Records Volume 51: The Wishbech Stirs

Publications of the Catholic Record Society

Catholic Record Society

The Wisbech Stirs

1958

H. Johns

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In order to bring together a collection of late 16th century material such as that here presented, it has been necessary to look to several sources , and in so doing many debts have been incurred As will be seen, 23 documents are from the Westminster Cathedral Archives, 3 from the general Archives of the Society of Jesus in Rome , 1 from the English College , and 9 from the Archives of Stonyhurst College. For permission to publish thesedocuments I owegratefulthanks respectively to hisEminence, the late Cardinal Griffin, Archbishop of Westminster , the Very Revd J. B. Janssens, Generalofthe Society of Jesus, theRt. Revd Monsignor G. W. Tickle, Rector of the Venerable English College in Rome, and to the Very Revd Fr. F. Vavasour, S.J., Rector of Stonyhurst College I further gratefully acknowledge the kind permission ofthe Treasurer and Mastersofthe Hon Society ofthe Inner Temple to publish 2 manuscripts in full, and to use excerpts from 3 others, from the Petyt Collection. Thanks are also due to the Revd . Fr. B. Fitzgibbon, S.J. , for very kindly providingtranslations for all the Latin documents included in the volume, and for much other help Thanks must also be expressed to the following forgranting facilities tostudyand copymanuscripts intheircustody, either for inclusion in this book, or to obtainmaterial for the notes and Introduction: the Revd Fr. B. Fisher, Archivist of Westminster Cathedral, the Revd Fr. H. Chadwick, S.J. , Librarian of Stonyhurst College, Mr. E. A. P. Hart, Librarian of the Inner Temple, and the Revd W. M. Atkins, Librarian of St. Paul's Cathedral Assistance has also been given by numerous other peopleincontributinginformationabout persons oreventsmentioned in these pages Finally,I would acknowledgemygreat indebtedness totheRevd. Fr.L. Hicks, S.J. , for continual helpandencouragement throughout the preparation of this volume and for generous permission to make use ofhighly documented workof his own, not yet published, concerning the troubles in the English College between 1595 and 1597 and the factions among theEnglish Catholic exiles . This has been invaluable in dealing with the background to several documents, in particular Nos XV, XXX,XXXII and XXXV.

P.R.

* Those marked with an asterisk below belonged to Bp. Bancroft's "Dossier" , see Introduction , Part IIa)

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS .

INTRODUCTION

DOCUMENTS

I. 18 PRIESTS TO GARNET , [7 February 1595], Stonyhurst Anglia II, n.2

*II. THE RULES PROPOSED BY THE 18 PRIESTS , [7 February 1595], Westm V, n.8.

III BAGSHAWTO A NORFOLK GENTLEMAN, [c late May 1595], Westm . V , n . 11 .

*IV. SOUTHWORTH TO DOLMAN , [c early June 1595], Westm. V, n . 18

*V. DR WINDHAM QUALIFYING HIS WORDS , [c June 1595], Westm. V, n.9.

VI. BAGSHAW TO DR WINDHAM , [c late June 1595], Westm V, n.3.

*VII. THOMAS POUND TO CALVERLEY , 25June 1595 ,

Westm V, n . 13.

VIII. GARNET TO AQUAVIVA, 12 July 1595 , Stonyhurst Anglia II, n.4

*IX. DOLMAN TO BAGSHAW , 29 July [1595], Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n . 30 *X. DOLMAN TO SOUTHWORTH , [29 July 1595],

V, n . 19

*XI J. PALMER TO BAGSHAW , 1 August 1595 , Westm V, n . 21 .

*XII BAGSHAW'S AND BLUET'S REQUESTS TO WESTON, 11 August [1595],Westm. V, n . 22 .

*XIII. DR BAVANT TO BAGSHAW , [c August 1595], Westm V, n . 16

*XIV BAGSHAW TO DR. BAVANT , [c late August 1595], Westm V, n . 15

*XV. BAGSHAW TO GARNET , 28 August [1595], Westm V, n . 10 .

*XVI. SOUTHWORTH TO DOLMAN , 13 September [1595], Westm V, n . 24

*XVII MUSH'S FIRST ARTICLES AT WISBECH , 26 September 1595, Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n

12

*XVIII. GARNET TO BAGSHAW , 8 October 1595 , Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n . 45.

*XIX. GARNET TO BAGSHAW , 22 October [1595], Westm V, n . 26 132

*XX. GARNET TO MUSH , 22 October [1595], Westm. V, n . 28. 138

*XXI THE PACIFICATION , [6] November 1595 , Westm V, nos 29 and 30. 141

XXII. MUSH AND DUDLEY TO GARNET , 8 November [1595], Stonyhurst Anglia II, n.7 .. 147

XXIII. BAGSHAW TO GARNET , 8 November [1595], Stonyhurst Anglia II, n.9. 152

XXIV. 18 PRIESTS TO GARNET, 8 November [1595], Stonyhurst Anglia II, n.8 156

XXV. BAGSHAW TO GARNET, 4 December [1595], Stonyhurst AngliaII, n . 11 161

XXVI. GARNET TO AQUAVIVA, 16 April 1596 , A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, ff. 143-146. (Extract) . 164

*XXVII. MUSH TO BAGSHAW , NORDEN AND BLUET , 10 May 1596 , Westm. V, n . 51. 179

*XXVIII GILES ARCHER TO NORDEN , [Late 1596], Westm V, n . 117 185

*XXIX. MUSH TO BAGSHAW , 24 November 1596 , Westm V, n . 88 189

XXX. GARNET TO AQUAVIVA, 10 December 1596 , Stonyhurst AngliaII, n . 19. 199

*XXXI. DOLMAN TO BAGSHAW , 16 January [1597], Westm . III, n . 93

XXXII. GARNET TO AQUAVIVA , 14 May 1597 , Stony-

hurst Anglia II, n . 28.

*XXXIII FISHER TO BAGSHAW , 16 May [1597], Petyt MSS 538, Vol 38, f.376

*XXXIV. WILLIAMGIFFORDTO BAGSHAW , 20September 1597, Petyt MSS 538 , Vol 38, f.378 .

XXXV. FISHER'S CONFESSION , 8-14 March 1598 , Stonyhurst AngliaVI, n . 22

XXXVI. GARNET'S REPLY TO FISHER'S MEMORIAL , [March 1598], A.R.S.J. Anglia 30. II, ff 364-6

XXXVII . WESTON TO AQUAVIVA , 27 March 1598 , A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , fascio 661 , n.2

XXXVIII. ARCHER'S RELATIO DE BAGSHAO , [1602], Archives of Ven Eng Coll Scritture 55,

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS

A.R.S.J.

Bibl Vat Lat.

Briefe Apologie

Cal. S.P.D.

C.R.S.

Dasent

Declaratio Motuum

D.N.B. Foley, Records

Foster

Hatfield Cal.

Knox, D.D.

Knox , Allen

Law, Archpriest Controversy

Morris, Troubles

Plowden, Panzani

S.P.D. Eliz

Stonyhurst Anglia

Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu.

Biblioteca Vaticana Latina.

R. Persons, S.J., A Briefe Apologie in Defenceofthe Catholicke Hierarchie , 1601. Folio references in this volume are to the edition in the British Museum . Calendar of State Papers, Domestic The publications of the Catholic Record Society.

Acts of the Privy Council of England, edited by J. R. Dasent ; 32 vols , London, 1890-1907

Declaratio Motuum ac turbationum quae ex controversiis inter Jesuitas et sacerdotes seminariorum in Anglia , 1601 , Anon

Dictionary of National Biography.

H. Foley, S.J. Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus ; 7 vols, London, 1875-1883

Alumni Oxoniensis , J. Foster ; Series to 1714, 4 vols 1891-2. Early Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquess of Salisbury, preserved at Hatfield House, 18 vols

T.F. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws IThe First and Second Diaries ofthe English College, Douay ; London, 1878 .

T.F. Knox, Records ofthe English Catholics under the Penal Laws IIThe Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen ; London, 1882

T. G. Law, The Archpriest Controversy, 2 vols. Camden Series, 1896 and 1898

J. Morris, S.J., The Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers , First and Second Series , 1872, 1875 .

Charles Plowden, Remarks on a Book entitled Memoirs of Gregorio Panzani , Liège, 1794

State Papers , Domestic, Elizabeth Historical MSS preserved at Stonyhurst College, in the 7vols ofthe Angliaseries .

X TABLE OF

Stonyhurst Coll P.

Tierney-Dodd

True Relation

Vat. Arch Borghese Venn

Westm . III, IV, V, VI

ABBREVIATIONS

Christopher Grene, S.J., Collectanea P. preserved at Stonyhurst College . Late 17th century.

M. A. Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England, 5 vols , London, 1839-43. All references to this tract in this volume are to the following edition: T. G. Law, A Historical Sketch of the conflicts between Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, with a reprint of Christopher Bagshaw's 'True Relation of the Faction begun at Wisbich' and Illustrative documents, London, 1889 (Original edition 1601. Anon)

Vatican Archives, Borghese Manuscripts

Alumni Cantabrigenses, J. & J. A. Venn, Part I to 1751 , 4 vols 1922-7.

Westminster Cathedral Archives, Vols IIIor VII VII of the Main Series (Note: The volume entitled Stonyhurst Anglia IX, now belongs to the Westminster Archives, and is renumbered B . 48).

Note . Where names of persons appear in abbreviated formin the original manuscripts, they have been completed between square brackets.

INTRODUCTION I

Wisbech Castle , a much dilapidated propertyin the possession of the bishopsofEly, first served as a prison fornotable Catholicsinthe summer of 1580.1 Sucha use for it had, however, already beensuggested in 1572 , when Bishop Cox was ordered to reporton its suitability for the accommodation of "religious prisonerswho by crafty intelligenceshere and practisesabroad cause trouble" , andwho were to be kept in one place at their own charge.2 The first eightto be sent there included Thomas Watson, once Bishop of Lincoln, John Feckenham, once Abbot of Westminster, Thomas Metham, S. J., ThomasBluet,secularpriest,andthe lawyer Dr.Edmund Windham.3 During the next few years the numbers gradually increased, and sometimesincluded several laymen. At the period covered bythe documents in this present volume there were thirty-three prisoners, all of whom were priests, except for Thomas Pound, the Jesuit scholastic. The surviving evidence concerningthe conditions under whichthe prisoners lived is intermittent and often lacks clarity. Theoriginal intention seems to have been to impose some form of solitaryconfinement, though meals, supervisedby the keeper, were to be taken in common. The prisoners were to have no visitors, except such ministers as wererecommendedby thosein chargeto preach orhold conferencewith them, and no outside correspondence On the other hand, in accordance with prison customsof that time, severalofthe first prisonerswereattended byservants In spite ofthis concession , however , their treatment appearsto have been harsh, and rendered particularlyvexatious by theattentions of official visitors.4 Writing manyyears later, William Weston, S.J. , who was a prisoner there from 1588 until 1598, told of a period of very strict conditions after his own transfer to Wisbech5 Close imprisonment may, indeed, have been the lot, for a time, of important newcomerssuch as himself. In general, however, the contemporary documents present a pictureofa considerablemeasure of common life over much of the period beforethe Stirs. This mode ofexistencefor theprisonershad perhapsresultedfroma suggestionwhichwasmadetoLordBurghley in early 1584, by someone unnamed who was concernedwith the custody of the Wisbech recusants This was that as other methods had failedto reform theprisoners, theirlodgings in theCastle should be enclosed within a brick wall, and inside this "they shall eatand speaktogether:theyshall conspireanddowhattheylist" .Theywere still, however, to be subject to the attentions of visiting ministers . " From 1587 there are several references in official papers to disorderly conduct among the prisoners, which certainly do not suggest that solitary confinement prevailed. On one occasion , in 1587 ,

INTRODUCTION

the keeper, Thomas Gray, madecomplaints against them . The Justices at Ely wereinstructed by the Council to makean investigation , and Gray had overseers appointed to help him. Then in 1590 and againin 1592 ,Gray himself wasin trouble with the Councilforalleged negligence in discharging his duties The main reason for the disapproval of his conduct seems to have been that he allowed his prisoners unwarranted liberties, whereby they went abroad, wrote letters and receivedmanyvisitors. A paper in Topcliffe's hand , of about 1594 , contains a strong condemnation of the ill results ofsuch laxness. According to him the priests had been able to infectmuch of the countryside with "absurde popery" , and he felt that the "Seaminary"ofWisbech did more damage to England thanhalfthe seminariesof Christendom.10

Though due allowancemust be madefor Topcliffe's bittertemper and exaggerations, his words give, nevertheless, a clear indication of an aspect of the imprisonment of the priests at Wisbech which cannot be ignored when considering the Stirs whichbeganthere in 1595. By that date contacts betweenthe priests and Catholics outside the Castle were undoubtedly of long standing11 and, as documents in this volume show, the prisoners had been held in great respect. Stories, therefore, ofinternalquarrels, first broadcastinthe early months of that year, caused consternation amongst their friends and admirers . 12

ever ,

Considerable evidence that there had, in fact, been quarrels and other disordersamong the prisonersfor several years, appearsinthis volume. 13 It is not, of course, surprising that such things should have existed Any degree of internal freedom, in the circumstances oftheir imprisonment, would have made the problems ofliving together difficult to handle. To this must be addedthefrustrationsof anindefinite period ofincarceration, andthe factthatafterthedeath of Bishop Watson in 1584, no one amongst them could claim any kind ofreal authority over the rest It is reasonableto assume , howthat efforts were madeto regulate the details oftheir common life, and evidence of one scheme of rules does survive, which had been in force in the Castle probably until the death of Thomas Metham in 1592.14

For some years beforehis death Metham appearsto have had considerable influence among the prisoners, owing to the respect in which hewas held, though he had no formal office. He had been one ofthefirst Douay priests to reach England in 1574, and hehad suffered the rigours of various prisons since that date. Hehad been received into the Society in prison in 1579.15 At the same time , Thomas Bluet was a personof some importance in the company, as keeper of their common purse. He had been a prisoner since 1578 , when he was captured a few months after coming on the mission. 16 Then, the arrival in January 1588 of William Weston, brought a third man to Wisbech to whom others turnedfor the direction of their affairs . Hehad entered the Society in Rome in 1575 , and had

INTRODUCTION

cometo England in 1584 , where he had held the officeofSuperior of the Jesuits in England until some time after his arrest in August 1586. During his imprisonment in London he had had great influence among Catholics, free and in prison. 17

Sometime later in 1588, however, there came to Wisbech another important man, the secular priest Dr. Christopher Bagshaw In view ofthecentral partwhichheplayed in the Stirs later,some notice must be taken here of his previous career After several years at Oxford, where he took the degree of M.A. and became Principalof Gloucester Hall, Bagshawwent to Reims in 1582, aged then about thirty years. After his ordination as a priest in 1583 he wassent to the English College in Rome to continue his studies. His difficult character, already evident at Oxford and at Reims, caused him to become the centre of student disturbances in Rome. As a resultof thesehe and several others were expelled from the College earlyin 1585, on theorder oftheCardinal Protector 18 Then, duringthefew weeksof his journey to Reims, following this event , he acquired a doctorate at Padua by means open to suspicion. For that reason Dr. Allen, President of the College, would not let him remain at Reims, but sent him at once on the mission 19 Bagshaw appearsto have been captured as soon as he landed in England at the end of May 1585 , and his subsequentbehaviour as a prisoner brought him into suspicion among other priests It was even thoughtbysome that his transfer to Wisbech had been arranged with the object of upsetting the hitherto tranquil state of that prison 20 From the timeof his stay in Rome he had been known to be an enemy ofthe Jesuits,21 and in that characteristic, in particular, lies the key to manyof the happenings related by the documents in this present volume

Though there were quarrels and disorders whilst Metham lived , especiallycentring around Bagshaw, the point at whichthese began to pass beyond controlwas the former's death in June 1592. Before that Bluet had much disliked Bagshaw, but when Metham's influence was removed he gave way on several occasions to violent outbursts against other priests, and by flattery and open support Bagshawwas able to win him over Other troublemakers attached themselves to these two men, and the maintenance of any sort of order became impossible by the end of 1594.22 No evidencehas been found, however, that any knowledge of this state ofthings was current among Catholics outside the Castle before the following year Bagshaw's partynownumberedtwelve, but about March 1595 it was further augmentedby thearrival of John Norden, secularpriest and Doctor of Medicine 23 This man and Bluet were Bagshaw's most importantfollowers in the Castle.

Weston was the first to make a definite move against the disorderlyconditions when, shortly after Christmas 1594, he withdrew to his room and no longer took his meals withthe rest. Though he had consulted with others beforetaking this step, his protest seems

INTRODUCTION

to have been a purely personal one , for the company as a whole appeared to be dominated and terrorised by "certain priests who were wont to domineer over the clergy" Fromthe sequel, those in question here were Bagshaw and his followers When these latter finally came to demandofWeston an explanation for his retirement, his replywassimple: he was unwillingto participate inanycommon life unless rulesweredrawn upto regulate it, which allwould promise to obey. As areligious, he continued, whose vocation was exposedto much obloquy, he could not escape being consideredas at least connivingat anythingscandalous, if news of suchwere to reachtheears ofheretics . 24

Weston's questionerspraised his idea that rules should beformulated, and declared that it was worthy of discussion, though it soon became obvious that they intended to do nothing further. An important effect of Weston's conduct, however, was the encouragement which it gaveto thosewho reallydesireda restoration of order. Thus, when it became evident that his interlocutors were not themselves going to act, eighteensecularpriests came to Weston and told himthattheyintended,fortheirownnumber, todraw upandobserve some rules. Theyfurther expressed the hope that such an example would eventually bring the rest to join with them. The most important of these men were Christopher Southworth , John Green and Giles Archer 25 The first, in particular, was prominent as their spokesman during part of 1595.

This decisionofthe eighteen priests led at once to thefirsthostile act in thatseries of quarrelsomeevents whichbecame knownas the Stirs at Wisbech. For as soon as Bagshaw'sfollowers realised that the intention to have rules was serious , they forcibly excluded the eighteenmeninquestion, andwith them Weston himself andThomas Pound, from the common hall and from the use ofthe otherpublic rooms ofthe castle , obliging them for months to use one oftheirown roomsas akitchen and that ofWeston as an eating place. Aphysical breach of commons thus occurred before any rules were actually devised.26 A schedule oftwenty-tworegulations was, however , soon afterwards drawn up.27 Then, as it seemed necessary to have someoneto administer these rules, the eighteenother priests unanimously chose Weston for this task. Weston, however, firmly refused to assume the office, so they wrote to Henry Garnet, who had been appointed Superior of the Jesuits in England after Weston's imprisonment, and begged him to agree to their choice Though Garnet finallyagreed that they might have Weston to act as Agentofthe association, or confraternity, of those who observedthe new rules , he would allow him only a moral leadership, and no powersofcommand or decisionas a superior. 28

The order of events, as it is revealedby the documents, is important in the history of these quarrels, because it disproves assertions soon afterwards published by Bagshaw's supporters. According to them the formationof the confraternity caused the 'separation of

INTRODUCTION

commons' . Moreover, the rules themselves were, they said, contrived simplyto discredit them, by suggestingthat they were living a life which was undisciplined and free from moral restraint.29 Bagshaw himself further wished to have it believed that Weston had acquired an absolute authority inside the confraternity. This contention became the basis of the accusation, so often repeated later, that the Wisbech Stirs had been occasioned by Jesuit ambitions to domineer over the secular clergy.30 That these accounts of the events arefalse, the documents here publishedmakeabundantly clear. Above all the papersreveal that there was no public case for Bagshaw's party to answer, until they themselves broadcast information about affairs in the Castle.31 As Garnet pointed out, there was no reason at all for any outsider ever to have had an inkling of the confraternity'sexistence 32

About the middleof March, whilst the eighteenpriests were still awaitingGarnet's answerto their letter, an old Marian priest,Alban Dolman, visited the Castle. He was well known to them all as a carrier of alms He had talks with both groupsamong the prisoners, but separately, and appearsto havegiven theTwentyto understand thathewas satisfiedabout the confraternity In reality,however , he was engaged with Bagshaw in making plans to spread the conflict outside the Castle Foron his departure he went at once to visit the lawyer, Dr. Edmund Windham, then living in retirement, and broughtback within ten days an account ofthelatter's allegedcondemnation of the confraternity , 33 which Windham himself later refuted 34 Then, a few weeks later, in earlyMay, Dolman again came to Wisbech , with another much respected Marian priest, Dr. John Bavant, whom he had persuaded to attempt an arbitration in concert with himself Though no such thing had been askedfor bythe Twenty, they agreed to allowtheattemptto be made, and gave the arbiters a commission to examine all things at issue betweenthe parties. This, however, was not according to Bagshaw's party's real intentions, and the general commissionhad to be abandoned 35 Several days later, after other measures had failed, the whole affair ended in acrimony, and Dr. Bavant had to be escorted from the Castle by one of the Twenty, to escape from the violent behaviour of Bagshaw'sfollowers 36

After several months of argument and rumourfurther attempts at arbitration were made, at the request of Garnet, by two other secularpriests, John Mush and Richard Dudley . 37 The first of these two had been among the first students sent, in 1576, to the new English College in Rome, where he had taken part intheactivities whichresulted in the Jesuits being put in chargeoftheCollege. He had worked in thenorth of England since 1583. Inthe course ofthe years his feelings about the Jesuits had undergonefluctuations, as had his actions in their regard His employment byGarnet on this particularmissionis thus a measure of the latter'sconcernabout the Wisbech scandal 38 Dudleyappearsto have been Mush's choice of

INTRODUCTION

companion, and he had, since their common student days inRome , beena close friendof Bagshaw . 39 Their efforts lasted fromSeptember toearlyNovember, and eventually brought a measure ofpeace , in the signing by all of a new schedule of rules on 6 November 1595 The very detailed character of the new list provides a curious comment on the earlier outcry against the confraternity'srules. 40

New quarrels had arisen by the early weeks ofthe nextyear, however,, 41 and peace again vanished, even though the November Agreement itselfremained nominallyin being until its forcible abrogation by Norden and Bagshaw, probably in theearly part of 1597.42 John Mush, writing to all the priests in November 1596, gives a vivid impression of its failure as a peace-making instrument. 43 The evidence shows clearly that the three chief opponents of order were Bagshaw, Norden and Bluet.

In September 1596 a young man, Robert Fisher, arrived from the English College in Rome, 44 as envoy ofthat group ofstudentswhich had been engaged in disturbances against their Jesuit superiors since shortly after Cardinal Allen's death in October 1594. His coming provides proof of the link between Bagshaw's party in England and two small circles among the English Catholic exiles , the one led by the layman, Charles Paget and Dr. William Gifford, Dean of Lille, in Flanders, and the other by Hugh Griffin, Provost of Cambray, Nicholas Fitzherbert and others in Rome 45 The characteristic commonto these three groups wastheir animosityagainst the English Jesuits, and one of their main aims, according to their own avowedintentions, was to secure the Jesuits' exclusion from the English mission and from the government of various seminaries. Themeans used in workingtowards this endwere varied: fomenting disturbancesin the English College in Rome, campaignsofcalumny against the English members of the Society, spreading propaganda for schemes of liberty of conscience ' , whichwere said to dependon the Jesuits' expulsion from England, and fostering dissensions betweenthe Jesuits and other religious. 46 Similar plans against the Jesuits later formed a constant feature of the proceedingsof the Appellants. 47

Fisher established contact almost at once with Bagshawat Wisbech, passing on to him the instructions and plans of thegroupin Flanders Then, for many months, he travelled about England, meeting with and providing a means of communication between Bagshaw's followers in prison and outside Bagshaw, Bluet, Mush, Dudley and others supplied money liberallyfor these activities. By thetime Fisher returned to Flanders thefollowingsummer the antiJesuit group in England had, in spite of internal arguments, achieveda certain measure of cohesion 48

The visit of this young student to England does not, however, only give us evidence of the link between the three like-minded groups mentioned above. In a wider sense it provides a clue to the understanding of the true significance of the Wisbech events of

1595. For the storyofthose events, as revealed by the documents clearly does not contain its own explanation . Some of the contradictions in the story appear in the summary above, and others can be seen in the documentsthemselves The reader of these is, indeed , almost forced to the conclusion that the Stirs of that year were , in themselves, a fictitious issue Fisher's detailed account, in his Confessions , of his own circle and activities, reveals that the contacts between the two anti-Jesuit groups on the continentand that in England wereno new thingwhen his ownjourneywas being planned very early in 1596.49 It thus seems in the highest degree probable that the Wisbech Stirs of the year before have their real place in such a context, and that Baghsaw's followers were attempting to establish a recognisableparty in England, parallel to those in Flanders and in Rome. It is certain, however, that whatever hopes and intentions there might have been for achieving such a thing beforethe end of 1594, it was onlythe removal bydeath ofthemoral influence of Cardinal Allen, which reallymade such a policyfeasible. Whilst hewas still alive the vast majority of the priests workingin England were united amongst themselves50

By the summer of 1597 Bagshaw's followers at Wisbech itself were , from various causes, much depleted in numbers 51 The few who were left had withdrawn to Bluet's room to take their meals , regardless of their own outcries against 'separations' in 1595.52 With Fisher's departure, however, the emphasisshifted. From the autumn of 1597 the majorpart of theattentionof Bagshaw'sparty appears to have been diverted to the planning of an embassy to Rome The purposeof this embassywas to acquaint the Pope with their view of"the trueestateofall and seeke redresse thearewhence itt muste come" , against the assumed evil designs of the Jesuits. This idea had first been suggested by William Giffordin September 1597, in a letter to Bagshaw from Flanders 53 Plans for the prosecutionof the scheme were already well advanced bythe time news of the appointment of the first Archpriest reached England about May 1598, and they were continued through the summer months in spite of thatevent 54

Meanwhile in Flanders in September 1597, Robert Fisher, at the instance of HughGriffin, Charles Paget and Dr. Gifford, composed a long Memorial against the Jesuits 55 He then left to return to Rome, visiting numerous people on the way. The Memorial was sent to Rome through the Nuncio, but the Roman Court received it very unfavourably . For further scandalsat the English College, brought to light in earlySeptember, had led to a Papal inquiry into the whole course of the disturbances there, which had then lasted for nearlythree years Much informationhad been revealedby this investigation , and now , upon the arrival of the Memorial, stepswere taken against those in Flanders who were held to be responsiblefor fomenting the troubles 56 Fisher himself returned to the city very early in 1598 to find his supporters, inside and outside the College,

INTRODUCTION

dispersed. Perhaps in an attempt to procure some means oflivelihood, heofferedhimself at the College,and was there examined bya Papal official 57 The account whichhe gaveon that occasionof his associates and activities , now published in full for the first time , is one ofthe most interesting manuscripts in this volume. One of the things which emerges most clearly from these documents as a whole is that the story they reveal is widely different from the account presented to the publicin 1601, in the Appellant tract theTrue Relationofthe Faction begun at Wisbich, as a studyof thatworkwillshow. This factwould haveno particularimportance, were it not that the version in the True Relation has formed , in greater or less degree, the real basis of nearly all the later accounts of the events in question 58 One other important matter revealed by the contemporary manuscripts may be referred to in conclusion . References appear in several of these papers which show something of the extent of the connections, during the period coveredby this book and earlier, of Bagshaw and some of his supporters withthe Government or its servants. 59 This evidence provides a link with that, already known, of similar dealingswhichoccurred in the years after the appointment of the Archpriest, when these same men opposed him as the Appellantparty . 60 The reader is referred tothe paragraphson Bishop Bancroft's "Dossier" , in Part II of the Introduction, for remarks on the light which that collection of papers throws on this same matter

II

The documentsprintedin this book are drawn from three original collections, noneof which survives in its original form. Ofparticular importance is the first group described below, from which come twenty-fiveofthe items. For its history, simplyas a collection, has considerablebearing on the interpretationof the eventswithwhich its papersare concerned The other two sources aredealtwith more briefly. (a) Bishop Bancroft's "Dossier" .

This name provides a convenient label for a large accumulation of letters, notes and memorials, now dispersed among the manuscripts ofthreeseparatedepositories,1 whichit has latelybeenpossible to establish as having been originally made by Richard Bancroft, Protestant Bishop of London from 1597 to 1604, and later Archbishop of Canterbury. As far as its composition can now be reconstructed, the collection in question extended over the period from 1595to the middle of 1603. It contained material dealing with the quarrels within the English Catholic bodyfromthetimeoftheWisbech Stirs, and illustrating in remarkable detail the course of the

INTRODUCTION

Appellants' proceedingsagainst the Archpriest Blackwell , from the time of his appointment from Rome in 1598 as local superior ofthe secularclergy from the seminaries

The reconstruction of the dossier involves in all about460 items ofvery varyinglengths, from those of one or two pages to one long Memorial ofover eightypages. A large part of this material consists of original letters, among which are sometimes consecutive series from one person, sometimes exchanges between various persons. Another part comprises the rough notes for memorials, and the drafts of letters written by Bagshawat Wisbech or by membersof the Appellant group later Therearealso anumber oforiginal letters and memoranda from various of the Appellants to Bishop Bancroft himself duringthe years from 1598.3 In additionthere are copies of many other letters which were made by Bancroft's clerks One important feature, however, provides a constant and unifying thread running throughoutthe collection and gives the key to its original compiler This is the presence of a large number of endorsements and comments on the papers in Bancroft's own hand, those of his clerks , or in that of an individual who has been called Bancroft's "collaborator " in this present volume. It has not yet been possible to identify this person , but certain papers, in both Westminister and Petyt collections, on whichcommentsin his distinctive hand appear, seem to bear some special relation to the Appellant tract the True Relation, withthe writing ofwhichthe bishop seems to have been particularly concerned.5

The dossier was, however, dispersed in the seventeenth century, and the survival of large sections of its contents appears to have been due almost entirely to the interest of antiquarians. These sections reappearedat long intervals and in widely scattered locations, and their general significance was temporarily lost In the Introductionto the first of his two volumesof documentsconcerning theArchpriest Controversy, T. G. Lawreferred vaguely to theexistence "of a mass of Roman Catholic papers of historical interest preserved among the Mss. bequeathed to the InnerTemple bySir William Petyt, who died in 1707" , which had first been madeknown through the labours of the HistoricalManuscripts Commission He then proceeded to edit a largenumber ofthese papers, as he haddone in the case ofthe True Relation in 1889,7 from a knowledge of the controversies gained mainlyfrom the printed Appellantwritings of 1601 to 1603, and from the later versions of their stories given by Dodd in the eighteenth century, and by Dodd's editor Tierney in the middle of the nineteenth century He made, however, no attemptto determine the true nature and originofthe papersthemselves. J.H.Pollen, S.J., writing ofthe same controversiesinarticles in the Month between 1912 and 1915,10 spoke of the InnerTemple papers as "Dr. Bagshaw's dossier" , and referred to a smaller collection, which had been used by Tierney, and which is now preserved at Westminister, as part of the same thing. 11 He surmised

INTRODUCTION

that Bagshaw must have handed over all his papers to Bancroft when leaving England for Rome late in 1601. Against this view it must be urged, however, that the authorities are known to have seized all documents which were in Bagshaw's possession before October 1598 , by a date early in thatsame month. 12 Moreover, the wide character of the papers collected after 1598 argues strongly against Bagshaw as sole contributorto the collection. Most important, however, is the fact that neither LawnorPollen identifiedBancroft's hand amongst those which had written comments on the documents.

Very recentlyyet another group of manuscripts dealing withthe later stages of the same controversy has re-emerged These have been in the custody of St. Paul's Cathedral Library since 1949.13 This group consists of 145 items, and in date and subject matter overlaps and dovetails with the Petyt collection, covering the years 1601 to 1603. It includes, as before, original letters to Bancroft, copies of lettersin the hands of his clerks, other original lettersand drafts, and manyendorsementsin the handsalready noted There are also two sheets of paper which were evidently once part of an indexto acontemporary filingsystem 14 These are headed "Treatises & Resolutions in Q. Eliz tyme etc." , and two ofthe entries are of specialinterest :"Ofye iarrers amongstye seculerPrieststhemselves & with ye Jesuits ab. A° 1592 ad Aum 1600 exclusive" , the other having the same wording but withdates 1601 to 1604. These entries suggest that there is even more of the original collection whichhas not yet been recovered

Many details about the dispersal of the dossier will probably never beknown, though some points can be establishedwith reasonable certainty. In 1604, when Bancroft became Archbishop of Canterbury, the contents of his library, books and papers, were moved to his new residence at Lambeth Palace They probably remained there undisturbed until the Civil War confiscations of episcopal property, when the Lambeth Library was dispersed by Parliamentary Commission in 1646-7. It may have been in this manner that the lawyer and antiquarian John Selden , 15 as amember of the Lambeth commission, acquired the miscellaneous Lambeth records whichwere in his library at his death in 1654. One of his executors, Sir Mathew Hale,16 sharedthe antiquarian interests, and some few ofthesame papersareknown to have been in thepossession of the latter's heirs in 1694. That residue contained the portionof Bancroft's Appellant dossier which reappeared from the sale of a Hale family library in 1946, and is now at St. Paul's. 17 Sometime before 1707, when his vast manuscript collections went by bequest to the InnerTemple Library, Sir William Petyt18 had acquired that part of the dossier which is in the Petyt Collection to this day, but whether hedid so from the Hale family or fromsome other collector isnot evident.

