfunded superannuation liability The present value of the Tasmanian Government’s liability to pay pensions and lump sums to current and former employees (including judges and MPs) who are or were members of (now closed) defined benefit superannuation schemes was estimated to be $9.7bn as at the end of the 2016-17 financial year. Partly offsetting this, the value of ‘plan assets’ (that is, the contributions made by members of these schemes and the accumulated investment income earned on them) was estimated to be $1.8bn – leaving an ‘unfunded liability’ of $7.9bn. Adding in the unfunded liability in respect of GBE employees, the total unfunded superannuation liability was estimated to have been $8.5bn as at the end of the 2016-17 financial year32.

This represents 29% of Tasmania’s 2016-17 gross product, a larger proportion than for any other state or territory, and more than three times the average for all states and territories (Chart 6.14).

The cash cost of meeting the ‘general government’ component of this liability is forecast to rise from about $280mn (equivalent to 4.7% of operating cash receipts) in 2017-18 to a peak of $443mn (5.4% of operating cash receipts) in 2026-27.

Chart 6.14: Non-financial public sector unfunded superannuation liabilities, June 2017

On present indications, the unfunded superannuation liability will not be extinguished until 2078; servicing it will still be absorbing 3¾% of operating cash flows in 20 years’ time.

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The unfunded superannuation liability constrains Tasmania’s capacity to borrow in order to fund higher levels of infrastructure investment in two ways. First, it means that, nowithstanding Tasmania’s very strong position with regard to net debt, its net financial liabilities (which includes superannuation) represent a higher proportion of its revenues (a key ratio used by credit rating agencies) than that of any other state except South Australia. This is one of the main reasons why Tasmania doesn’t have a AAA rating, as might otherwise be expected – which in turn results in the Tasmanian Government paying slightly higher interest rates on its borrowings than most other states.

Second, the relatively large annual cash cost of meeting the Government’s obligations to retired public sector employees means that it has less scope than other states or territories to pay interest on debt without pushing the ‘net operating balance’ into deficit.

These estimates are highly sensitive to the discount rate used to calculate the present value of liabilities expected to fall due over the next 55 or so years. A 1 percentage point change in the discount rate increases or decreases the State’s gross liability by an average of $1¾bn. The 2017-18 Budget forecast that the total unfunded superannuation liability will decline to by $1.7bn, to $6.8bn by 30 June 2018, is driven largely by the use of a discount rate of 4.75%, as against 3.3% used in estimating the value of the liability as at 30 June 2017.

32

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The first is to run persistent budget surpluses, and invest those surpluses so as gradually to offset the liability.

Previous Tasmanian governments did this in the late 1990s and early 2000s, building up assets in what was called the Superannuation Provision Account to a peak of nearly $1½bn (enough to offset 30% of the liability) by the end of the 2010-11 financial year. However this account was drawn upon, and then closed down, in order to finance the budget deficits incurred over the following three years. The Howard Government established the Future Fund for the same purpose in 2006, but the enabling legislation prevented subsequent governments from withdrawing funds deposited in it for other purposes.

The second option is to sell assets and reserve the proceeds for use in defraying unfunded superannuation liabilities.

The Howard Government also did this with the third and final tranche of the sale of Telstra. The value of the Future Fund’s assets is now equivalent to about half the most recent estimate of the Federal Government’s unfunded superannuation liability. Some other state governments have adopted similar strategies in the past.

33

It is unlikely that the present or any future Tasmanian Government will want to run budget surpluses large enough, for long enough, to defray a substantial proportion of its superannuation liability – since that would inevitably lead to growing pressure for tax cuts, or increases in recurrent spending.

Hence the only practicable way open to the present or any future Tasmanian Government to create ‘headroom’ for higher levels of infrastructure investment funded by increased borrowings is by undertaking asset sales, and investing the proceeds in order to offset part of the superannuation liability.

That’s not something which any government could contemplate without an explicit electoral mandate.

And there are many assets for which a mandate is unlikely ever to be forthcoming, and with good reason, such as Hydro Tasmania or TT-Line33. However, a future Tasmanian Government wishing to invest more in infrastructure may see merit in seeking a mandate for the sale or lease of TasNetworks, Aurora Energy or TasPorts, the equivalents of which in other states have been sold or leased by governments of both major political persuasions, and for which superannuation funds (among others) have been willing purchasers.

This possibility is considered further in Section 9.

Disclosure: the author of this report is a non-executive director of Hydro Tasmania, although his term will come to an end in September 2018.

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There are only two broad options open to a government wishing to reduce a large unfunded superannuation liability – whether to improve its financial position or to ‘make room’ for increased borrowing for infrastructure investment.

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Risks to Tasmania’s share of GST revenues Tasmania has always been a major beneficiary of the arrangements by which so-called ‘general revenue payments’ from the Commonwealth – since 2000-01, in the form of revenue from the goods and services tax (GST) – are distributed among the states and territories, in accordance with the recommendations of the Commonwealth Grants Commission (CGC).

Because the CGC assesses that Tasmania has less capacity to raise revenue from its own sources, and faces in most areas of service provision both greater demand and higher unit costs, Tasmania typically receives a considerably larger share of the revenue from the GST than its share of the population – or than it would if the GST revenues were distributed on an ‘equal per capita’ basis.

Each year the CGC recommends a distribution of GST revenue so as to provide each state and territory with the capacity to provide public services and the associated infrastructure at the same standard, if each made the same effort to raise revenue from its own sources, having regard to differences in their capacities to raise revenue and in the need for and cost of providing those services – a process known as ‘horizontal fiscal equalisation’34.

Thus in 2017-18, Tasmania will receive $2.4bn in revenue from the GST, equivalent to $4,573 per head of population (Chart 6.15). This is $1.3bn more than Tasmania would have received had the GST revenue been distributed on an equal per capita basis (Chart 6.16).

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Chart 6.15: GST revenue shares per head of population, 2017-18

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34

Commonwealth Grants Commission, Introduction to Horizontal Fiscal Equalization, 2017.

Tasmania’s share of revenue from the GST will provide 41% of its total ‘general government’ operating revenue in 2017-18 – a larger proportion than for any other jurisdiction except the Northern Territory.

Chart 6.16: Difference in 2017-18 GST revenue shares from equal per capita distribution

Any changes to existing arrangements would inevitably force Tasmania to raise state taxes, cut spending, run larger budget deficits (or some combination of all three).

The CGC was originally established in 1933 in response to Western Australian grievances about the financial impact of federation, and Western Australia benefited in much the same way (though not to the same extent) as Tasmania from the CGC’s recommendations for most of the ensuing 72 years. However, since the middle of the first decade of this century – as the ‘mining boom’ prompted largely by China’s rapidly growing demand for the resources with

Chart 6.17: Taxation revenue per head of population, 2017-18

which Western Australia has been richly endowed by nature made Western Australia richer than the rest of Australia by a larger margin than any other state has ever been – Western Australia has become a significant ‘loser’ from the system of horizontal fiscal equalisation.

As a result, Western Australia has joined New South Wales and Victoria – who have always received a smaller share of GST revenue (and before that, financial assistance grants) than their share of Australia’s population – in demanding changes to the way in which the revenue from the GST is distributed. At different times over the past decade, Western Australia has argued that the GST revenue should be distributed on an equal per capita basis (as long sought by New South Wales and Victoria); that a ‘floor’ be established below which any state’s share of the GST revenue relative to its population share cannot fall; or that revenue from mining royalties be ‘discounted’ to some extent in determining each state’s ‘revenue-raising capacity’.

Chart 6.18: Operating expenses per head of population, 2017-18

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The distribution of GST revenues in accordance with the principle of ‘horizontal fiscal equalisation’ in effect allows Tasmania to collect about $1,100 per head less in state taxation than the average of other states and territories (Chart 6.17) and spend around $980 more per head on public services than the average of other states and territories (Chart 6.18).

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Needless to say, any of these suggestions, if implemented, would result in Western Australia gaining a significant increase in its share of the revenue from the GST at the expense of some or all of the other states and territories.

Although two previous enquiries had not found any compelling argument for any major changes to the system of ‘horizontal fiscal equalisation’35 – and both the Howard and Gillard Governments had rejected repeated demands for change from Western Australia, New South Wales and Victoria – ahead of this year’s state election in Western Australia the Turnbull Government asked the Productivity Commission to revisit the issue.

