2018
Primary Voters Guide KANSAS POLITICS
The Kansas Senate debates former Gov. Sam Brownback’s tax bill last year. Brownback left Topeka in January after a revamped Legislature repealed much of what he referred to as his “real-live experiment” in supply-side income tax cuts, which he said would boost Kansas’ economy. [2017 FILE PHOTO/THE CAPITAL-JOURNAL]
GUBERNATORIAL CANDIDATES SEEK ANSWERS IN POST-BROWNBACK ERA Former governor’s legacy influencing primary campaign
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By Tim Carpenter | tcarpenter@cjonline.com
he man influencing the outcome of the 2018 campaign for governor in Kansas won’t be on the August primary or November general election ballots. Failures and successes of Gov. Sam Brownback, who escaped the limelight of state government in January for an obscure ambassadorship under President Donald Trump, will continue to receive attention from gubernatorial candidates on the right, center and left of the political spectrum. Brownback exited Topeka after a revamped Legislature repealed much of what he referred to as his “real-live experiment” in supply-side income tax cuts, which he promised to be an adrenaline shot to the heart of Kansas’ economy. It fell short of job projections, cratered tax revenue so deeply it nearly bankrupt the state treasury and led to historic sales and income tax increases to balance the budget. Gov. Jeff Colyer, Secretary of State Kris Kobach and Insurance Commissioner Ken Selzer will selectively tap into the Brownback legacy and offer perspectives on Brownback’s shortcomings in search of GOP votes in the Aug. 7 primary. They’ve echoed Brownback on abortion, gun rights and government efficiency, while making a case for why they’re not Brownback clones. Selzer said he wouldn’t have embraced Brownback’s 2012 program to slash state income taxes if he had realized Brownback didn’t have the courage to cut state government spending to match lost revenue. He said Brownback’s strategy was to starve state government rather than reform it. “Kansas needs change from the disastrous economic policies of the Colyer-Brownback era, which was marked by the woeful mismanagement of tax and spending policy, of major state programs,” Selzer said. “Kansas needs more accountability throughout state government.” Kobach said he would reverse the 2015 increase in the statewide sales tax to 6.5 percent signed into law by Brownback and strive to amend the Legislature’s decision to repeal much of Brownback’s income tax cuts. He’s criticized Colyer for not convincing the 2018 Legislature to pass along to Kansas taxpayers a state revenue windfall resulting from changes in federal tax law. “So far, the short post-Brownback era is a stunning disappointment,” said Kobach spokeswoman Dandri Herbert. “A strong leader would have encouraged lawmakers to return President Trump’s tax reform windfall to taxpayers, as occurred in other states. Instead, this weak administration encouraged lawmakers to pocket and spend even more money ripped from the pockets of
Kansans.” Bob Beatty, a political science professor at Washburn University in Topeka, said he anticipated the anti-Brownback and anti-Colyer messaging to be more intense. “Why isn’t Colyer getting hammered more for being Brownback’s lieutenant governor when Brownback was so unpopular? Two words: Kris Kobach,” Beatty said. “Without Kobach in the race, no doubt the Brownback legacy would be the focus point of this election.” Beatty said Kobach’s magnetic capacity to draw public attention, whether it’s losing a voting rights court case to the ACLU, riding in a parade next to a faux machine gun or running around with rocker Ted Nugent or presidential son Donald Trump Jr., has been beneficial to Colyer by dimming interest in his seven-year alliance with Brownback. “Even though Colyer has not broken substantively with Brownback on any major policy issue, he is not tied to Brownback as much as one would expect because of the Kobach factor,” Beatty said. Democrats and a couple of long-shot Republicans in the primary races have relentlessly dive-bombed Brownback’s record on tax, education, health and budget policy. They see no reason to holster that hostility. Topeka physician and former state Sen. Jim Barnett, a moderate Republican candidate for governor, said the electorate shouldn’t be lulled into voting for Colyer, whom he referred to as “Brownback 2.0.” Under Colyer, Barnett said, the state had raided the highway program for money, outsourced Kansas jobs, championed false ideas about benefits of privatizing Medicaid and sought to hire unqualified individuals to work in the foster care system. “He continues to oppose Medicaid expansion, even though supported by a majority of state legislators, including conservative Republicans,” Barnett said. “He has made a blanket statement that he will never support a tax increase, following the same kind of Brownback absolutism that brought Kansas to its knees.” Laura Kelly, a Topeka senator working for the Democratic Party’s nomination for governor, said questions about the direction of Kansas government in the post-Brownback era were fundamentally flawed. “Kansas is not in a post-Brownback era because his choice of lieutenant governor is still in charge and continuing with his agenda,” she said. “Kansas is still reeling from the cuts made by the Brownback-Colyer administration to schools, roads and other programs.” Democratic candidate Arden Andersen, a family practice doctor who resides in Olathe, said he supported the 2017 Legislature’s decision to override a Brownback veto to end the state income tax exemption for 330,000 business owners and raise about $1.2 billion over two years.
WHAT’S INSIDE The 2018 Primary Voters Guide is an opportunity for you to learn more about the people who are vying for your vote in the Aug. 7 primary. Forty-nine candidates responded to The Topeka Capital-Journal’s questionnaire. We present their answers here — unedited, except to conform to space limitations. Here are the races you can find inside: • U.S. House, 1st District, page 2 • U.S House, 2nd District, pages 3-5 • Kansas governor, pages 6-8 • Kansas secretary of state, pages 9-10 • Kansas insurance commissioner, page 11 • Kansas attorney general, page 12 • Kansas treasurer, page 12 • Kansas House, 47th District, page 13 • Kansas House, 53rd District, page 13 • Kansas House, 50th District, page 14 • Kansas House, 55th District, page 14 • Kansas House, 52nd District, page 15 • Kansas House, 54th District, pages 15-16 • Kansas House, 56th District, page 16 • Kansas House, 51st District, page 17 • Kansas House, 57th District, page 17 • Shawnee County Commission, 1st District, pages 17-18 Candidates who didn’t respond to The CapitalJournal’s survey, and thus are not included in this guide, are Jack Bergeson, Patrick Kucera and Joseph Tutera Jr., all vying for governor; Sarah Swain, attorney general; Noah Wright, Kansas House, 51st District; Joseph Stringer, Kansas House, 55th District; and Vic Miller, Kansas House, 58th District. The questionnaires in their entirety and additional election coverage can be found at cjonline.com.
He said Brownback’s philosophy about tax cuts driving economic growth was off base. “Education is really the economic generator, not tax cuts,” Andersen said. Carl Brewer, a two-term Wichita mayor and Democratic candidate, said Kansas went backward on civil rights in regards to rescinding protections for LGBTQ state employees under Brownback. Colyer declined to amend that policy while embracing a questionable bill that enables faithbased adoption agencies to discriminate against gay or lesbian couples, he said. “We need a leader representing all Kansans, a leader who recognizes discriminatory practices and works to protect individuals rather than supporting efforts, like the recent adoption bill, that harm any member of our communities,” Brewer said. Contact Statehouse bureau chief Tim Carpenter at (785) 393-2621.