Theleast known part of the dispersal affects the smaller portion

INTRODUCTION

of the dossier nowin the Westminster Cathedral Archives. Thisis composed chiefly of the documents about the Wisbechquarrels from 1595 to 1597 , but there are also a few papers of late 1602 and 1603 , which clearly once belonged to Bancroft's original collection . 19 It seems probable that this group of manuscripts wasacquired soon after the Restoration by some Catholic of the anti-Jesuit faction , who had not only contacts with antiquarians, whoseefforts at that period had preservedso muchinteresting material, but also a pertinent interest in the subject matter of these particular documents The Wisbech Stirs had early provided the Appellant propagandists with one of the "proofs' oftheir contention that the Jesuits chiefly sought their own aggrandisementon the English mission.20 In 1661 many old issues were re-opened, when certain Catholic clergy of Gallican sympathies made determined efforts to have the Jesuits excluded from the provisions of a Catholic Relief Bill then under discussion21 Theirmost relentlessill-willers wereto be found in the Catholic Chapter, itselfthe lineal descendantof the Appellantparty and inheritor of many of its ideas 22 A document in the Westminister Archives indicates a possible contact betweenthe Chapter and antiquarian circles in Robert Charnock vere Manley, who held the position of Archdeaconof Lancashirein the Chapter.23 In 1662 , according to his own endorsement, this priest copied an original document "found amongst certain writeings belonging to the late Bishops of Canterburie".24 It has not yet been discoveredhowthe papers passed later into the custody of the Vicar Apostolic of the London District, where they were when Tierney consultedthem in the first halfof the nineteenth century.

Such then was Bancroft's Dossier of papers about the Catholic quarrels at the end of Elizabeth's reign. In extent and detail it is most remarkable Though it is wellto rememberthat Bancrofthimselfwasa very able man, and as a collaborator inArchbishop Whitgift's measures against presbyterian sympathisers in the Establishment, had yearsearlier devisedand practised efficient policemethods in searching out opponents,25 it is clear that in this present case he had little need to use guile to acquire his information. Thecollection of suchcompleteandinterconnectedmaterial doesnothappen by chance interception Even thoughBagshaw'searly paperswere seized in 1598, as wehave seen, the occurrenceevidentlydidnotdisconcert him ,for he was betraying further informationless than two weeks later 26 Examinationof the dossieras a whole revealsseveral other contributors : Bluet, Mush, Colleton, Watson, Clerkand John Cecil, to name but some ofthe most notable of the Appellant party. Simply as a collection, this accumulation of papers provides clear evidence that there was certainly great substancebehind the contemporary Catholic fears and surmises about this party's "dealings with heretics to the prejudice of Catholics".27 It is a fact ofgreat importance for the interpretation of any part of the period with which the dossier's constituent documents deal Further evidence

INTRODUCTION

of such connections with government circles may also be seen; n details contained in manyof the documents themselves.28

Twenty-three of the manuscripts from Bancroft's original collection which are included in this book are taken from those in the Westminster Cathedral Archives, whilst the remaining two come from the Petyt Collection These twenty-five documents, about half of those once belonging to the 1595 to mid-1597 period ofthe dossier , were consideredto be the most important and informative ofthematerial available Quotations from or references to most of the papers not included will, however, be found in the notes. 29 Where dates do not appear on the manuscripts themselves, what seems from their contents to be either obvious or probable in this respect is printedbetweensquarebrackets.

(b)The HistoricalManuscripts ofthe English College Archives

.

The only part of the original archives of the English College in Rome with which we are here concerned , is that once extensive collection of letters, memorials and other papers, which was made during the period when the Jesuits governed the College 30 It contained notonly details of College affairs and ofvarious matters connected withthe Society, but also much important materialdealing with the general history of the English mission. Little of this historical collection appears to remain in its originalresting place, for it suffered dispersal and loss, not only because of the circumstances surrounding the suppressionof the Society in 1773 , 31 but probablyalso, with the archives as a whole, because of the disturbances caused by the French Revolutionaryinvasions Very few details, however, of this dispersal seem to be known.

Much of our knowledge of these historical papers is due to two things. The first of these was the great industry shown by one of the College archivists in the late seventeenthcentury, Christopher Grene , S.J. who died in 1697. Severalmanuscript volumesofcopies, extracts and references made by this man still survive in various places. 32 A great manyof the documents thus preserved,whollyor in part, have perished in their originalform.

The second circumstance was the necessityin which the English Jesuits found themselves in 1713 of answering a pamphlet attack made upon them by Charles Dodd (vere Tootell) It appearsthat a large number of the originalpapers at the English College in Rome , together with one or more volumes of Grene's Collectanea, were sent toSt. Omer to assist Thomas Hunter, S.J. (1666-1725), towrite an answer.33 Though Hunter himself seems to have been working in England most of the time at that period, it is unlikely that the risk was taken of sending the manuscripts over to England The collection was never returned to Rome , for it is undoubtedlythe onewhichwasused byanother Jesuit, Charles Plowden (1743-1821 ), during the time of the suppression of the Society, in controversy with the secular priest Joseph Berington (1747-1827) in 1793-4.34

INTRODUCTION

Details ofthe wanderings ofthesepapersand the Collectaneainthe interveningyears are lacking, though it seems probable that they went with the English Jesuits from St. Omer to Bruges in 1762 , to Liège in 1773 , and finally to Stonyhurst in 1794. Theyhave been preservedat Stonyhurst since the end of the eighteenth century, the original letters and memoranda being now contained in the seven volumes of the Anglia series The documentsin this series runfrom the year 1554 to the end of the seventeenth century, the largest number, however, belonging to theperiod 1590 to 1613 .

Of the ten manuscripts printed in this present volume which originallycamefrom the English College Archives, nine are nowat Stonyhurst , whilst the remaining one is still at the College Grene's CollectaneaP , now also at Stonyhurst, has been frequentlyused in the notes . References will also be found in the notes to certain other papers, once belongingtothe historical collectionattheEnglish College, which have found their way by unrecorded routes to the Westminster Cathedral Archives. 35

(c) The Papers of Fr. Claudius Aquaviva

Theremaining three documentsin this book , Nos XXVI,XXXVI and XXXVII, must once have been among the personalpapers of Fr. Claudius Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus from 1581 to 1615. It is not possibleto say more about what must have been a vast collection, except that some few of the letters concerned with English affairs appear to have been kept at the English College in Rome. Theywere doubtless sent there for the use or information of Fr. Robert Persons , who held the officeofsuperior ofthe English Jesuit mission for thirty years, and was also Rector of the College from 1597 to his death in 1610. The presence of severallettersto theGeneral,in original or copy, particularlyfromGarnet in England, whichnowsurvive in the Stonyhurst Anglia series orin excerpts in the pages of Grene'sCollectanea , 36 is thus accountedfor.

The destruction wrought among the many collections of Jesuit documents, following the confiscations at the suppressionin 1773 , will probably never be accurately assessed. What has been collected againover theyearsfromthe remains, is now preservedin the general archivesof the Society in Rome Of these nowlarge collectionsonly two sections are relevant for this volume These are the Anglia series and onesub-section, numbered651, ofagroup ofpapersknown as the Fondo Gesuitico This last contains among other things, a large number of Garnet's letters to Aquaviva, covering the years 1586 to 1605. Severalreferences to these letters appearin thenotes

INTRODUCTION

NOTES

Part I

1 Dasent XII, p 142 .

2 Dasent VIII, p 73. Nothing now remains of this castle, except some vaults under the present house .

3 Cal S.P.D. 1547-1580 , p 681. Three of these diedatWisbech: BishopWatson in 1584, Abbot Feckenham in 1585, and Thomas Metham in 1592 Dr. Windham was removedwithin a year ThomasBluet remainedatWisbech until early 1601

A Dasent XII, pp 68, 157; Persons to Agazzari, August 1581 , printed in C.R.S. Vol. 39, p. 79; The True Story of the Catholic Hierarchy deposedby Queen Elizabeth , by T. E. Bridgett and T. F. Knox, London, 1889 , pp. 197-200 . Thereare several references inlateryears tothe prisoners ' servants at Wisbech, cf. Harl Mss 6998, f 221, Dasent XXV, p 154, Ibid XXX, P. 201 .

5The Autobiography of William Weston, translated by P. Caraman, 1955 , p 192. Weston'sworkwas notwrittenuntil 1611 , and it seemscertain that his memory was at fault concerningthe length of time that he was keptin close confinement

6 Among the contemporary documents in question here, must be included Weston'sletter to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII in this volume

7 Letterto Lord Burghley, 1 February 1583-4, S.P.D. Eliz Vol 149 , n 61 , quoted byT.E. Bridgett andT. F. Knox, op cit pp. 201-2.

8 Dasent XV, p 202; Cal S.P.D. 1581-1590 , p 425

9 Dasent XIX, pp 170-1, 410, 420-1; Ibid, XXIII, pp 234 , 263 , 302-8.

10Westm V, n 2. Cf. also another paperin Topcliffe's hand on thesamesubject, c. 1592, Harl Mss 6998, f 222 .

11 Many instances of visiting and correspondence couldbe cited. Forexample, membersof the Wisemanfamily made several visits to the priests (cf. Cal. S.P.D.1591-1594 . pp. 406, 467, 484) Again, twenty -one letters from priests at Wisbech were captured in William Wiseman's house about December 1592 (Ibid , p 298) Then HenryGarnet paid a visit with othersin November 1593 (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 November 1593, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitcico, 651 , f. 103)

12 Bagshawto Dr. Windham, [c. late June 1595], No. VI, note 6; J. Palmer to Bagshaw, 1 August 1595 , No. XI, text and note 2

13Cf. in particular , the 18 Prieststo Garnet, [7 February 1595], No. I, note 3 , whereother references are given

14The Rulesproposed , [7 February 1595], No. II,note4.

15Foley, Records II, pp 608-13; Persons, Briefe Apologie , ff 65v ., 70-0v .

16 Biographical notice, No. IV in this volume, note 9. Concerning Bluet's financial office, cf. No. XII, note 1 .

17 Biographical notice, No. I, note 4. For his influence whilst in prison in London, cf. Southwell to Aquaviva, 21 December 1586, printed in C.R.S. Vol 5, p 310, and Same to same, 22 January 1587-8 , A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651. Concerning Weston at Wisbech, cf. Archer's Testimony, A.R.S.J. Anglia 31. II ff. 187-90 A translation of this paper appearsas Appendix D to P. Caraman'sedition ofTheAutobiography,ut supra.

18 Biographical notice, No. III, note 1; concerninghis character, cf. Mush to Bagshaw , 24 November 1596 , No. XXIX, p 4 of ms. and note 23

19Garnet's Replyto Fisher's Memorial, [March 1598), No. XXXVI, note 24.

20Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, [1602], No. XXXVIII ,text and notes 1 and 2 .

21 Persons, Notes Concerning the English Mission, C.R.S. Vol 4, pp 116-19 ; also John Green to Bagshaw, 1 October 1596, Westm V, n 72.

22 Persons, Brief Apologie , ff. 70-71v . His information came fromthe "relation intituled, The true ground of all the disquietnesof Wisbich, gathered and conferred this yeere 1601" , which had been written by several ofthe prisoners . Cf. also Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII

23 Biographical notice of Norden, No. XVI, note 1. For details concerning theremainder of Bagshaw's followers, cf. No. XVII, note 7 .

24 Garnet to Aquaviva, ut supra, No. VIII

25Ibid. Forbiographicalnotice ofSouthworth, cf. No. IV, note 1; concerning the other priests in this group, cf. No. I, note 10 , and ThomasPound, who supportedthem, No. VII, note 1 .

26 Westonto Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII,textandnote 15

27The Rules proposed by the 18 Priests, [7 February 1595], No. II

28 Garnet to Aquaviva, ut supra, No. VIII, text andnote 10; also 18 Prieststo Garnet, [7 February 1595], No. I, text and note 7

29Bagshawto a Norfolk Gentleman, [c late May 1595], No. III, text and notes 2, 5, 7 , 9; Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595], No. IV, note 4; Dr. Windham's letter, [c June 1595), No. V , Introductory Note and text; Bagshaw to Dr.Windham, [c late June 1595], No.VI.

30 Garnet toAquaviva , utsupra, No. VIII, note 11. Such accusationsappeared later, for example, in the Appellant tracts Declaratio Motuum , the True Relation ,W. Watson's Quodlibets, andW. C's A ReplietoParsons .

31 For a summary of the evidence concerning the spreading of information outsidethecastle , cf. Bagshawto Dr. Windham, ut supra, No. VI, note 6

32 Garnet to Aquaviva, ut supra, No. VIII

33 Southworth to Dolman, ut supra , No. IV, p. 1 ofms.; Dr. Windham's Letter, [c . June 1595], No. V, IntroductoryNote; Bagshaw to Dr. Windham , ut supra, No. VI, notes 7 and 8. For a biographical notice of Dolman, cf. No. IV, note 2.

34 Dr. Windham's Letter, ut supra, No. V.

INTRODUCTION

35Southworth to Dolman,utsupra,No. IV; Dr. Bavant to Bagshaw ,[c. August 1595], No. XIII; Garnet to Aquaviva, ut supra, No.VIII

36Westonto Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, text and note 20

37 Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 16

38 Biographical Notice, No. XVII, note 8. Cf. also Garnet to Aquaviva, ut supra, No. XXVI, text and notes 1 , 2 and 4. By the end of 1596, Mushhad become a firm supporter of Bagshaw's party, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, note 19).

39 Biographical notice, No. XVII, note 9. Cf. also Mush to Bagshaw, 24 November 1596, No. XXIX , note 5.

40 The Pacification, [6] November 1595, No. XXI; cf. also The Rules of the confraternity, [7 February 1595], No. II

41 Bagshaw to Garnet, 4 December 1595 , No. XXV, note 3

42 Fisher'sConfessions, 8-14 March 1598 , No. XXXV, note 45.

43 Mushto Bagshaw , 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, notes 6 and 7

44 Ibid . , note 2

45 The activities of these two groups are described , and references given, in the notes to the following documents in this volume: the Introductory Notes to Nos VIII, XII, XV and XXX, No. XXXII , note 7 , and various notesto No.XXXV. Biographical noticesfor Griffinand Paget appearin No. XXXV, notes 9 and 14, and forGifford in No. XXXIV, note 1 .

46 CardinalSega's Report on the EnglishCollege, Rome, 14March 1596 ,printed in translation in Foley, Records VI, pp 1-66; Garnet to Aquaviva, 14 May 1597, No. XXXII , note 7; Fisher'sConfessions, No. XXXV, text and notes 42, 48, 62, 68; Fisher's Instructions ; etc. [1598], printed in Law , Archpriest Controversy I, pp 206-7.

47 Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 93, note 14. Onaccountoftheirpolicy of appealing against the authorityof the Archpriest Blackwell from 1598 , Bagshaw's party became known as the Appellant party

48 Fisher'sConfessions , No. XXXV Concerninghis expenses in England, see Note 35 to that document.

49 Fisher'sConfessions , ut supra, pp 2-4ofthe ms. , and Note 53 regardingthe date of his leaving Rome

50CardinalAllen diedon 16 October1594. Bagshawhimself calledthe Cardinal "ye mastix of division" , i.e. one violentlyhostile to it (cf. Bagshawto Dr. Windham, No. VI, note 2) Concerning the unity of the priests on the mission,cf. Garnet'sReply to Fisher'sMemorial, [March 1598), No.XXXVI.

51WestontoAquaviva, 27 March, No. XXXVII, notes26-9

52 Mush to Bagshaw , 8 J[une 1597], printed in Law, Archpriest Controvresy I, p 1; alsoWeston to Aquaviva, ut supra, note 30 .

53 W. Gifford to Bagshaw , 20 September1597 , No. XXXIV.

54 Ibid , note 4.

55 Fisher'sConfessions, No. XXV, note 70 .

56 Ibid. , notes 15, 67 , 74 .

57 Ibid., notes 1 and 81 .

58 This work was reissued in 1889, edited by T. G. Law (cf. Introduction, Part II,note 7) Lawused theaccounts given bythe historiansDodd and Tierney, which are based on that in this Appellant tract (cf. Ibid., notes 8 and 9).

59In particular see Nos XXXV and XXXVIII; but also No. II, note 1: XXVII, notes 6, 7, 10 : XXXI, IntroductoryNote: XXXII,note4: XXXIII, note 6 and XXXIV, note 1. In laterdocumentsdealing with theseevents, fromthe Petyt and St. Paul's collections (see Introduction , part II), many other indications of suchcontacts appear

60 Cf. T. G. Law, The Archpriest Controversy, Camden series , 1896 and 1898 .

Part II

1 The three modern depositoriesare Westminster Cathedral Archives , the Petyt Mss ., InnerTemple Library, and the Library ofSt. Paul's Cathedral Many documents , covering the period mid-1597 to 1602 , from the Petyt Collection, were edited by T. G. Law for the Camden Series in 1896 and 1898 , in twovolumes entitled The Archpriest Controversy.

2 Richard Bancroft, D.D., 1544-1610 (D.N.B.)

3 Some of theseappear among the Petyt documentsprinted by T. G.Law , others are amongthe manuscriptsin St. Paul's Library.

Though their names are not known, the hands of at least three of these clerks may be learned from official letters of the bishop surviving in the State Papers, Domestic and other places

5 Cf. Bancroft's 45 Articles of Enquiry , c December 1600, and Bagshaw's Answers , T. G. Law, op cit. , I, pp 226, 238. A rough draft of the Equiries, in Bancroft's hand, is in Westm. IV, n 40 (ii). The marginal notes to these questionsrefer to letters in the Wisbechsectionofthedossier.

T. G. Law, op. cit., I, p ix

7T. G. Law, A Historical Sketch ofthe conflicts between Jesuitsand Seculars in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , with a reprint of Christopher Bagshaw's'True Relation ofthe Factionbegun at Wisbech' and illustrative documents , London , 1889

8 Charles Dodd (vere Tootell, 1671-1743 ), The Church History ofEnglandfrom theyear 1500 , to the year 1688 , chieflywith regardto Catholics , 3 vols , 1737 .

M. A. Tierney (1795-1862 ), Dodd's Church History of England, 5 vols , London, 1839-43

10 These articles were reprinted in book form as The Institution ofthe Archpriest Blackwell, London, 1916 .

INTRODUCTION

11 The Westminsterpapers referredto byFr. Pollen all belongto the Wisbech period, 1595-7 . Most of these are in Westm V, with additional items in Westm. III, IV , VI and Stonyhurst Anglia IX (now at Westminster and renumberedB . 48) See also note 19 below .

12ThomasHewar andAlex Balamto the Council, 7 October1598 ,Hatfield Cal VIII, p 382; also ,in this present volume No. XXXVIII , note 16.

13Dr. Norman Sykes in TheTimes, 15 June 1949. The relevant manuscripts are in two volumes , numberedat present IV and VII.

14 St. Paul's CathedralMs., Vol IV, n. 113.

15 John Selden, jurist, 1584-1654 (D.N.B.)

16 SirMathew Hale, judge, 1609-76 (D.N.B.)

17 D. M. Barratt, The Library of John Selden and its Later History, in The BodleianLibraryRecord, Vol 3, March 1951 , pp 140-1 ; alsonote 13 above.

18 Sir William Petyt, archivist and antiquary, 1636-1707 . (D.N.B.)

19 These later papers are in Westm VII For the Wisbech documents , see note 11 above.

20 See Introduction , part I, note 30

21 M.V. Hay, The Jesuits and the Popish Plot, London, 1934, pp 53-67 The proposalto excludethe Jesuitsfromthe Relief Bill led to the publication of several polemical pamphlets (A few years later, in 1675, the Appellant tract Important Considerations was reprinted in the same volume as a reprint of Lord Burghley's Execution ofJusticein Englandof 1583) The progress ofthe Relief Bill of 1661 was suspended at the requestoftheCatholic peers

22TheChapter was first instituted byWilliam Bishop, on his appointment as the first Vicar Apostolic in England in 1623. Bishop himself had beenan Appellant as early as 1598 , and his chapter was composed of those who sympathisedwith that party's ideas, and included several of its surviving early members , such as John Colleton, Edward Bennett and Anthony Champney The Chapter never received explicit approval or confirmation from the Pope, cf. M. V. Hay, op cit p 62.

23FifthDouaryDiary, C.R.S. Vol 11, p 537. Thename is therespeltCharnack.

24 Westm IV, n 38

25Philip Hughes, The Reformation in England, London, 1954 , Vol. III, pp 208-12

26 A Memorandum by Bagshaw , 19 October 1598, and Fisher's Instructions , (both probably part of one original item), printed byT. G. Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 205-8 These sheets are partly in Bagshaw's hand, partly in that of Bancroft

27Such dealings, under any circumstances , were condemned under pain of excommunication and loss of faculties, incurred ipsofacto, in the Papal Breve of 5 October 1602 which closed the Appellant case in Rome . The Breve is printed in Tierney-Dodd III, p clxxxi The condemnation had little effect (cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 11, note 6)

INTRODUCTION

28 See Introduction , part I, note 59

29The references of the papersnot included are : Westm. IV, n. 40 i and ii; Westm V , nos 5, 6, 12, 14, 17, 20, 31, 32, 72-4, 87, 89, 115, 116, 118-20; Stonyhurst Anglia IX (volume at Westminster), nos 46, 49 ; also Petyt Mss 538 38 , ff 373, 374. Westm. V, n 14, Thomas Audley to Bagshaw, 26 June 1595 , however, is printed in Knox, Allen, pp 378-80.

30 I.e. from 1579 to 1773

31 Cf. John Thorpe, S.J. to Henry, Lord Arundell, 12 August 1789 , printed in J. Morris, The Condition of Catholics under James I, 2nd Edition, 1872 , pp. ccxlix-ccl.

32 Several volumes of Grene's Collectanea are now preserved at Stonyhurst College, one at Oscott College, one or more in the generalArchives ofthe Jesuits in Rome , and two volumes and some fragments in theArchives of the English College in Rome

33Dodd , A History ofthe English College at Douay, 1713; Hunter, A Modest Defence ofthe Clergy and Religious , 1714 .

34 Plowden , Remarks on a Book entitled Memoirs of Gregorio Panzani, Liège, 1794. He printed several manuscripts as Appendices to this book , which are now in the Stonyhurst College archives He does not, himself, appear tohave known wherethe documentsoriginally came from.

35 Over 300 such items can be traced in the first 8 volumesofthe main series in the Westminster Archives, owing to a particular method used byChristopher Grene , of marking dates on papersfor filing purposes Those in this categorywhich are used in the notes ofthis bookare from Westm V andVI

36 See section (b) above.

THE WISBECH STIRS

N.B. Notes will befound at the end ofeach document , or atthe end of the translation ofLatin documents .

18 PRIESTSTO GARNET.1

No. I. [7 February1595.]

Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 2. Original letter and contemporary copy, neither with schedule of Rules attached Another contemporary copy, with Rules, in the hand ofEdmund Calverley, is in Westm. V, n 7; other copies, without Rules, in Stonyhurst, Coll P.f. 570, and A.R.S.J. Anglia 30. II f. 343. Printed in part, in an English translation, in Persons' , Briefe Apologie, ff 72v73v; printed in full, not including Rules, in Plowden , Panzani, pp. 328-30, and in Tierney-Dodd III, p. civ.

Introductory Note to No. I. This letter is the earliest document now extant about the Wisbech"Stirs" , but the abruptness withwhichthestory thusbegins is deceptive. A state ofinternal disorderin the Castle was of longstanding (see Note 3 below), but asyetnotknown toCatholicsoutside Themostsignificant thing about the quarrels is not, indeed, the existence of disorders , for long imprisonment is apt to breed suchthings, but the suddenness and completeness with which knowledge of them became public property from the early months of 1595. Aswill become apparentfrom later documentsin thispresent volume , this was whollydue to the deliberate broadcastingof information by members of Bagshaw's party (cf. Bagshaw to Dr. Windham, [c lateJune 1595], No. VI, note 6), and by their methods of conducting campaignsfor settlement. The backgroundofthis presentletterwill be found in the account madea few monthslaterbyGarnet Soon after Christmas 1594 Weston made efforts to bring some order into the prisoners' commonlife, and his remarks were so reasonable that his questionersfrom among Bagshaw's followers even expressed approval It soon became evident, however, that theyhad no intention of doing anything constructive Earlier direct appealsto Garnet by various secularpriestsin the Castlefor intervention had always been refused (see Note 5 below), and the proposalsin this letter, and in the scheduleof Rules (No. II) which accompaniedit, represent the attempt of eighteenof them to implement Weston's ideas, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII) These proposals offer in themselves no explanation for the bitter strife which soon followed, and this must be sought in the wider aims pursued byBagshaw'sparty, probably since the deathofCardinal Allen inOctober 1594 (cf. Bagshawto Dr. Windham, ut supra, Note 2, and Introduction , Part I). The original copy ofthis presentletterwas sentto Romeby Garnet, with his letterto Aquaviva of 12 July (ut supra).

Contulimus inter nos ab heri et nudiustertius , venerandepaterac frater, de meliore disciplina, propter ea quod emerserunt apud nos intra septennium³ vel mala, vel species mali, vel aperta scandala, vel obventura pericula scandalorum; et deprehendimus iustitiam nostram non esse tam inculpatae vitae, (utinam fuisset) ut requiescere debeamus ultra in illa fiducia sanctorum, lex non est posita

iusto. Quin potius experientia edocti, et eventu rerum difficilimarum eruditi, aemulamur legem, et quidem legis animam ipsam , iudicem , vindicem , censorem : quem tandem inquis? Edmundum tuum, vel potius nostrum, quem adhuc pro instantia nostra quotidiana, nec votis flectere, nec verbis frangere possumus , ut assumat onus pro levandis cervicibus nostris : imo suffragiis nostris electus , uno ore, pleno consensu, incunctanter electionem hanc nostram quantum potuit, impedivit, et tamtristi responso castigatos, dimisit nos, dicens : Re vera fratres, tentatis imponere mihi onus , impar viribusmeis, quod nemoassumit qualis ego sum, homo sub potestate constitutus , qui habeo superiorem, cui servio, in audituauris coram Angelis dei, ut dicat mihi pro arbitrio sui, Vade fili, et vado, veni huc, et venio: fac hoc, et facio: Proinde hoc dictamen tanti momenti, et ponderis, addo et gravaminis, quo ego magis oneratus, quam honeratus ero, sic mihi assumo, si ita vultis, et ita opertet fieri, ut annuente patre meo, vobis placeam: renuente vero , mihi ipsi satisfaciam. In hac repulsa, quid agere debeamus , venerande pater, certe integrumnon habemus, nisi tu pro tua humanitate et prudentia , velis hunc filium tuum, et patrem nostrum, virum nobis tam multis nominibus necessarium, in re tam gravi, in sollicitudine pari, in causa communi, iacentem excitare tuis commonitionibus , haerentemin argumentis expedire, et defixum in humilitatevotorum suorum , aut solvere aut rumpere, ut auctior factus in suo iure , non cunctetur amplius, aut agat lentius, quasi paralisi correptus mentis suae , quem nos demisimusper tegulas, sed tollat grabatum suum in nomine domini , et ambulet coram nobis fiducialiterin via recta , id est in via iustorum. Res ipsa postulat flagitatque ; idcirco Reverentiam tuam hortamur enixe, et obtestamur in visceribus domini nostri Jesu Christi , ut lectis articulis nostris hisce inclusis, et nominibus infra subscriptis, opportune re provisa, velis, iubeas Edmundum reddi nobis totum, quem expetivimus solum, et designavimus unicum, praeter quem neminem alium eligere, cum quo neminem alium consisterevolumus : 7 hoc est sancte , et religiose, nosmet inter nos definivimus. Vale pater et frater nobis coniunctissume, et noli abesse longius, in excessu prudentiae, quin accedipropius ut tangamus invicem , 8maxime vero, ut animi nostricontingant intam bono centro disciplinae Atqueaudis? Quemreddis, reddequam primum, ut rei suapte natura gratae, quantam insuper possis, gratiam adijcias dat 1594. Februarij . [Date in another hand .]

18 originalsignatures:10

Ludovicus Barlous

Gulielmus Chadocus

Leonardus Hidus

Alexander Gerardus

Christopher Driland

Reverentiae tuae studiosissimi

Philippe Strangwaies

Edmund Bradocke

Aegidius Archerus

Willelmus Parrie

Thomas Bramstonus

Rodolphus Bicleus

Jacobus Powellus

Robertus Nutterus

Joannes Boltonus

THE WISBECH STIRS

Joannes Greeneus

Thomas Haburley

Robert Woodroffe

Christopher Sothworthus

Endorsedon a separate sheet, in Fr. Persons' hand: Sacerdotum Wisbicensium literae ad P. Henricum Garnettum in Anglialibere degentempro reformatione 1595 . No address now extant .

Translation

18 PRIESTS TO GARNET.1 [

7 February1595].

[The passage in italics is quoted in Briefe Apologie, f. 72v .] We have conferred2 among our selves these days past (Venerable father & brother) how to bring in some better discipline for avoiding of these evils, or appearance ofevils, or open scandals, that havefallen out among uswithin these seven yeares, or atleast wayes toavoidthe perill of such scandals . And truly we do notfinde our iusticeto be such , nor our life so inculpable (wouldto God it were) as we may securely restour selves upon that confidence of Saints, Lawes are not layed upon iust men, but rather being taught by experience for our owne weaknesse , by the event of diversgreat inconveniences, We doe emulate and desire to have a law, We desire not onelya law to be bound untofor direction of our life, but thelife or soule it selfe ofthe law, that is, a iudge, a corrector, and censurer over us . And whome thinke you, doe wee desire forthis? Your Edmund onely, or rather ours, but whom byourdaily instancywe can neither move by prayers, nor weaken by words, to take upon himself the responsibility of lightening our cares . Onthe contrary, though unanimously elected by our suffrages,and withthe full accord of all, he has unhesitatingly sought to hinder this choice ofoursas muchas he could, and has sent us away,reproving us with suchsorrowful wordsas these: "Intruth, brethren, you seektoimpose a burden on me, too great for my strength, whichno one takes up, who is, as I am , a man living under authority, having a superior, whom I serveat beck and call in the sight of the angelsof God; so thatwhenhesays tomeaccordingto hiswill,Go, son, Igo, comehere, I come , do this, and I do it But, if suchis your wish , thatIshould doathingofsuchgreat importandweight, and letme add,involving me in troubleratherthan honour, then I consentonlytothisextent , thatshould my superior approve, I willfollowyourwish , and should he disapprove, I willfollowmy own" .

In the face of this refusal, we are at a loss to knowwhat to do , ReverendFather, unless youofyourkindnessand prudenceconsent, withyour admonishments, to deal with this man, your son and our father, as one needed by us on so manycounts in our difficult situation, as a sharer in our cares and in the common cause , and yetone needingyou to stir him to rise and stand to his feet, to disentangle him from vexing doubts, and to release or break the bondwhich holds him rooted in the lowly observance of his vows. Your end would be that he abound in the sense ofwhat is right for him to do, that hemaynolonger delay or act too sluggishly, like a man struck with a palsy, whom we have let down through the roof, butsothat he may rather take up his bed in the name of the Lord, and walk manfully before us along the straight road which is the way ofthe just. This question presents itself as a matterofgreat urgency. We therefore earnestly plead with your Reverence5 and beg you in the

bowels of Our Lord Jesus Christ, that after reading the proposals herewith included and the names belowsubscribed, and aftertaking due thought, you would be good enoughto order Edmund to make a complete surrender to us, whom alone we have wished to have , whom alone we havechosen, andwhom wedonotwishanyonewhomsoever to replace. This is the resolve, which we have takenamong ourselves in a manner so holy, and in the nameof religion. Farewell, father and brother, most straitly joined to us all. Remain not awayfrom us for too long a time, through any excess of prudence, but ratherdraw so much the nearer that touch may join us, and all to this greatest end that our souls may be joined at this so good centre oforder under rule. Needwe ask if you are deaf to our call? Him whom you restore to us, restore with all speed, that you may heap all the favour you may on a gift already of its very nature loaded with favour February 1594-5.9

Most zealous towards your Reverence , 18 signatures . 10

NOTES

Henry Garnet, S.J., alias Mr. Walley, 1555-1606 A long accountofhis life will be found in Foley, Records IV, pp 35-193, though some periodsofhis career are inadequately treated A number of official papers are quoted, particularlyconcerninghis trial, and a few of his own letters are included He entered the Society in Rome in September 1575 , and wassent on the English missionat the special requestofFr. Persons, landing in the country on 7 July 1586. He succeeded Weston as Superior ofthe Jesuitsin England on the latter'scommittal to Wisbechfrom the Clink in January 1588. He held this office until his executionon 3 May 1606 .