The Productivity Commission’s Draft Report36 rejects many of the demands made by Western Australia and New South Wales, in particular for an equal per capita distribution of GST revenues, and for a ‘floor’ under states’ relativities.

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Nonetheless, the Productivity Commission’s draft recommendations still carry some significant risks for Tasmania. In particular, it suggests that the current system “arguably takes equalisation too far” and that a “less comprehensive form of equalisation” should instead be sought. All of the various alternative models which it considers in its Draft Report entail significant increases in Western Australia’s share of the revenue from the GST: the differences among them are, in effect, as to whether the positions of any of the other larger states are also enhanced, and how the cost of giving bigger shares to Western Australia or any of the other large states should be shared among the ‘losers’.

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The Productivity Commission’s ‘preferred option’, ahead of the publication next January of its Final Report, appears to be what it calls ‘equalisation to the second strongest state’, currently New South Wales. That option would have given Western Australia an additional $3¼bn of GST revenue in 2017-18, but most of that would have been at the expense of New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland; Tasmania would lose $77mn under this approach, equivalent to 1.4% of its projected total

revenue under the current system (compared with a loss of over $1bn, or nearly 20% of total revenue, under an equal per capita distribution of GST revenue).

The Productivity Commission’s Draft Report hasn’t really established any convincing rationale for departing from the objective of ‘full equalisation’ of states’ and territories’ fiscal capacities. Nor has it persuasively established that the existing system has actually prompted states or territories to eschew efficiency- or productivity-enhancing reforms, or to forego economic development opportunities, for fear of the consequences for their GST revenue shares (although it says, unconvincingly, that the ‘absence of evidence’ on this score does not imply ‘evidence of absence’37).

Nonetheless, even if the Productivity Commission concludes, in its Final Report, that the objective of ‘full equalisation’ is still worth pursuing, it may still recommend changes to the way in which the CGC determines how that objective is to be realized, which have an adverse effect on Tasmania’s share of GST revenues.

It is also possible that, irrespective of what the Productivity Commission recommends in its Final Report, the Turnbull Government may, for political reasons, choose to direct the CGC to change its methodology in ways that would advantage Western Australia at the expense of Tasmania and the two Territories38.

Ultimately, the best way of reducing the risks to the financial position of Tasmania’s public sector posed by the possibility of adverse changes to GST revenue-sharing arrangements is by sustainably improving Tasmania’s economic performance, raising its capacity to raise revenue from its own sources, and reducing the need for or lowering the cost of providing public services, so that it is no longer as necessitous of favourable treatment under ‘horizontal fiscal equalisation’ as it has long been, and still is. That is the ultimate objective of all of the suggestions made in Section 9 of this Report.

35 Industry Commission, Impediments to Regional Industry Adjustment, Volume 1, Melbourne, December 1993; John Brumby, Bruce Carter and Nick Greiner, GST Distribution Review - Final Report, The Treasury.

36 Productivity Commission, Horizontal Fiscal Equalisation, Melbourne, October 2017.

37 Using the same logic as was used by the Bush Administration to justify the invasion of Iraq in 2003, notwithstanding that UN inspectors had been unable to find any evidence that Iraq possessed any ‘weapons of mass destruction’).

38 It is worth noting in this context that the Liberal-National Party Coalition currently holds 11 of the 16 seats in the House of Representatives from Western Australia, but none from Tasmania, the Northern Territory or the Australian Capital Territory – implying that they may perceive much to lose, and nothing to gain, from failing to implement changes to the GST distribution arrangements which would benefit Western Australia at the expense of Tasmania and the two Territories.

SECTION SEVEN TASMANIA’S LONGER-TERM ECONOMIC CHALLENGE

Thus far this report has shown that, notwithstanding the improvement in Tasmania’s economic performance, including that of its labour and property markets, and the pick-up in the growth rate of its population, Tasmania continues to lag behind the rest of Australia on a wide range of measures of economic and social well-being.

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This section explores in more detail the key factors behind the differences between Tasmania’s economic performance and that of Australia’s other states and territories – using the same framework as in the two previous Tasmania Reports, but extending it to include some new, comparisons with the non-metropolitan regions of the mainland states, with which Tasmania has, in some respects, more in common than it does with the mainland capital cities. It also provides a ‘high level’ view of where there is scope for narrowing those differences over the longer term.

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The annual ABS estimates of gross state product provide the broadest, and most timely, basis for comparison of the economic performance of each of Australia’s states and territories, and of the material well-being of their populations.

This section therefore makes extensive use of the published estimates of gross state product, whilst being aware of their limitations, and being conscious of those limitations in the conclusions which it draws.

Like its national counterpart, gross domestic product (GDP), gross state product is an incomplete measure of both economic performance and well-being. There are many things which it doesn’t include, such as the value of unpaid work done in homes and in the broader community, or the depletion of finite natural resources39. Nor does it make any allowance for the effects of traffic congestion, pollution, deteriorating housing affordability, increasing inequality, or crime – the lower incidence of all of which in Tasmania, compared with other parts of Australia, is cherished by most Tasmanians.

As acknowledged in Section 1, there are also some specific on-going concerns about the reliability and volatility of the ABS estimates of gross state product for Tasmania.

Tasmania’s per capita gross state product, according to the most recent ABS State Accounts, was $56,428 in 2016-17. That was lower than for any other state or territory.

It was also $15,543, or 21.6%, below the national average of $71,971 per person (Chart 7.1).

Nonetheless, these estimates, and others based on them, are widely used by governments, analysts and commentators.

They provide the only available basis for making broad comparisons of the sort which this section seeks to make.

For a broader discussion of these issues see, eg, Joseph Stiglitz, Armatya Sen and Jean-Paul Fitoussi, Report by the Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress, Paris, September 2009; or Diane Coyle, ‘Rethinking GDP’, Finance and Development, Vol. 54, No. 1, International Monetary Fund, Washington DC, March 2017.

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Tasmania’s economy compared with that of mainland Australia

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Chart 7.1: Gross state product per head of population, states and territories, 2016-17

Chart 7.2: Tasmania’s gross state product as a pc of national average, 2000-01 to 2016-17

As a result of the revisions to previously published estimates (discussed in Box 1 in Section 1), the margin between Tasmania’s per capita GSP and that of the rest of Australia is not as large as was reported this time last year (Chart 7.1).

Chart 7.2); and for that matter it is wider than it was throughout the 1990s. Moreover, combining the economic and population growth forecasts set out in the most recent Tasmanian and Federal Government Budgets, the gap is expected to remain at around 21% - that is, wider than in all but six of the past 25 years – over the four years to 2020-21.

Rather than declining from 80% of the national average in 2003-04 to less than 72% of the national average in 2012-13 and 2013-14 (that is, a ‘gap’ of more than 28%), the ABS now estimates that Tasmania’s per capita gross product as a proportion of the national average ‘bottomed out’ at just under 77½% in 2012-13 and 2013-14 (a ‘gap’ of about 22½%); and that the margin between Tasmania’s per capita GSP and the national average in 2015-16 was just under 21%, rather than nearly 27%, as it estimated in November 2016.

While some comfort can be taken from the fact that the difference between Tasmania’s per capita gross product and the rest of Australia’s is not as large as previously thought, it is still a very large gap. It remains wider than it was between 2003-04 and 2010-11 (as indicated in

Because Tasmania’s population is older, and ageing much more rapidly than that of the rest of Australia; because Tasmania is so much smaller than the other Australian states, and is therefore less able to reap ‘economies of scale’; and because Tasmania lacks, and is never likely to have, some of the major economic ‘drivers’ present in most of the mainland states (financial or professional services sectors on the scale of Sydney and Melbourne, or mining on the scale of Western Australia), there is always going to be some margin between Tasmania’s per capita gross product and that of the rest of Australia.

However, that does not mean that Tasmania cannot do better than it has been doing in recent years. It should not mean that Tasmania needs to accept that the gap will continue to widen (as it will, all else being equal, if only because of the consequences for labour force participation of Tasmania’s more rapidly ageing population). It should not mean that Tasmanians have to embrace a future of ever-greater reliance on financial support from the national government – or other states (as they would see it) – leaving Tasmanians vulnerable to abrupt changes in the willingness of other Australians to continue providing that support.

A useful framework for understanding why Tasmania’s per capita gross product is so much lower than that of the rest of Australia – and where it might be possible to find ways of preventing the gap from widening further, or of beginning to narrow it – is the one which has been widely used by economists to make long-run economic growth projections, for example in the Intergenerational Reports produced by the Commonwealth Treasury over the past fifteen years .

This framework can be adapted to show that gross state product per person can be disaggregated into three separate components as follows: GROSS STATE PRODUCT POPULATION

=

EMPLOYMENT

=

EMPLOYMENT RATE

POPULATION

x

HOURS WORKED

x

AVERAGE HOURS WORKED

EMPLOYMENT

x

GROSS STATE PRODUCT HOURS WORKED

Or, alternatively: GSP PER CAPITA

x

PRODUCTIVITY

And it holds true by definition, as can be seen by ‘cancelling out’ the employment and hours worked terms on the right hand side of the equals sign, leaving the statement that gross state product divided by population equals gross state product divided by population. Inserting the employment and hours worked terms serves simply to assist in understanding where differences in, or growth in, gross state product per capita come from.

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See, for example, Australian Treasury 2015 Intergenerational Report: Australia in 2055, pp. 3, 16, 21-22, 23-25 and 29-30.

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Note that there is no economic theory, and that there are no assumptions, underlying this expression: it is simply an algebraic expression.

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Participation in employment 46.4%, on average, of Tasmania’s total population were employed during the 2016-17 financial year – a smaller proportion than in any other state or territory, and 3 percentage points below the national average (Chart 7.3).

This measure of ‘employment participation’ fell by more than 1 percentage point during the recession which Tasmania experienced between 2011 and 2013, but has since recovered to where it was immediately before that downturn (Chart 7.4). However it is still 1.3 percentage points below the pre-financial crisis peak, a larger decline than that experienced by Australia as a whole.

As discussed in Section 2, the principal reason for Tasmania’s below-average participation rate is that 19.5% of Tasmania’s total population is aged 65 or over, 3.7 percentage points more than the corresponding figure for Australia as a whole. After allowing for the fact that children (under 15) also represent a smaller proportion of Tasmania’s population (17.7%) than of Australia’s as a whole (18.7%), the proportion of Tasmania’s working-age population (conventionally defined as those aged 15 and over) who are over 65 is 4.3 percentage points higher than that for Australia as a whole.

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Chart 7.3: Employment as a pc of total population, states and territories, 2016-17

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Nonetheless, as Section 2 also showed, in every age group other than 15-19 year olds, a smaller proportion of Tasmanians than of mainland Australians are in employment (refer back to Chart 2.10). The analysis in Section 5 suggests that the most likely reason for this is Tasmanians’ lower level of educational attainment, given the strong correlation between educational attainment and employment (and, as also shown in Section 5, the below-average level of educational participation among young Tasmanians is the reason why 15-19 year olds are the only group of Tasmanians more likely to be in employment than their counterparts on the mainland).

Chart 7.4: Employment as a pc of population, Tasmania and Australia, 2000-01 to 2016-17

Hence, although there is always likely to be a significant gap between Tasmania’s employment participation rate and that of the rest of Australia, it should be feasible at least to slow the rate at which that gap will widen (as a result of the more rapid ageing of Tasmania’s population) – or even better, to narrow it a little – through policies designed to improve the knowledge, skills and employability of Tasmanians.

Higher rates of educational participation and attainment offer the best prospects for achieving that goal, although there may also be potential to reduce the extent to which discrimination, for example on the grounds of age or disability, has a greater impact on the employment prospects of Tasmanians than of other Australians.

Hours of work Those Tasmanians who did have jobs during 2016-17 worked an average of 30.7 hours per week, fewer than in any other state or territory, and 1.4 hours per week less than the national average (Chart 7.5). Over the course of an entire year this difference adds up to more than 72 hours. It’s as if Tasmanians had 11 more public holidays a year than other Australians.

Average hours worked have declined by more in Tasmania since the global financial crisis than they have in any other state or territory, notwithstanding a slight increase in average hours worked in Tasmania since 2013-14 while the national average has continued to decline (Chart 7.6).

The difference in hours worked between Tasmania and the rest of Australia stems largely from the fact that 36.5% of employed Tasmanians work part-time, a larger proportion than in any other state or territory except the Northern Territory, and well above the national average of 31.9%. The proportion of workers working part-time has risen by 5.3 percentage points since 2007-08 (the year before the financial crisis) in Tasmania, compared with 3.4 percentage points for Australia as a whole.

As discussed in Section 2, part-time employment is a matter of choice for many people: and given that Tasmanian workers are, on average, older than their mainland counterparts, many of them are likely to be content with working part-time. However, as also noted in Section 2, a higher proportion of part-time

Chart 7.6: Average hours worked, Tasmania and Australia, 2000-01 to 2016-17

workers in Tasmania than in the rest of Australia are willing and able to work more hours than they currently do. Moreover, as discussed in Section 5, more highly-educated people are more likely to work full-time than those with lower levels of educational attainment. Hence, it is probable that lifting educational participation and attainment in Tasmania will, over time, help to narrow the hours worked gap between Tasmania and the rest of Australia.

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Chart 7.5: Average hours worked, states and territories, 2016-17

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Productivity For each hour that they worked in 2016-17, employed Tasmanians produced $76.11 worth of goods and services – less than in any other state or territory, and $11.06 or 12.7% below the national average (Chart 7.7).

Over the past three years, gross product per hour worked – or labour productivity – in Tasmania has actually declined by 1.0% (after allowing for the effects of inflation), whereas in the rest of Australia labour productivity rose by 3.3% over this period. As a result, the ‘productivity gap’ between Tasmania and the rest of Australia has widened by 3.8 percentage points over this period. Indeed, relative to the national average, Tasmanian labour productivity was lower in 2016-17 than it has been in any year since 2003-04 (Chart 7.8). And the decline in labour productivity since 2013-14 has offset much of the improvement in Tasmania’s per capita gross product relative to the national average that the increases in employment participation and hours worked, relative to their national averages, would otherwise have produced.

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Chart 7.7: Gross product per hour worked, states and territories, 2016-17

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There are two broad reasons why Tasmanian labour productivity, as measured in the ABS State Accounts, is so much lower than in the rest of Australia.

The first of these is that intrinsically high (labour) productivity industries – industries which are highly capitalintensive (such as mining, or IT and telecommunications), or which are intensive in their use of highly skilled (or highly paid) labour (such as financial services) – tend to be ‘under-represented’ in Tasmania.

Chart 7.9 shows estimates of the national average level of labour productivity in 2016-17 for each of the 19 different industry sectors into which the Australian Bureau of Statistics divides the Australian economy, ranked from highest to lowest.

Chart 7.8: Gross product per hour worked, Tasmania and Australia, 2000-01 to 2016-17

Chart 7.9: Labour productivity (gross value added per hour worked) by industry, Australia, 2016-17

These estimates are, of necessity, approximations, and hence the discussion based on these estimates should be regarded as suggestive, rather than conclusive41.

Tasmania’s problem, in this context, is that the six industries which, nationally, have above-average levels of labour productivity – the industries represented by pink bars in Chart 7.9 - account for less than 11% of total employment in Tasmania, compared with more than 16% of national employment (see Chart 7.10).

By contrast, the six industries where labour productivity nationally is less than two-thirds of the national all-industry average – represented by the yellow bars in Chart 7.9 – account for almost 48% of employment in Tasmania, compared with less than 35% of employment nationally.

41 They have been derived by dividing gross value added for each industry by an estimate of hours worked in each industry, which is in turn obtained by multiplying the average number of hours worked in the reference week for the middle month of each quarter during 2016-17 by 52, and then by the average number of people employed in the middle month of each quarter (that being the frequency with which these data are published). These estimates of hours worked by industry are, at best, approximations, and usually do not sum to the estimates of hours worked for Australia as a whole, or for each individual state or territory. The estimates of gross value added and hours worked are sourced from different surveys (of employers and households, respectively). Finally it should also be noted that estimates of gross value added for the public administration and defence, education and training, and health care and social assistance sectors are based largely on estimates of labour input, so that the resulting estimates of labour productivity for these sectors are less meaningful than those for sectors where the value of output is estimated more directly.