2 From the beginningto ... "vel potus nostrum" , the letter was quoted by Persons in an English versionin his Briefe Apologie, ff. 72v73 .

3 There is considerable evidence to show that the evils among the prisoners were oflong standing. In his first report of Wisbechaffairs Garnet wrote: "Itis now many years since I was asked by some very good priestsatWisbech, to obtain from the Illustrious Cardinal, or other source of authority, some remedy for evils, which were daily spreadingamong them . " (Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII) Weston wrote of the events: "If then theyseek to know from mewhat havebeen the occasions ofour breach of union ,I say clearly ... that they have themselves been the offences, to use no stronger word, which have given cause for pain and grief internally and totheworld at large cause for scandal As over many yearsno remedy could befound for these things, .. . etc." (Westonto Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII) James Standish, later one of the Archpriest's first Assistants, wrote in a sworn deposition: " . . . I cannot remain silent about the tumult in Wisbech Castle (of which perhaps his Holiness has heard) Since I took part in theseevents I can thus say, beforeGod and my conscience, that the true cause ofthis disturbancewas the licentious mannerof lifeofcertain priests, who were behavingvery scandalouslyin what pertains to carnal licence and other sins When the greater and better part of the companywished to separate themselves from the manneroflifeofthese men , there was an uprising of the unquiet against the good." (J. Standish, 23 August 1597 , Westm. VI, n 51). Further information may be seen in Archer's Relatio de Bagshao [1602] No. XXXVIII, and in The Rules , No. II, note 1 Before 1595 , however, knowledgeof any disordersdoes not appearto have been current outside the prison, (cf. Bagshawto Dr. Windham , [c late June 1595], No. VI, note 6)

4William Weston, S.J., alias Edmund(s), 1550-1615 He left an autobiographical accountof his experiences in England from his arrival in Septem ber 1584 until his banishment on 13 May 1603. This has been translated, and annotated with much information about his career, by J. Morris, Troubles , Series II, 1875, 1891 , and by P. Caraman , 1955. He had spent nearly three years at Douai, and on leaving to enter the Society, which he did in Rome on 5 November1575, he bequeathed his property to the College. After nearly twoyears in England he was arrestedin August 1586. Hewas moved to Wisbech in January 1588 , where he remained until his transfer tothe Tower in December1598. After over fouryears there, during which his health suffered greatly, he was banished (Foley, Records VII, p 830).

5 Part of the urgency of theirappealto Garnet must be ascribed to thefact that he had hitherto always refused to interfere in theiraffairs, or to report faults, since none were his subjects but one (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, note 2) This continued to be his attitude, as can be seen from his letter to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595, No. XVIII In Briefe Apologie , ff. 71v . -2, an earlier letter (not now extant) from the same 18

priestsis mentioned, which was sentto Garnet in January 1595, asking for his help and counsel concerningthe disorders, which they reducedto ten general headings It may be inferred that Garnet refused to interfere on that occasion also, with the result that the 18 priests producedtheir own system of Rules Now they only asked for his approval for the requestconcerningWeston.

* These are the Rules proposed by the 18 Priests, [7 February 1595], No. II.

7 Garnet'sreply granting theirrequestin greatly modifiedtermsis notextant , but its contentsmay be gatheredfrom his letterto Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, and from thattoBagshaw, 8 October1595, No. XVIII Heallowed Weston no jurisdiction , nor such rights as would normally be accorded toa Superior. Thereplywas received aboutmid-Lent (Cf. SouthworthtoDolman , [c. early June 1595], No. IV, note 6.)

8 Surviving records show onlyone visitofGarnettoWisbech, in early November 1593. (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 November 1593, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, f 103)

This letterwasnotdated by the writers, and that nowappearingatitsclose was added by another hand The more exact dategivenin bracketsatthe head ,is from a marginal notein BriefeApologie , f 72

10 Giles Archer , cf. No. XXVIII, note 1

Lewis Barlow was ordained from Douai and sent to England in 1574 , being the first of the Seminary priests to arrive (Knox, D.D. pp 6, 288). He was captured in December 1587 , and was transferred to Wisbechafter October 1588 (Prison Lists, C.R.S. Vol 2, p 280) He was banishedfrom Framlingham in April 1603, but returned to the mission on 3 December 1603 (ThirdDouay Diary, C.R.S. Vol 10, pp 49, 55)

Ralph Bickley was sent to England from the English College, Rome, in April 1583. (Liber Ruber , C.R.S.Vol 37, p 13) . He was committed tothe Gatehouse , 3 May 1585 , and was at Wisbech by March 1588. (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 245, 280.) He was admitted to the Societyin prison in 1597 or 1598 (cf. Ms. No. XXXV, note 55). He was banished in April 1603 , but returned soon afterwards (Cf. C.R.S. Vol 10, p 50 and Foley, Records , I, p 483.)

John Bolton was sent to England from the English College, Rome in June 1585 (C.R.S. Vol 37 , p. 12 and Knox, D.D. p. 207) He was captured in Chichesterharbour and committed to the Marshalsea , 11 November 1585 , andwas transferredtoWisbechafter September1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp. 242 , 282). He was exiled in April 1603 (C.R.S. Vol 10, p 50)

EdmundBraddock was ordainedfromReimsin September1583 , and sent to Englandin April 1584 (Knox, D.D. pp 199 , 201). Hewas in theCounter , Wood Street, by 20 July 1587 , and was transferred to Wisbechafter 1588 (C.R.S.Vol 2. pp 277 , 279).

Thomas Bramston was ordained from Reims in April 1585 , and sent to England in January 1586. (Knox, D.D. pp 205, 208.) He was captured offthe Sussex coast and committed to the Marshalsea , 27 April 1586. He was atWisbechbyMarch 1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 242, 278) Hewas banished in April 1603 ,and againin July 1606, anddied at Douai, 23 December1606 , aged 66 years (C.R.S. Vol 10 , pp. 50, 74 , 76)

William Chaddock was ordained in Rome and sent to England in 1586 (C.R.S. Vol 37, p 34) He was in Newgateby20 July 1587, then senttothe Tower, 16 May 1588 , and then to Wisbechafter 1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 278 , 282, 284). He was exiled in April 1603, and afterwards lived at Antwerp, (C.R.S. Vol 10, pp 49 , 51).

Christopher Driland was ordainedfrom Reims in March 1582 , andsent to England in June (Knox, D.D. pp 185, 188) After an earlier arrest and

THE WISBECH STIRS No. I.

release he was imprisonedin connectionwith the Babington Plot and committed to the Counter, Wood Street, 20 June 1586. Aftervarious changes of prison, he reached WisbechbeforeMarch 1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp. 270 , 278 , 280) He was banished in April 1603, and left Douai, 15 October 1603 , for Rome, to enter the Society (C.R.S. Vol 10, pp 49, 55)

Alexander Gerard was ordained from Reims in April 1586 , and sent to England in January 1587 (Knox, D.D pp 209, 214). He was captured in Lancashire, and reached Wisbech sometime after 1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, p 280)

JohnGreenenteredthe English College, RomeinJune 1581 , aged 20 years, but left for reasons ofhealth, in September1582 (C.R.S. Vol 37, p 29) He was ordained from Reims in September 1585, and was sent to England in November (Knox, D.D. pp 207 , 208) He was captured about March 1587 , and committed to prison in London He was already at Wisbech before March 1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 276, 278) He was exiled in April 1603 (C.R.S. Vol 10 , p 50)

Thomas Haburley was ordainedfrom Reimsand sent to England in 1580 He appears in a London prison list of 30 September1588 (Knox , D.D. pp. 162, 164 and C.R.S. Vol 2, p 283) Exiled in April 1603, he retired to Antwerp where he became chaplain to a convent (C.R.S. Vol 10, pp 49, 52)

LeonardHide was studying, already a priest, at the English College, Rome in 1579 , whence he was sent to England in that year (C.R.S. Vol 37, p 9) He was committed to Newgate, 14 January 1585, and appears in a Tower List of 27 May 1585. He was at WisbechbeforeMarch 1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 239, 270, 280) He was exiled in April 1603, and went to Malinesintendingto become a Carthusian He returned to England in June 1604 (C.R.S. Vol 10, pp. 49, 51 , 59)

Robert Nutter was ordained from Reims in December 1581 , and sent to England in January 1582. He was imprisoned, tortured and exiled in 1585 (Knox, D.D. pp 184, 294) He returned and was again in theGatehouse by 20 July 1587. He was still in London prisons in September1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 277, 282). He became a Dominican in prison at Wisbech. He escaped from Wisbech, 10 March 1600, was recaptured and martyred at Lancaster, 26 July 1600 (Hatfield Cal X, pp 283-4).

William Parry was a Seminarypriest, but no information survivesabout his studies He was committed to the Clink, 28 September 1586, and was still in London prisons in September1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp. 268, 277 , 283) He escaped from Wisbech, 17 February 1597 (Cal. S.P.D. 1595-1597 , pp. 361-2). James Powell was ordained from Reims in September 1583 , and sent to England in 1584 (Knox, D.D. pp 29, 199). He was in a Gatehouse list of 20 July 1587, and had reached WisbechbeforeMarch 1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 278 , 279).

Christopher Southworth, cf. No. IV, note 1 .

Philip Stranguise was ordainedfrom Reimsin May 1583 , and was sentto England in 1584 (Knox, D.D. pp 29, 195) He was alreadyat Wisbechby March 1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 278, 279) He died there c . May 1598 (Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 64).

Robert Woodruffwas sent to England fromthe English College, Rome, late in 1582 (C.R.S. Vol 37, p 11 and Knox, D.D. p 192) Thereis no record about his imprisonment. He was exiled in April 1603, but returned to the missionin the same year (C.R.S. Vol 10, p 49 and Knox, D.D. p 33)

NOTE: Many of those priests who had not reached Wisbech by March 1588, were probably among the thirteen transferred there in early 1590 (cf. C.R.S. Vol 2, p. 279, note).

The aboveeighteensecular priests, together withWeston andthe layman Thomas Pound, made up the twenty members of the confraternity which grew out of the plan outlined in this present letter and in theScheduleof Rules (No. II )

THE RULES PROPOSED BY THE 18 PRIESTS .

[7 February 1595]

Westm V, n 8. Copy in the hand of Bagshaw. Anothercopy of Rules and letter, Westm V, n.7, in the hand of Edmund Calverley.

Introductory Note to No. II

This list was sentto Garnet with the letterofthe same date (Ms. No. I), but it was not forwarded to Rome with the letter (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII) The original copy is not extant, and the list has only survived in copies made by opponents , which differfrom each other onlyvery slightly. The rules fall into two main parts, the first thirteen comprising new regulations devised for the intended confraternity, therest, with the possible exceptionof the finalone, beinga recapitulationofpartof a system in forceearlierin the Castle

1. Thatevery oneindeavoure his conversation to be sucheas isnot only honorable in the sighte of god, but also exemplare& aedification to men. And therfore if any (which god averte) hereafter commit anymatterofscandale or otherwiseany light orunseemely behavioure especially towards women that he wilbe contented to have his action examined & censuredas it deserveth& to accept ofit with peace & quietnessethoughe it be separation from the companye which we hope shall never neede .

2. That every man have a care for conservation ofmutuall love & charitye & therfore everyone to procure to abstayne from all suche behavioure which either in his owne natureor in his owne conscyence supposeth to be offensive to his friende & brother , & especially from owtragious words & bitter jestes or the like so neereas god will give him grace, otherwise to submittehim selfe to censure as beforesayde.

3. In the Hawle every man (exceptinge him that sayeth grace) to take his place at meales as it falleth out & none to contend for rowmes but rather to contend with humility who shall praeferre eche other . otherwiseifanybeknowne to exceede inthisvanytye to be contented to be admonished& amende so to be censuredut supra

4. It is muche to be desyredthat every one would esteeme it as a kinde of obligation for diverse respects to be at all publique prayer&exhortations unlesse some speciall busynesse doe hinder him

5. Whosoeverwithconsent ofthe companyeshall have anymatter of trust committed unto him as to receve or lay out monye or anythinge else shall indeavoure to doe& procure that whichin his conscyence shall seeme most convenient & profitt for the whole

companye & shall quarterlye (if it be a thinge of continuance) yealdean exacte accompteof all receipts& layinge out to suche& in suche order as shall seeme in reason to all mens satisfaction & contentation, whichmeanes is to be consideredby suche as the company shall approve his doings And if any thinge be sent in particular to any one yf the party be sent for yt he may see & receyve it & not to take it at the seconde hande, orthe bringerto deliver it him selfe.2

6. That the steward³ be chosen every halfe yeare unlesse for some speciall occasion it be altered or him selfe uppon suchelikeoccasion will give it upp; & than to imparte withcharytytothenexte steward his order ofaccompts& wayesto have, forthemore ease & better instructionof him that succedeth.

7. The greatest matters ar to be determined by the moste voyces of the companye: matters of lesse importance to be reserved to sucheas the company shall depute in theyre place, whichmatters also must be esteemed by this theyre deputye which ar greate which be litle

8. That when any matter commeth to be handeled by suffrages whether it be of persone or things or actions no man maygeve his voyceto another nether manifest his minde to anyother what he dothe orwill determine: yea so neere as hecannot to determine with him selfebefore he come to deliver his voyce whichwithhis owne name & verdicte he shall give upp in tyme neverthelesse i[t is] requisite yt he informe his owne conscyence & seeke instructions in all good & honest meanes yt is suche as hesupposeth to be most able to instructehim in all circumstancesforhis best election yett without any signification or intimation to any man what he will doe but makinge his election simply& beforegod & in sincerytyofa pure conscyence & therfore ifit may be proved by sufficient & credible meanes albeit not altogether in vigorof lawe yt any one procureth any canvase ipso facto to loose electionem activam et passivam That whosoever shall take the voyces be bownde to perpetuall silence & never to utter which way men gave theyre voyces.

9. The orderinge of the company in theyre meetingsis inallthings at the disposition of suche as they appointe in all other things to be theyre agent, for avoydinge of confusion by interruptions interlocutions hyghe voyces & speeches without purpose but yt order & peace & silence may be conserved

10. That it may be lawfull for such as the company do apponyte with theyre authoryty in any matter of difficultyre or helpe to make his election of suche more or lesse as he shall thinke meete for the better instructionor execution of any matter.

11. That whosoever will be of this communes heare these articles first redd & if he like of the order before witnesse sett downehis hande for the observation of them And yt they be redd publiquelye at everyelection of the stewarde.

12. That those who have committed any care unto them for the companye conferre theyre difficultyes with suche as the companyeassignethas theyre agent in all other matters & byhim to be ordered.

13. If any invite any to come to this place or otherwise detayne any above theyre owne time then to beare his chardges which must be referred to every mans conscience otherwise specially poore men that come for theyre comforte to lye uppon the commune. Albeit if any fare any whittthe better for theyre comminge it is reason yt accordinge to theyre proportion they helpto unburden the communes

14. That the other rules stande in effecte as before which ar as foloweth.4

15. That the stewarde have to doe withall matters of the hawle & kitchine& governement of servantsunlesse puttingeof them in& castingeof them owt, and yt withconsent.

16. That they (sic) servants be not imployed in private busynesse without the stewards permission unlesse it be for halfe an howre immediatelyafter dinner & supper supposingethey be not than imployed in commune busynesse

17. Wheras we were contented throwghe the weeke to have no suppersthe commune consent was to avoyde confusion in hawle & kitchine of so many private suppers to have three suppers alowed in the weeke & other nights to be contented with breade & cheese & suchecoldemeateas was left exceptesome mensether weaknesse or necessyty required otherwise to have an egge or twoe & thefireto be allowed onlyofreede.

18. Ifanyman besicke incommunes at any timeto havefireallowed if he be owt of communes to pay for his fire. Also if he have straungers to have allowanceoffire & nothinge else

19. If any man suppe or dine out of the hawle to have no more allowance than an halfepenye.

20. If any controversye be betwixte the stewarde & any ofthe communes to be ordered by him that the company ordayne for yt purpose.

21. Ifanystraunger that bringeth monye be had intochawmbersto have no more allowancefor himthan for him selfe

22. Onceeverymoneth everyone to say aveMaria ofpurposeforthe good conservation of owre companye.

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator: The Copye of the separators letter tomrWallyethat Edmunds might have merum imperium : and the articles whereunto they all subscribed. There is another ofthis sorte.

NOTES

1 Rules 1 to 5 provide a commentary on the scandals which it wasdesiredto guard against. For some general evidence of these, cf. 18 Prieststo Garnet of the same date, No. I, note 3. Garnet described the situation as one of quarrels, uproar, drinking parties, disturbances during public prayers, of bad faith in dealing with money and suspected familiarity with women (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII). Detailed examplesmay befound in a document compiledin largepart fromevidence given byGiles Archer, for many years a prisonerin Wisbech, and in 1602 one ofthe Archpriest's proctors in Rome One such concerns George Potter (vere Stransham), a follower ofBagshaw , who had been expelledwiththe latterfrom the English College in Rome in 1585: " .... afterwards capturedin England, he was cast into Wisbech prison, and there, on account of his turbulent and headstrongnature, he occasioned remarkable spectacles, to the harm and scandaloftherest of the priests For he severaltimes attacked thekeeper of the prison, and once even wounded him so dangerouslyin the head , that because ofthe cries raised overthis incident,the hereticalmagistratesrushed into the castle .... Potter was also accustomed so to indulge in goodliving and in drink,that sometimes in a singleday he consumed morethan twenty brimming cups or wooden vessels filled with beer " Of Calverleythe same report says: ... sentto the Castle ofWisbech, he began to be very familiar with Bluet and Bagshaw , and was by these mentaught the habitofuproar, and it is remarkable how troublesomehe was to the rest of his companions: sometimes he betrayed all theirsecrets to the heretical keeper ofthe prison, and incited the managainstthem, sometimes he scandalised his companions with his very dissolute morals He used contumelious language towards all,and was so extremely addictedto gambling, that sometimes he lost more than 30 gold pieces in one day's play; and on one occasion men of the worst sort from amongthe heretical townsmencrowdedinto his chamber , with no small sorrow to the good priests, and disturbance of the whole castle He was moreover , much addicted to wine, whence followed too greatfamiliarity withwomen ,withwhomhe was sometimes discovered alonein hisroom .... (Cf. De Moribus Appellantium , [1602], English College Archives, Scritture 55, n 40) Potter's behaviour was at one time the object of an official inquiry (Cf. Dasent XIX, p 422.) Topcliffe in a report about the Wisbech prisoners, c 1592, said: "They be all youngeand lusty people, disposed to Myrthe, and uncoosness with women, knowento attempt them as wellwith deeds, as words . . . " . " He also spoke of their buying ofdainty victuals in the market, and of the great resort of outsiders to them (Cf. Harl. Mss. 6998, f 222.) Concerningthe provisionsin Rule 3 for the order ofsittingat table, cf. Bagshaw to a Norfolk Gentleman, [c late May 1595], No. III, note 8. The rather indefinite penalty of"censure " in theserules shouldbecompared with the specific fines in the Pacification Rules of November 1595 (cf. No. XXI)

2 This last sentence containsan endorsementofthe usualcustomthatindividual prisonershad free disposalof any alms sent to them for theirprivate use , whereas each had an equal share in alms sent for generaldistribution For further information , cf. Mush's First Articles, 26 September 1595, No. XVII, note 2.

3 Rules 6 to 13 are administrative The main method of securingexecution ofthe schedule as a whole, including presumably the "censuring" of offenders , seems to be contained in Rules 9 , 10 and 12 , but Garnet's refusal to allow any jurisdiction to Weston as agent (cf. No. I, note 7), must have led to some modification of these provisions here, of which evidencedoes not survive. Compare the elaborate system devised for executing the Pacification Rules (cf. No. XXI, note 7).

4 Rules 14 to 21 are probably a copy, as indicated in No. 14, of some of the administrative regulations enforced by the prisoners at an earlier period. No. 17 is ofparticularinterest in view ofthe falsereports spread abroadby Bagshaw's party in the middle of 1595, that the new confraternity was attempting to force the taking of only one meal a day on everyone (cf. Postscriptto Pound'slettertoCalverley, 25 June 1595, No. VII). Theearlier system ofrules seems to have broken down completely after the death of Thomas Metham, S.J. who had been at Wisbechfrom 1580 till his death in June 1592, and who had been much esteemed by his fellow-prisoners (cf. Briefe Apologie , ff 69-71v.) Dr. Farbeck, supporter of Bagshawoutside Wisbech, reporting a conversation with an opponent, said: " . I wish yt mr Blewettmight talk with him [the opponent] especiallyabout yt pointof executingye Cannons amongstyou for they willnott understandany forme of government to have bene amongst you since mr Mettams departure. " (Cf. Dr. Farbeck and Mr. Cary's discourse, [c. late September-October 1595], Westm V, n 20)

No. III.

BAGSHAW¹ TO A CERTAIN GENTLEMAN IN NORFOLK. [c

.

lateMay 1595]

Westm V, n 11. Draft or copy in Bagshaw's hand. The passages below in italics are quoted in Briefe Apologie, ff. 7476v

Introductory Note to No. III Thoughthisdraftis not dated, the lasttwoparagraphsshowthatit was writtensoon after the visit ofthe two arbiters inearly May 1595 (see Note 12 below) Thereis no indication ofthe recipient forwhom itwasintended. Thisletterwas one ofthose which was writtentospread knowledge of the Wisbech quarrels among Catholics outside (cf. Bagshawto Dr. Windham, [c. late June 1595], No. VI, note 6)

Benedicat vos Deus : I woulde have spared to write to your worships had I not bene invited besydes thefitnesseof the bearer, with the necessary defence of owre owne innocensye & your greate care, not of curiosyty to knowe but with charitye to redresse owre tumults. Amongstus there is made as some calle it a separation, or as others thinke & saya schisme, underpretence ofmakingea newcommonwealthe , cummeliori Disciplina.2 Theformetherofis popular, the worst of all other, wherin any one is as good as any other, & commonly the worst (things passinge by faction of voyces ) better than the best. A forme for anything we can heare or learne, without examplein the habitableworlde except the Sinedricall congregations of Geneva & the like. And therefore belike to make a showe of a monarchye or unyte common wealthe of all the multitude, one is made an Agent with certayne uncertayne assistans An unusuall forinsecall & profane name , smellinge of noveltye & farre unfittfor the contemplative harts ofimprisoned Catholiques Notwithstandinge to make the Agent more willingetotakehis name& placein suche a kind of state ,ortodrawe his creditt to the counternancinge of other mens factious deyvses, or to pretende regarde to that order whichthey seekto abuseas a cloake for theyre severalledesignments, great titles in theyre letter to Mr. W[alley] for confirmation of this weale publique as Judex , Censor, Vindex , Anima Legis, & what not is geven to the agent.³ Wherbythe establishinge of his Agencye from his superior was the sooner procured Yett ether for feare of discerningearighte, uppon the intimation of a partye onlye, the matter concerningeus all, or for regarde to some, whome he doubted ether to mislike, or (as itwasin deede) not to be privye to this conceypted agenage, or ytHumilytyein him & the Agent his inferior at least might appeare, the authority of the Agent was by Mr. W. limited to be but a meeredirection to others without anypowerin him selfes& he confusedly permittedtothearbitrement of the multitude. so yt is very doubtfull & intricate & diversly

debated & sentenced whether the multitude be above the Agent or the Agent abovethe multitude, & it woulde require an Oedipus to extricate us from yt circularytye wherin vertiginous heads might involve them selfs, from the Agentto his superior, from his superiortothemultitude, fromthemultitude totheyre Agent. Iwill supposewemightsafelyeadmitt suche foranye authorytye I will not caste any daungeror difficultye in sendinge & resendinge letters . I will hope & pray that ye Agent his superior may continue the same be easely fownde, not partially informed oraffected Iwill notaccuseany ofour selfs to have Italionated humerouse & idle heade, yett the possibilitye ofdissentiousecanvasinge, where odde voyces mayparadvanture leavenothinge even , is a sufficient barr to any composed man not wittinglyto preferre a democraticall state to live in

The lawes ofthis common wealthe, to which every denisonathis enenfranchisingemust subscribe before witnesse, doe not only in them selfs wante the qualytyes ofgood lawes which ought to be honest, iuste , possible, accordinge to nature & customs of the countrye , fitt for the time & place, necessary, profitable , manifest, servinge only for publique utilitye, but being proportioned to the letters requestinge theyre confirmation ar full of absurdytyes & contradictions.

The causes of them ar most wicked. Idle surmises, " uncharitable suspicions, malitious amplified detractions, fitter for the enemyes than the membersof the churche, & practised by them whichhave broken the unytye therofin all ages. A thinge most dishonest it is to infame any one without necessarycawse, most evident proofe & dueobservation ofall circumstances Whattherfore itis bymakinge lawes (the cawse wherof be evill manners), to presupposeinsinuate & arguematterofcensuringein innocent men Whatit is bygenerall infamie to involve all which live in a place so famouse as this hathe bene , what it is be separation as it were oflight from darknesse(I use theyre owne termes) to disgrace the most visible churche in Englande, I leave to the deepe consideration of your approved wisdome And so muche the more we take it inevillparte,byhow muche allofowre orderin this realme, may more iustly be pressed to systayne lawes & censures, as livinge in more libertye of place , apparell dress & companye, & lesse helpe of witnesses , examples, conference, & sacraments. In particular after a preface offayre generall termes , usuallto the veryworstdevyses that ever have bene, in thefirst lawes, & stoppingeof reprehensions , contradictions , & iudgements concerninge this newplatforme. in the second lawthe maker coulde no longer holde , but in the third laweto ease his mind & spare his griefe & descrye his end must needspromulgate, yt every one besydes him which shoulde saye grace & byyt title sitt hyghest, shoulde sitt promiscuouslyin whatplace soever . A thinge notpractised in any orderedplace in the worlde. A disgraceto all degree oflearninge & fitt for Anabaptists. A seditiousmutinye & confusion agaynst the severalle orders in the churche A contempt of reverendeage, & therefore tobe lefte to the revived Arianes whose saying

that is nostra secta non curat canos: A bayte to drawein inferior men by hope of a showe ofeminence nowe & then which otherwise by theyre place & perhapps deserte shoulde communely be obscure & therefore a necessary cause of division agaynst those which woulde not consent to suche absurde innovations.8 And sure owre new lycurgus wanted due consideration. Foramongestmany other civilegreate& daylie signes of love ragarde & reverence to the Agent & his order, he was be requeste of some drawne to an ordinary costume of sainge grace. Nowe by this occasion to wrythe him to the hyghest place with directionof all others, & to make mens curtesyes meanes ofthere owne contempte was to insinuate some ingratefull & aspiringe minde in him ofwhomeI hope better , becawse it may be many things be offered him which he woulde not accepte , or if he were meere passive in this poynte, as a good religiouse man ought to be , yet it was by suche comparinge to make hin at the least lesse gratefull & accepted, suche occasions of coniecturebeing gevenyt hesowghte him self, wheras the honoringe of him in this new device is a thinge most colourablye intended. [p 2.]

The rest ofthe lawes are not only as unnecessarye as this butas unfittfor the time & place, as by so many yeares of peace we can convince . The very scope ofthemwhichis to makesucheanAgent, is nothinge but iniustice it selfe: [1 word obliterated] not ofthemas they ar in intention & by morale likelyhoode shalbein the practise of some of the subiects whome in conscience I take to be good & sinceremen. but I speake ofthemas theverywordesespecially by Machiavellian heads may be drawen, for what is it else to make an Agent & attribute unto him merum dominium & infallibilytye of iudgement in all things? to make him a Judex whichimportethif we speak as Divines, soveraynepower for so the examplesof Judas & Gedeon convince, & notwithstandinge the opinion of Lyra the latterdivines [. .. ]ende . What can be matterto be browghte to the nature of a propre schisme ifthis be not, to make a Vindex, Censor , Anima Legis without direction , limitation, or exception of any principle, lawe, vowe, canon, rule, order, or dutywhatsoever , And which is further, he is not to conforme his opinion to the natureof things, which beinthem selfs greate or litle, but the nature ofthings shalbegreate or litle accordinge to his opinion I have no sinister conceipteoftheAgent Ireverencemany goodparts in him ,butinan other, suche absolute& illimited authoritye, not privileged fromsurreption ignorance & partialytye, might make some mens motes to be made greate beames & other mens beames to be made smalle motes. Nether can they assistance of others throwghlyhelpe these difficultyessince theyre essense dependeth uppon the Agents pleasure. The whole multitude addethto the subiect a further inconvenience& almost impossibilitye for who is able to performe a perpetuall conformitye to severall variable humors & arbytrary iudgments of manye And were there no inconvenience in these lawes , yett the indignitye ofthem is muche to be wayed for whatcan begreater

than to make priests sent with more than ordinary or Episcopalle authorityeto betiedto thepleasures ofsucheas be nottheyre superiors, 10 & to be prescribed by the orders ofothers, who shoulde be best occupied in orderinge them selfs. And I beseeche yow waywhether this beyt whichthey so often inculcate, ORDER, to makeyowngeaboveside, inferiors above theyre betters, & religious men above ordinary pastors? But suppose we farther that the obedience to theselawes were iuste, convenient, & orderlye, yett some commodity it shoulde bringe to the obeyer as every other obedience dothe as of children to the parent, of religious to the superior, of sheepe to the pastor. This obedience woulde have bene performed if it had wanted direct occasions of continuall& troublesome canvasings. I knowe some private largitions mayaccrewe to some, but I dowbte whether it maybe in theende commodyty to any to have some byflattery & sychophantye to depende of others for meanes of creditte, & others by drawinge theyre generalle friends & estate to defende theyre private humers, not to be rancked in the sincere& innocent orders of Catholiques, but to be reckoned in the number of prophane politiques .

But what shoulde I goe abowte to dissolve yt which hathe no cohaerence in it selfe. I speake not of the obscuritye disorder & solaecismes in the forme. In the thinge, the agentmust be a Judex yt is of absolute power & independent, & yett a delegate& deputy ofthe companye. A Censor mayremove any man from his voyce& place, yett heere withall we have mention of voyces, elections & suffrages. A dictamen or office of Dictator (if the Agent did not rather mistake his authorytye conferred unto him , which I hope, than letthismowthe speake ofthe abundanceofhisharte)importeth a cessation of all lawes & authorityes besydes, & yt might be his collection of those words in the letter, Cum quo neminem alium consistere, volumus, & how shall then the greatest matters, which what they be litle wytts can not conceyve, be determined by the companye? Here is exhortation to aedification & theeffect nothinge but horriblescandale : Mention of unitye& nothinge but separation Agreatesturrefor Order &nothinge but order&allfororder , Whereas the Apostle saythe quae a deo sunt ordinata sunt ,& as thelate LC11 in his letters forseeinge& more than insinuatinge as may be thowghtethe obiect ofthese broyles sayde, the Divell is the author ofall division some of them in myne owne hearinge with colorable abuse of scripture affirminge yet as god did devide lucem a tenebris so they dooe make a separation Contention for sittingeis made a vanitye& yett the principallest cawse of this garboyle is madefor sittinge.

Wetherefore ofthe unitydare not medlewith newedesignments Weattendowrownematters leavinge thers Domino sui cui stantaut cadunt. Lawesonlycan bemadebyprinces& cannons bybyshopps. Every of us [?] with his immediate power from the hyghest which he will not have impeached bythe interventionof others who have

no plebiscite in the churche in or since the Apostles time or warrante of separation Parts be always dawngerous, sides matter of sedition, innovations perilowse & tumults scandalous . Every one since these broyles beganne voluntaryly submitted him with assurance of obedience to two12 who for all precedent matters were authorised as ordinaryiudgesto proceede to examination, sentence & censure& therfore have done more than duty can exacte or the churche anywhere ordinarylypractiseth leaste wemightovermuche please owre selfs in owre conformityof behavioure nowe & heretofore when this place hath bene renowned & therfore we have done ytwhichissufficient to free a man from opinion ofincorrigibilyty & unworthinesseof other mens conversation [p. 3.]

Wefollowe the iudgment of owre arbitratorsthe one disallowinge the other condemninge as [1 or 2 words lost] separation. We have offered them the pacification made by the arbiters. We with gods grace doe & will live in an order appoynted by the churche . the rest we referre to god & the prudent iudgements of yowre selfeto owre good benefactors & brethren in owre afflictions. Whome we pray for & desyre to prayfor us.

No address .

Yowr B.

Endorsed, partly in Bancroft's hand, partly in that ofhis collaborator: Dr Bagshaw of the separation to certayne gentilmen in Norfolk. This is all one with an other indorsed. It is a confutation ofye orders established by mr Walley for ye new government at Wisbich by Edmonds.