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The seven industries whose labour productivity is between two-thirds and 100% of the all-industry average – represented by the green bars in Chart 7.9 – account for about 42% of employment in Tasmania, compared with 49% of employment nationally.

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Chart 7.10: Industry composition of employment according to labour productivity nationally as a proportion of average for all industries, Tasmania and Australia, 2016-17

The second reason why labour productivity is so much lower than the rest of Australia is that a majority of employed Tasmanians work in industries where labour productivity is less than it is at the corresponding national industry level.

Chart 7.11 shows labour productivity in Tasmanian industries expressed as percentage of the corresponding industry national average.

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Chart 7.11: Labour productivity (gross value added per hour worked) by industry, Australia, 2016-17

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Chart 7.11 shows that there are five Tasmanian industries (represented by the pink bars) in which labour productivity is higher than the national average for those industries. However, as shown in Chart 7.12, only 37% of working Tasmanians are employed in those industries. Conversely, 73% of Tasmanian workers are employed in industries where labour productivity is less than the national averages for those industries – including 23% who work industries where labour productivity is more than 20% below the national average for those industries.

Chart 7.12: Industry composition of employment in Tasmania according to labour productivity as a proportion of the corresponding national industry average, 2016-17

For example, in the absence of any discoveries of significant quantities of commercially recoverable mineral deposits, or oil or gas fields, it is difficult to contemplate the mining sector accounting for a materially larger share of the Tasmanian economy than it does at present.

Similarly, Tasmania’s relatively small population makes it an unlikely location for activities which are more typically found in large cities – such as financial services (with the exception of tax havens) or a range of specialist business services.

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This point was succinctly made by Adam Smith more than 230 years ago:

“THERE ARE SOME SORTS OF INDUSTRY, EVEN OF THE LOWEST KINDS, WHICH CAN BE CARRIED ON NOWHERE BUT IN A GREAT TOWN. A PORTER, FOR EXAMPLE, CAN FIND EMPLOYMENT AND SUBSISTENCE IN NO OTHER PLACE. A VILLAGE IS MUCH TOO NARROW A SPHERE FOR HIM; EVEN AN ORDINARY MARKET TOWN IS SCARCE LARGE ENOUGH TO AFFORD HIM CONSTANT OCCUPATION42” .

Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of The Wealth of Nations, Straham and Cadell, 1776, p. 17.

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There is not much that Tasmania can do about the first of these factors.

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As the Reserve Bank’s Assistant Governor (Economic) noted when quoting this passage in a speech in November, “So it is also with management consultants, medical specialists and a myriad of other occupations that can only be sustained in a large market”43.

There is, arguably, scope to expand the size of Tasmania’s electricity generation and transmission industry through Hydro Tasmania’s ‘Battery of the Nation’ initiative . And there may also be potential to grow the information services, telecom-munications and media sector in Tasmania.

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But it may be no less important to avoid artificially fostering the growth of inherently low-productivity industries in Tasmania, unless it is in response to evident demand or need in Tasmania for the goods or services produced by such an industry.

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There ought to be more that Tasmania can do to improve labour productivity in the industries where it is below the national average. And again, it seems likely that the most effective way of achieving that will be obtained by raising levels of educational attainment of new entrants to the Tasmanian workforce and, where possible, those already in the workforce – given the strong correlation between educational attainment and productivity which research demonstrates, and which is evident in the earnings differentials between people with different levels of education.

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Luci Ellis, ‘Where is the Growth Going to Come From?’, Stan Kelly Lecture, Melbourne, Reserve Bank of Australia,15 November 2017.

Hydro Tasmania, ‘Becoming the Battery of the Nation’

Summarising the key influences Drawing together the foregoing analysis, the difference of nearly $15,500 or 22% between Tasmania’s per capita gross state product and the national average in 2016-17 can be disaggregated as follows:  about $5,775 (or 37%) was due to the employment participation gap – that is, to the fact that the proportion of Tasmania’s population with a job was 3 percentage points below the national average in 2016-17;

 about $6,450 (or 42%) was due to the hours worked gap – that is, to the fact that Tasmanians in employment worked about 1.4 fewer hours per week (or 11 days per year) than the national average in 2016-17; and

 about $3,225 (or 21%) was due to the labour productivity gap – that is, to the fact that employed Tasmanians produce, on average, nearly $11 (or 12%) less for each hour that they work than the average for the Australian workforce as a whole.

This disaggregation is depicted in Chart 7.13.

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Chart 7.13: Components of the difference in per capita gross product between Tasmania and the Australian average, 2016-17

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How much difference does Tasmania’s small scale make?

As has already been noted in this section – and elsewhere in this report – Tasmania’s relatively small and more dispersed population (by comparison with the mainland states, if not necessarily with the two territories in both of these respects) does detract to at least some extent from its capacity to match the economic performance of other parts of Australia.

Hence, in at least some respects, comparisons with other states may be unduly harsh in not allowing something for Tasmania’s lack of a large city with a population of over 1 million, as every mainland state has.

One way of examining this in more detail is by comparing Tasmania with the non-metropolitan areas of the other states. This has been done in other sections of this report, for example in discussing labour force participation (in Section 2) and educational participation and attainment (in Section 5), and has been considered in this section in the context of the ‘under-representation’ of high-productivity services activities in the Tasmanian economy.

(the value of whose output has increased dramatically as a result of the mining boom) (Chart 7.14).

Except during the recession of 2011-13, Tasmania’s per capita gross product has typically grown at a faster rate than that of regional New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia since the turn of the century. As a result, every year since 2008-09, with the exception of 2012-13, Tasmania’s per capita gross product has actually been slightly higher than the average of the regional areas of the mainland states, excluding Western Australia (Chart 7.15).

These estimates could be interpreted as implying that Tasmania cannot realistically aspire to a higher level of economic performance – and hence that Tasmanians cannot expect to attain higher material standards of living – than they have at present, because, so it might be argued, Tasmania cannot ‘do any better’ than the regional areas of the mainland states (leaving regional WA aside as a ‘special case’).

However, this is a needlessly limiting view.

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It has not previously been possible to undertake a similar analysis of differences in per capita gross product between Tasmania and the non-metropolitan regions of other states, because the ABS does not publish estimates of gross product below the state and territory level.

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45

However, SGS Economics and Planning does construct estimates of gross product for cities and regions within the five mainland states45, which can be used for this purpose.

In particular, while Hobart may not be anywhere near as large as the capital cities of the mainland states, it nonetheless has many of the growth-enhancing accoutrements of a state capital, and is larger than all but two non-capital cities (Gold Coast and Newcastle).

It should be capable of higher levels of economic performance than (for example) Toowoomba, Tamworth, Wagga Wagga, Bendigo, Mount Gambier or Bunbury.

According to these estimates, Tasmania’s per capita gross product was slightly higher than that of regional New South Wales and Victoria, and slightly lower than that of regional Queensland and South Australia, but (like all of these regions) was substantially below that of regional Western Australia

It was noted in Section 5 that people living in Hobart ypically had lower levels of educational attainment than people in mainland provincial cities, and that people in regional Tasmania typically had lower levels of educational attainment than people in the regional areas of mainland states.

SGS Economics and Planning, Economic Performance of Australia’s Cities and Regions 2016-17, December 2017.

Chart 7.15: Tasmania’s gross state product as a pc of regional averages, 2000-01 to 2016-17

If Tasmanians were to reach similar levels of educational attainment as those of people outside the capital cities of mainland states, it is highly likely that Tasmania’s economy would be stronger than it currently is, and that Tasmanians would enjoy higher material standards of living, than they presently do.

Tasmania could reach the position where South Australia is now by 2026 if it could sustain per capita economic growth of ¾ percentage point per annum faster than the national average – which Tasmania actually did do between 2000-01 and 2008-09. Less ambitiously, sustained growth of ½ percentage point per annum faster than the national average would see Tasmania reaching the same proportion of the national average per capita gross product which South Australia had in 2016-17 by 2030.

In other words, while it is quite unrealistic to expect that Tasmania will be ever be able to match the levels of economic performance – as indicated by gross product per capita, or other indicators – of the mainland states in aggregate, it should not be beyond the realms of possibility to improve Tasmania’s per capita gross product from almost 22% below the national average, where it was in 2016-17, to (say) 16% below the national average, which is where South Australia was in 2016-17. South Australians, in particular, would probably say that isn’t ‘setting the bar’ especially high.