NOTES

1 Christopher Bagshaw, D.D., secular priest. He was born c. 1552 , ofa Derbyshire family, and was brought up as a Protestant He was educated at Oxford, and was a fellow of Baliol College, where he became M.A. in 1575. He held a canonry at Lichfield in 1578 , and was Principal of Gloucester Hall from 1579 to 1581 (Foster, AD, p 55) Whilst at Baliol Collegehe first came into conflict with Robert Persons, at that time Dean of the College (cf. Briefe Apologie , ff. 192-4). He arrived at Reims on 17 July 1582 , and was ordainedpriest on 28 May1583 (cf. Knox , D.D. pp 189 , 195 , 197) He was then senttothe English College, Rome, to continuehis studies, arrivingon 1 October 1583 (Liber Ruber , C.R.S. Vol 37, p 43) Though recommended for his mental abilities, fears of his difficult character soon provedto be justified, and he became chiefinstigator oftrouble in the College in 1584 , and was dismissed from it on the order of the Cardinal Protector in January 1585 (cf. Persons' Letters, C.R.S. Vol 39, p 200, note 2, and p 215, note 2, for discussion of the contemporary evidence). Concerningthe doctorate which he acquired on his return journey to Reims, cf. Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, No. XXXVI, note 24. He left Reimsfor England on 27 May 1585 (Knox, D.D. p. 206), and must have been captured either on arrival or very soon afterwards, when he was committed to the Tower. Letters and a cipherfor correspondence withCharles Pagetshowthat he was a memberof the latter's circle (cf. S.P.D. Eliz Vol 282, nos 3 and 4; and Prison Lists, C.R.S. Vol 2, p 261, 265) An account of the early period ofhis imprisonment is given in Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, [1602], No. XXXVIII, note 1. He was sent to Wisbechin 1588 (C.R.S. Vol 2, p 280), and many documentsin this present volume witness to his conduct there He was later one of the leading Appellants, and left England with severalothersofthat partyat the end of 1601, to carry their case against the Archpriest to Rome He never returned to England, but continued to pursue various schemes against the English Jesuits from Paris (cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, pp. 11-12 , note 6).

2This is thefirst of many references in thispresent letterto the confraternity established accordingto the letter and Rules ofthe 18 Priests, 7 [February 1595], Nos I andII. Its twentymembers were made up by the addition of Weston and thelayman, Thomas Pound. Garnet answered the stricture of "schisme " in his letterto Bagshaw, 8 October 1595 (cf. No. XVIII, note 1). His remarks there on the uses and permissibility of confraternities were so obvious, that late in 1596 and early in 1597 Bagshawinside Wisbech, and John Mush and John Colleton outside, saw no incongruity with the attitude of 1595 , in their attempts to set up two Associationsof secular priests, one in the Northandthe other in the South, on much moreelaboratelinesthan that proposed at this time within the prison (cf. Dolman to Bagshaw , 16 January [1597], No. XXXI, IntroductoryNote).

3 Mr. Walley is Fr. Garnet The titles herementionedappearin the letterof the 18Prieststohim, of 7 February (No. I), and were rhetorical descriptions oftheleader which they wanted for their confraternity

4AboutBagshaw's crythat heandhisfollowershad not been consultedabout the establishment of the confraternity, Garnet remarked: "Your Reverence's complaint that this was effected withoutconsultingor even tellingthe rest, ... will perhaps be met with a denial. " (Garnetto Bagshaw , 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII . ) The force of this remark is evident from the account which Garnet had written in July 1595 ofthe beginning ofthe whole affair soon after Christmas 1594, which shows that thoseof Bagshaw's party who first questionedWeston about his withdrawal from the commonhall, professed to approve the plan he propounded for a system of rules Though theyproceeded toplayfortime by taking noaction, theycertainly knewwhat

wasintended , for as soon as they realised that the other prisonersmeant to makea real plan, theyejected them from the commondining hallandother roomsin the Castle (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, notes 5 and 6;Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 15).

5 This is an important admission, and one in complete accord with Garnet's own recapitulation of the provisions of his answerto the 18 Priests'letter, which whilst it allowedthem to haveWestonas Agent of the confraternity, gave him no jurisdiction , leaving him onlya moral leadership(cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 12 July 1595, No. VIII, note 10; 18 Priests to Garnet, ut supra, Note 7). Bagshaw here clearly shows that he knew the terms ofthisreply, though attempts were made laterto obscure this fact (cf. The Requeststo Weston, 11 August 1595 , No. XII, note 3). That Bagshawthus knew ofthe real nature ofWeston'sleadershipis worth stressing , in view of the outcry later made against him, and indeed against all the English Jesuits, of scheming to dominate the whole English mission, based solely on this Agency at Wisbechin 1595 (cf. for example, Fisher's Memorial, September 1597, Westm VI, n. 57; the 45 Articles ofEnquiry, and Bagshaw'sreplies, 1600-01, Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 226-41 ) The charge , accompaniedbydifferent details in each case,first appeared in print in the Appellant tracts Declaratio Motuum and the True Relation , of 1601

"This is evidentlya reference to the penaltiesofPraemunirethreatening anyone admitting a foreign authority Laterthe Appellant party wereto raise this as an objection to recognisingthe Archpriests' authority, though atthe same time inconsistently desiring Rome to appoint bishopsin place ofthe Archpriest.

7 Much evidencehas already been indicated showingthat the surmises were not idle, and that the need was great forinternalorder in the Castle (cf. 18 PrieststoGarnet, [7 February 1595], No. I, note 3, and the Rules , No. II, note 1) The Acts of the Privy Councilafford some generalconfirmation of disordersat Wisbechbetween1590 and 1593 (cf. Dasent XIX , XX,XXIII). Cf. alsoArcher's Relatio de Bagshao, [1602], No. XXXVIII , and Weston's letter to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII The "lawes " , to which Bagshawmakes a number of uncomplimentary references in thefollowing paragraphs, are the confraternity's Rules (No. II) sent to Garnet with theirletter of 7 February.

8 Of Bagshaw's reprehensions against the third Rule concerned with places at table, Persons remarked: "And consider , wee pray you, the manstalent in picking quarrels, and setting debate, in that he can finde so great inconveniences, absurdities, and so heinous crimes in priestessittingat table as theycome ,which is used inallmodestand regular congregations intheworld , and all this stirre to make roometo his Doctorship, which God knoweth in what corner ofthe world he gote it, and how worthily. " (Briefe Apologie, f. 76). Bagshawhad evidentlythe degrees of an establishedecclesiastical hierarchy in mind when he madethe remarksin this presentletter (see Note 10 below). On the question of Bagshaw'sdoctorate, and the reasonfor the suspicion in which it was held by many, cf. Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, March 1598 , No. XXXVI, note 24 .

By"merumdominium" Bagshawevidently meant toattributetotheAgent an unrestricted authorityover all the prisoners The reader will have seen that he had already admitted in this very letter that Weston had no such thing (see Note 5 above). Bagshawrepeated the same untruth in his letter to Dr. Windham in June (cf. Bagshawto Windham, [c late June 1595], No. VI, note 5)

10 I.e. the Jesuits. Persons in Briefe Apologie(f. 77) appeals to fourletters to provethat the Rules to which Bagshaw so muchobjectedcame notfromthe Jesuits, but from the secular priestsatWisbech, andthatnounwillingperson was forced to accept them . These letters still survive, namely: Garnet to Aquaviva , 12 July 1595, No. VIII; Garnet to Bagshaw, 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII;Westonto Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 ,No. XXXVII; andWeston to O. Manare,S.J., 27 March 1598, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 34. Apartfrom these there is also the letter of the 18 Priests itself, 7 February, ut supra. Bagshaw's words provideanexample(and thereare othersin this sameletter) of his constant preoccupationwith the rules of Canon lawand the degrees of ecclesiastical hierarchy, both at that time inoperative in England, and especiallyin prison, but which provided him with a convenient means of making difficulties on many occasions in pursuancewith his ownplans. On this point, cf. also Bavant to Bagshaw , [c . August 1595], No. XIII, notes 12 and 13 , and Bagshawto Bavant, [c late August 1595], No. XIV, note 6.

11 The L[ord] C[ardinal], i.e. William Allen. The letter referred to is thatof Allen to Mush , 16 March 1594 , Stonyhurst Anglia I, n. 78 , printed in Knox , Allen, pp 356-8 .

12This is a referenceto the visit of Alban Dolman and Dr. John Bavantas arbitrators in early May 1595. The earliest account of this visit is that of Southworth, and from this it is clear that the arbitrationwas not undertaken at the desire of the Twentybut against theirwishes (cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595], No. IV). This same fictionthat there was a prior agreementwas laterrepeated byDolman, (cf. Dolman to Southworth [29 July 1595], No. X, note 9) Cf. also Bagshawto Dr. Windham, [c late June 1595], No. VI, note 8

SOUTHWORTH¹ TO DOLMAN2

West. Arch V, n 18.

Holograph.

[c. early June 1595]

Introductory Note to No. IV. An accountofthe earliereventsin the Wisbech stirs, which started soon after Christmas 1594 , is to be found in Garnet's letter to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, (No. VIII), and furtherdetails can be seen inthatofWeston to Aquaviva , 27 March 1598 , (No. XXXVII) Thispresent letter takes up the story from about mid-Lent 1595 [i.e. c 20 March], and after an accountof Dolman's visit to the Castleat that time, givesthe earliest extant description of the first unsuccessfulattempt at arbitration there . His narrative is closely supported by that made independently by Bavant, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , [c August 1595], No. XIII). Dolman's version is in conflictwith both on many points, (cf. Dolman to Southworth, [29 July 1595], No. X) No contemporary document givesan actual date for Dolman and Bavant's arbitration A letter of Dolman, dated 20 May 1595 (see Note 5 below), however, was evidently written when it was over . Dolman's request to the Twenty, reported by Southworth in this present letter , to postpone their plans until "a fortnight after Easter" [i.e. 4 May] suggests some definite, though undisclosed plan, and it seems very probable that Dolman hoped to return to the Castle then with a companion, who would support his own views about the dissensions His intervening visit to Dr. Windham (cf. Dr.Windham's letter[c June 1595], No. V, IntroductoryNote), was another suchmoveto getoutsidesupport From itscontents thispresent letter appears to have been written not long after the end of the arbitration, probably about early June.

JESUS: MARIA .

Weweare once determined (good mr D) in regardeofthatmutuall love which was betwixt us, & for that charitable affection, which we allwayes thoughtyou intended towards us, to have buriedwith deepe silence what iniury you offred us at youre departure hence But nowe seeing we can have no quiet, & that you so earnestly seeke how you maye quo iure quaque iniuria addere afflictionem afflictis I have thought good with modestye to answer suche untruthesas you so uniustly doecharge us withall And wold god you had maturely consydered to what inconvenience youre indiscretion hathdrivenyou wellit may be that youaymed at another marcke ,butofnecessitythe bloweand hurtemust needes light uppon youre self. First you affirme that youre comminge to Wisbitche, and the requested arbiterment was to decyde the goodness or badness of the breache of commons, & that thiswastheonlymatter, you had commission to deale about you knowe (good Sir) that manie cases of conscience come in a yeare offar greater difficulty. why then could not this have bene resolved by the same meanes? Againe you knowe that oure companie never desyred your presence for this matter , 5 & that we weare fully determined at youre being here in lent to have ioyned together at the end ofthe quarter at

the furthest . Whereuppon youre earnest desyre and intreaty was that we would , att youre request differ untill a fortnight after Easter, for so muche as oure brethren (as you sayd before manie) weare in a fury, & that you could not speake unto them but they ryse in a fury, & that byreasonofthe tyme you trustedin god they would be altered etc. To be breefe we condescended to youre petition. yet afterwards reading Father Walley his letter, I sent Frauncis the porter to your ynne, requesting to speake with you once aganie. I redde his letter unto you in Father Edmunds his chamber before others, and told you it is in vayne you should returne , you see we cannot honestly revoke oure actions, or leave oure designements, and youre self tolde mr doctor Bagshawe that Father Edmunds could do no otherwayes, for that his Superiour had commaunded hym, and in conscience I speake it we desyred muchthat you should not come , and never requested you at all Secondly I constantlyaffirme that when we gave authoritie unto you twoe to judge of oure matter there was no mention made of anie suchdecision as you speake of And where you affirmea little after that you had no commission from anie of us to sett downe orders or lawes for oure direction or government & yf you meane this of some speciall commission, given in particular unto you at the first, you say somethinge, otherwise youre owne conscience surely might troble you much herein, and you make youre self to bea deluder of us all, as I will prove shortly. To begin therefore with this matter, Mr Clarke and you came to Father Edmunds his chamber , and requested for the avoyding of confusion that some twoeofoure companie might be chosen, withwhom youmighttalke in the name ofall the rest : whoe allso should have Authoritye from them for the ending of controversies amongst us whereuppon we called oure companie together whoe all appointed Father Edmunds and me to deale in their behalf. Then weare you and Mr. Clarke called againe and so comming to Father Edmunds & me MrClarke requested you to tell us the cause of youre comminge. But you refusing,first he sayde: brother, yf I misse in anie thingeIpraye you tell me. then he proceededin these words. we would knowe first whether you think we can doe you anie good ? wee answered that we doubted not, but you might doe us much good Then saydehe: we would knowe what commission, or Authority you will give us , and upon what matters present, paste, or to come , or for all, affirminge withall that mr doctor Bagshaweand mr Bluet⁹ had given Authority to dispose and determine in all things, what you thought good . 10 whereuppon I asked whether you had the like Authorityfrom the rest. He affirmed that you had theire words for all Brother sayd mr Clarke, is not as I have tolde them ? you affirmedit to be true. Then I sayde, Iwill never beleeve that all theyre companie have given consent to deale for them untill I see it in [p 2.] effecte Mr Clarke answered that he was assured of it, so far forthe as theire twoe promisses could assure hym.

for mr Bluet for his parte (sayde Mr. Clarke) when he asked what Authority they would give us, answered in these words : doe you thinke that we have sent for you to keepe sheepe ? what soever you twoe determine, we will stand unto Then dyd mr Clarke saye unto you : brother was it not thus ? you affirmedit to be true. and mr doctor Bagshawe, (sayd Mr Clarke) hath promissed me in private talke for hym self that allthough I would have hym putt his hand to your articles he will not refuse He hath also before my brother and mr Bluet affirmed that he was sure of all theire companie saving one, that they will stand to oure arbiterment, & that one I neede nott name. Then sayd mr Clarke unto you: brother is it thus ? you affirmed still, & smyling you added that that onewhom he excepted was a man not to be regarded byreason of his qualities. Then you named mr Ithell¹¹ and sayd he was the man whom mr doctor Bagshawe excepted whereuppon Father Edmunds & I craving a littlerespite, notwithstandingthatwethought ita harde case to call in question oure estateand alloureproceedings after so long deliberation , and prayer12 In the end we thought we could not sufficiently statisfie the worlde yf we refused to admitt you Then callinge you againe in teares as god and you knowe we layde thewhole burden uppon youre backes& dischargedoure selves saying that you should answer sweet Jesus and his holie Churche fortheireiniuries, yf you did not sufficiently provide for such evills as were like to befall us . And urging you further I tolde you that I had vowed that I would never ioyne withthemunlesse some order were sett downe amongst us, whereby we might lyve peaceably together. Then a little aftermr Clarke tolde us in vehement teares howe muche he pityed oure case, & that since he first heard of oure trobles he had bene of mynde that it was necessarie some good order should be sett downe amongst us whereby all controversies might be ended etc. Then dyd we deliver unto you oure rules or articles, grauntingAuthorityto confirme all, or disanull all; to putt in or to puttoutwhatyouthoughtgoodetc. youre selfmade a solempne protestationat the same tyme that yf you had twenty lyves you would loose them all rather then you would willinglie doe anie thinge in thismatterwhichmight not be to god his honor and glorie, and so we gave you paper to sett downe what you thought best expecting youre sentence Then after youre staye in mr Pound his chamber for a tyme (where you twoe conferred what good order might be the fittest for us etc. as we can shewe under his hande) you came downe, & restored oure rules or articles and lettres viz. that which we sent unto Father Walley and his answer, together with the paper, and so went to mr doctor Bagshaweand mr Bluet agayne, (not saying anie thing unto us) untowhom you related how fully we had submitted oure selves unto your order in all points. Hinc illae lachrymae, for sure it was not expected at our hands. Then afterwards what trobles followed you are not ignorant . 13 first one came to you and denyed that he had authorized mr doctor

Bagshaweand mr Bluet to give youleave to sett downe anie orders for hym. Anothersayde he was a free man, & that none excepting the pope should bynde hym to observeanie order Another tolde you that he hard that one ofyou twoe dyd saye, unless he would liveunder the government of a Jesuite, he should not have so muche as bread to put in his mouthe, boldlyaffirmingethat he wouldpull it forthe of oure teethe, etc. yf this be not seriouslie14 to talke of order (contraryto that which you affirme in youre letter) I knowe not the signification of the worde The next daye at after noone , you came to Father Edmunds and me, and you refusinge to make the speache unto us, mr Clarke tolde us that mr doctor Bagshawe and mrBluet had taken more uppon them then theycould performe, and that theyre companie had denied that ever they gave them anie such commission The substanceof these words you confesse in youre lastletter to mr doctor. And in myne opinion they firmly prove what speeches passed the daye before. And we must needes take it uppon oure selves that this narration is most true, and this we delivered to oure company so soone as we were freeed (sic) from oure promisse Nowe (good Sir) a worde or two obiter. eyther you must saye that this narration is true or false yf this betrue then youre [p 3.] lettre is false. yf you saye this is false , then marcke unto what absurdities you are brought first we are three and you but one, and as god and oure conscience knowe (that no historie can betruer) so areweto confirmeit byoatheorotherwise . Secondly whereasyou bothe came hither of charity to doe us good , I cannot but lament greatly to see you seeke your owne discredit so much. for suppose that you twoe had received no such commission from mr doctor Bagshaweand mr Bluet as he related unto us how then in conscience I praye you could you holde youre peace hearinge so false a narration yea and that which was more being demaunded by hym so often, was it not thus brother? and is it not as I have tolde them brother? You consented unto it and affirmed it to be true Againe yf you had no further commission then to decyde the breache of commons, to what purpose dyd we deliver oure rules to be confirmed or disallowed, in all, or in parte? Surely in myne opinion you might farr better saye that you wer not here at all, but your angell in your place. for certayne it is thatthesethings onlywererelated unto us, and we manifested them unto our company, which allso you knowe whiles youwere hereand talked with diverseofourecompanieofit, and yet nevercontradicted it. And for this we have mr Clarke his hande to showe and for nothinge els at that meeting . 15 And for this only we were freeed bycausetheyretracted in this point, whichyou also affirme in this lettre, whichgreevedyounot alittle To concludeit wascommonly spoken before you came and after that they would stand to such order as you should sett downe and he that would not let hym be cast out diverse of them commended mr Clarke for his good experience in governement. One of them often repeated that he

wouldnot lyve but amongst those which kept order. now how all these good purposes should so soone and sodaynely be quenched I cannot imagine, unless it was bycause they found you so opposite to order, whoe as you in this letter saye, would never have sett foote towards Wisbichyf you hadd oncethoughtthat it wouldbene offred you to sett downe anie lawes or articles for the directionof oure estate and government Yet it is as clear as the sonne that thesethingswere handled, otherwise those three had not come unto you, oneto denyeyour commission, the second to deny all authority excepting the Popes hollyness and the third to resiste the Jesuits government, and withall to declare what valoure there was in hym yfit cameto suche extremitie. I would knowe allso ofyou to what purpose should twoe be chosen to be talked with yf there were no more to be done then to judge whether we had synned or noe by this breache ofcommons Agayne yf there was not anie thing els in question but this forsayde breache, howhappenedit then we had not youre charitable resolution at the same tyme. you halt before a creeple (sic) & would daunce in a nett and not be seene . Marcke I praye youwhatyouaffirme! you confesse that bothparties gave you full commission and for this thinge only. you saye allso that Father Edmunds and I found you both resolute for the disanulling ofthe breache , neytherdo you charge anie to have hyndred youre good indevours, and yet you cannot for shame saye that it was effected. The next thing you make mention of is a conceipte of mrClarks whichhe had brought withhym in his bosome , thewhich for the present circumstances (as also for some sentences before) must needes be understoode of some statutes or orders which he thought fitt for oure companie, notwithstandingwe saye he never sett downe the matter playnely, neyther to them nor youre self And in another place speakinge of the same thinge, you saye he rather gave them leave to ayme at the matter then told them expressly his meaninge But surely herein youwere not sufficiently myndefullwhat you wrote and I fearethis untruthe is twoe palpable for all the house I warrant you knowe that it is untrue Alas you know his whole conceipte was set downe in wryting and read to both companiesin so much that he had consent from both parties to dilate more in particular uppon those orders which he brought withhym: Thewhichhe dyd and left withboth parties afterwards , and we have them still to showe . 16 Then a little after you goe in hande with a generall [p. 4] reconciliation or pacification,17 the which (as you say) mr doctor Bagshawe and mr Bluet dyd most ioyfully receive, also that Father Edmunds and my self dyd seeme to accept well of, but after you saye this good purpose was first hyndred by Father Edmunds (by reason that he had belike some articles to drawe, concerninge the better understanding of this reconciliation , & to declare how farre and in what sorte it might bynde everyone and all). Now (good Sir) for the better expedition and yt the world may playnely see your dealing in steede of an

answer I have set downe the articles verbatim first we are by gods grace in love and charity with all and beare no hatred or displeasure towards anie Secondly we forgive all private iniuries as we desyre all oures to be forgiven of god. thirdly we remittall private satisfactions as we hope the blood and passion of Jesus Christe to be oure satisfaction for all oure iniquities fourthlyoure meaninge is not that this shall preiudicate anie right or iustice apperteyninge to many in any common matter nor to debarr our selves herin from the manifestation or declaration of the veritie, of any matter, but in that to be left free as before, so farr as in conscience any iust occasion may permitt us fifthly this is not to bynde us all ioyntlyso that every one shall be bound for ech others actions yf he doe not fullfill these conditions but every man to answer severally for his owne action yf he doe transgresse . Speake noweyfyou can howyou were hyndred from effecting youre good purpose18 and wherein were you so streyned to doe against youre conscience I remember wellyou pretended ignoraunce, and could not see but the reservation of an action in iustice, should violate the reconciliationin charitie But how common this is in gods Churche, and how conformable to all Authoritie, and obvious in common sense , whoe seeeth (sic) not ? and for our partswe protest that we allwayes were and still are ready for any charitable reconciliation without making once mention ofyourfavourable19decysion concerninge the breache, nothing doubting of synne for that it is forbidden byno lawe. youallso obitermake mention ofan extracte which Father Edmunds told you of in the gallery. he utterly denyeth (I assure you), that he had any such words with you in that place. and one in this house (I cann assure you), tolde me before wytness that Father Edmunds had made you privie to those three sheetes20 in a morning before you celebrated, yea and before they gave theyre fowre articles for that purpose It pleaseth you allso in another letter to chargeus withlibelling, but how true those harde speeches are god he knoweth and the world by good proofe may be easilyinformed. For yf you meane to call this libelling to putt in writing the accusation of another mans faults, then doth the whole Churche of god in all good ordered places doe nothing elsbutlibell,whichismost absurde. for as youknoweall accusations are put in wrytinge where order of lawe is observed yf you would obiecte that some of us or anie hath reserved anie such thing or written from tyme to tyme, first yf it weare true you could never prove it, & therefore a greate synne to imputeit secondly we will all be sworn before anie competent judge that it is a false calumniation and that we never dyd not intended anie such opprobrious thinge, and that which we dyd was onelyfor oure discharge before you (being admitted as oure Judges) and compelled by them as theire fowre articles will declare to anie that shall see them, 21 and Ihave them instore as you knowe, neytherwould Ihave you thinke that we are so ignoraunt as to putt in practize so fowle a synne or

yet so grosse as to manifest it unto others, knowinge that by the lawes it is so cruelly punished, & by the cannons no lesse then whippingand a severe censure ofexcommunication threatend unto all such malignant persons wherefore (good mr D) I could wish you would call to mynde how daungerous a thing it is to toch the credit of preests with so foule an untruth I would have you also knowe that in this letter of myne I doe not excuse any but oure owne company for you knowe your self that it was affirmedin lent that one had xx articles [p 5] in writing to accuse me of, yet not being conscius mihi, I needed not to feare. and last of all I would learne how to tearme and call youre owne letter, wherein so grosse a synne is layd out to the vewe of the worlde and imputed to us all or at the least, to some of us, and yet the thing false, asbygood proofe we are able to confirme. Herebyyou might enter a little into gods judgments and learne to knowe what it is to pronounce a sentence of synne against so manie to the vewe of the world in a matter prohibited by no lawe, and where men use only theyre owne right. Towards the end of your letter you saye that mr Clarke and youre self were unwilling to heare the accusations which Father Edmunds and the rest had prepared against such as would not live under their commons, and therefore you cannot but commend them which were to be accused , and would not reaccuse and submitted themselves unto you as to theyre ordinarie etc. And therefore it maye not be sayde that they were the stayes of the accusations Then the next words : after my sincere dealing etc. I wouldwith all my harte you had dealt sincerely, for then I had not bene trobled with answeringe so manie untruths, and sureitis a wonderful thing that you twoe should not agree in the relatingof the processe of our matter in question, and that god should not suffer you to see such palpable darcknessein all your relations as partly before I have proved, and for this last you knowe we have fowre articles in theyre owne hand which you twoe delivered unto us, and whereby all youre proceedingswere cutt of and youre selves brought to an impossibility,22 or at the least youre credittsgreatly hazarded , yf you should proceede after such good collegiall and religious a waye, as according to oure articles was determined and that theyre foure articles were the cause and the staye only it is toto playne and cleare to whosoever hath or shall see them. this only cause was alleaged to Father Edmunds and me the morninge after that you delivered unto us theyre articles. This only was urged by you unto them and this mr Clarke hath lefte in wrytinge with us all. Furthermore you often requested at FatherEdmunds and me that at the lengthwe twoe gave themfull freedome to saye whattheycould against us, but this not suffizinge afterwards uppon youre motionwe tolde the rest of our companie ofit, whoe lykewyse gave them freedome against them allso, and that it was requested at oure hands & that we sought it not, may well be proved out of oure articles23 concerning that matter, the whichthey never found

fault with, and is to be gathered out of mr Clarke his notes left withusall. and beforeyou came manyof uswearethreatnedwhat should be obiected against us . But as they wearefrivolous so they were ashamed to bring them forthe, wee bynding them24 to deale as before theyre ordinarie , whereas yf they might have had suche liberall audience as you gave them in lent, no doubt they would have done well inough, and trobled us all and wearyed the hearers. The last thing you doe speake ofwhichconcerneth us is, that some prety jybes and frummps25have bene given you, which somehave expounded to be a little note which was sent unto you requesting youre resolution whether it was a mortall synne, or but a veniall which you charged us withall : for so much as youre words are ambiguous and might be interpretedin the more easie sense , and to speake a truthe, I knowe his intention was not otherwise , for we had talke ofit after you went awaye that night and discoursed fully how manie wayes your censure might be understoode to be true, and yet not to preiudicate us, whereuppon the note was sent unto you, and you answered as it might seeme not farre from that sense wherewith you charge hym. But for our partes I am sure we behaved our selves as might become men of our profession and function This much (good mr Dol :) I thought necessary[p.6] to sett downe for oure discharge before god and the world. and that the innocent man26 in regard of his charitable paynes and charges might not so uniustly reape dishonoure and discredit. The thing wholly brought (as you see) betwixt you twoe, and one ofyou clearlyacquiteth one parte, and the other of you purgeththeother parte, but how far one of you must be discredited I feare you marcked it not at the wrytinge of this letter and I doubt not but the good old man will be cleared God graunt us peace and union of myndes .

Your loving frend Christopher Southworth .

Addressed in same hand : To my loving ff[rend Mr New]ton. Damaged Seal mark.

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator: Southworth to Dolman challenging that he had not dealt wellin his commissiontowching the pacification. This is twine. [N.B. No other copyis extant .]

NOTES

1 Christopher Southworth , secular priest, was born in 1556 , the fourthson of Sir JohnSouthworth, ofSalmesbury , Lancashire, whowas a noted Recusant. He enteredthe English College, Rome, on 1 April 1580, and was ordained in 1583 (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p. 21). His departure for the mission was delayed by ill-health (Knox, Allen, p 250). He left for England in December 1586 (Knox, D.D. p 214), and was arrestedin London shortly before 10 March 1587. He remained in the Counter, Wood Street, until his transfer to Wisbech early in 1588 (cf. Prison Lists, C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 276, 278, 279, 280) At the end of 1598 he was one of the four Wisbech prisonerstransferred to London, where he was lodgedin the Gatehouse on 19 December for interrogation (cf. Dasent XXIX, pp. 374, 381) This transfer was suspected to be at Bagshaw's instigation (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, [1602], No. XXXVIII, note 17). In 1604 he seems still to have been at workin England (cf. Hatfield Cal XVI, p 33).

2 Alban Dolman, alias Newton, was a Marian secular priest He was born c 1530 , and was a pensionerand scholar at Trinity College, Cambridge , but did not graduate ( Venn II, p 54) He was ordained in 1558 (Prison Lists, C.R.S. Vol 2, p 249) He was arrested in London in April 1574 , with other priests, but was released the following year (Dasent VII, pp. 218, 287) He was an adherent of the Morgan-Paget faction among the exiles , which intrigued for years against the authority of Dr. Allen, later Cardinal In January 1585, Dolman was recommended by Morgan and Paget as likely to be of service to Mary, Queen of Scots (cf. Scottish Cal. VII, p 524, 529) Morgan attempted to resume contact with him in 1590, (Hatfield Cal. IV , p. 9). He was again imprisoned in Newgate in February 1585, but was released in the second half of 1586 (cf. Prison Lists, C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 249, 252, 256, 273) He was a frequent visitor to Wisbech, acting often as a carrier ofalms (cf. Theporter, E. Hall's evidence , 31 March 1596 , S.P.D. Eliz Vol 256, n 116) Letters in this present volume show him to have been a close partisan of Bagshaw He was latera supporter ofthe Appellant party (cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p. 149 and II, p. 185). He was still alive in 1606 (Hatfield Cal. XVIII, p. 395).

3 Soon after the failure of the May arbitration , Dolman appearsto have writtentwo letters, whichlater wordsofSouthworth inthis presentdocument show to have been to Bagshaw These the latter must have published, and in consequence Southworth found it necessary to make this present long reply to the assertions containedin them Dolman's letters have not survived, but the contents are discernible from Southworth's remarks

4 As Weston later described to Aquaviva, the physical breach among the prisonershad occurred through the ejection fromthe commondininghall of all those who showed a real intention of devising some system of rules fortheircommonlife(cf.WestontoAquaviva , 27 March 1598, No.XXXVII, note 15). No rules had, in fact, yet been planned, and the breach was in no waya result ofthe establishmentof the confraternity It was evidently Dolman's intention in his letters to Bagshaw (see Note 3), however , to affirm that the confraternity had caused the breach, and that it was on the goodness or badness ofthis fictionthat hehad to decide Southworth's following description of the mid-Lent visit indicates that Dolman was , in fact, well aware that this position was false. Dolman's words were also in conflictwith Southworth's description a little later, of the commission which was in reality given to the two arbiters, which account is closely supported by that of Dr. Bavant (see note 10 below). In his replyto this present letter some weeks later, however , which was published abroad

without reference to Southworth (cf. Dolman to Bagshaw , 29 July 1595, No. IX, note 3), Dolman repeatedthe same assertionabout his commission unaltered (cf. Dolman to Southworth, [29 July 1595], No. X, note 5) Cf. alsoBavant to Bagshaw[c .August 1595], No. XIII, note 2.

5 This is confirmed by a letter of Dolman himself to Bagshaw, after the May arbitration : " ... your self toulde me, Mr Longe [alias Robert Charnock, priest] lett you understand, that ther were mani exceptions agaynst me." (Dolman to Bagshaw , 20 May 1595, Westm. V, n. 12).

6 After their early ejection from the common hall (see note 4 above), the Twenty setto workto makea systemofsimplerules, which they all signed. Then, desiring to have some head to govern in accordance with therules , they wrote to Garnet asking for Weston as their superior (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII). Dolman's Lent visit to the Castle here described evidently occurred at this juncture , with the confraternity not yet formallyestablished , nor Garnet's reply received An agreement at Dolman's instance, to postponethe formal "joining together" for a short while was ,however, considered cancelled by the arrival of Garnet [alias Walley's] letter, which allowed Weston a mere moral leadership and no jurisdiction (cf. Ibid. Note 10) During this Lent visit Dolman clearly held no meetings with both sides together, nor did he attempt any kind of trial of matters at issue betweenthem. With the Twenty he discussed the proposed confraternity , had Garnet'sletterread to him, informed Bagshawofitscontents, andevidently gave them the impressionthat hehimself was satisfied , when he left the Castle probably about the end of March

7i.e. Alban Dolman and Dr. John Bavant, the two arbiters in May. John Bavant or Bavyn, D.D., alias Mr. Clarke, was a Marian secular priest, probably of about the same age as Dolman He hada distinguished career at Oxford, and left the country in 1560, owing to the changeof religion He remained in Rome until after the settlement of the first troublesin the newEnglish College, whenhe was proposedas an alternative to Maurice Clenock as Rector After some months with Allen in Reims he came on the English mission in June 1581. He suffered a period of imprisonment in 1585 to 1586. For a fuller biography and references , cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 75, note 1

8 i.e. at Dolman's first visit to the Castle in Lent, when his activities included nothing in the nature of an arbitration (see Note 6 above)

9 Thomas Bluet, secular priest, possibly about the same age as Dolman. In 1560 hewas a Protestant minister at Rogate, in thediocese ofChichester (cf.H.Gee , The Elizabethan Clergy, 1558-1564 ,Oxford 1899, p.275). Arriving at Douay on 19 March 1577 , he was ordained priest on 24 February 1578 , and was sentback to England laterthat year (cf. Knox, D.D. pp. 117 , 135 , 260, 290) He was arrested in Berkshire on 17 October 1578 (Dasent X , p 348-9) He was movedfrom London to Wisbech , with ThomasMetham , S.J. and others, about October 1580 (Knox, D.D. pp 149, 171) He remained at Wisbech until transferred to Framlingham with the other prisonersin early 1601 (cf. Bluet's Declaration, True Relation, Appendix K, pp. 153-8) After Metham's death in June 1592, Bluet's behaviour, until then kept in checkby his regard for Metham, degenerated , and encouraged by Bagshaw , he became notorious for violence towards other priests, dealings withheretics , and excessive drinking He became one ofBagshaw's closest supporters, and used his position as keeper of the common purse to harass others, including some of his own party (cf. Briefe Apologie, ff. 70-1 ; Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, 1602, No. XXXVIII ). He was later one of the most prominent of the Appellant party, being one of thefour

who went to Rome for the trial of their case in 1602. Thereis extensive evidenceof his dealings with Bancroft, Protestant Bishop of London, in this connection (cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I and II; Cal. S.P.D. 1601-1603 ; St. Paul's Cathedral MSS Vol IV; Hatfield Cal XI, XII) Afterhis return to England, he seemsto havepassed the restofhis lifeunder Bancroft's protection, dying probably sometime in 1604 (cf. Stonyhurst Anglia VII, n. 75 ; Vat Arch. Borghese III, 124. g 1. ff 104-5 ; Bluet's Protestation to the Government, 27 July 1603, Westm VII, n 94)

10 The main points of these negotiations, described so minutely in this present letter, concerningthe commissionto be given to the two arbiters, are all corroborated by Bavant in his letter to Bagshaw of [c. August 1595], Answersto the First and Second Propositions (No. XIII). Of particular interest is Bavant's confirmation that Bagshaw privatelypromisedhim that he would, if required, even sign the Twenty's Rules It is also clear that Dolmansupported Bavant's wordsat thetime whenthe matter was in hand Garnet says of the commission: "Two priests were chosen by either side to represent theirfellows . These pairs yielded full power to those two others[i.e. the arbiters] to reacha judgment on the wholematter ” (Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII) Contrary to many other assertions by himself or his followers, Bagshaw admitted very shortly after the arbitrationthat the commissiongiven to the arbiters was a general one : "Everyone ... voluntarylysubmitted him with assurance of obedience to twowhoforall precedent matters wereauthorised asordinary iudges toprocedde to examination, sentence and censure " (Bagshawto a NorfolkGentleman , [c. late May 1595], No. III). Editor'sitalics

11 Ralph Ithell, secularpriest, was born c 1547, matriculated at Trinity Hall at Easter 1560, and was a scholar there in 1561 ( Venn II, p. 452). He enteredthe Jesuit novitiate on 12 October 1564, and served a fourmonths' probation at Mainz He then studied until 1567 at the Roman College. No reason is recorded for his leaving the Society (Catalogus Primorum Patrum ac fratrum Soc Jesu ex Anglia, Stonyhurst). No information survives to show when or where he was ordained, or lived for some years. His recent arrival in England (probably not the first time) was noted by a spy in May 1585 , and he was reported as having been conversant with Paget and Morgan abroad (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1581-1590, p 242) He was in the Tower in September1586, accused of complicity in the Babington Plot. He was removed to the Counter, Wood Street, in October 1588, and to Wisbech sometimeafter 1588 (Prison Lists, C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 259, 284) Though one of the thirteen dissidents at Wisbsch at this time, his most violent quarrels seem to have been with Bagshawand Bluet (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII; Briefe Apologie , f 72v) Ithell was sent for to London, probably at his own request in September1597. He apostatised and resided in the Bishop of London's palace (cf. Dasent XXVIII, pp. 17-8 ; Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, note 27). He was appointed to a living in Aldham, Essex, in 1599, and to Wickham Episcopi in 1600, which latter he held until his death in 1618 (cf. Venn II, p 452)

12 Though the Twenty must have known, after Dolman had returned to Wisbechwithintendaysofhismid-Lent visit, witha report ofDr.Windham's alleged condemnation of the confraternity, (cf. Dr. Windham's letter, [c. June 1595], No. V , IntroductoryNote), that they had not seen the end ofhim ,itis clearthat they considered any questionsabout the confraternity closed by the receipt of Garnet's letter (see Note 6 above) Since the physical breach of commons had, in any case , preceded the writing of any rules (see Note 4 above), their reluctance "to call in question oure estate

and all our proceedings after so long deliberation, and prayer" , is understandable. Their agreement now, therefore, to Dolman and Bavant's attempted arbitration, is witness to a real desire for an ordered peace embracingalltheprisoners Theygavethe arbiters a "generalcommission" and delivered up their Rules for examination "with Authorityto confirme all, and disanull all ; to putt in to or putt out what you thought good" . These points are all confirmed by Bavant (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , [c August 1595], No. XIII, Answear to the Second Proposition). It is clear that such a process of examination necessarily placedthe arbiters in some position of rule makers, and in this probably lay the real cause of the collapse of the general commission(see Note 13).

13 The account which follows of the failure of the "general commission" is supported by Bavant, in his Answear to the Second Proposition, ut supra. For Dolman's different version, cf. Dolman to Southworth , [29 July 1595], No. X, note 5.

14 The meaning here is 'seriatim' , i.e. one after another Archaic.

15 The paper referred to here has not survived It is probably the same document which is mentioned twice more in this letter as Mr. Clarke's "wrytinge" and as his "notes left with us all" Bavant mentionedseveral times a setofNoteswhich he had left or sentto all the prisonersconcerning the eventsof his visit (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , [c . August 1595], No. XIII, note 3) Southworth's next words, especially concerning certain members of Bagshaw's party, who were reputed to have been willing to accept some system of rules, indicate that Dolman himself was one of the biggest obstacles in the way of sucha solution.

16 Bavant dealtwith this "conceipte" [i.e. idea] of his own for a system of ordersfor the prisonersat the end ofhis Answearto the Second Proposition, No. XIII, ut supra In spite of the fact, mentioned here by Southworth , that copies of Bavant's scheme were left with both sides , Dolman later again asserted that the plan in question was "not set downein forme , and so fare from puttinge in forme, as that to his lykinge, he [Bavant] coolde not then dreme therof" (cf. Dolman to Southworth, ut supra, No. X, note 3).

17 For Bavant's remarks about the proposed general reconciliation, cf. The Answear to the Thrydd Proposition, ut supra. The idea was his alone, and evidently evolved as a last effort to achieve something "after we had wearied our selfs for the space of three or foure days, and had_profited no thyng ... " Dolman does not mention that the scheme was Bavant's, but seems to claim it for himself (cf. Dolman to Southworth, ut supra, note 5).

18 Bavant confirms that Weston wrote these 5 articles, and also Southworth's words that Weston had done so because he wished the reconciliation plan to be better understood by everyone Bavant adds that when he himself reassured Weston, the 5 articles had been withdrawn, and that theTwenty had made no other hindrance to the reading of the pacification paper (cf. The Answearto the Thrydd Proposition, ut supra) Dolman quoted these 5 articles in fullfrom this presentletter, but as a setting foranother version of the events (cf. Dolman to Southworth, ut supra, note 10).

19The meaning is 'partial' or 'prejudiced' Archaic

20A great stir was madeabout these 3 sheets of paper attributedto Weston, in an attempt to substantiate charges of "libellinge" made against the

Twenty. (cf. Dolman to Southworth, [29 July 1595], No. X, note 12 ; True Relation, p 40) Bavant's answer on this point was that he never knew the precise number ofthe sheets, but that he had heardof a proposal tolist a number ofthe faults which had led to the separationfor the arbiters to consider , "yf that course of procedying by accusationhad taken place" As this course of action had not been pursuedat that moment, the alleged three sheets had never come to the arbiters' hands (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw, ut supra, No. XIII, note 9) The incident in question probably occurred in the period of deadlock immediately after the failure of the general commission , and before Bavant tried his idea of a general charitable reconciliation , for some process of "accusations " was agreed upon later (see Notes 22-24 below)

21 There seem to be two points involved in Southworth's remarks in these last few lines about Dolman's charge of libelling (a) That Southworth's side had written down details of the faults of the other party, but had not published them , reserving them for a future occasion This, as he says, Dolman could never prove (b) The writing down of accusations as required by Bagshaw'sparty's4 articles (see Note 22 below), in which case Dolman would appear to have been condemning them for doing what he himself had urged them to do (see Note 23 below)

22 Dolman quoted these4 articles of Bagshaw'sparty in full (cf. Dolman to Southworth, ut supra, No. X, note 13) They contain demandsfor satisfaction for the alleged slandergiven by the fact of the breach of commons , and for personalaccusations to be set down in writing, "sub poenatalionis" if not proved. (Concerning this particular threat, cf. The Pacification , 6 November 1595, No. XXI, note6) They demandedalso that the arbiters were to be accepted as lawful judges, to hear these personalaccusations , but whose censures would be accepted onlyon condition that security from any other censures on these matters was assured to Bagshaw'sparty It can well be understoodthat the arbiters' designs for a general charitable reconciliation on the lines explained by Bavant (see Note 17 above), were frustrated by these 4 articles They were also completely disingenuous , for there was no one in England at the time having canonical authority to appoint these two men to act as ordinaries to judge of these matters according to Canon Law Bavant clearly saw this difficulty (cf. The Answear to the Fourth Proposition, ut supra) Also, if odium rested on Bagshaw'sfollowers because of the breach, their own actions had invited it (see Note 4 above ), and their own messengers had spread news of the dissensions (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII, note 4).

23 i.e.Weston's 5 articles, of which the spiritwasdirectlycontrary to personal (i.e. private) accusations TheTwenty, as can be seen from Southworth's words at this time, only agreed to allow such a process because Dolman "often requested"it

24This "bynding" of Bagshaw'sparty to behave in the matterof accusations as beforetheirordinaries, is a reference toa third set of7 articlesor conditions made by the Twentyin an attempt to mitigate the evils of the process of personalaccusations , which they had reluctantlyagreed to at Dolman's instance. The 7 articles are quoted in full by Dolman, and given his own interpretation (cf. Dolman to Southworth, ut supra, note 13) Afterasking whether the arbiters considered such accusations safe for men bound to live continually together, and whether they intended to stay long enough toexamineallthe accusations , these articleslaid downthat anyonedeclaring any matter must, as though in a court, neither lie, conceal nor equivocate, but act with due modesty, after which sentence was to be pronounced As Southworth comments, such provisionsin fact halted the whole matter,

since what the other side really wantedwas another "suche liberall audience" as Dolman had granted to them in Lent

This is itself a revealing glimpse of the nature of Dolman's meetings with Bagshaw'sfollowers during his first visit Bavant himself, was moreconcerned withthe arbiters' difficulty ofnot beingable to considerthemselves as ordinaries (see Note 22 above)

25Archaic word meaning 'jeer' The incident in question probably took place after Bavant had left the scene, following his contumelioustreatment at the hands of Bagshaw'sfollowers (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 20)

26 i.e. Dr. Bavant

DR. WINDHAM¹ QUALIFYING HIS WORDS [c June 1595.]

Westm . V, n 9. Contemporary copy.

Introductory Note to No. V. The background of this letter is as follows : Soon after Christmas 1594 Weston had withdrawnfrom the company to his own room in protest againstthe disorderly conditions among them, had been questionedafter a few daysabout his ideas by Bagshaw'sfollowers, and then , whenthe majorityshowed a real intention of implementing his proposals and devising a schedule of rules to regulate their common life, Bagshaw's party had driven them out of the common dining hall (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, and Notes5 and 6 tothat Ms.) The physicalbreach of commons had thus occurred very early in the stirs and had not been occasioned by the signing of any rules Affairs were in this state when the visit of Dolman occurred in mid Lent, which is described by Southworth Dolman found the Twentyintending to establishtheirconfraternity formally attheendofthat quarter, butnot yetinreceiptof Garnet'sreplyto the request to be allowed to have Weston as their leader As soon as this wasreceived it was shown to Dolman, who professed himself satisfied, and told them that Bagshaw had been so informed (cf. Southworth to Dolman [c early June], No. IV). In reality, however , some secret scheme for spreadingthe conflict outside the prison must have been arranged with Bagshaw, for Dolman went immediately to visit Dr. Windham, and returned within ten days to report that the lawyer had condemned the Twenty's proceedings (cf. Bagshawto Dr. Windham, [c . late June 1595], No. VI ; the True Relation , pp 32-3). Evidently quite unexpected, this report was not credited, and somememberofthe confraternity wrote (letter not nowextant) for clarification This presentletter was Windham's reply to these queries, and it revealsthat not only were the membersof the confraternity deceived by Dolman , but also Windham himself This copy of his letter, probably made by some supporter of Bagshaw , because of its presence among these papers , is not dated, but as Windham mentions his delay in replying, it probably belongs to not earlier than June

JHESUS MARIA

Sir, For asmuche as in one parte of your letter nowe longe agoe received I fynde certeine woords sett downe as written to your companie conteining yt I shoulde conclude yt the saide companie mighte not prescribe anie newe cannons withoute the licence of a byshope. And agayne yt the separationeof the saidecompanie in commons from the reste was against charitie And 31ie yt their libellinge againstethe imperfections of theire brethren was contrarie to all goode learninge, and the practise of the primitive churche in the tyme of persecutione Addinge in the ende of this matter, yt this beinge thus written as myne opinione goeth still currante for myne opinione and censure , and yt it so will doe, onlesse it be signified to the contrarie.2 for this consideracionI fynde my selfe in some maner bounde to wryte agayne unto youe, althoughe

otherwyse I had determined no further to have trobled youe with anie more replyinge aboute this matter.3 Supposinge that ifI shoulde suffer this reporte still to remaine and continewe of me , beinge thus byyoue admonished thearofI mighte iustlie incure no meane blame , as acknowledginge by my silence these assertionsto be myne, wherefore yt youe and the reste of those reverende fathers with youe may understande howe farre those assertions agree, or disagreefrom that which hearein hath bene saide by me. firste, speache beingemadeto me by a reverend and grave persone and one yt greatlie labored for unitie to be amongestyoue all, as if this youre separatione had tended to the institutione of a newe associatione to be had under one certeine heade or governoure, and under certeine rules to be observed and receyved of the hoole societie . I saide yt if this shoulde be done with purpose and meaningeto bynd theme to the observatione of those things as to a forme of a religione : then this beinge a newe Religione not heartofore instituted it might in no wise be done praeter scientiam et approbationem Summi pontificis And as towchingethe seconde opinione sayde to be myne, the separatione on your parte beinge sett owte to me in suche sorte, and with such circumstancesas it seemed unto me, that if the same separatione went forwarde occasionthearof wolde be geven of some sinister suspicionagainste the other parte. I saide yt the saide separacionshouldebe againste charitie finallie towchinge the thirde part of this reporte madeof myne opinione : I answeare advisedlie yt I neither charged the companie, nor anie of theme with anie such libellinge ; neitherdid I tearme anie of your proceedings related to me in this matter to be a kynde of libellinge : neither (to my remembrance) was theare anie speache of libellinge betwixte us.8 muche lesse did I make theareof yt fonde and unsavorie illatione which is alleaged, and which no novis I will not saye in divinitie, but in Christiane religione woldeeverhave made, if he had but reddeor harde Non dicas falsum testimonium adversus proximum tuum, and knowne it to be a comandemente; neither wolde he have censuredso grevousa cryme with so softe a reprehensioneas to tearme it a thinge againstegoode learninge Nowe if all these circumstances and supposes which youe have hearde beinge omitted it hath bene written to your companie yt I shoulde simplie and generalie saye of theime ; firste that they mighte not sett downeanie newe canons ofreligione, and yt theire divisione or separatione was againste charitie. And finallieyt theire libellingagainstethe imperfectionsoftheire brethren wascontrarie to all goodlearninge etc. The reporterhathdelivered to the saide companie his own opinione and not myne. either mistaking at the firste my woords, orafterwards forgettinge theyme andthesenseor substance of theme Besydeytinan other respecte also this matter faleth owte contrarie to my expectatione, which is yt at all I ame made authore of anie opinione in this matter, beinge itnothinglessethen my intente to deliver aniethingespoken

by me in the [p 2.] matter as a resolutione of myne opinione thearein : knowinge my selfe in divers respects farre unmeete to decidea matter of suche waighte betwixtepersons of your qualitie Onelie in talke too and fro I saide either in favoure or disfavoure of one syde or the other as at that sodaineseemed to me was to be saide , little lokinge to have hearde againe anie further repititione theareof . And this I truste shall suffice bothe for the stainge of all sinster conceite yt in this matter heareafter mighte be made of me if this had bene omitted: and also for the cancelingeofyt which alreadie maye have possessed anie of the saide fathers, as I hartelie require bothe youe and theme it maye, assuringeyoue as it was not my doinge, so was it never my intent, and meaningeetc. Resteth to give youe most hartie thanks for your greate goode will in not lightlie belevinge those fonde reports made to youe of me. I recommend me most hartelie to your charitable devotione , and withlikeaffectione I require youe to continewe your goodeopinione towards me, etc. Norwich.

Yours to commande , E.

W.

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator: Dr. Windam qualifying his words in saying separation amongst the priests to be a sinne.

NOTES

1 Edmund Windham (or Windam) was probably a son of Sir Edmund Windham, of Felbrigg Hall, Norfolk, who had been one oftheVisitors for the Visitation of the South in 1559. He matriculated from St. John's College, Cambridge in 1564, ( Venn IV, p. 436), and was admitted to Lincoln's Inn in 1568 (Lincoln's Inn Admissions Register, 1420-1799) Sandergives his nameas one of the eight Civiland Canon Lawyersdeprived on groundsofreligion in 1571 (De Visibili Monarchia, p 688) Heappears to have been arrested in Norfolk after the Queen's progress in 1578 , and was sent to the Fleet (Knox, D.D. p 149) He was a prisoner at Wisbech in 1580 (J. Morris, Troubles, II, p 227) He was at this time living at Norwich, doubtless in retirement

2Dolman returned to Wisbech within ten days of his first departure to report Windham's "great mislike" of the separation (True Relation, p 33), in a document presumably written by himself, since it is clear from this present letter that Windham himself wrote nothing

3Windham's troubles in "replyinge aboute this matter" were far from over with this present letter, for his opinion seems to have been solicited on the same subject many times in the ensuingmonths by one personor another. "Surely ... they weary all ther frends for mr D. Wyndham is sorey he hayth delt so farr in itt ... " This was reported to Bagshawin the autumn as the words of a lay supporter of Weston (cf. Dr. Farbeck & Mr. Cary's discourse [c. late September /October 1959], Westm. V, n. 20).

4 i.e. Alban Dolman, alias Mr. Newton Bagshaw describes how, having failed to achieveanything during his Lentvisit, Dolman went off to consult outsiders "for better manifestation of the truth in time" , (cf. Bagshawto Dr. Windham, [c late June 1595], No. VI) This consultingwas, however, donewithoutthe knowledgeof the Twenty (see IntroductoryNote above).

5 Since Dolman had had consultationswith its own members , and must have been well aware of the aims and intentions of the proposed confraternity , and had also seen Garnett's letter during his recent visit to Wisbech (cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c. early June 1595], No. IV), he had evidently deliberately misrepresentedthe matterto Windham In particularno one was under any compulsion to join (cf. 18 Priests to Garnet, [7 February 1595], No. I, and Rule 11 of the Schedule , No. II)

6 The expression "newe Religione" shows that Windham had been led to believe that the Twenty's plan to procure for themselves some measure of order in their prison life, was to be construed as a scheme to found a new Religiousorder, forwhichPapalauthoritywould beneeded Itisimpossible to believe that Dolman could in good faith submit such a version of the events as matterfor the lawyer's considered opinion

Dolman had evidently left Windham in ignorance that there was any question that "sinister suspicion" had causedthe Twenty toworkfor order , but had led him to believe that such a thing was only to be feared as a futureeffect ofa system of rules proposed on no reasonable grounds.

8 By theseremarks about "libellinge" , from which Dolman's report of his supposed opinion canbe inferred, Windham reveals the measure ofDolman's double deception His words a little later in this present letter: "The reporter hath delivered to the saide companie his owne opinioneandnot myne" , seems a mild comment on such dealings!

9 Windham had evidently been unaware that he was being asked for any sort of judgment on the Wisbech differencesduring Dolman's visit, and he had evidently considered the meetingsimply as a friendlyconversation , and not intended to elicit authoritative pronouncements The account of their meeting given in the True Relation, p 33, is clearly a laterinvention , based on Dolman's so-called "report" of the lawyer's views.

No. VI.

BAGSHAW TO DR WINDHAM [c . late June 1595.]

Westm. V, n 3. Copy in Calverley's hand Another rougher draft, lacking thefinal two sentences, in Bagshaw'shand, Westm. V, n 4.

Introductory Note to No. VI. This letterwas evidently written byBagshaw after the reception at Wisbech of Dr. Windham's letter correcting Dolman's versionoftheirmeeting(cf. Dr.Windham qualifyinghis words, [c June 1595], No.V) Bagshawappears to have learnt that Dolman's reports of the alleged condemnationofthe confraternity had been discredited, but hehad obviously not seen Windham's letter itself, since he repeated unaltered the terms of Dolman's "report" , (see Note 10 below)

Good Mr D[r]W[indham]. After Christmas last, this howse beinge ofexceedinge good credittabroad , 1 & as it seemed cuius participatio erat in idipsum within, Mr Edmunds begana secession himselfalone into his chambre, 2 whether upon ye deathe of our late Cardinallye mastix of division, or ye imminent trouble & likely remoove of some here , whom he knew to be always enemies of faction & innovation , or some discontentment whichis more then probablyobiected againste him, he tooke occasionto divide himself , god he knoweth. The pretexte was businesse, but ye intente or at least effect , the institution ofa severallorder,as theyterme it, whichisan association secretly ofdivers, yt have given him infalliblejudgement,& merum dominium without exception : barringe all others to livewiththem which will not subscribe to theire constitutions . To coloure this attempte great horrible enormous crimes were pretended to be amongst us, reported to divers straungers, even lay & uncatholike, at divers times, incultated (sic) by speeches, registered & extracted in copies, & divulgated in sundry letters for redress whereof it wasgiven out,yt such a confederacywas necessarilytobeestablished , wherein assure yourself magis factio falsa fingentium , (as St. Augustine saith) quam ratio vera convincentium praevalebat. Therefore though we might sufficientlywith him have aunsweared , Quod obiicit nec cognoscere potuimus, nec incognitum damnare debuimus : yet least we should any way preiudice ye promotinge of discipline,whichtheythough vainly pretended, at theire motion, we were contente & desirous to let Mr Newton have ye hearinge & ye decidinge of ye breach Oure unitye & uniformitye of behaviour, he saw was our securitie. Theire calumniations he sufficiently knew by ye full triall afore himself of divers oftheire accusations (one being accused of little less then a rape, another of incontinent behaviour, another of betrayinge our secrets tooure keeper) of greatest moment & greatest malice The aequitie ofye

cause mightthen have exacted a finall resolution : yett he thought good to differ it ; for better manifestation of truth in time, for greater assistance with an associate , for further consultinge with those whose grave & sound advice the cause mighte ye better be overweighed Amongst others he made speciall choice ofyourself not onelyfor entercourseofgoode friendshippe and greate aestimacion of your learninge (as divers can well witness) but for ye exact content of some, & as it was thought ofall here for besides other causes of greate reverence to be given to you (which I will not relate, & you I am sure will not be desirous to heare) we made reckoninge of you, as by corporall presence, as of one of our selfes.⁹ whereuppon he was more willingeto imparte : & wee more desirous to heare your opinion : which is three pointes he signified. That theire separation was against charitye ; their canons without authoritie; theire libellinge against good learninge . 10 The fact he hath of knowledge, yet sparinglye related unto you : & most truly & faithfully did he reporte unto you the circumstance of so much as he imparted yett I assure you, for ought yt I can see or heare: he hath of modesty & purpose concealed very much for if you did knowall the unpriestly, & unchristian deformytyes in yewhole courseof this separation : what vizardsoever of order, & discipline it carrieth afore it, you woulde not marvaile , yet now it is as Mr Newton most wisely foresaw& foretold, the most scandalous thinge, that ever yett happened in our cause, all this time Now good Mr D[octor] considerwhat dealinge this is to take thingswiththe lefte hande which are given by the right :11 To make the relation ofye facte youres, orye censureeither, is to extendetheireseditious humour to others, wherewith they have allready practised amongst us But to make you ye author of our standinge against them , is such as untruth as I will spare my penne, and your eares (which hithertoI have done in other their actions) to give it the right name. The creditt ofMr Newton in anyother thinge ; I dare matchwith & I doubt not will outmatch theirs, in any indifferentjudgement . ButI will say fartherin this pointwithSt Augustine cont : Parm : Qui sine studio partiumiudicat eligat quibus credat, utrum iudicibus sententias proferentibus, an litigatoribus contra quos prolatae sunt litem finire nolentibus certe orbis terrarum iudicibus credidit. And therefore against theire reportes to youoftheire proceedings, 12 theire sendinge of some to you with tayles & propositions, the showinge of some parte of youre letters for countenancinge their devises; with concealment of ye rest : theire catchinge certain your words to infringe Mr Newtons his creditt ; theire goingeabout to settyou twoe at variance, I oppose that sainge of yt holy father in ye selfe same matter: non solum qui bonam causam perdidit de iniquo,vel tardo, vel negligenti iudice conqueritur: sed etaim[?] qui iustissime victus , ea caecitate de innocente iudice murmurat, qua caecitate cum innocente adversario litigabat. And therefore I referr all particulars to his narration; against whose charity,

sincerity, & sufficiency noe exception can be made. And so commendingeour estate, & especially the honour & unity of gods church to youre good counsailes and devotions I humbly take my leave

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator:

The beginning of Edmonds separation at Christmas after the Cardinalls death.

The manner was he kept his chamber pretendinge busines: His adhaerents likinge of his devises did yeald unto him merum imperium . Theydevised diverse slanders against the other side, pretendinge a greater puritye.

The endorsements on Bagshaw's rough draft (Westm . V , n. 4) : (1) In the hand of one of Bancroft's clerks : A letter ofDr Bagshawes to Dr Windamas it seemeth , touchinge yebeginning of Edmonds separation after the death of Card[inal] Allen There is another Copie hereof indorsed (2) A few surviving words in the hand of Bancroft's collaborator.

NOTES

1 There is certainly no evidence beforethe end of 1594 that reports of any disorders among the Wisbech prisoners had been spread among Catholics outside or to visitors, as was done deliberately from early 1595, (see note 6 below). Garnet, however, was aware thatall was notwell : "Iunderstand in generall by him [Weston], that things go worse & worse, with no order butconfusion& daungerofgreatscandall" (Garnetto Persons 6 September 1594, Stonyhurst Anglia I, n 81, printed in Foley, Records IV, pp 45-8).

2 Mr. Edmunds is Weston's usual alias "Mastix" here means someone violently hostile to division Archaic Though Cardinal Allen had had a continuous fight for years against intrigues against his authority and leadershipamongthe Catholicexiles, which had centredin particular around ThomasMorgan, Charles Paget, Owen Lewis, BishopofCassano, andothers, (cf. forexample, Briefe Apologie , Chapters 1 & 4; Knox, Allen , and Knox , D.D. passim), his prestige had been great enough to maintain a certain degree of unity among English Catholics, certainly in England itself Bagshaw'ssuggestion here of a connection between Allen's death and the outbreak ofserious troubles at home is a revealingpointer to his ownplans, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 12 July 1595, No. VIII, IntroductoryNote and Introduction Part I). For an account of Weston's withdrawal after Christmas 1594 and of Bagshaw'sfollowers' first agreementwith the ideas for order which he put forward, cf. No. VIII, Notes 5 & 6 :

3 Garnet had earlier tried to arrange with Persons' help some scheme of 'exchanges ' of trouble-makersat Wisbechwith, perhaps, English prisoners held abroad, as a means of relieving the situation there without scandal: " ... ifyou think it not to late to seeke to remedy such things : you may take order , but in this I can say no more than I have written already no person may be named, or particularlyrequired in exchange for that were to breede farther inconveniencethan we seeke to remedy but it must be putte to the free ellection of such as desyre to leav ther countrey, for indisposition or other respects & than will the other company procure that such shall desyre it as are fittest to be spared Neither can this be pro- pounded to the counsell by any here but by those which desyre to be deliveredfrom thence [Wisbech]. which they must do by wrytingto their ownefrends by ordinary postes briefly . You see the endwhich we desyre: you know to find the meanes " (Garnet to Persons, 6 September 1594 , referenceas in Note 1 above) Bagshaw's wordsin this presentlettermay be an indication that some such plan was in hand, though no one was in fact moved from Wisbech at this time

4 In view of the early approval by Bagshaw'sfollowers of Weston'sproposal that a system ofrules should be drawnup, it couldhardly be saidthat much secrecysurroundedthe plan for a confraternity , which eventually grew out of the majority's desire for order, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII). It was open toall who wishedtojoin, (cf. 18 Prieststo Garnet , [7 February 1595], No. 1 ; Weston to Aquaviva , 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII)

5 Concerningthe "merum dominium" here attributed toWeston, cf. Bagshaw to a Norfolk Gentleman, [c late May 1595], No. III, note 9

The "speeches" here may mean any words concerningthe causes of the separation which the Twenty had with Dolman in mid Lent, or withthe two arbiters in May The registering and extracting in copies is possibly a reference to the alleged 3 sheets of accusations of which Weston was supposed to be the author, which were intended for the two arbiters in

May, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595), No. IV, note 20). Concerningthe general charge of broadcasting crimes there is no evidence that any defamatory letters were sent out by the Twenty Garnet was clear where the blame lay for outside informations of this type : "Wonder [about the dissensions] would indeed never have taken shape, not to talk of scandal, if some of yours had not with letters and messages stirred up men's minds, before any suspicion had emerged about the separation. This fact I witnessedwith my own eyes, as also another in contrast, that the other side [i.e. the Twenty] had uttered no word or line to mein writing, which could harm anyone's reputation " (Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII) Earlier he had informed Aquaviva : "Those other priests, wherethey [the Twenty] reside, are behaving themselves with little reason or restraint, but rather, through restless and talkative envoys, are filling the ears of Catholics with complaints ... " (Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII) According to Weston's account of these events a campaign of calumny by letters and messengers was set on foot by Bagshaw's party, designed to reach every sort of person outside Wisbech, as soon as it became evident that the majority of the prisoners intended to establish some formof rule amongst themselves , (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27March 1598, No. XXXVII) Dolman's visittoWindham,and Bagshaw's letter to a NorfolkGentleman, (No. III), are instances of the methodsused . Thomas Pound referred to the astonishment of visitors to the Castle at the falsereports sentout by Baghsaw'sfollowers againsttheTwenty , which could beso easilydisproved, (cf. ThomasPound to Calverley, 25 June 1595, No. VII) According to Briefe Apologie (f 67) this letter writing of the unruly started early and was one of the reasons why Bavant allowed himself to be entreated to go to Wisbech to attempt arbitration.

7 That Dolman, alias Newton's coming to Wisbech in mid Lent was at his party's "motion" is contradicted by Southworth himself, and it is clear that Dolman conducted at that particulartime nothing in the natureof the "triall" next mentioned by Bagshaw. He seems simplyto have had meetings with both sides separately, in the course of which the Twenty, on their side, told him of their plans for the confraternity , and showed him Garnet's letter as soon as it was received, (cf. Southworth to Dolman [c early June 1595], No. IV)

8 Not onlyhad the Twentylooked for no "final resolution" of the Wisbech quarrels from Dolman's hands , in the sense here implied by Bagshaw, but as far as they knew Dolman had departed satisfiedwith the establishment of the confraternity , (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra). The plan, therefore, "forfurtherconsultinge" withpersons outsideWisbech, mentioned in this present letter, was made without their knowledgeor consent

Windham had himself been a prisoner at Wisbech in 1580 , (cf. J. Morris , Troubles II, p. 227).