The next Tasmanian Government should consider setting a target such as this as a useful aid to calibrating the scope for improving Tasmania’s economic performance, and the living standards of Tasmanians, and for gauging the progress (or lack thereof) to those ends.

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Chart 7.14: Gross product per head of population, non-metropolitan regions, 2016-17

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SECTION EIGHT TASMANIA’S REGIONS

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Tasmania is, arguably, Australia’s ‘most regional’ State.

Unlike most of the non-metropolitan areas of other States, Tasmania’s regions were not settled by people ‘fanning out’ from the colonial centre of administration, but have their own history, independent of that of the State’s capital. Regional cities are much more important ‘points of entry’ into (and exit from) Tasmania – for both people and products - than they are in most other States. A larger proportion of Tasmania’s population lives outside of the capital city than in any other State or Territory. Partly for that reason, Tasmania’s regions have more influence in Tasmania’s ‘power structures’ than regions typically do in other States.

Many of the economic, social and other differences between Tasmania and the rest of Australia, discussed in the earlier sections of this report, can also be found to at least some extent between Hobart and other parts of Tasmania. People living in the North, the North-West, the East and West Coasts and on the Bass Strait islands are on average older, have less formal education, are less likely to be in paid employment and earn less, than people living in or close to Hobart (Table 8.1).

Table 8.1: Tasmania’s regions: selected characteristics

CHARACTERISTIC

UNIT

YEAR

GREATER HOBART

SOUTH EAST

LAUNCESTON & NORTH EAST

NORTH WEST & WEST

Population

000

2016

224.6

38.0

143.6

111.7

Population growth

% pa

2011-16

0.75

0.28

-0.01

-0.45

Median age

years

2016

39.7

47.4

42.7

43.7

Population aged 20-45

%

2016

32.1

24.0

28.9

27.4

Population aged 65 and over

%

2016

17.3

21.3

19.4

20.0

Median employee income

$ pa

2016

51,298

37,494

41,266

41,456

Bachelor degree or higher

%

2016

23.5

14.5

15.6

10.8

Diploma or adv. diploma

%

2016

8.7

8.7

8.0

7.8

Cert III or IV

%

2016

18.1

19.9

19.8

22.5

Working-age population employed

%

2016-17

57.9

53.2

55.1

55.9

Unemployment rate

%

2016-17

5.8

6.7

5.7

6.1

Composition of employment

% of total

2016

Agriculture, forestry & fishing

1.9

14.7

6.3

8.4

Mining

0.3

0.5

0.8

3.1

Manufacturing

5.3

6.6

7.7

9.5

Construction

7.5

8.7

7.6

7.4

10.8

8.3

11.5

11.1

7.8

7.8

7.6

7.2

Public admin & safety

10.7

7.0

5.4

5.0

Education & training

10.1

7,5

9.2

8.1

Health care & social assistance

14.8

11.0

14.7

13.1

Other

30.8

27.9

29.2

29.5

Retail trade Accommodation & food svces

Note: Data on educational qualifications are for people aged 15-75. ‘Greater Hobart’ includes Sorell, Richmond and Dodges Ferry; ‘South East’ includes the Derwent Valley and Central Highlands. Sources: ABS, 2016 Census Community Profiles; Labour Force, Australia (6202.0), October 2017.

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Post-school qualifications

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Regional Tasmania is more dependent on agriculture, forestry and fishing, manufacturing and, in the case of the NorthWest and West, mining; while Hobart has a much greater concentration of employment in services – and, in particular, public services where employment is typically more stable and in many cases carries higher remuneration.

Regional Tasmania has been particularly hard-hit by the decline in Tasmanian manufacturing since 2008-09. The decline in Tasmanian manufacturing output since the global financial crisis has been considerably greater than that in South Australia, while the loss of employment in Tasmanian manufacturing has been of proportionately the same order of magnitude as in South Australia – yet far more assistance (in the form of subsidies, and preferential government procurement policies) has been directed towards manufacturing in South Australia over the past year (and prospectively) than to manufacturing in Tasmania.

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Of course, many Tasmanians living in regional areas would argue that the benefits of living and working where they do – many of which are difficult if not impossible to measure in monetary terms, or capture in statistical collections – offset or outweigh the disadvantages, in much the same way as it was noted in Section 4 that there are significant advantages to living and working in Tasmania that most Tasmanians see as at least partly ameliorating some of the social and economic disadvantages that have long afflicted this State.

PROUDLY SUPPORTING

The Tasmanian Chamber of Commerce and Industry 104

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This Report doesn’t seek to dispute such contentions. It does, however, lend support to the view that there have been some significant divergences in the relative economic fortunes of different parts of Tasmania, and that there is a case for policy measures aimed at ensuring that social and economic progress is widely and fairly shared. It also suggests that these regional divergences are not simply a matter of “Hobart is doing well and everywhere else is missing out”: in particular, the NorthWest Coast has been demonstrating considerable economic resilience.

Building activity As noted in Section 1, housing activity declined significantly in Tasmania in 2016-17, with the number of new residential buildings approved by local governments falling by 28% (after a 17% decline in 2015-16), to their lowest level since 2012-13.

fell by more than 20% in both Hobart and the North-West and West, as well as by another 12% in the South-East (a region which had accounted for a disproportionately large share of residential building activity between 2011-12 and 2013-14).

This decline was particularly marked in Launceston and the North-East, where the number of new dwelling approvals fell by 43% in 2016-17, after having been the only region to record an increase in 2015-16 (Chart 8.1). But dwelling approvals also

Residential building activity has weakened further in the North-West and West in the first four months of the current financial year, but has picked up modestly in Tasmania’s other regions.

Chart 8.3: Value of non-residential building approved, Tasmanian regions

The value of non-residential building approved in the North-West and West region in 2016-17 was the highest in five years (Chart 8.2): nearly half of this was in Devonport, presumably reflecting the ‘Living City’ development. By contrast the value of nonresidential building approval declined in Launceston and the North-East (after two years of strong increases) and in Hobart; although the level of non-residential approvals in Hobart remained high by historical standards (especially if the approval of the Royal Hobart Hospital re-development in 2013-14 is excluded), and the volume of on-going work on construction projects already under way is also historically high.

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Chart 8.2: Number of new residential buildings approved, Tasmanian regions

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The labour market The turnaround in Tasmania’s labour market during 2016-17, discussed in Section 2, was concentrated in Hobart, where the number of jobs increased by 8,200 over the course of the year (June 2016 to June 2017) and by 0.8%, on average, for the financial year as a whole (Chart 8.2).

Employment also increased very strongly in the South-East region, by an average of 3.4% for the year as a whole, after falling by 7.1% in 2015-16 46.

Chart 8.4: Employment growth, Tasmanian regions

Chart 8.5: Unemployment rates, Tasmanian regions

Chart 8.6: Labour force participation rates, Tasmanian regions

Chart 8.7: Employment-to-working age population ratios, Tasmanian regions

The rebound in employment in Hobart appears to have drawn previously discouraged job-seekers back into the labour market (as shown by the rise in Hobart’s participation rate in Chart 8.4). Even so, Hobart’s unemployment rate continued to edge lower, to a five-year low of 5.6% in the first few months of the 2017-18 financial year (Chart 8.5).

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The number of jobs in Launceston and the North-East rose by 3,450 over the course of 2016-17, and by 0.2% on average for the year as a whole, after a 0.6% decline in 2015-16. By contrast, the North-West and West experienced a 0.6% decline in employment, on average, in 2016-17, after gains of almost 4% per annum in both 2014-15 and 2015-16.

Unemployment fell by more than 1 percentage point in Launceston and the North-East, largely because most of the newly-created jobs appear to have gone to people already actively looking for work, rather than to new entrants to the labour force; nonetheless, at 6.6% on average over the year to

October, Launceston and the North-East’s unemployment rate remains the highest of Tasmania’s three major regions.

The opposite appears to have occurred in the North-West and West, where the slow-down in employment growth has been paralleled by a decline in the participation rate, so that the unemployment rate has remained steady at around 5¾%. The ‘employment rate’ of people aged 15 and over is more recently once again lower than in Tasmania’s other regions, as it has been for most of the past fifteen years.