10 Bagshawhere repeated the three headings of Dolman's "report" ofWindham's allegedcondemnation ofthe confraternity , having evidently not seen the terms of Windham's own repudiation , and especially his denial ofany mention of "libellinge" between Dolman and himself, (cf. Dr. Windham qualifying his words, [c June 1595], No.V).

11 Windham's letter to a member of the confraternitycorrecting Dolman's version of his views is evidentlymeant here, (cf. No. V)

12This is a referenceto the letter (not now extant) writtento make enquiries ofWindham about his alleged condemnationofthe confraternity, (cf. No.V , Introductory Note)

No. VII.

THOMAS POUND¹ TO MR C[ALVERLEY].² 25 June 1595

Westm V, n. 13. Holograph.

Introductory Note to No. VII. This letter, which provides a pictureof the state of tension among the prisoners in the weeks after the failure of the May arbitration , came from the pen of a man who had had the longest and most varied experienceof imprisonment for religious reasons of allthegroup then at Wisbech. Its obviously private character increases its interest. Calverley's "wrighting" , to which it was the reply, has not survived.

Trewly Mr C[alverley] there is no weighte in your wrighting so to sporte and play, and ieste and gybe at me as you doe. butqui quae vult dicit, quae non vult, audiet Heare you not what a grave sownde these words ofyours proceding from a preestsmowthe will yelde to any lay mans ears as symple as my self, that in your conceite I pleyed the parte of a Satyre before Mr. Medley and you & other more upon saturday laste in suche a bryme³comedyas you daly upon Verily this vayne of vanity is much to pleasant for one ofyour professyon, & more dissolving to that spirit ofmortification & moorening bothe for owr owne synnes and the peoples, towhichyouhave dedicated your self, then anyotherwey edifying. And yet in suche tryfling, nay somewhat worse, to brede mocking youronne styllon that I weryed owt our keperwithoftenrepeatyng one answer And lyke mery making your self with my many demands of Mr Medley (as your pleasure ys ironically to terme yt) And, in the nexte words unfolding the frompe leaste yt mighte have escaped a symple man, & not be spydde. Mymotyonindede & demande being but one, and that but once, & in feawe words made, namely for his alowing us some convenient severall rome wherein to dresse owr meate, 5 by which your mocke of my many demaunds you have unwares bewrayd howe iustly I mighte have made some more demands then one unto hym, and made you withall perchanceblushe ; I meane, that of seven or eyghte severall places for butteries and celler romes which your company among you all, being but thirtene persons have, and some of them but hardly forstawled and surprysed in lytle nede of suche newebarnes,6 I mighte have requested hym and you also of common humanity, yf no greater cherity were to be fownde among us, to sever us owt some parteof all those romes for owr use being so many more then you, we neding them as we doe, for many necessities , aswell as kichen romefor dressingofowr meate Well,well, oculosquos culpa clausit , penitentia aperiet Sory I am that you wyll thus provoke to any more rehersall of your owne yvell speaches used to me , and not of me alone, whichIwulde wyllingly have concealyd. Myowne

speaches first to you (which by your leave intruded your self somewhat against good maner bothe to presence & speache where I was a good whyle conferring with my keper alone) were no worse then those in sincerity (lett mr Medley him self yf you wyll, be witnes). First when he commendyd of the olde company of prysoners, here decessyd for their quiet lyving here so lonng in good agrement, terming this company here nowe present for many of them , a company ofyoung boys full of dissention as a fruyte of owr religion not muche to be marvelyd at : what my answer was to hym in all dewtifull and reverent defence aswell of the heroicall spiryt, enterpryses, and successes, of these Semynary men & young Timothies, as in resemblanceI termed them, whome he sowghte to blemyshe, as yelding to their elders here before them all dewe honour, I appealeto himself and to you also upon your conscyence which present were at mostethereof, then to his and all yoururging me so ofte, being fyve of you soone flocked together ; to declare from my company, or ells to wyll themselvesto shewe some cawse oftheyr separation,I toldeyou it was to to (sic) oedious a dilatory,⁹ & nothing but petitio principii, very uncommendable among men of any sense , or substance, or order in reasonying, to flee styll styll (sic) to that stale demandewhereto agayne & agaynethey had geven you theyr own sufficient answer; beying no poynt of my comying to holde any more plea with you therein, but at one worde to knowe my kepers fynall answerwhether he woulde grant us any convenient rome wherein to dresse owr meate, and no more wordes to multiply whereof cowlde come no good Neverthelesseseeying so much importunity [p. 2.] I tolde him and you of my self, that it was as free to us to goe to a commons by owr selves, as in all other prysons the fredome is for to men doe, & as you and others had here so doen heretofore,10 by this token that your commons then grewe to lytle lesse then a crowne the weeke, when owrs was but eighte grotes or three shillings whichmade you to geve it over & come to us. Whereto your answer was, bilyke in some passion, that you had rather to be at suche highe commons by your selves in quyet, then to be so unquietly as with us. Which before Mr Medley was more brode then any speache of myne, as anon you shall hear againe the reste of myne and your owne withall lytle to your gayne thus to enforce me to repeate them you remember howe often among you it was repeted and protested that owr company nether woulde nor coulde alleage any cawse of they separating from your commons And you for your parts would make master Medley the Judge of any cawse that they would alleage. Which then I told you was very far for you to goe, and further then I being a lay man woulde admitte hym, being no competent iudge for hearing of our cawses, which mighte be of matter belonging to censure Ecclesiasticall But because you insulted so muche at owr silence, & secrecy, as dewty bynds us within owr bounds to reste upon and not illegitimatly for any

provocation to satisfy yourimportunities, I protested thus untoyou, & mighte besworne upon yt that thys muche I heard of howe your syde dyd urge themmuche at one tyme to shewe any cawse against them they wulde to persons apointed for awdiencethereof whereupon allthoughe full sore against thyr harts theyhad soone prepared forshewingthereof. But what the cawses were, I never was privy, 11 nor lawfull was for me to knowe, muche lesse for Mr Medley. What have I offended in these words, of which some of you desyred Mr. Medley to bear witness, as you doe nowe requyer some satisfaction for them ? or where was your acumen straydfrom you in yourmeryment whichcan fynde owt suche rydiculous contradiction in thys speache of myne Moreover then with one voyce so many of you urged this one speache so ofte, that you would never agree to any other Rule or order for conservation of peace and unity among us, but only to lyve according to the Canons ofthe churche, you rememberhowe I desiered one ofyouto answermecategorically to this questyon. Thatyfanybefownde so perverseandobstynate that hewyllneveracknowledgethat he haveanysucheweyoffendyd publiklyaginst god or his brother, what remedy thenwe have for his reforming, havyingno one among us by all parties agreedupon, bywhome any suche incorigible personmay be censured. Whereto he had no worde to reply, nor you I thinkto this hower for hym. Therfore what nede I to fear any witnes taking of my words for saying as I dyd, & iustly styll may, that your appealing only to lyve according to the Canons, admitting no means (as owr desolate state here in pryson is) howe any perverse man may be censured and iudged in foro externo whether he have offendyd against the Canon or no is muche lyke to the protestants appealing to be tryed onlybythescripture, admittingno iudge upon the scripture . 12 Thus you have hearde my avowyng agayne of all my speaches howe iustiyfyable they were, and I truste in temperate sorte inowghe (yf my lytle replying where I sawe no audience, were not counted with you as your pleasant letter of yt doeth imparte yt for simplicity.) Nowe I beseche you geve me leave to aske you seeng you alone provoke in the behalf of many, howe they and you wyll so well avowe your owne good speaches to me in Mr Medleys hearing. you remember howe one tolde me in hys heate that I woulde appeale to god to try my cawse by miracles Why he shoulde charge me so I marvell& my keper also present. wellgods holymercy turne his wrathe fromus all for heretofore when hehathe benin no passion, he hathe semed indede of himself to marvellat some dreadfullexamples by god here shewed upon [p. 3] some of our detractours synce owr comyng to this castell And hys visitation weregoodto be fearyd in tyme among owr selves , yf hys mercifull patience of any lyke sower levenyd in hys owne famely shoulde be to muche contemned. The same men & other moe defende it for no frompe nor mocke at all, to make us thys metaphisicallgrauntofyour kichynat owrownedemaunde , but in suche

sorte that nether your cooke not owr owne shall there dresse any meate for us , not yet we owr selves, yf we were so dryven, withowr owne hands, except as I may well presume, yt shoulde be only for owr derision.13 Amongany lay men in England of anyreputation, where my education hathe ben, thys woulde be takenforno comon mocke , but for a moste fowle derision therfore yf a preest and a devyne can defende yt for no mocke at all it amazeth me Of a nother mans mosteunuise accusingme to my facebefore Mr Medley in hys fury for a very unquyet & impatient man against his cooke and hym abowt owr usage at tablefor owr commonsI wyllmake no rehersall for any satisfaction of suche smawlle matters at hys hand. Nor yet of a nothers exclaming at me as I passyd by hym in the greate hawlle before your self and three or fower more for yvell dealing against your company I knowe not wherein, as very unseemelyfor my profession, whyleyour selves were ashamed to see hys fraylty, and me so sylent Nor yet of a nother mans most unpreestly misbehaviours & derisions at me sundryweys so lonng tymeused & styllcontynued whichtome seemesincurable especyally asyours here ys, in a state ofAnarchy. Nor ofyourowneextravagant & eager speaches before Mr Medley roving owt atmy betters with smawll accountsof mysayngs, whichI leaveuntoyou, but yf my master woulde so sayunto you (as a Master youtolde hymIhad , whatsoever your meaninginyt was) 14 then youwoulde answerhym more playnly. And yet your choler not so leyd but proceding so far in hearing of suche as passyd by for witnes thereof , that you byddmy spytell to come forthe against any of you by hys owne mowthe in these matters, to whomeyou woulde answermuche more then to me . O Master C[alverley] what shoulde I worke to my owne harteto wounde you to deepe with thys lytle weapon ofyour owne so sodainly thus sharpened agaynst me but dolour upon dolour, being membersas styll we ar of one body, but more perfect then thus (asI hope) to dye Si quidenim patitur unum membrum compatiuntur et omnia Wherefore hys mighty mercy qui post tempestatem tranquillum facit, et post lachrimationem et fletum exultationem infundit, so move your probatica piscina & all the reste of your syde by descendingwith asmuche vertue upon them from above, as at my laste hower I wyshe to myself for my owne happyende after this nowe present upon us, & all otherprobations, whoe wyll be hys in the spyrit of perfecte peace & humility, & whoe the worlds in the contrary. To conclude I humbly beseche allyour company no longer to deale iniuriously with us in keping all the whole romesfrom us foruse & commoditywherof we payeveryman vid the weeke to owr keper aswell as you in the weekely three shillings which he hath ofus . Which as long as you deteyne them from us unparted distressing us therby as you doe, to use mr Bramistones chamber for a kichyn, and father Edmonds chamber for a hawle , you can hardly be peasybletowardus manyotherweys in use ofyour fredomes never so lawfull, thoughe we seeke no wey

therein to impeacheyou. Whatsoever god permyt (qui cognoscetur tamen iudicia faciens) we have voluntaryly submitted owr selves toamostesweete and easy Rule for preservation ofunity&concorde among owr selves, & of patience I truste also with you, which thowghe it doe not bynde you, yet (pardon my confidence ,)yt wyll overcome you . 15 So committingall to god by prayereche for other [p. 4.] in perfect charity, that we may aemulari charismata meliora provocantes invicem in dignis fructibuspenitentiae Andyouevery day to doe better and better in yowr course , & we also in owrs.

25 Junii 95

Postscriptum xo Julii:

Having suffered twenty yers imprisonment with some other tribulations& temporall losses forthecatholyke cawse, & fordefending to my power the honour which is dewe to holy preesthode ,I am to certefy all your syde of christyancharity, that it makith my harte ready to blede for soroweto heare owt of the mowths of suche godly catholyks as of late have come to you and us first what a suspicion it puttithe in theyr heads of some straynge perturbation in your mynds among you, seeng thirtene persons to sytte in the hawle in three parts , so straggeling, & far distant as youdoe having the whole hawle to sytte more decently together for avoyding of that deformity yf yt pleased you . 16 And secondly after that you have misinformed them to to (sic) muche against us , 17 as thus for one thing whichyou have geven owt to many bothe far and neere, howe some of owr company being of so stronng & healthy bodyes, that they use to make but one meale in the day, woulde enforce you after a sorte to the lyke order of dyet Wherein the orderand practyse ofour commons to them well heard of, & to manyofthem oftenseene to the contraryis your sufficient disprofe, allweys using as they see , three suppers in the weeke of warme meate by the steward provyded , & upon any other nights of no fastyng days making no restraynt, nether of any colde meate of commons remaynyng, nor of any other thing ether fleshe, or fishe, or whyte meate, but for every man free to make what dyet he wyll himself you dryving us by suche misreports to shewe them owr Rules , 18 & howe free we leave you to your owne refusall thereof, with other offers which we have made you for admittance of any other good order allthowghe differentfrom thys whichwe have taken . 19 And wenever refusing to ioygne withyouin commons, unlesse you refuse to ioygne with us in order. The trewe intelligence wherof being the only poynt of any uprighte men to be considered upon what necessity we have ben dryven to separation of commons namely becawse you in your commons wyll admitte no order nor means for preservation of peace and unity. This I say doeth muche more amaze them even to blushing, and blessing also them selves, not fearing to say that they lytle thowghte that ever any suche men as

youwoulde make suche wrong reports against us yourownebrethren here within owr owne gates, being so soone, & so evydently to be disproved. whichuncheritable dealing yf they contynewe, wyll be theyre owne greate discredyt among good men, with daynger of gods greate indignation therfore agaynst them .

No endorsement.

NOTES

1 Thomas Pound, layman, was born at Belmont, near Winchester , on 29 May 1539, and was educatedat Winchester College Afterwards studying law in London, he was for a time a favourite at Queen Elizabeth's court He was reconciledto the Church c 1569/70 From 1573 , when imprisoned on his way abroad to become a Jesuit, until after the accession of JamesI, hewasin custody for religious reasons, in various prisons, with onlyshort breaksnearthe beginning of the period From 1587 to December1598 he was at Wisbech. He had been admitted to the Society in 1579, whilst in prison On his final release in late 1604, he retired to Belmont, where he died on 5 March 1615. There is a full biography in Foley, Records III, pp 567-657 . At the time of this present letter he was the only layman amongthe Wisbechprisoners, andremainedso until hisremoval to London, probably at the instigation of Bagshaw, in December 1598, (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao , No. XXXVIII, note, 17)

Edmund Calverley (name sometimes given as Edward), secular priest, was born c 1563. He entered the English College, Rome in 1582 , and was ordained in July 1585 , (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 37) He left Reims for England on 7 January 1586, (Knox, D.D. p. 208), and was captured on landing. His prison career in the Marshalsea , and his transfer to Wisbech in early 1588, can be traced in the lists printed in C.R.S. Vol 2 Except for a short period when he escaped, he remained at Wisbechuntil transferred with others to Framlingham Castle c January 1601. At Wisbech he was a close associate of Bagshaw , (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao , No. XXXVIII, para N) For a description of his behaviour at Wisbech, cf. The Rules , [7 February 1595], No. II, note 1. He was later an active supporter of the Appellant party, (cf. Law , Archpriest Controversy I; the Appeal against the Archpriest, 17 November 1600, TierneyDodd III, p. cxliv ; four holograph letters from Framlingham in early 1602, St. Paul's Cathedral Library MSS. Vol VII, nos 93-96)

3 An archaic word meaning 'fine' or 'celebrated'

4 An archiac word meaning 'jeer'

5 The ejection from the common dining hall of the twenty prisonerswho intended, following a proposalfrom Weston, to devise some rules toregulate their common life, had first occurred early in the year, before there was any question of the formal setting up of a confraternity, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva , 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 15 ; Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, note 6) Weston wrote that after theirexclusion the Twentywere forced to rent an empty outbuilding from the Keeperfor their victualling needs This present letter confirms that the use of all the public rooms inside the Castlewas denied them by Bagshaw'sfollowers. The problem arising was by this time already of many months' standing. Pound mentioned at the end of this letter that the Twenty after their ejection, were obliged to use Bramston's room for a kitchen, and Weston's in which to eat

6 The phrase, full of archaisms , means in this context : " . . and some of them only barred [from us] and seized by violence, [you having been] in little need of any more storage places" .

7 Keeper Medeley was not appointed to his post at Wisbech until sometime after 1592, (cf. The Requeststo Weston, 11 August 1595, No. XII, note 7) Thus, whilst the death of ThomasMetham, S.J. in June 1592 , had radically altered internal relations among the prisoners, (cf. Briefe Apologie, ff 70-71v. and Introduction Part I), Medeley had himself had no personal experienceofthe effects ofMetham'sinfluenceincurbing the trouble-makers .

For

8 This incident is matched by a similar one involving Southworth having madelikerequestsfor roomsfor cookingand eating for theTwenty he had been attacked before Keeper Medeley on two occasions , once by seven , and once by six of Bagshaw'sparty, who urged him to reveal to the Keeper details of the causes of the separation of commons Like Pound later in this presentletter, Southworth refused , accountingMedeley asa layman,noproperjudgeofmatters"belongingtocensure Ecclesiasticall" . On those earlier occasions Medeley refused Southworth's request, and himself joined in questioning him Bagshaw wrote down his version of these incidents, which is dated 12 June, (cf. Westm. V, n. 5). It seems obvious that the object was to trap members of the confraternity into making public accusations , since according to Pound, sufficient reasons had often been given privately for the establishment of the confraternity .

i.e. delatory, meaning 'accusation ' or 'denunciation'

10 Southworth had also appealed to commonprevious practice in his request for the allotment of rooms, (see Note 8 above): owre liberty yt we " befree men , the practiseof other prisons, the use of this prison before ... ' (Bagshaw'sNotes, 12 June 1595, Westm V, n 5) Calverley's own earlier separation with others, instanced here by Pound, had evidently been accordingto this usual practice, and it makes nonsense of the minority's outcry againstseparationsas such Cf. also Southworth's to Dolman , [c early June], No. IV, note 4.

11 This is a reference to the final stage of the abortive arbitrationof Bavant and Dolman in May. It would appear that Pound, as a layman, had no place in the procedure of personalaccusationsdemandedat that time by Bagshaw'sparty His words here confirm the reluctance with which the Twenty finally agreed to allow the process, [cf. Southworth to Dolman , ut supra, No. IV, p 5 of the MS and notes 22-24).

12 Pound's pertinent words on this point found echo outside Wisbech , for Bagshaw'sfriend, Dr. Farbeckreported that an opponent haddemandedof himwho was to "executeye church rules" [i.e. Canon Law] which Farbeck had been extollingto him as the only rules for the priests at Wisbech , (cf. Dr. Farbeck & Mr. Cary's discourse, [c late September/October 1595], Westm. V, n 20).

13 What is meant here is probably explained by some words in Pound's postscript : " ... weneverrefusingeto ioygnewith you in commons unlesse you refuse toioygnewith us in order " Bagshaw's party had hitherto shown no inclination to accept any system of rules to regulate the common life, and in the absence of such agreement , any "grant" of the use of their kitchen would be unreal, any could only be considered derisive by the Twenty.

14 By the derisive reference to Pound's "master" , Calverley had probably meant Weston

15 BothGarnet and Weston also hoped that the example of order set by the confraternity would gradually effect a general reform among theprisoners atWisbech, (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII, note 4).

16 Garnet wrote of the internaldisagreementamong Bagshaw'sparty thus : "The thirteen others do not get on well together, nor do they agree in hardly anything, exceptthat they do not want orderin any form" (Garnet

to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII) Bagshaw'squarrels with Ithell, the betrayal of Tillestson after his escape, and Bluet's assaults on Wiggs, areexamples ofthese internal dissensions, (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII)

17Bagshaw'slettertoa NorfolkGentleman, oflate May (No. III), isanexample ofthe kindofletter bywhichfalseinformation was disseminated Dolman's visit to Dr. Windham before Easter had also served the same purpose, (cf. Dr.Windham's letter, [c June 1595], No. V, IntroductoryNote) For furtherinformation about outsideinformation, cf. BagshawtoDr.Windham , [c. late June 1595], No. VI, note 6.

18 Rule 17 of the confraternity's schedule deals with the question of suppers , andconfirms Pound'swordsin this presentletter, (cf.The Rules , [7February 1595], No. II, note 4)

19 In granting the two arbiters in May a "general commission" to deal with all matters at issue between the two parties at Wisbech, Weston and Southworth for the Twenty had shown a readiness to accept, if necessary, changes in their schedule of rules This had met with no response from Bagshaw'sfollowers, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June], No. IV). Dr. Farbeckin his conversationlater with Mr. Cary, probably well summed up the attitudeof the minority: " ... & truly yf I [Farbeck] were one of ye 13 though ye other 12 yealded I wold rather be hanged att ye gate then live under these orders. " To which Cary had remarked : "You should have no merite for yt death. " (cf. Dr. Farbeck & Mr. Cary's discourse , [c late September/October 1595], Westm V, n 20) The agreementwhich ultimatelyput an end in November to this period of the stirs, is further evidence of the Twenty's willingness to adopt different rules, (cf. The Pacification, [6] November 1595 , No. XXI)

GARNET TO AQUAVIVA.1

12 July 1595 .

Stonyhurst Anglia II, n. 4. Holograph There is another copy in the hand ofthe 17th century copyist Christopher Grene, S.J. in Stonyhurst Coll P. II, ff 564-566 Printedin Tierney-Dodd III, pp cv-cix

Introductory Note to No. VIII Earlier references to Wisbechinthesurviving letters of Garnet to the General are brief, and mainly confined to news of anyofhis own subjectsimprisoned there, and it is clearthat he felt called on , in this present letter, to offer an explanation for reporting at length on a quarrel which ought certainly to have been susceptibleof a local solution The formation of a confraternityhaving its own rules among the prisoners was , in itself, in accordance with approved Catholic practise, (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII), and offeredno groundsfortheoutcry which was raised against it, and no one outside theCastleneed have known anything about it Nor, in the state of persecution prevailing in England, could anything have justified the systematic policy of the dissidents of "filling the ears of Catholics with complaints" , of which Weston later wrote an astonishingaccount (see Note 4 below). Garnet seemsto havebeen aware that wider issues were at stake, but he was evidently puzzled Before Cardinal Allen's death in October 1594, the mission, though often undermined bythe activities oftreacherousindividuals, hadnot sufferedfrom anorganised faction in England itself, and this presentletter is one of the first indications surviving of the emergence of such a group Its connections with Owen Lewis, Bishop of Cassano's faction in Flandersand Rome , will become clearer later, (cf. Bagshawto Garnet, 28 August 1595, No. XV, IntroductoryNote) This letteris of great importance forits accountof the earlieststages ofthese events and of Bagshaw's party's first reactions to Weston's plan for order It alsoprovides the second account in date ofsome of the eventsoftheMay arbitration , (cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595,]No. IV, Introductory Note) One of the most interesting things revealedis the use of the weapon of deliberate calumny against opponents , later to become so familiar, (cf. Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598 , No. XXXV).

Pax Christi. Multi iam anni elapsi sunt, ex quo a Presbyteris optimis Wisbicensibus rogatus sum, ut remedium aliquod nonnullis malis quae inter ipsos manabant quotidie latius ab IllustrissimoCardinale aut etiam a quocunque Superiore impetrarem Ego vero respondere solitus sum : me nullo modo alienorum defectuum esse velle delatorem ; in illis patefaciendis invidiae atque indignationis plurimum conciliari posse, remedium nullummeo iudicio repertum iri, nisi Deus Opt Max amorem illum, qui omnis pacis ac recti ordinis fons est ipsorum omnium cordibus imprimeret.2 Unde ipsi, unanimi consensu , errata corrigere, collapsa restaurare, inordinate in certos limites ac cancellos redigere suapte sponte statuerent.3 Nuper tamen melior illorum pars quae sane omnes complectiturqui ea gravitate ac pietate praediti sunt, quae omnium bonorum benevolentiam conciliavit, viam ac rationem excogitarunt , qua et 55

sibijpsis consulere videantur ut recte vivant et si quid (quod sane aliquando eventurum putant) scandalosum a quibusdam discolis perpetratum in vulgus emanet, minime cedat in omnium infamiam , aut in catholicae religionis aut ordinis sacerdotalis vituperium, sed omnium iudicio culpa in perturbata atque inordinata paucorum vivendi ratione resideat Huic quidem eorum proposito quoniam multi calumniam atque odiumstruunt, et qui domi cum ratione ac modestia parum gerunt, per inquietos ac loquaces praecones replent querimonijs Catholicorum aures :4 ne eo tandem impudentiae veniatur ut res ad illam vestram urbem et gravissimum Senatum deferatur : necessariumduxi tota dere Vestram Paternitatem quam brevissime certiorem facere: ut ipsa pro sua caritate ac prudentia silentio omnia contegat, nisi vel mederi his malis se facile posse videat, aut depromenda contra calumniatorum iniustas accusationes necessario iudicet : Cum P.Gulielmus Westonus (qui iamfere abomnibus P. Edmundusvocatur, quod id sibi nomen, antequam apprehenderetur, assumpsisset) omnia quotidie in peius vergere animadverteret ,5 in publicis conventibus omnia esse plena rixis ac tumultibus, in refectorio exiguam modestiam, in publicis litaniarum aut exhortationum exercitijsmultorumsive compotationes, sive clamores , in recipiendis aut tradendis pecunijs non optimam fidem; et quod caput est , suspectas cum foeminis familiaritates: re diu apud se deliberata , et cum nonnullis etiam communicata : oeconomum monet ne sibi victum praeparet, habere se negocia quaedam quae cum expediri celeriter oporteret , non patiantur commode ad mensamcommunem accedere Hanc secessionem cum post biduumaut triduum mirari coepissentalij accedunt quidam qui dominari solebant in Clericis, et quamvis necsio quam potestatem in alios assumpsissent , nihil tamen pro morumreformatione aut agere voluerunt aut potuerunt, quin potius erga alios se molestosexhibuerunt . Sciscitatur causam: Narrat simpliciter Pater : se nolle plane communem vitam cum illis agere, nisi regulas quasdam communibus votis conscriberent quasomnesse servaturos pollicerentur videre se suam vocationem esse omnium fere haereticorum non in Anglia solum sed ubique terrarum obloquiis expositam. fieri non posse quin se scandalosum aliquid ab illo contubernio committeretur quod ad haereticorum aures perveniret , id ipso quoque aut participante aut certe connivente, perpetratum censeretur. Illi vero Patrisconsilium probare, aequissimum postulatum collaudare, rem esse dignam communi deliberatione praedicare Cum vero urgeret Pater ut regulas scriberent ; animadverteretque eos diem ducere, acnihil minus quam ordinem velle, ab ea spe plane decidit. donecad eum accedunt alii multi doctrina, pietate ac gravitate praestantes: qui omnes consentiunt ut scribantur regulae quas quidem ipsi observarent :6 alij salva caritate, viverent ut vellent fieri posse ut suavitate regularum , ac pulchritudine ordinis , allicerentur aliquando reliqui omnes Scribuntur igitur regulae faciles, suaves, non monachos

aut religiosos instituant, sed quae homines probos ac bene moratos ad Christianae vitae normam communem informent, quarum aliqua capita hic perscribam. Unusquisque ita se comparet ut aliis aedificationi sit. Proinde si quis aliquid scandalosum committat (quod Deus avertat), vel levem se aut immodestum ostendat, praesertim erga foeminas, iudicari se permittat, ac poenam subeat , quam communitas statuet Abstineant a rixis et convitijs: In mensa non contendant pro locis. Intersint omnes precibus publicis atque exhortationibus Et alia multa quae ad quietam atqua ordinatam oeconomiam spectare videantur.

Subscribunt hisce regulis praeter patrem Gulielmum et fratrem nostrum Thomam Pondum, octodecim alij, cum in universum triginta tres illic vivant : reliqui tresdecim? neque mutuo affecti bene sunt, neque ulla alia in re fere consentiunt, nisi quod ordinem nullum volunt Unum iam deese videbatur, ut superior aliquis eligeretur : qui iuxta regulas illas reliquos gubernaret Sine controversia ab omnibus eligitur P. Gulielmus Ille obfirmatissime renuit. ad me scribunt omnes, mitto ipsorum autographum.8 Ego quamvis non sine causa invidiam pertimescerem: tamen neque reprehendere ausus sum , quod viri tam pii ac prudentes quibus res suae optime cognitae essent, statuissent : neque negareillis rogantibus tam aequum postulatum potui , praesertim cum hunc videam nostraemissionis scopum, non ut laicossolum, sed etiam presbyteros, omni consilio et auxilio adiuvemus, reperiri in optime institutis Collegiis Congregationespeculiares, quaenullaratione censenturesse dedecori ijs qui illas non ingrediuntur Quod si Patrem ab illo officio abstraheram, nullum praeterea esse cui se regendos committerent. Re igitur cum duobus sociis qui tum forte aderant communicata, Roberto nimirum et Balduino , 9 in hunc sensum rescripsi Non dubitare me quin Pater nihil in se susciperet, quod non esset vocationi nostrae consentaneum Proinde hac quidem in re me illorum votis quantum in me esset, annuere:10 dummodo tria haec obse[rvent] primum; ut minime Superior haberetur , sed tanquam praeco potius alios convocaret ac moneret, aut tanquam antesignanus qui aliis exemplo non imperio ostenderet quid esset gerendum. Proinde si quid esset aliquando corrigendum, aut si qua poenitentia iniungenda, communibus suffragiis id fieret, in quibus pater nullam vocem habeat Denique quoniam haec sua congregatio aliis fortasse esset odiosa: ita studeant omnibus satisfacere, ut omnes intelligant communibus consiliis omnia gesta fuisse, neque tota invidia in Patre resideat. Et haecquidem omnia quoad fieri potuit praestita sunt Cumquehactenusin mensaPater certum locum haberet nunc promiscue sedet , ut omnes intelligant se nolle haberi superiorem, neque quicquam gerit auctoritate, sed consilio atque exemplo Cumque negotium hoc, placide domi fieri potuisset, absque eo quod externi unquam aliquid de huiusmodi congregatione suspicarentur : divulgare statim coepit altera pars Jesuitas sibi potestatem in illos iniuste arrogare, et quidem

alienissimo tempore, cum nimirum ex Gallia ob similes ambitionis affectus exterminentur,11 homines esse solos qui discordias inter Principes Christianos disseminent, quique soli adheareant Hispanicae factioni Res delata est ad duorum Sacerdotum externorum iudicium. Bini selecti sunt ex utraque parte qui pro reliquis responderent. Hi liberam potestatem tribuunt duobus illis Presbyteris de re tota decernendi Sed cum animadverterent inordinati illi horum alterum virum gravissimum Theologiae Doctorem eo inclinare, ut in ordinem quendam redigerentur, accurrunt, exclamant, se ratum non habere quod alii pro se spoponderant, neque velle horum iudicio consentire Itaque re infectadiscessumest totamque rem Doctorillescriptis mandavit . 12

Invenit ille, quae non expectavit . Cumque criminanonnulla essent examinanda,quaePatrem et suos adregulasconscribendaspermovissent; illa patefacere partim noluerunt , quia alios accusare pigebat : partim non potuerunt ob iniquissimas propositas conditiones, nimirum ut procederent secundum ordinem iuris canonici ; ut qui deficeret in probatione subiret poenamtalionis ut securiredderentur nunquam eadem crimina Ordinario aut Episcopo delatum iri Scripsi ego ad patremut suis significaret , quoniam duo essent quae allis displicerent ; primum ordo ipse ac norma certa vivendi: alterum, Patris illa qualiscumque potestas, facile fore ut omnium ora obstruantur, si allii cura illa ac potestas demandetur : quod quidem omnibus suis meo nomine significaret . Respondent si Pater illam curam deponat ut omnia corruantnecesse esse.13 Quare cum omnia mendacijs nitantur ac videam optimis quibusque Catholicis hac in re satisfactum esse: et sine Patris cura, nullam foreinter eos disciplinam : sustentandam potius iudicavihancinvidiamquam dies ac veritas paulatim delebit, quam negotium tam pium ac necessariumesse dissolvendum Ante quidecim dies , 14 Custossive Praefectus castri, quem illa altera pars sibi iampridem comessationibus ac compotationibus arctissime devinxerant , acerbissimis verbis illis ipsis obiecit sua criminaatque infirmitates quin sibi providerent et vel aliorum regulis subscriberent, vel rationem reddant cur abnuant, vel aliam disciplinae rationem ispi excogitent Haec summa est harum turbarum, quas faclie spero apud nos sedatum iri, quando praecones calumniarum clamando ac vociferando defatigatifuerint . 15 Vestram Paternitatem volui huius rei minime esse ignaram, ut habeat quod aliorum calumnijs si quas moliantur opponere possit quamvis qui inter tredecim illos caput esse vult, olim ab Urbano Collegio iure expulsus fuerit . 16 Vestrae Paternitatis sanctissimis orationibus ac sacrificiis nos suppliciter commendamus . Londini, 12° Julii, 1595

Addressed Almoltomagnifico Signoreil SignoreClaudio Aquaviva a Vinegia

Endorsed by R. Persons : anni 1595

P. Garn. 12 Jullij 1595, de rebus Visbicensibus habet etiam inclusas duas schedulas

12 July 1595 .

Pax Christi,

It is nowmanyyears since I was asked by some verygood priests at Wisbech, to obtainfromthe Illustrious Cardinal, or other source of authority, some remedy for evils which were daily spreading among them . But my reply to them always was that I was in nowise willing to delate the defects of others, who were not of our own body, and that as a general rule, disclosure of such matters could only lead to jealousy and resentment. I said that in my judgment remedy ofany kind was not to be found, unless Almighty God, who is the source of all peace and right order, impressed it on each and all of their hearts.2 These priests then determined, entirely of their own will and with complete accord, to put right what was wrong, to set up what was fallen, and reduce what was disordered within certain limits and boundaries.³ Recently, at length, the better part among them, which assuredly includes all priests endowed with gravity and piety to the degree required to carry the good will of the rest of the good priests, took thought howthey might secure a better order of life in theirmidst They were concerned lest a scandal given by some malcontents, which certainlytheythoughtmight come to pass, and whichmight become matter of public knowledge, should, at the very least, bring infamy upon allofthem or blame upon the Catholic religionand priesthood. Such a fear, in the judgment of all, rested on the disturbed and disordered manner of life of a few amongst them. Seeing that many are contriving to bring calumny and hatred to bear on the proposal made by these priests, and that those other priests, where theyreside, are behaving themselveswith little reason and restraint, but rather, through restless and talkative envoys, are filling the ears of Catholics with complaints, and seeing that their lack of shameat lengthmaycarry them to the point ofbringingthe matter toyourCityand its most revered Senate, I have thoughtit necessary to inform Your Paternity as shortly as I can about the whole matter. My purposeis that in your charity and prudenceyou may draw silence over the whole affair, unless you can see a means by which you can easilycure these ills, or judge it necessarythat the false charges of these calumniators must be met.

When Father William Weston (whom practically everyone calls Fr. Edmund , from the name he had adopted before his arrest) noticed that everythingwas daily getting worse, as was shown by abundance of quarrels and uproars when they met together, by scant modesty at table, by drinking parties and the rowdiness of many during public prayers and conferences , by doubts whether verygood faith wasbeing observedin the collection and distribution ofmonies , andwhatwas worst, bysuspected familiarity with women ,

5

he ordered the steward to cease catering for him, after long deliberating about the step, and consulting withothers He told him that he had some business whichcalled for quickdispatch whichmadea hindrance to his coming to the common table. After two or three days some of the others began to wonder about this withdrawal. Certain priests who werewontto domineerover the clergy, thoughit is not known withwhat warrantthey laid claim to power over the others , and who were, moreover, unwillingor unable to do anything for the reform of manners among them but rather caused trouble to suchaswere otherwise disposed, came and demandedan explanation from Fr. Edmund He replied simply that he was quite unwilling to lead a common life with them, unless they drew up some common rules, which all should promise to follow. They knew, he said, that his vocation was one which was exposed to gainsaying by nearly all heretics, and not only in England but everywhere. If anything scandalous were done in their midst, which reached the ears of the heretics, it could not but be thought to be done by him as well, if not as a partner, then as a conniver These questionersapproved the Father's decision, praisedhisdemand as very reasonable, and proclaimed his suggestion as worthy of consultation in common . But when the Father urged that they set about writing the rules and noticed that they were playingfor time, and that indeed the last thing that they wanted was order , he gave up all hope of performance by them At this point many others ofthepriests came tohim, who were outstanding for doctrine, piety, and gravity, who all agreed that rules be drawn up which they would observe. Let the others, they said, live as they chose , whilst keepingcharity It might well be thatby the pleasinggrace ofthe rule and the beauty of order all the rest would be wonover . Sothey wrote some easy and light rules, not having in mindmonks and religious, but how they might form men of solid worth and good behaviour according to the common norm of the Christianlife. I will set down some of them here.

Each one was so to bear himselfthat he would give edification to others ; then if anyone did anything likely to cause scandal (whichGod forfend) or showedlevity or lackof modesty, especially in dealings with women, he would stand judgment by and accept a penalty from the community; there was to be no brawling or wrangling, nor competition for places at table ; attendance was obligatoryat public prayers and conferences . There werenumerous other provisions designed to secure a peaceful and well-ordered household.

Eighteen priests, besides Fr. Edmund and our brother Pound , signed theserules, out of the total ofthirty-three living in theplace. The thirteen others do not get on well together, nor do they agree in hardly anything, except that they do not want order in any form. There seemed to lack but one thing, and that was someone should be chosen as a head, to govern the rest according to these

rules Fr. William was chosen by all without discussion . He very stubbornlyrefused. All the others then wrote to me , and I send herewith their autograph letter.8 As far as I was concerned, although I had great fear of jealousy, and not without cause , I did not dare to find fault with the decisionofmen so prudent and pious, who best knewabout their own affairs. I could not deny them so just a request, all the more since I did not envisage the scope of our mission as directed to the laity merely, but also to the clergy, if in any way we could afford to them counsel or help. Iknew that there were to be found in our best conducted colleges special congregations, which on no ground could be thought to reflect discredit on those who did not join them. If I withdrew the Father from that office, there was no one else to whom they would entrust themselves to be ruled Having then discussed the matter with two of ours, who were then with me, namely Robert and Baldwin , I wrote to these priests in these terms.

I had no doubt that the Father would not undertake anything thatdid not accordwithour vocation. I therefore acceded to their request in this matter, 10 in so far as it concernedme, but with three provisions. These were, first, that he should in nowise be held to be a superior, but rather a mouthpiece, who might call the rest together and advise them, or like a Roman soldier assigned in battle to defend the standard, to show others what should be done , by example and not by authority Secondly, if there were a call for correction or for the imposition of a penance , the matter must be settled by vote in common counsel, in which the Father had no voice. Lastly, since this associationmight perhapsgive offence to the rest, care sould be taken in every way to meet their wishes , so that they all should understand that what had been done was by the common counselofall the others. Jealousy would not then fall wholly upon the Father. Assurance was given that as far as possible these things would be done.

Hitherto the Father had had a fixed place at table, but now he sat anywhere, to make it clear to all that he did not wish to be regarded as a superior, or in any way as one acting by precept, but as one acting by counsel and example Though the whole of this business could have been carried out quietly within the house, and without outsiders ever havingan inkling about the existence of this association, the other side began straightway to publish abroad that the Jesuits were claiming, without justice, to exercise authority over them For such an attempt, they said, the times could hardly be more unsuited, seeing that it was precisely for showing similar ambitions, that they were being driven out of France . They alleged that the Jesuits stood alone as sowers of discord between Christian princes, and as adherents ofthe Spanish faction

The matter was referred to the arbitration of two priestsfrom outside the prison Two priests were chosen by either side to

represent their fellows. These pairs yielded full power to those two others to reach a judgment on the whole matter But when the ill-behaved priests saw that one of these two umpires, a Doctorof Theology and a man of very great weight, was inclining towards a resolve for their reduction to some order, they hastened to exclaim that they were not committed to the pledges made on their behalf by their representatives, and that they would not agree to the judgment of the umpires The negotiation was then broken off, with nothing accomplished.

The Doctor now drew up a written report on the affair . 12 He found things quite different to what he expected When someof the misdeeds which had moved the Father and his companions to write down the rules, came up for examination , these last partly were unwilling to reveal what they knew because they were loath to accuse the others, and partly were unable so to do, owing to the most unfair conditions insisted upon by the others These were that procedure should be by the order of canon law, and that the person who failed in an action should be subjected to the penalty of retaliation in kind (lex talionis). If by this token parties had to seekto lookto their own security , crimes of the kind in question would never be brought to the notice of Ordinaryor Bishop.

For myself, I wrote to the Father to tell his companionsthat, since there were two things whichgave umbrage to the other side: the first being the order itself with the fixed rule of life, and the second being the mere fact of any kind of authority vested in the Father, it would be easy to shut mouths on the other side , if his charge and responsibility were committed to somebodyelse . This suggestion he was to convey in my name to all those of his side

Back camereplyfromthem, that if the Father resignedhis charge, their whole project would completely collapse13 Hencewhen those of the other side sought to prevail with lying, and I could see all the best Catholics were agreed on the subject, and further that without the Father's care , no discipline would be establishedamong them , I judged rather that this jealousy should be tolerated, with the hope that time and truth would little by little efface it, than that so pious and necessary an enterprise be destroyed.

A fortnight ago14 the Keeper or Warden of the Castle , whom previously the other side had very closely bound to their interest , byholding parties for eating and drinking, charged these very men with their misdeedsand frailties in most bitter language. Verily, said he, they must take themselves in hand : they must subscribe to the rules of the other side or account for their refusal to do so , or themselves think out an alternativeform of discipline. This is a summary account of these disturbances, which will calm down amongst us, as I find it easy to hope, when the heralds of these calumnies have wearied themselves out by their outcry and bawling. 15 I have wished Your Paternity to have at least some knowledge of this matter, so that you may have something to

hand, wherewith to meet the calumnies of this other side, if they employ them for intrigue ; and it should be borne in mindthatthe man who aspires to the headship in this group of thirteen was for good reasons expelled from the college in Rome . 16 I earnestly commendmyself and the rest to the most holy prayers and sacrifices of your Paternity London, 12 July, 1595.

NOTES

1 Fr. Claudius Aquaviva , General of the Society of Jesus from 1581 to 1615 . "

This passage is of importance in the first place because the "many years" mentioned here has many echoes For some of the evidence , cf. the 18 Priests letter to Garnet, [7 February 1595], No. I, note 3. To the seven year period of growing evils oftheir letter John Green's words to Bagshaw may be added : "I have learned enough about the viciousness of your character, by the experience of a whole eight years . . . (John Green to Bagshaw , 1 October 1596 , Westm V, n 72). Both men had been at Wisbech since 1588. Giles Archer, another prisoner, wrote of Bagshaw: "Intheyear 1588he was sent to Wisbech . . . as is thought, that he might overturn the tranquil state of that prison, an effect which was wholely realised " (Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, [1602], No. XXXVIII, note 2). Secondly, Garnet's words witness to his own persistent refusal to interfere in Wisbech affairs On this point, cf. The 18 Priests to Garnet, ut supra, note 5. For other occasions on which Garnet referred to this attitude, cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 19 .

3 The information given by Garnet in the next few lines was probably drawn from the letters of the 18 Priests, one of January 1595, which no longer survives , but which was referred to and quoted by Persons in Briefe Apologie, f. 69, 71v-2, and that of 7 February 1595, (cf. No. I, note 5).

Weston later described what this spreadingof "complaints" reallymeant : "Calumniestodiscredituswere spread abroadthrough letters and messengers sent in every direction to solicit sympathy and support As they were loath to speak of the true and solid reasons for this strife, namely, heresy, schism , ambition and greed, there was in fact nothing else which they were not prepared to bring forward, which their passion for indulging calumny inflamed by hatred and spite could suggest The ears of none were spared, nor anyone'smodesty or slowness ofwit, not wereany passed over , whether laymen, heretics , womenor boys, and I do not rightly know whether young girls escaped being scorched in this blaze of slander . " (Weston to Aquavivia, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII) The letter of J. Palmer to Bagshaw, 1 August 1595, (No. XI), confirms that such reports were widespread , as does the letter of Thomas Audley to Bagshaw, 26 June 1595, which is quoted in the notes to Palmer's letter Garnet later pointed out to Bagshaw that there would have been no wonder or scandal outside Wisbech, "if some of yours had not with letters and messages stirred upmen'sminds" , (cf. Garnetto Bagshaw , 8 October1595, No.XVIII).

5 Weston himself was probably the source of Garnet's information in this section, and it provides an interesting addition to the account in Weston's ownlongletterto the General , of27 March 1598 , (cf No. XXXVII, note 14). Bagshawmentioned the fact of Weston's withdrawal after Christmas 1594 , but omitted his own party's early approval of Weston's ideas , and his suggestion of a connection between the Wisbech stirs and the death of Cardinal Allen is of particularinterest, (cf. Bagshawto Dr. Windham, c June 1595, No. VI, note 2) Having had this presentaccountoftheearliest stages of the events , Garnet's later scepticism is understandable, at Bagshaw's complaint that the confraternity had been establishedwithout consultation, (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII,note 3)

6 It is clear from Weston's later account, that in spite of their professed agreementwith his plan for some system ofrules , Bagshaw's followersdrove the others from the common refectory as soon as it became evident that the latter intended to take some definite action, i.e. the expulsion occurred before any rules were drawn up or signed, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27

March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 15) Garnet mentioned this expulsion from the common hall, in a later letter to Aquaviva, (16 April 1596 , No. XXVI, note 22) cf. also Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595,]No. IV, note 4. Garnet's information about the confraternity and its rules is taken from the 18 Priests' letter to himself, [7 February 1595] (No. I), and from their schedule of Rules (No. II) His attitude to therules may be contrasted with that of Bagshaw , in the latter's letter to a Norfolk Gentleman [c late May], No. III.

7 In his letter about Wisbech of April 1596, Garnet mentioned that the number of those who at first assailed the new confraternity was twelve , until another priest was brought from London who made the number thirteen (cf.Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 15). The newcomer , who arrived perhapsc. March 1595, was John Norden , one of the most violent of Bagshaw's partisans A letter from this man to Bagshaw , about some familymatters, dated 17 November 1594 (Westm . IV, n 40, i ), shows that he was at that time at libertyin London. The other 32 prisoners known to be at Wisbech in 1595 had, according to available records , already been sent there before 1594, and an undated list, probably belonging to c 1594, in Topcliffe's hand, names all the priests except Norden (cf. Westm V, n 2) The list of the thirteen dissidents will be found in the signatories of Mush's First Articles, 26 September 1595 , No. XVII.

8 The letter referred to is that of the 18 Priests of 7 February, ut supra.

9These two were Robert Jones, S. J., alias North, who had entered the Society in 1583, and who had been sent on the English mission in 1594 , and worked chiefly in Wales and Herefordshire (Foley, Records VII, p 408) ; and William Baldwin, S. J., alias Octavius, who had joined the Society in 1590. He was Professor ofMoral Theology in Louvain for some time. Then, probably late in 1594 , disguised as an Italian merchant , he had set out to escort a party of youths to the Seminaries in Spain. The party was intercepted and sent to London Failing by all mannerofruses to discover Baldwin's real identity, he was released in exchangefor an English prisoner in Spain, probably about March 1595. He then remained inEnglandfor about six months, (cf. Foley, Records III, pp. 502-5) This visit to Garnet may have occurredimmediately after his release .

10 The next few lines recapitulate the provisions of Garnet's reply granting Weston a mere moral leadership of the confraternity, with no coercive jurisdiction . Garnet kept no copy of his reply, for he did not suspectthat it would be madethe occasion of noisy denunciations, as in fact happened , (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595, No. XVIII, note5). Theoriginal letter has not survived

11 The referenceis to the temporary expulsion of the Jesuits from France through theaction of the Paris Parlement,following theirfalleged complicity in a plot against the King's life in December 1594. It is instructive to contrast this accusationthat the Jesuits were claiming withoutjustice to exercise authority over their fellow-priests, with Bagshaw'searlier words in his letter to a Norfolk Gentleman, [c late May 1595], (No. III) For example, he there called the confraternity "a new commonwealth .. the forme therof is popular, the worst of all other, wherein any one is as good asany other, & commonly the worste (things passinge byfaction of voyces) better than the best ... And thereforebeliketomakea showe ofa monarchye ... one is made an Agent with certayne uncertayne assistans " . Onthis question seekingto dominate the secularclergy, cf. also Garnet's Replyto Fisher's Memorial, March 1598, No. XXXVI, section 1 .

12 The twooutside priests in question here were the arbiters Dolman and Dr. Bavant. Garnet's information concerning the May arbiration probably came both from Weston and from Dr. Bavant's written report, to which hehere refers. Thisreport has not survived (Cf. also WestontoAquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 19). The briefremarks here provide support for various points ofSouthworth's story, (cf. Southworth toDolman , [c.early June 1595], No. IV) In a long letter to Bagshaw, Bavant later greatly supplementedthis present short account, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw, [c . August 1595], No. XIII) Garnet's remarks here concerningthe cause of the failure ofthe "examinations" , are a reference to Bagshaw'sparty's 4 articles (cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595], No. IV, note 22; also Bagshaw to Bavant, [c. late August 1595], No. XIV, note 9, iii)

13 The letters here referred to have not survived.

14This incident, occurring about the end of June, was possibly a direct consequence of Thomas Pound's demandsfor justice in the matter of the allocation of rooms in the Castle for the use of the members of the confraternity, (cf. Thomas Pound to Calverley, 25 June 1595, No. VII)

15As the sequel was to show , this hope was vain Through Garnet's own initiative, renewed efforts at arbitration in the autumn of 1595 did result ina temporary pacification at Wisbech, but the letter informing theGeneral ofthis, is in largepart composed of a defence of the English Jesuitsagainst continued calumnies, though Garnet was not even then certain of theplan of campaign behind these (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI, IntroductoryNote).

16 i.e. Christopher Bagshaw , who was expelled from the English College in Rome in January 1585 (cf. Bagshaw to a Norfolk Gentleman, No. III, note 1).

No. IX.

DOLMAN TO BAGSHAW

. 29 July [1595].

Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n 30. (Volume now in Westminster Archives). Holograph.

Introductory Noteto No. IX. The interest ofthis short letter liesin itsbeing the coveringnote which went witha much longerdocument, namely Dolman's answerto Southworth's letterof early June (No. IV in thispresentvolume) To have forwarded his reply, however, to Southworth's chief opponent, and made a suggestionthat it might be published, if thought fit, reveals that Dolman was concerned rather with making out a case for publication than with peace, and, infact, the reply was divulged without Southworth having been allowed to see it (see Note 3 below). Dolman, as usual, used his alias of Newton .

Woorshipfull Mr doctor , I render you most harti thankes, for wryttynge unto me, of your affaires, yt beinge a thynge, I am greatlydesirusof : as well, for mi onecontent, as to the satisfaction of others , for your good. I am sori, througha hurt myhorsehathe receved ,I can not withsuche expedition , see Mr d.w.¹ but soo soone as possible I can, I will ryed to hyme. Mr Soothwoorths Libell, 2 I have answered, acording unto Solomons cowncell, Respondestulto iuxta stulticiam suam, and I care not, how he, and his Agent dothtaeke them. I hav sent them first, to you, to perusse : if you will, thatthey be delivered hym: I amwell content. yf you shall thinke them meeter to be surprised :3 I shall also be content. I have no other copi, becawsse intruthe, I had no leysuer to wrytte yt owt agayne, yet am I desirus to have one, that if they come uppon me, agayne: I myght see , what I had written, for they are too, too shameless , in theare falsefying yf he doo move me agayne ther was never lanckeshiar goose so plukt, as I will pull hyme. ye, I dowt not, but to setle hym nakedder than Isoxs dawe Wilson5 was here to me, and pretended, his coming to me was , for the excusinge of his folli : but in deede, yt was, to have my answer to Mr S[outhworth's] letters : and in the eande , he did urgge it, plainly and vehemently but I returned hyme away, with this answer, that I woold not have hym doubt, ofyt, but that I woold answer yt : and that to the full good Mr. D[octor] if anywayyou can devysse, for me, to stand you insteede ether for your self: or for the benefiting of your company assuere your self, you shall commaunde me, as God he knowethe who ever preserve you and grawnt you, your owne harts desyer, written in hast the xxix of Juli.

Yours most asuredli

Alb[an] N[ewton]

Reive if you thinke it good shall not let it be knowne at all that you recevid anyletters frome me at all. I have geivenhymchardge to followe your directionwholy.6 but I maynot chardgeyoufrom laffingewhen you read my answer. laffe on hartely.

Note in the margin in Dolman's hand -I pray you take this inclosed small peice in good part as token of my remembrance which is a frenche crowne.

AddressedTo the woorshipfullmr Doctor Bagshaw.

No endorsement.

NOTES

1 This was probably Dr. Windham Attempts made by Dolman and others to influencehim or todraw him furtherintotheWisbechquarrelsmust have continued for some months (cf. Dr. Windham's letter, c June 1595 , No. V , note 3 ; alsoSouthworth to Dolman, 13 September1595, No. XVI,note5).

2i.e. Southworth's first letter to himself, [c early June 1595], No. IV . The Agent referred to is Weston, the leader of the confraternity Dolman's reply is printed in this present volume as No. X. "

3 "surprised"is used here withthearchaicmeaningof to ensnare or implicate by a sudden disclosure

Such a suggestion of publication seems an odd one from someone who claimedto be a peacemaker in the Wisbechdisputes, more especially as the original letter had been sent to him privately by Southworth : ... for I sent my letter to your hands first and wolde not divulgeituntill Iheardfrom youe" (Southworth to Dolman, 13September 1595, No. XVI) It is clear, however, that Dolman's intention in this present letter was recognised by Bagshaw'sfollowers, for as Southworth protested, Norden "affirmed that he had full commissione from you to divulge it at his pleasure, thougheI neversee it ; which he hathperformed. " (Ibid, note 3)

4 Bagshaw made at least one other copy of Dolman's Reply to Southworth, of which part is still extant , (cf. Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n 31).

5 This man cannot be identified with certainty, but may be the"Mr. Wilson , a pothecary" , who is listed in a schedule of laymen, for whose examination about their visiting and relieving Wisbech prisoners a Privy Council warrant was issued on 24 May 1596 (cf. Dasent XXV, pp. 418-20)

6 Reive was evidently the letter bearer's name This note confirms the impression that the long reply to Southworth was intended primarily for use as propaganda

DOLMAN

No. X.

TO SOUTHWORTH. [29 July 1595].

Westm. V,n. 19. Holograph . Incomplete. Another incomplete copy in Bagshaw's hand is in Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n 31 , (volume now at Westminster).

Introductory Note to No. X. Though undated by its author, this reply to Southworth's letterof early June (No. IV) may reasonablybe given thesame date as thecovering letter with which Dolman sent it to Southworth's chief opponent Bagshawfor perusaland disposal (cf. Dolman to Bagshaw , 29 July 1595, No. IX) The opening section of the reply, perhaps of some length, is lost The second surviving copy, in Bagshaw'shand (Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n. 31), is only a fragment of the end of the letter. Dolman's reply, which takes the form of answers to extensive verbatim quotations, seems a strangewayofanswering a letter sent to him privatelyby Southworth, and isa furtherindication that Dolman'srealintention was the public establishment of his case (cf. Dolman to Bagshaw , ut supra, IntroductoryNote), and not the satisfaction of his questioner, and the document was, in fact, broadcast without Southworth ever having been allowed to see it, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, 13 September 1595 , No. XVI, note 3)

then in the companye. a wiser instance than this, a man might a hard, of one, that wereth a wooden dagger. this you reason, one in a brawle thretnethe his broother, a shall starve except he submitt hym selfe , under the Jesuitesobeisance , ergoyou twoo had all authoritie, to set downe orders, and lawes. This argument is maed in foxes moode, and figuers: fox being in a great melancholi at Oxford goinge to the churche, the bell ringinge , to a sermon met with a servinge man with a cople of coonyes at his sadle bowe, at the syght wherof, he startted: and cawght on , that wasnext hym, and cried owt a wasdead, howeprove youthat sayd he that he held by the arme. how ? sayed fox ! yonderis a cony dead, and the bell ryngs, ergo I am deade thoghe you be not in a melancholy, as fox was: yet I thynke, you were trobled, with the influence, of midsomer mooene, whichwas neare the full, when you wrotte your letters to me, or else you wanted your night cape. in hope youare in bettertemper nowe, to see yourown folli, I will leave this, and proceede to answer the rest

S. The next daye at after nooene you came to F.E.2 & me and you refusinge to maeke the speeache to us Mr C tould us that mr d B. & mr B. had taken moer uppon them then they coolde perfoerme & that their companie had denyed that ever they gave them any suche commission

N. Mr C. absoluetlye refusynge your ruelles : bethoght hyme of a platforme of his owne, ³ which in his heade, and bosome (sayed he) he had braught with hyme : but yet not set downe in forme,

and so farefromputtingeinforme, as that to his lykynge, he coolde not then dremetherof andutterly condemnyngeyourdesynements he insinuated, too mr d B. and mr B. a woolde not please them nether. andhereuppon, began amisticallkynde oftalke, so intricaet in deede , as I must confesse atrothe I understoode not whether yt tended mrd. B. beingeofsoundiudgement and quyke ofconceipt, layed hould of a speeche, he uttered: and argued agaynst yt,4 so did mr B. so learnedly, so foorcibli, as Mr C. fell to a choler. I saught to qualifi the ones vehemence , and the others anger. and in showe , it seemed I had brought yt to pase, but yt was not so: the wounde festered under neathe, thoghe yt seemed to be skynned over . This doone, we lefte them, and comynge downe [p 2.] and cominge into the Courte : mr C. sayed to me, let us I pray you go to F.E., well sayed I, as yt shall please you: when we cam to F.E. he desired, that you might be cauled foor. when you were bothe together, he with owt offeringe (as you falsly reporte) of the first speeach to me, which he was woont to doo, and yet alwayes, I refused for the reverenceof his degree ; for I am no Lutheran , nor yet favorer of Lutherani ; that have no degrees, of schooeles in reguarde. wherbyyou might have conceived, that he had to say somethinge, which a had not acquaynted me with all and, asI desyere helpe of God, at my most neede, I least of all looked foor that speche, whichhe uttered: whichwas, this : I fynd thatd B. and mr B. have taken moer uppon them, then they were hable to perfoerme, and that they are gone bake from there woordes, and therfoere I am to leave you, as I fownde you this was all sayed, and therfoere these woords foysted in of you: that there company had denyed that ever they gave hym any suche commission, for the controversi that roesse between mr C. and d B., and mr B. was of an impertinent talke, and they had no leysuer, to consult with there compani for we went presentli from there chawmber, unto F.E. and you nether daere you, or F.E., or any of the companye of ether syede saye, in sinceritie of conscience , thatever you gave us authoritie, to set downe orders, ruelles, and lawes , nether did we ioyntlytogether, ever requesteyt, at your hands my hart, I thankeGod of yt, was voyed of all sucharrogancye These speeches, uttered by mr C. amased me and I sawe you bothe , readi to lay houlde of them, with ioy and to maeke hast to cari these nwes (sic), to the rest of your compani : but I desired you to staye, and then I tould you, that owr comynge was , to maeke a descisionofthe goodnes , and badnes of the breache of commons: and too bringe you, to a generall reconciliation ;5 and that everi one ofyou,inthewoordeofa Preyste, shooldpromis, so fare as humaine frayeltie myght suffer them, not to gyve any offence, eache to others . this I toulde you, was owr commission, this Isayed, they went not bake frome, but earnestli looked for, at ower hands. not with standinge you shuffoled yt up, and seemed to be desirus , to be ride of us , whereby yt did most manifestlyapere, how willynge

you were to taeke the least occasion , to breake of that which as you say, you were rather for the satisfiyinge of the worlde, then of any good mynd braught unto. for suerly, you all did knowe yt we [both] did utterly mislieke, of your breache of commons, for [that] [p. 3] thereby, that they ether myght be disgraced, and detracted with owt there merit notwithstanding , nether F. E. noranyofyourcompani, thoughe Ididurgeitoften,and vehemently bothe in pravat, and when you were mani together, did ever set me downe, anyreason, forthe approving ofyt wellwhatis donne, by this your division, yf you were parfitly informed, and woold gyve creditunto yt : I thinke, yt woolde maekeyour hartsgroene for sorowe. yt may be, ye may fynde yt, when had I wyst, will cume to laete. bawght witte, is never goode I fear me, except God infuesein you, an extraordinarigrace, you shall never behable , to maeke requitall, of the harmes you have doone in the churche of God , by this onli breache. brage you, never somuche of order , even as muche , as the heritikes doe ofthere Evangelium and bothe of lyeke credit, with me, for as there Evangelium is nothing else , but Licentia peccandi impunita. so is your order for any thinge that I can see . Elatio vitiosa , quae inferiorem despiciens , superioribus et paribus satagit dominari God open your harts soone to amend yt.

S. Iwoold knowe also ofyouto what purposeshooldetwo bechose to betalked with yf there were no moer to bedone then to judge whether we had synned or no by the breache of commons. N. yt is well knowne, that a fooele, may propound moer questions inan hower , then a wysse man, is hable to answerin a weake and yt is marvell, that you shoold not knowe yt, havinge byn one of the principalls actors, of this tragedi what cawsse of discontent you gavethem, throughe the secreat workinge, ofyourcombination , you knowe : and the kreille, yet it caryinge a showe , of a stricter lyffe, they woolde not here, aemulated you nay certaynly I am perswaded, yf your self had not, in great dispyght , delivered so grosse, so uncharitable , or so deilvishe (sic) speeches, too a reverend Preyst for the cawsse of your separation :7 you had caried it, in quiet, and quyght away : and no suche controversi, or contention, asis nowe to the greiffe, of us all, had risen uppon yt you, beinge cauled to your triall deny yt. so did you else what , so ever was layed to your chardge, by many of your brethrene , and that with owt blusshinge. thoughe they were ready to taeke there othes, for the affirmation of that, they delivered agaynst you which maed me perplexed, andgave me, no small cawsse of labour, to suppresse my iudgements : but nowe in [p. 4] remembrynge, those relations, withadvised consideration, of your letters : I fynd you to be , the perfidiusts man, that ever tooke pen in hande: and the lyingsts, that ever spaeke with a payere of lyppes, of that coate: except a were an Apostata and so I will accompt of you, untill I heare of your amendment. what woold you now have theme to doo ?

beinge disgraced, and defamed, by you? and ye cariynge still that mynde, to continwe there disgrace? woold you have them say nothinge ? then myght they iustly, bethoght of all men to be stupidi. but what have they doone, for the salvinge, of those greevous soeres, have they followed, any humanyne affection , for requightallof yt : yee cannot saye yt no, you knowe, they have in the most secreats , and charitables maner,8 made suiet for privat conference, withfaythfull promise, to eand all to your honoors, and credits, and this the saught often, and coold never opteyne yt, they required the continwance, of commons together, and you refuse them albeit F.E., and you tould me, bothe that you mynded to be of one dyette, and of one chardge of dyet with them . you coolde not, separaetyourselves,toyourcontent, with owt there permittance : they myghtnot grawnt yt, withowt theyre condiscendingetothere infami. you woold go forward, withyour desygnments, they were to defend there fame, and goodnames, now to eandthis controversi, yt was agreed by you bothe, that two of indifferent affection, to youall, shoulde be chosen :9 to whoseiudgments, youwoold submit, and reli your selves : nowe wee beinge come , acordinge to apoyntment, and toreceive, owrcommissionof bothe your hands,yt seemethe youhad, nolykynge, toyt : foryou say, ye feared,the hasarde ofyour desygnements: and yet, you yelded ; mani for feare else , the worlde myght have condemned you why else we were in consultation, good Lord howe were we delt with all, under hande , to alowe, wholy ofyour doyngs, and to reprove, the others, but we beingefounde resoluet, to condiscenduntono breache, of commons , this symple shyfte, was maed, to laye hould of mr C. for they overthrowofowr commyssion [p. 5.]

S. Agayne yf ther was not anithinge else in question but this foersayed breache , how happenedyt that wehad notyour charitable resolution at the same tyme.

N. I tould yt you, and I thynke even one of your compani else , that I wasresoluet, in that, you myghtnot withowt great scandall, maekedivision, of commons: and so I delivered, my mynde, & the opinions ofothers, in myletters and lefte them withthecompanys, which you knowe, to be most true: but it is your faelicitie, to brable and wrangle. now after the repeticion of my woords , shewinge the hinderance of the pacification , by F.E. and you, by the settynge downe of certayne articles, this you wrytte.

S. Now good Sir for the better expedicion & that the world may playnly see your dealynge in steede of an answer I have set downe the articles verbatim

Fyrst we are by Gods grace in love and charitiewith all and beare no hatred or displeasuer towards any. secondli we forgive all privat iniuries as we desire all owrs to be forgiven of God

thirdly we remit all privat satisfaction as we hope the bloode & passion of Jesus Christ to be owr satisfaction for all owr iniquities.

fourthely owr meanynge is not that this shall preiudicaet any ryght or iustice apperteininge to mani in ani common matter nor to debar owr selves from the manifestation or declaration of the veritie of any matter but that to be lefte fre as before so far asin conscience any iust occasion may permit us fyftly this is not to bynd us all ioyntly so that everi one shalbe bownde for eache others actions, yf he do not fulfil these condicions but everi man to answer severally for his owne action yf he doe transgresse.

speake now , yfyoucanhowyou werehyndered from effectinge your good purpose.