The South-East region accounts for less than 7% of total Tasmanian employment, but has contributed a much larger share of the changes in total employment over the last three years. This may reflect people moving between jobs in Greater Hobart and the surrounding areas which make up the South-East region.

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Tourism Tourism has been one of the strongest-performing sectors of the Tasmanian economy in recent years, with total visitor numbers rising by more than 48% over the five years to 2016-17 to more than 1¼ million, visitor nights rising by 38% to nearly 11 million, and total visitor spending rising by 70% to over $2¼bn.

The epicentre of the Tasmanian tourism boom has been in Hobart, reflecting (among other things) the appeal of MONA and the growing number of cultural events in Tasmania’s capital city, and the increase in the number of scheduled air services to Hobart from mainland capitals. Just over 40% of all visitor nights are spent in Hobart and its surrounds (including New Norfolk, Sorell and Richmond).

However, tourism is a mainstay of other Tasmanian regional economies, and in recent years they have been participating in the growth in Tasmanian tourism. For most of the past four years the fastest-growing destination for interstate and

international visitors has been the ‘other Southern’ region − particularly Port Arthur and the Tasman Peninsula (aided by the opening of the Three Capes Walk), Bruny Island and Cygnet − although this growth stalled in 2016-17, partly because of a sharp drop in the number of visitor nights in Huonville (after two years of very strong growth). By contrast, Oatlands experienced a spectacular increase in visitor nights in 2016-17, with more stays than in the previous three years combined.

Growth in visitor nights spent in the North slowed in 201617, partly because of a decline in the number of nights in Launceston after a large increase the previous year. The standout in this region continues to be Derby, where visitor nights have increased five-fold over the past two years thanks to its success in attracting mountain bikers to its recently developed network of trails. Evandale has also experienced very strong growth in tourism over the past three years, partly based on the success of its cultural events.

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Chart 8.8: Visitor nights, by region, 2012-13 to 2016-17

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The North-West Coast has experienced slower but steadier growth in visitor numbers over the past fi ve years. Devonport has the highest number of visitor nights of any North-West Coast destination, reflecting its status as the key entry point for visitors using the Bass Strait ferries, but its visitor night tally fell slightly in 2016-17. At either end of the North-West Coast, Sheffield and Arthur River (gateway to the Tarkine) have enjoyed strong growth in visitor numbers over the past few years.

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Visitor numbers to the West Coast have now fallen for three years in a row: it now accounts for less than 4% of all visitor nights spent in Tasmania. The East Coast, a bit like the North-West, has experienced slower, but steadier, growth in visitor numbers.

Tourism is likely to continue to grow in importance as a contributor to regional economies, provided that the exchange rate remains competitive, and that Tasmania continues to develop and strengthen its reputation for premium and distinctive visitor experiences – in food and wine, arts and culture, and various forms of recreation, in particular.

The development of new international air connections (enhanced by the lengthening of the runway at Hobart Airport), and the opening of new accommodation facilities should aid further growth in tourism over the next few years, although it may prove difficult to maintain the growth rates of the past few years.

Promoting regional development The profile of Tasmania’s regions has become more nuanced over the past couple of years. It is not simply a matter of “Hobart doing well and everywhere else missing out”: other parts of Tasmania have also had some experience of improving economic conditions.

That said, there is no argument that regional Tasmania faces even bigger challenges from its demographic profile, the breadth of its economic base, and its levels of educational participation and attainment than Hobart.

From a longer-term perspective, the keys to improving economic performance in regional Tasmania are the same as those to improving economic performance in Tasmania as a whole – in particular, increased participation in employment, and higher levels of labour productivity.

The Tasmanian Government’s initial emphasis on offering Year 11 and 12 courses at high schools in rural centres has been an appropriate – and, thus far, effective – response to those challenges. And its commitment to extending senior secondary classes to high schools in Launceston, Devonport and Burnie (as well as in Hobart) will contribute to raising educational participation and attainment in the North and North-West regions.

As is also the case for Tasmania as a whole, the future for Tasmania’s regions will not be secured by seeking to recreate their past. Tasmania’s regions need to play to their existing comparative advantages, and strive to develop new ones, rather than continue to hope that industries and jobs which have departed can somehow be restored.

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Sustained growth in tourism is also likely to require greater levels of investment in road infrastructure, especially in regional areas, and in the maintenance and upgrading of facilities in Tasmania’s iconic national parks and reserves. In some areas, it is possible that capacity constraints may limit the scope for continued growth in visitor numbers.

The University of Tasmania’s Northern Transformation Program has the potential to be a ‘game changer’ for both the North and the North-West – through the initial impact of the jobs created in the construction phase of these two projects, and over the longer term by the new pathways which they will provide to higher levels of educational participation and attainment, and by the way in which they change the ‘face’ and ‘feel’ of the cities of Launceston and Burnie.

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SECTION NINE LOOKING FORWARD: THE 2018 ELECTION AND BEYOND

This year’s Tasmania Report has intentionally sought to reiterate many of the themes identified and discussed in its two predecessors.

It has again documented that Tasmanian material living standards are, on average, lower than those of other Australians. Tasmanians are less likely to have jobs, and more likely to be reliant on some kind of government support, than other Australians. Tasmanians who do have jobs typically work fewer hours, and earn less, than their counterparts on the mainland. Tasmania’s economy is more narrowly-based, more vulnerable to external shocks, and less productive than the economies of the mainland states.

There is of course more to ‘well-being’ than those factors to which numerical or monetary values can be assigned, such as employment or income.

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There are many aspects to their ‘quality of life’ which Tasmanians justifiably regard as preferable to those experienced by other Australians, especially those living in large cities. But, as this Report has also shown, there are other important dimensions of well-being, not easily represented in dollar terms, where Tasmanians are less well-off than other Australians – particularly in terms of education and health.

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This Report does not pretend that all of the differences in economic performance, or other aspects of community and individual well-being, between Tasmania and the rest of Australia can or should be eliminated. Tasmania’s comparatively small population, relative isolation, and demographic profile make it unlikely that it will ever be as well off, in a monetary sense, as other Australian states – a point highlighted by the comparisons this Report has sought to make with the non-metropolitan regions of mainland states.

Tasmania is not unique in that regard – as shown in last year’s Tasmania Report, many other islands, in other countries around the world, share these characteristics.

However, one of this Report’s key themes is that Tasmania can do better on many dimensions of economic performance than it has been doing – and that if it does, then many of the other problems which Tasmania faces are likely to be less difficult to resolve.

Indeed, the risk is that if a sustained effort is not made to improve Tasmania’s economic performance, the almost inexorable forces of demographic and technological change will see the differences in living standards between Tasmania and the rest of Australia widen even further, over time.

This Report has sought to highlight many of those differences – with a view to identifying areas where improvement is possible, to calibrating how much improvement may be feasible, and to provide some ideas as to what should be done in order to bring about feasible improvements in the well-being of Tasmanians, relative to that of other Australians.

Tasmanians go to the polls in 2018 to choose who will govern them for the next four years. This section puts forward some proposals which, if endorsed by Tasmanian voters at that election, would help to improve Tasmania’s economic performance and thus help narrow the differences in living standards between Tasmania and other Australians.

It seeks to provide those who want to achieve positive changes in Tasmania’s economic and social circumstances with evidence that can be used to help make the case for those changes.

These do not purport to constitute a comprehensive strategy to address all of the challenges Tasmania faces. Nor, of course, should it be interpreted as an endorsement of any particular political party.

Establish a target for economic performance The Canadian educator and self-described ‘hierarchologist’ Laurence J Peter, best known for the ‘Peter principle’ (‘in a hierarchy every employee tends to rise to his level of incompetence’), also once wrote, “If you don’t know where you’re going, you’ll probably end up somewhere else” 47.

Having a clear, measurable and achievable target for Tasmania’s economic performance could assist in focussing public and government attention on what needs to be done in order to reduce the gap between Tasmanians’ living standards and those of other Australians, and in assessing how much progress is being made, year by year, towards meeting that goal.

It was suggested in Section 7 that a feasible target could be to lift Tasmania’s per capita gross product to the same proportion of the national average as South Australia, given that South Australia’s demographic profile and many of its other characteristics are closer to Tasmania’s than are those of any other state. That would imply increasing Tasmania’s per capita gross product as a proportion of the national average from about 78½% to about 83½% - or by about $3,759 per head of population (in 2016-17 dollars), an increase of about 6½%.

Tasmania was receiving a larger share of GST revenues (and they were growing more rapidly), and there was a spurt of new home-building prompted by an influx of mainland immigrants.

Nonetheless, if the A$ remains at its current reasonably competitive levels, the recent gradual improvement in net interstate immigration can be sustained, in the absence of any adverse external shocks, a repeat of that performance should not be seen as beyond reach. Even if Tasmania’s per capita real growth rate exceeds the national average by ½ percentage point per annum, Tasmania’s per capita gross product would reach parity with South Australia by 2030.

Of course, setting a target is only a statement of aspiration, and a measuring stick. The challenge then is to implement policies and strategies which are directed towards, and capable of, reaching the target.

Chart 9.1: Real per capita GSP growth, Tasmania and Australia

This is not an implausible aspiration. Tasmania has actually done it before - between 2001-02 and 2008-09 (inclusive), when Tasmania’s real per capita gross product grew at a rate 0.8 pc points per annum faster than the national average (Chart 9.1).

Admittedly, that was in circumstances which were in some respects more conducive to faster growth in the Tasmanian economy than now – in particular, the A$ was much lower,

47

Laurence J Peter, Ideas for Our Time, William Morrow & Co., New York, 1977, p. 125.

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As noted in Section 7, this target could be achieved within a decade if Tasmania were able to sustain per capita growth of ¾ of one percentage point per annum faster than the national average (all else being equal).

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Education A consistent theme throughout this Report and the two previous Tasmania Reports is that Tasmanians are, on average, less well-educated than other Australians, and that this is the most important single reason why Tasmanians are less likely to be employed by other Australians, work fewer hours and produce less for each hour they work if they are employed than other Australians, and earn less in employment than other Australians.

The comparisons made in this Report and its predecessors have also demonstrated that Tasmania’s relatively lower levels of educational participation and attainment are not the result of Tasmania’s smaller or more dispersed population, of its relatively greater proportion of low socio-economic status households, of any innate lack of capability on the part of Tasmanian students, or of insufficient levels of spending on education.

Rather, the single biggest reason for Tasmania’s relatively poor educational outcomes – the most obvious difference between Tasmania’s public education system and that of the rest of Australia – is the delivery of upper secondary education through a small number of separate colleges, rather than through comprehensive high schools.

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If this system had been a resounding success, other states would surely have copied or adapted it – even if only for their non-metropolitan regions, with which Tasmania has more in common than the large mainland capital cities.

None of them has.

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On the contrary, the evidence thus far is that the current Government’s program of extending Year 11 and 12 courses to high schools outside the four major population centres is having a positive impact on retention and TCE completion rates (although it is probably too early to regard the evidence as conclusive). The Government’s more recent proposal to offer the same opportunities to students attending high schools in Hobart, Launceston, Burnie and Devonport to complete Year 12 where they begin Year 7 is likely to have equally positive results, over time.

Ultimately, these changes should lead to the closure of the separate senior secondary colleges, and their amalgamation with or conversion into comprehensive high schools.

It is difficult to think of any other single thing which it is within the power of the Tasmanian Government to achieve, which would do more to lift Tasmania’s potential economic growth rate over the longer term, than to ensure that every Tasmanian student has access to the same opportunities to gain a full and complete education, as students in every other part of Australia.

It would also bring a range of non-economic benefits, including in all likelihood that Tasmanians would make different ‘lifestyle choices’ which would in turn lead to better health outcomes.

Health and community services This report has not analysed or discussed Tasmania’s health outcomes in the same degree of detail as it has the performance of its education system. However, this report and last year’s have shown (as does other evidence) that Tasmanians generally experience poorer health (and have shorter lives) than other Australians (excluding Australia’s Indigenous population); and that, partly as a result, they make greater use of health facilities. Some, but not all, of these differences are the result of Tasmania’s population being older, on average, than that of the rest of Australia.

Reflecting this, the Commonwealth Grants Commission, as part of the analysis it undertakes each year in formulating its recommendations as to the distribution of GST revenues among the states and territories, assesses that Tasmania needs to spend more than other states and territories per head of population on health, in order to provide health services of a similar standard to the average of all states and territories 48. In its most recent assessment, it concluded that Tasmania needed to spend just under $3,000 per head

on health in the 2015-16 financial year – more than any other state or territory except the Northern Territory, and $570 per head more than the national average – in order to provide Tasmanians with a similar standard of health services to that provided by all states and territories, on average49.

There is of course no requirement that any state or government actually spend the amount assessed by the Grants Commission as being necessary to provide a similar standard of service to the national average – on health or any other area.

Governments may, and do, choose to spend more than the CGC benchmark on some services, and less on others.

Successive Tasmanian Governments have in practice spent materially less on health, in particular, than the amounts assessed by the Grants Commission as being required to match the national average standard of services – by an average of $146mn per annum (or 10½%) – over the fi ve years to 2015-16 (Chart 9.2).

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Chart 9.2: Differences between Tasmanian Government actual spending and Grants Commission assessment of spending required to provide ‘ national average’ level of services

48 This assessment, together with similar assessments regarding most other categories of state government spending, and an assessment that Tasmania has less capacity to raise revenue than other states and territories, is why the CGC consistently recommends that Tasmania should get a larger share of the revenue from the GST than its share of the population.

49 Commonwealth Grants Commission, Report on GST Revenue Sharing Relativities - 2017 Update, April 2017, Supporting data, revenue and expense ratios.

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Successive Tasmanian Governments have also ‘underspent’, relative to the CGC benchmarks, on community services and welfare (Chart 9.2), justice, and transport; and ‘overspent’ on school education (albeit marginally), services to industry and ‘other expenses’ (for the most part, public service running costs).

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It is theoretically possible that ‘under-spending’ relative to the CGC benchmark is due to greater efficiency in the delivery of services; likewise ‘over-spending’ could theoretically be the result of a conscious decision to provide a better-than-average standard of services. However, as noted in Section 5, Tasmania’s ‘over-spending’ on education has not resulted in better-than-average educational outcomes; and it would be hard to believe that Tasmania’s lower-than-average spending on health is the result of greater efficiency in delivering health services.

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However, while it probably will be necessary to spend more on health services over the next four years than currently envisaged, spending more money alone will not address Tasmania’s health challenges. The Productivity Commission’s recently published Productivity Review, intended as the first of a fi ve-yearly series, highlights the health sector Australia-wide as being in need of serious reform, to encourage a focus on patients rather than suppliers, improve co-ordination of care, facilitating experimentation and the use of new technologies and data-sharing, and addressing ‘lifestyle risks’ 50.

These reforms should be closely examined in Tasmania.

It seems likely that the next Tasmanian Government will face greater pressure for increased spending on health services.

And, as noted in Section 5, the most recent State Budget provides for growth in health spending of less than 2% per annum – implying virtually no growth in real terms – which seems unlikely to be sustainable.

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Productivity Commission, Shifting the Dial: 5-year productivity review, October 2017, pp. 44-79.

State taxation reform

Wide-ranging taxation reform is of course politically difficult, if not impossible, to implement without an electoral mandate: part of the problem has been that political parties have been unwilling to seek such a mandate, preferring to rule out any prospect of change rather than obtain voters’ permission to make change.

Hence one of this Report’s pleas is that those seeking to form government at the next election consider seeking an electoral mandate for reform of Tasmania’s taxation system – whether it be for the purpose of raising additional revenue in order to fund additional spending on health (for example), fostering economic and employment growth by making Tasmania’s taxation system more competitive with that of other states, or improving housing affordability and the efficiency of land use.

Two broad reforms which are worthy of consideration in this context are:

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Lowering the rate and broadening the base of payroll tax; and

•

Replacing stamp duty on land transfers with a broadly-based land tax

Tasmania’s payroll tax rate of 6.1% is the highest of any jurisdiction other than the ACT51. Tasmania tax-free threshold of $1.25mn per annum is also the highest of any state (though the two territories have higher thresholds). In other words, Tasmania levies a higher rate of payroll tax on a narrower base than most other jurisdictions. This means that a larger proportion of small businesses are exempt from payroll tax in Tasmania than in the other states: but it also means that large businesses pay a higher rate of payroll tax than in other states (and by comparison with Victoria, Queensland and South Australia, each of whose payroll tax rate is less than 5%, much higher). This may be one reason why Tasmania does not have a large number of large businesses.

This is the opposite of what most economists regard as one of the principles of ‘good tax design’ – imposing the lowest possible rate across the broadest possible base, consistent with raising the required amount of revenue.

Tasmania’s relatively high tax-free threshold for payroll tax means that the State Government will collect $192mn less in 2017-18 than it would if all employers paid the 6.1% rate – equivalent to 56% of what it actually expects to collect from those employers who do pay payroll tax52.

If all employers were liable to payroll tax, the rate could be lowered to less than 4% without any net cost in terms of revenue.

Small business would, understandably enough, vociferously object to the idea that they should pay payroll tax. But there is no sound or valid economic reason why small business should receive preferential tax treatment53. And if payroll tax were to be collected by the Australian Taxation Office in the same way that PAYE income tax deductions are collected from all employers (irrespective of their size), then there would be no greater administrative burden on either employers or the Tasmanian Government than results from current payroll tax collection arrangements.

Western Australian employers with a national payroll in excess of $100mn per annum will pay a tax rate of 6.5% on that part of their payroll in excess of $1.5bn per annum from 2018-19 through 2022-23.

Tasmanian Government, Budget Paper No 1, 2017-18, p. 93.

53 See, for example, Richard Holden, ‘Is small business really the engine room of the economy?’, The Conversation, 10 June 2016; or Dora Benedek et al, The Right Kind of Help? Tax Incentives for Staying Small, IMF Working Paper No. 17/139, Washington DC, June 2017.

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Although successive State Governments have tinkered with Tasmania’s taxation system, altering rates of tax or making small changes to the base of particular state taxes, it has been a long time since any Tasmanian Government embarked upon a program of wide-ranging state taxation reforms.

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Having Australia’s lowest payroll tax rate could be a significant advantage in attracting investment and employment to Tasmania. It would be more sustainable, and arguably more ethical, than cutting ‘secret deals’ with prospective employers to attract them to establish or expand operations in Tasmania.

If it is considered necessary to offer some kind of preferential tax treatment to some businesses in order to stimulate investment or employment, a far more sensible basis for doing so than the size of the business concerned is to give preferential treatment to new businesses – whether they are new Tasmanian businesses, or established businesses setting up in Tasmania for the first time. New businesses are much more likely than small ones to create new jobs; and they are more likely to engage in innovation than small businesses. Preferentially taxing new businesses also avoids the perverse incentives inherent in any system of preferential treatment for small businesses, prompting them to refrain from hiring the marginal employee who will push them above the tax-free threshold.

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The case for replacing stamp duty with a more broadlybased land tax has been articulated on many occasions, including by the Henry Review and more recently by the Productivity Commission54. Stamp duties are among the most inefficient taxes ever devised: they add to the cost of housing, and discourage people from moving to be closer to jobs, family networks or educational opportunities.

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The revenue from them is volatile and unpredictable – in contrast to the revenue from land taxes. Land taxes do not distort decision-making; they are a more effective deterrent to ‘land banking’ and other forms of speculation; and they are almost impossible to avoid.

The Grattan Institute has estimated that replacement of stamp duties with a broadly-based land tax on a national scale would ultimately boost GDP by $9bn annually55.

Tasmania’s share of that could be $100-200mn (or ¼-½% of gross state product).

Any such reform would need to be phased in over a number of years, and be accompanied by transitional arrangements to avoid ‘double taxation’ of recent property purchasers.

Provision would also need to be made for low-income property owners (such as pensioners), similar to those made by some local governments whereby rates can be made a charge against an estate. And consideration would need to be given to the possible impact of any such change on Tasmania’s share of revenue from the GST. The ACT Government has already commenced this transition – and survived an election at which the alternative government campaigned against the replacement of stamp duties with a combination of higher municipal rates and a broader land tax.

The next Tasmanian Government should give consideration to a similar reform.

Ken Henry et al. Australia’s Future Tax System - Final Report: Part 1 - Overview, May 2010, pp.48-50; Productivity Commission, Shifting the Dial: 5-year productivity review, October 2017, pp. 149-152.

John Daley and Brendan Coates, Property Taxes, Grattan Institute, Melbourne, July 2015.

Asset sales and the financing of infrastructure investment As discussed in Section 5 of this report, there is a sound case for governments to borrow, especially given the current historically low interest rates at which governments can borrow for long terms, in order to invest in infrastructure projects which have been rigorously selected on the basis of their capacity to meet demonstrated economic or social needs, and which are subject to appropriate governance arrangements.

It is now widely recognised that previous ‘privatisations’ of government-owned businesses have in many cases not delivered the benefits originally promised, particularly to consumers or users of the services provided by those businesses; and in some of those, and in others, the costs of ‘privatisation’, in terms of job losses or the withdrawal of services have been greater than initially indicated.

In principle, given its relatively low level of public sector debt (including the ‘debt free’ status of its general government sector), Tasmania should be able to do what other states (and governments in other countries) are doing, taking on more debt in order to fund investments which the private sector is unlikely to undertake, and which meet the above criteria.

This Report does not seek to argue that there are any ‘efficiency’ gains necessarily to be had from the sale of government-owned businesses, or that there can be any credible guarantees of lower prices. However, it is possible – particularly if the primary motivation for a sale (or lease) is not to gain the highest possible price – to design regulatory structures which ensure continuing public oversight over the pricing and availability of such services, over the location of head offices, and over asset maintenance standards and similar matters.

It was argued in Section 5 that the only options available for reducing this constraint were to run large budget surpluses and invest them with a view to building up a stock of financial assets sufficient to defray the superannuation liability; or to sell assets and apply the proceeds to the same end.

Nor does this Report suggest that every government-owned business should be a candidate for possible sale or lease.

In particular, this Report does not advocate the sale of Hydro Tasmania, TT-Line, TasRail, Metro Tasmania, or (were it to be taken over by the State Government) TasWater (for different reasons in each case).

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However, as also discussed in Section 5, Tasmania’s capacity to fund higher levels of infrastructure investment through borrowings is tightly constrained by its very large unfunded public sector superannuation liability, the servicing of which has in effect ‘eaten up’ all the headroom that might otherwise have been available to meet higher levels of interest payments on debt used for worthwhile infrastructure investment.

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However, consideration could be given to the possible sale or lease of TasNetworks, Aurora Energy, the Motor Accidents Insurance Board and/or TasPorts. Similar entities have been sold or leased by governments of both major political persuasions in other states in recent years – in many cases to Australian superannuation funds for whom such assets provide an ideally suited income stream.

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By way only of illustration, some back-of-the-envelope figuring based on recent transactions suggests that a sale or longterm lease of TasNetworks could be worth $2-2½bn to the Tasmanian Government (depending on the conditions that were attached to any such transaction).

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That would represent a significant offset to the unfunded superannuation liability of $8½bn. A future state government which undertook such a transaction could arrange for the proceeds to be managed by the Australian Government’s Future Fund, and legislate similar restrictions to those which have applied to funds transferred by previous Federal Governments to the Future Fund to prevent them from being used for any purpose other than defraying superannuation

liabilities (or until those liabilities have been otherwise discharged).

Recent political history suggests that such a transaction could not be undertaken by a government which did not have an explicit mandate for it. But it also suggests that it is possible to obtain such a mandate if the case for doing so is clearly and consistently articulated to the electorate beforehand, and the electorate is convinced that the benefits – for example in terms of increased investment in infrastructure that would not otherwise be possible – outweigh the potential risks.

Conclusion The foregoing discussion is not intended to represent a comprehensive list of everything that could or should be done by whichever government takes office after the next state election.

The purpose is rather to assert that the economic and social challenges facing Tasmania, over the next four years and well beyond, cannot be addressed by a government which has sought a mandate for doing nothing more than ‘minding the store’, however competently they promise to do that.

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Tasmania has made some genuine and tangible progress in recent years. There is a greater sense of optimism about what may be possible. This is a moment in Tasmania’s history where those who seek to shape its future should be imaginative and bold, rather than cautious or timid. It is a time, to paraphrase Robert Kennedy, to think of what could be, and ask “why not?”

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