N. yf there had ben, no other staye, then these articles ,you might iustly have insulted uppon me, with thesewoords, speake, and you can, and wurs woords, also, to the confusionof my selfe , and they of the unitie. truethe yt is, I tooke some exceptions, agaynst the fourthe article, and that for my better understandinge ofit, but cariyinge of them to the other syedwith out all contradiction they most ioyfully received them,10 and craved of us to set downe by [p 6.] they day, an hower for the accomplishinge, of this general reconciliation which we apoynted, the next day followinge after Litanies and maed F.E. and you acquaynted with all, and it seemed then, you freelygave your consents . 11 the next day (as I have written in my other letters befoere ) when, I was goinge up, into the hawle, to dinner, F.E. meetinge with me, in the galleri, drue me to the window and ther began to taeke some exceptions, agaynst the pacificationas this, that it should not preiudice, there libertie of the breache of commons, for that I tould hym, wewere fullyresoluet , that wewoolde determin, there shooldebe no breache of commons. then woold he, we shoolde see, what they had drawne owt, tochinge the enormius crymes only, of them, of the uniti, which conteined (sayd he) thre sheetes of paper 12 [In margin in Bancroft's hand : 3 sheets of libell ] this you say, you will asuer me of F.E. deniethe, that ever, he had any suche woords with me, in that place yt is not greatly materiall, whether he sayed them, in that place or no, so he grawnt he sayed them. but yet I beleve you not for thoughe, he be to conversant with you, I trust he is to wysse, to godli, and to circumspecte, as to be infected with your lyinge spirit and therefoere Itell you onese agayne ,I will iustifi it, that in the same place, he did say yt. and I tould hym then, that I did loathe it, and desired of hym, that a woolde forderthis charitable determination , of the generall reconciliation, and usse no meanes, of the hynderinge, of so blessed a purpose. well sayedhe, I prayyou, be a meanes, that it maystay, untill the next day, for we are drawinge, of certayn articles, which we woolde gladly have you see fyrst, and yt shalbe to your moer ease, and owr common gode. uppon these fayer promises, I was drawne agaynste my wyll to put over the pacification the next day he braught them to us, whichwhen we had reade, we sawea

calengge (sic) to a combate, and that ther was, no other lyekihoode, but that owr godli designment shoold be to owr greiffe, frustrated, & matter of farther quarell broched. These articles belyeke, you are ashamed of (God grawnt you so much grace) and therefoere , toturneawaya theeffe, in a true mans coat, you seeike , to conceale them, and insteede of those, to gyve owt these , that you delivered us, as you answer, presently uppon the exhibitinge , of our noate , of pacification . but Sir, with owt your leave, I will pull of your maske, that the worlde may see your brasen face, and understand , what a doble dealer, and imposter [p 7] you are and therefore here, will I set down your articles

1. Whither you will stay the tyme to examine those articles which any may be accused of.

2. Whither you thinke it secuer for us that lyve & meit together many tymes in the day (not havinge the meanes to avoied eache other) to have those thynges proposed and examined , and whitheryou can compasse ourquiet.

3. That whosoever dothe come to declare ani matter shall submitt them selves to you as to ther ordinarie, to declare withowt all aequivocation or lyinge any things wherofyou thinke necessari to the manifestation of the veritie

4. That you doo taeke the promise of everi one that is called befoeryou tobehavethem selves withmodestiandgoodtermes.

5. This supposed we are all for our partes contented that they obiect what they can agaynst us

6. We requyere also that they shall gyve therconsentthatthey areall contented to heare what may be layedowtagaynst them .

7. Everi thinge beinge hardthat youpronouncesentence agaynst those that you shall fynd culpable

N. speake now yf you can, or else hysse lyeke a Lanckeshere gooesse, yf these be not them : you delivered us : which how far different , in matter, the are, from the other, wysse heads, hathe found, and thoughe notwithstandinge , men well affectioned unto you; they have interpreted them, to yourgreat disgrace afterwe had delivered these your articles, they presently set downe these fower as answer to them . 13

1. we require that sufficient satisfaction may be maede for the slaunder and diffamation maede of us by theye breache and letteryfsufficient cawses cannot be proved forthere so doinge.

2. we require that everi accusation be sett downe in wrytinge under the accusors hands accordingeto the Cannon Lawe sub paena talionis yf it be not proved.

3. We will answer in all thinges accordinge to the orderofthe Cannon Lawe supposingethese men to be owr lawfull iudges

4. We will sustayne ani censure with this condicion that beinge censured by these men, we may be assecured thereby from all other censures concerninge that matter.

N. whichI have set downe not for that I suppose you have them not but becawsse you shoolde knowe I have them. these when we had delivered to F.E. and [p. 8] you and you bothe, had perused them, ye began first to taeke exceptions, agaynst the fourth article: and in the eand agaynst them all : playnly showingeindeede, you lyked nothinge, but your own designements , with a mynd, to proceede, in them : let yt fall, how yt shoolde, ether bake, or eagge : as the common proverbe is they of the unitie cawled earnestlie uppon us ,for there triall, ofwhat so evershooldebeobiectedagaynst them protestinge, they woold seeke no excuses, but woold, as directli answer, unto all thyngs, as if wewere, there ghostlyfathers : the cawses of the stay hereof, was to say truly, my colleage: and myself that woold not admitt yt, thoughe also F.E. and youwere veri desirus to go forward yn yt : but we seynge, besyde the lotsumnesof the matter, to what a laborinthe , of tryelles, we shoolde have infoulded owr selves , yf we went forward with this course; craved that the triall, and examinations, acordynge unto these articles myght surcease : and that you woolde proceede , to the generall reconciliation . but F.E. and you, we were hard with a deaff eare the others, thoughe they earnestly craved yt at owr hands, bothe then and many tymes, afoere, that they might come to there answer, what so ever shoold be obiected agaynst them,yet were they nowe, ready uppon our suiet, to put up all the disgraces, they had receved, and to ioyne, in most charitable affection with you: for the continwance of a peace ; and concordeamongst you. and this they continwally cauled uppon us, to brynge to pase . 14 that yt was not effected: I am to and will chardge F.E. and your company with all for yt did playnly apeare; our motions, were irksome untoyou wherefoere, you saughteto beryde, of us; and two, or three, one after another came to me, and toulde me , that except, I coolde remoove my opinion, tochinge the breache, of commons, they wysshed me to begon after these warnyngs, I saughttoo speake with F.E., whom twysse, Isaughtat hischawmber , but not fynddinge hym there, meetinge withone, ofyour company, I tould hym, that I had byn twysse, at F.E. his chawmber, and coold not fynd hyme ; wherfoere I requested hyme, yf he knwe (sic) where he were, that a woold, doo me that pleasuere, to signifi unto hyme, yt I was desirus to speake with hyme : he courteusly went, and returned, fore me agayne, and toulde me thatF.E.woolde presently coome downe too me. there taried I in the hawle well nigh [p. 9.] one hower, expectinge, his cominge: at lengthe, when he came we went a good paese to the willowes together : there began I too enter into some speache of the affaires we then had in hande: [Mark in margin, often foundin Bancroft's papers: $ also , in his hand : Ed useth Doleman prowdly] and havinge spoken but afewewoords : sodenlia turned to me, and with a sternecowtinance , tould me my commission was owt and that I must have a nwe (sic) commission or ever I went abowt, to deale agayne, in these

matters. albeit I must tell hym, and you too, that I scorned his usagge, yet I passed yt over, and sayed, what F.E. may I not talke with you as a freinde? no I asuere you sayed he, not in these matters , forthen I will leaveyou. then thoughte Iyt is hye tyme to leave you all which I did performe with in one day after . 15 and you gave me to thinke also howe so ever you talked oforder: that all was not goulde that glisterethe : ye and to remember the poets saying saepe solent aure multa subesse mala. now to the answer of your other demand.

S. Wherin were you so strained to do agaynst your conscience N. Of what, or wherof, you shoolde demaundethis question I can not in all your deformed Chaos of wryttinge, fynd yt owt: thoughe I have followed you, as one woolde doo Jake anaepes, when he playeth his trikes, in runninge round abowte the hoope; and his slyppings in, and owt, of yt yt may be, after you have doone your dayes woorke, in temporinge of your clokes: ye have you to foorgge of your idle brayne, wherin you toyell your self, to the greate anoye of those that converse with you ; by hammeringe calumniations, and detractions agaynst them, and ther shapedthis of me . for wellasured I am, I nether in talke, nor wryttynge ever writteor sayed to you I did any thinge agaynst my conscience .

S. yt pleasethyou also in an other letter to chardgeus withlibellinge but how trwe (sic) these hard speaches are God he knoweth , &theworldemaybygood prooffe beeaslyenformedfor ifyoumean tocall this libellinge to put in writtinge the accusationsofanother mansfaults then dothe the whole Churcheof God in allgood ordered places do nothinge else but libell which is absurde. for as you knowe all accusations are put in writtinge where orderof lawe is observed [p . 10 ]

N. I have and doo, chardge you, with libellinge, and that truli, as God he knoweth . 16 and the worlde, may be easly enformed : and that I call libellinge : to put in writinge, other mens faultes ; [Margin note in Bancroft's hand : A libell ] and I knowe in all ordered courts of the Canon & civill lawe, the accusations ar put in writtynge and that I call also libellinge, yet your consequence is most ridiculus, that then the whoele Churche of God, dothe nothinge else, but libell for you knowe in the Churcheof God the dreadfull Sacrifice, with ministrationof the blessed Sacrmentswith preachyngs, and many thinges else, are used dayli to the hyghe honor of God; and the inestamable benifit of mans soule. forthe understandinge ofthe woord, I refer you to your dictionari: where you shall fynd, libellus, or libelli hathe moer significations in the best part, then I see you do conceive, and is it not marvell? you beinge utriusque Juris doctor inexpertissimus becausse your understanding is no better you shall not be libellorum magister. S. yf you woolde obiecte that sume of us or any hathe reserved anysuche thinge, orwritten fromtymeto tyme, first yf it were true youcooldenever prove it, and therfoere a great synne to impuetyt.

N. you reason the groselyes , that ever I hard man in my lyffe. admit yt betrue, that we hav reserved in wryttynge, from tyme to tyme (sayyou), yet can not you proove yt Therefoera great synne in you, to impuet yt, unto us. how doo you knowe that Icannot prove yt, ys the reservinge of faults in wryttynge, the waynot to knowe them ? truthe yt is, and I knowe some of your company, Imeane ofyournumber, ofxxwhichyoutermeofthe order : [Margin note in Bancroft's hand : 20 ye order. ] have written abroade of them , of the other companye in suche maner, as I am in horror tothynke ofyt. 17 but you thinke your bearewoorde is not enoffe: for you can , and will deny yt, and you understande , that I have experience enoffe, of that your practice : and therfoer for me, to stand, uppon that, you thinke were great folly in me but what? yf I have two , or three wittnes that you sayed, you had doone yt, and that afooer you fell to settynge downe of articles. afoer F.E. my colleage, and my self, you confidently sayed yt: that there were thre sheets of paper,18 of there cyrmes and F.E. hym self with many of your company else, doo knowe, how vehemently I [p. 11] inveyghed agaynst this order of dealinge; which I may bouldly terme famosi libelli for you have not doone yt for the goode of them but to there disceradits and disgrace : wherfoer I wisshseyou to consider in what a pitifull estaet youstandyn and redrese yt. let not that vayne hoepe of pretence of reformation blyndeyou so to lyeke of your owne doings as to thinke all shall be shadowedunder the name of order, for thynges are scannedand weyghed of the wisest and the fynd yor proceedingeswant many graenes oftrue wayght whichmakethe them cry out O seculanostra hoc pharisaismo plenissima, in quibusdam festucis evellendis sumus testi: [in margin : ] crimina maiora non curamus had chariti byn your foundacion these broyelles woold never have followed nam charitas multa dissimulat operitenim multitudinempeccatorum et quae non amantibus peccata videntur, amantibus aut bona aut certe non mala videntur quod si revera mala sunt, charitas amanter corripit et si necesse est, dolenter magis quam inimice castigat haec est charitas mensura but you (I speake it with great greiffe of hart) of molhills maeke mountaynes (I meane sume of your compani) and presently divulge them abroade . 19 [In margin : ] that nowe there is no other talke amonge Catholiques but of your broyelles and discentions and men as they ar affected the praise or condeme so is it that all now are fallen to a faction whichis the most pitifullest thinge andthey most necessaries with speeade to be redressed that happenes in the[overwritten: anought to bedon] churche of God in our banishment which woolde sooene be done yf eache woolde amend one and begin with hym self, for myowne part thoughe,I looked as sooene the sky woold havefallen asI shoold have had suchea letter from W . 20and specialli fromyou of whom I have lyked so well of : but I beseche most humbli owr sweet Lord in in (sic) the bowelles of his bottomles mercies , to

forgive all that is amisse and that I may heare shortly from you, that all discord, debatsand discentions, be eandid amongeyou, and that you have received one an other in all amiti freinshipe and parfit charitie amen

No address .

yours that faythfully prayeth for you all Alb N[ewton].

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator: Mr Dolman his aunswere to Southworthes letter wherein is conteyned a great discourse concerningethe separation amongst the priests at wisbich : he and mr Clarke being chosen to have decided theyr difficultyes, Edmonds and his company are greatly condemned The partial copy in Bagshaw's hand (Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n . 31) is endorsed in same handas above : Dolmans answereas itseemeth to Southworths challenge about his bad dealing towching the pacification All one with the other.

NOTES

1 The incompleteness of this sectionadds toits obscurity, but Dolman would appear to be denying that the arbiters ever received any commissionto approve rules for the prisoners , and this was in itself probably part of a denial (now lost) that the arbiters' commissionwas a "general" one . This is contrary to Southworth's evidence , who described how Weston and himself, having given the arbiters a general commission , in consequence of which they delivered up their rules to be examined, asked : "Againe yfyou had no furthercommissionthen to decyde the breache of commons , to what purposedyd we deliver oure rules to be confirmed or disallowed , in all, or in parte ?" (cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595], No. IV, pp 2 & 3 of the MS, and Notes 10 & 12) Southworth's account of the generalcommissionis closely supported by Bavant, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , [c August 1595], No. XIII, Answears to the First and Second Propositions).

2 The same abbreviations for names occur throughout this letter: F.E. is Father Edmunds, alias Weston; Mr. C. is Mr. Clarke, alias Dr. Bavant ; Mr. d B.is Mr.Doctor Bagshaw; Mr. B. is Mr. Bluet ; andAlban N[ewton] is Dolman himself

3 This is a reference to Bavant's own "conceipte" or idea for a system of orders for the prisoners From Bavant's own words on the subject it seems clear that he did not, in fact, submit this plan untilafter the failure of the "generalcommission" , and it did not imply that he had condemned the Twenty's Rules , (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, No. XIII, Answear to the Second Proposition) Contrary to Dolman's next words, Bavant's plan was writtendown and copies ofit left with both sides, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, No. IV, Note 16).

4 John Green , one of the Twenty , thus described Bagshaw's behaviour towards Bavant during the arbitration: " ... Dr. Bavant, truly a man of learning, pietyandprudence, towhom you behaved like one ofthose shameless street-bullies, causing him not only to blush for shame, but even to shed tears , as has always been reported .. . " (John Green to Bagshaw , 1 October 1596, Westm V, n 72) Cf. also Weston's description of the behaviourofBagshaw'spartynearthe end ofthe visit, which led toBavant's having to be escorted past the gates by one of the Twenty, afterwhich he didnotdareto re-enter (WestontoAquaviva, 27March 1598 , No. XXXVII).

5 The foregoing account of the arbiters' visit to Weston and Southworth to report the end in failure of their "general commission" , after Bavant's alleged differenceswith Bagshawand Bluet, is quite different from those of Southworth and Bavant, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, No. IV , pp. 2 & 3 of the Ms.; Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, No. XIII, Answear to the Second Proposition) The main reasonfor this difference appears to lie in Dolman's determination not to admitthat the arbiters' had, with the agreementof both sides, set out to examineall matters at issue between them , as his reiteration of his favourite contention about a simple decision about the goodness or badness of the separation here shows, (cf. No. IV, note 4) It is clear from both Southworth and Bavant's's accountsthat the view Dolman gives in this present letter does not represent what he himself appeared to think at the time of the arbitration Garnet also mentioned that members of Bagshaw'sparty refused to honour pledges previously made to the arbiters, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII) As regards the "generallreconciliation" , the scheme inquestion was not part of any commission , but was Bavant's own idea, proposedas a last attemptto achievesome minimum goodendto their visit, (cf. Bavant

THE WISBECH STIRS

to Bagshaw, ut supra, Answear to the Thrydd Proposition ; Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, Note 17). Dolman's remarks following to the end of this section are simply a repetition of the view of the separation which had previously been dealt with by Southworth in his letter of June , in his descriptionsof Dolman's visits to Wisbechin mid-Lent and at theMay arbitration

6This is a formof 'creel' , meaning here, probably, 'frame-work' Archaic .

7 Itis notpossible tosay towhat incident these wordsrefer Clearly,however, from Pound's letter to Calverley, of 25 June 1595 (No. VII), membersof Bagshaw'sparty had privately been given the reasons for theseparation, in response to their demands Southworth's "triall" mentionednext, may be a reference to the interviews before Keeper Medeley, when several membersof Bagshaw's partysoughtto entrap himintomaking accusations , (Ibid Note 8).

8 This is a somewhatcuriousdescription of the behaviour of Bagshaw'sparty since Dolman's first coming to Wisbech, as evidencedby the documents concerning the May arbitrationprinted in this present volume.

9 As Garnet pointed out to Bagshaw , no prisoner'sconsentwas needed for the formation of a voluntaryassociation such as the confraternity : "I cannot seehowfree men should, inthe use oftheirrights, be helddependent, assuch , onthe assent of anyoneelseinmattersbringing benefit to themselves harm to none , and promise of being most pleasing to God: in a word , why they should need your permissionto seek the higher gifts " (Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII) Dolman is otherwiseevidently referring to his first visit to Wisbechin mid-Lent, whenamongother things he had talks with the Twentyabout the proposedconfraternity . It was certainly not true that there was any agreementat that timethat arbiters should be calledin to settle differences , (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, No. IV , p 1 of the M.S).

10 The foregoing 5 articles of Weston, quoted at length from Southworth" letter, (cf. No. IV, p 4 of the MS ), were withdrawn from the arbiters' hands, when Westonwas reassured by Bavant that they were notnecessary , (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw, ut supra , No. XIII, Answear to the Thrydd Proposition). Bagshaw's party, therefore, did not see them , and it seems likely that their first detailed knowledge of them came from Dolman's repetition here, where they serve as a convenient basis for the remainder of his version of the events

11 According to Bavant, Weston's party made no other hindrance to the reading of the pacification, beyondthe 5 articles (see Note 10 above). He gave, however , two interesting causes of delay : the presence of strangers inthe Castle , one ofwhomwas Bagshaw'sfriend Dr.Farbeck,and Bagshaw's own absence from the place (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw, ut supra, Answear to the Thrydd Proposition)

12 Bavant described the order of events thus : "After we had wearied our selfs ... & had now gyven over to deale by generall commission , & in the matter of accusations . ..I drewe out one morning . . a generall reconciliation (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, Answear to the Thrydd Proposition) The 3 sheets incident belongs to this "matterof accusations" , and thus occurred before the 5 articles were thought of, contraryto Dolman's account here. The 5 articles followed the proposal of the reconciliation (see Notes 10 & 11 above) Southworth's account of the details of the incident are also in conflict with Dolman's Thepapers

in question never came to the arbiters' hands, (cf. Southworth to Dolman , ut supra, No. IV, note 20). Dolman made a further referenceto these same 3 sheets (p. 10 of this MS ), in which his version is again at variance with that of Southworth

13 Careful examination of these 7 articles from the Twenty shows thatthey are no challenge to battle, as Dolman here asserts. In particular Point2 is a direct echo ofthe second and third paragraphsof the original 5articles (see Note 10 above), which forgave all private injuries, and remitted all private satisfactions; and Point 5, provided the conditions of an orderly trial were observed , allowedthem [i.e. Bagshaw'sfollowers]tobringwhatever they could against us [i.e. the Twenty] The wording is significant and makes little sense in Dolman's context Clearly these articles were an attempt to regulate something alreadyagreed upon Dolman nextquotes a set of4 articles, which he asserts were set forth by Bagshaw'sparty as the answer to the foregoing 7. If this was so, it is surprising that there is nomentionofthe 7 articlesinthem Theyread, indeed, asan independent production Southworth, claiming Bavant and Dolman's agreementatthe time, said that it was the writing of Bagshaw's4 articles which finally ruined Bavant's plan for a charitable reconciliation, but in spite of this, he continued, Dolman continually urged Weston and himself to allow the process of personalaccusations demandedin the 4 articles (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, No. IV, note 23) The 7 articles were, in fact, an attempt to regulate this process. This transposition of eventsis explicable if the object of Dolman's letter was hostile propaganda (see Introductory Note above) In an angry letter, Bagshawlater unwittingly showedthat Dolman's story was incorrect (cf. Bagshaw to Bavant, [c. late August 1595], No. XIV, note 9 ii) On the same matter, cf. also Bavant to Bagshaw , [c . August 1595] Note XIII, note 15 .

14 This account of the proposed trials is quite different from that ofSouthworth, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, No. IV, notes 22, 23, 24)

15There is no confirmatory evidence from other accounts regarding these incidents

16 For the various points involved in this charge of libelling, mentioned by Dolman in this and the next section, cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, No. IV, p 4 of the MS and Notes 20, 21

17 This is probably a reference to the letter of the 18 Priests to Garnet, [7 February 1595], (No. I), of which Dolman had seen a copy, together with the Schedule of Rules, at the time of the May arbitration There is no individual mention in these of any member of "the other companye" , [i.e. Bagshaw'sparty].

18 Cf. Note 12 above

19 Concerning responsibility for the spreading of information outside the Castle, cf. Bagshawto Dr. Windham, [c late June 1595], No. VI, note 6 .

20It is not possibleto tell who was meant here, though it was certainly not Weston, whom Dolman always referred to by his alias of Edmunds.

No. XI

J. PALMER TO BAGSHAW .

Westm. V, n 21. Holograph.

1 August 1595 .

Introductory Note to No. XI This letter is a witness to the sorrow and wonder aroused among Catholics by the Wisbechquarrels That of Thomas Audley, quoted in the notes , is another of the same kind. Dr. Farbeck, Bagshaw's friend, in a report of conversationswith an opponent, revealed other instances , (cf. Dr. Farbeck & Mr. Cary's discourse, [c late September/ October 1595], Westm V, n 20) This reaction was due not only to the letters and messengers sent out by Bagshaw's party to spread abroadreports, (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII, note 12, and Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, note 18), but also to the fact that visitors tothe Castlecould see and judge for themselves , (cf. Postscript, Thomas Pound to Calverley, 25 June 1595, No. VII)

Reverende Pater, I hear to my noe small greff that ther is divisions amoungst you, which now is so common as noe dobte shortly it wilbe purveyed in every pulpit, which is scandalousunto thewhole cause . I wil make bouldto sett downe some particulars ytI hear ; there is emoungst you yt wishe some of the Company hanged.3 a milston abowte ther neck and cast into Sea, charging them with hipocracy (whose virtu & learning is worthily renowned emoungstall good Catholiques), withsuch like speches odeous unto Catholic] Eares ; what can be expectedof suche prestsbut yt they will in short tyme leav all Religion, & doe what hurt they can (which do dobt is feared by those yt neade to feare)4 But nowe lett metellyou yt whichgrevethe me most, these felowes (unworthy to be called preasts) patronaise them selves under to learned & reverntfathersmr dr Bagshaweand Mr Bluett. god forbyd. yet I can assuer you this is generally reported amoungst Cath[olics] abroade. I beseche yousee firste unto what great mischeiffe those matters doe tend and spedely prevent the worst you knowe by experiencethat division bringeth alwayes discredit I wil not take uppon me to judge betwixt father Ed[mund] and you, I protest I loveyou bothe with allmy hart but thus muche I can assuer you in the generall opinion of the best sorte of Catholiques, the tydeis agaynst you, and as youlove mecontend notwithfatherEd[mund]. ifI wear there I would labor you both to refer the decydinge of your controversyes to some Revernd & learned persons and abyde ther censures , vel fere [?] aeque [?] [ Almost illegible]. Cravinge pardon bothe for my rudnes and bouldnes . I comend

me to your good devotions longinge after better newes from Wisbiche. Calend Aug. 1595

tuus tum libens tum servus J. Palmer.

Addressed To the Revernd father mr d[octor] B[agshaw] these.

Endorsed J.P. to Dr. Bagshaw that ye tide runnethagainst that hold against ye Jesuits. [Bancroft's collaborator].

NOTES

1 This may be John Palmer, gentleman, of Kegworth, Leicestershire , whose name appearson several occasions in circumstancesshowing that he was known to be a Catholic, (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1581-1590, p 354 ; Ibid 15911594, p. 27 ; and Hatfield Cal, V , p 25). No other details of his life are available. There was no priest of the name at this time.

2 Comparethe sorrow expressed by ThomasAudley (vere Tichburn), secular priest : "I can not but be very sorry as a brother of youres (though one of the lest) to hear of those sturres amongyou, which is much spoken of by the Catholickes every where, and is thought a greevous matterthat inter personas deo militantes such discordeshould ryse and continewe so longe and that whichmaketh the matter more greevous , is, thatin that place where all Catholickeseyes are fastenedto look for order , the desire of order and discipline shoulde be hindered upon stomacke onely against the Jesuits and that order being the thing which is resisted, yet the collour of this disquyett is such a thing as hath lest collour at allof any reason And to this effect I was moved in charyty to wryte unto you, that allbeitI knowe the Jesuitsare unwilling to take any suchSuperioryty (neyther indeed is that which is there attributed to one of them worthy to be tearmedbythe nameofSuperiority, for it is notpraeesse sed prodesse) yet such a matter was otherwise esteemed of and commendeduntoall by our absoluteSuperior[i.e.CardinalAllen], ... " (ThomasAudley to Bagshaw 26 June 1595, printed in Knox, Allen pp. 378-380). For Allen's exhortation to peace among the workers on the English mission, cf. Allen to Mush , 16 March 1594, Ibid pp 356-8 .

3This may bea reference to an incident in which Bagshawexpressed a wish to have another priest, Ithell, one of his own followers, brought beforethe assize judges and hanged , (cf. Archer's Relatio do Bagshao, [1602], No. XXXVIII , note 10)

4 Palmer was probably here referring to the treacherous activities of a number of apostate priests, who were a constant source of dangerto their erstwhile hostsand patrons, suchas Bell, Hardestie, Major and Clarke, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, etc. 10 May 1596 , No. XXVII, note 9)

5 On thispoint ThomasAudley said: "And that I may speakwhatIthink in this matter, besydes the discouragement which the report of these sturres among you doth cause in Catholickesmyndes, so allso as farre as I can perceyve, the Catholickesare so wholly affected to the Socyety and have them in suchestimation, that whoesoever shall shew him selftofavour any part against them, or not so thoroughly to affect them, yea though he be one of our coate, he shall be lesse gratefull and well come to them : this I speak as my self have perceyved since my coming into England and not in a fewe nor of the meanest qualyty" (cf. Thomas Audley to Bagshaw, ut supra)

No. XII.

BAGSHAW'S & BLUET'S REQUESTS TO WESTON .

11 August [1595]

Westm V, n 22. Contemporary copy.

Introductory Noteto No. XII. This list ofdemands for satisfaction witnesses to the continuance of the campaign of Bagshaw's party duringthe summer of 1595 against the confraternity at Wisbech It was also being carried on simultaneously in other directions, as in the sendingto Bagshawforpublication of Dolman's long reply to Southworth's letter of June (No. X), and of the exchangeof letters betweenBagshaw and Dr. Bavant (Nos XIII& XIV). The wording of this list, however, seems calculated to thrust upon Weston , who had only a moral leadershipofthe confraternity (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, note 10), a measure of coercivejurisdiction which he was known not to possess, and its presentation in this form probably indicates that a more open support was now beinggiven by a few in England to the campaign against English Jesuits already in hand among certain exiles in Flanders and Rome (cf. Bagshaw to Garnet, 28 August 1595, No. XV, IntroductoryNote). This "stomacke against the Jesuits" had already become evident to people outside Wisbech (cf. for example, J. Palmer to Bagshaw, 1 August 1595 , No. XI, note 2) Bagshaw'sfirst direct attackon Garnet of 28 August, ut supra, is another indication of this trend , with which letter Bagshaw enclosed notes from this present list of demands. Augusti xio [In the margin]

1. Whetheryou will make youraccomptsofsuchemoney as youe have receaved for ye use of ye howse in such sort , as Mr. Bluethathdonethis beingenoeotherwiserequired ofyouthen the like hath beene exacted at his hands?1

2. Whetheryou weare privy to, will take knowledge of, iustifie and allowe a letter sent by Mr. Soothworth to Mr. do[lman] alias N[ewton] subscribed with his hand & sealed with his signet of armes?2

3. Whether you will cause or procure for us, or doe yt which lyeth in you to procure us a copye of Mr. Wall[ey's] letter sent to youe or your company or to you bothe yt wee maye informe him of our estate?3

4. Whether you will cause satisfaction to be madeto us ofsuche slaunders, ashave been given out agaynst us by some ofyour company whichwee will name to youe when we knowe what youwilldoe herein, as to be noted, & calledbywordeofmouthe & writingestraglers, sussurrones , livers ex rapto, extorcioners, impugners of order, men of confusion, violent detayners of other mens goods, & such like.4

5. Whether youe will cause satisfaction to be made for ye severalle informations made against us to Mr. Medlye our keaperdirectlyby words and indirectly by writtingeexhibited to him at severalle tymes ?5

6. Whetheryou will satisfie us & ye world in ye 14 poyncts putt downe by Mr. d[octor] Bavin in his 4th parte lately sente hither to youe.6

7. Whether youe will restore us our implements takendisorderly out of ye kitchyn ?

8. Whetheryouwill cause ye churche belongingeto Mr. d[octor] Nordens chamber to be restored ?

9. Whether youe will cause Mr. Soothwoorth to payye5 which he detayneth in his hands of ye common money, which he persuaded Graye was his owne at the lending thereof to Graye.7

10. Whether youe will take knowledge of and iustifie the fyve propositions whichweare sent abroad to satisfye suche ofoure frends as for lacke of sufficient instructions might mistake your meaningein your separation of commons ?8

Note in Bancroft's hand : Requestes to Edmondes

Endorsed on the back : Bagshawe & Bluitts request of Edmondes accowntes .

NOTES

1 Since Westonneverhad charge ofthe commonpurse atWisbech, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, note 11), he wasin fact being asked to give information about sums sent to him for his private use . On the distinction between common and private alms, cf. Mush's First Articles, 26 September1595, No. XVII, note 2. At Wisbech the receiver and custodian of the common monies had for many years been Thomas Bluet, (cf. True Relation, pp. 10-14 ; Fisher's Memorial, September1597 , Westm VI, n 57) It may be doubted whether the accounts which he rendered gave satisfaction to his fellow-prisoners One of the complaints ofthosewholater made upthe confraternity had been "doubts whether very goodfaith wasbeingobserved in the collection and distributionof monies" , (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII) Giles Archer laterwrote of Bluet in this office : "He retained by force the custody of the money and alms in his own hands against the will of the greatest part of the prison, and could only with difficulty be brought to render an account of it... ' (Cf. Archer's Relatio de Bluetto, [1602], English College Archives, Scripture 55, n 39. Concerningthispaper, see No.XXXVIII,Introductory Note) The same account records Bluet's persecution of Ralph Ithell, by withholding the latter's share of the common alms, (cf. No. XXXVIII, note 4) An official list of captured letters notes one in which Thomas Metham (d June 1592) thanked Mrs. Wisemanforher benevolence "tothem all at Wisbech the some of money hee could not sett downe for that itt came to the handes of Blewett the preist" . (Cf. Richard Young to the Lord Keeper, ? December1592, S.P.D. Eliz Vol 243, n 95) The indignation felt by Catholics at this demandfor details about Weston'sprivate alms, was described byGarnet : "To all the Catholicsthis enquiry appeared a ridiculous thing, disgraceful, and monstrous, something which bore the marks of the handiwork of Cecil and Topcliffe, as compliancewould have been a treacherousbetrayal of the benefactors , and all the more sinceit would be against their expressed wills " (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI) On this point, cf. also Weston to Aquaviva, ut supra, note 12, and Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, [March 1598], No. XXXVI, note 9

2This was Southworth's letter to Dolman, [c early June 1595], No. IV. The implication evidently intended in this demand is that Southworth's letterwas publishedabroad, whereas itwas, infact, sentto Dolmanprivately, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, 13 September 1595, No. XVI, note 3)

3 Bagshaw's friend, Dr. Farbeck, informed an opponent that Garnet's letter here in question, in which he had replied to that of the 18 Priests of 7 February, "is not knowen but to them selves for their kepe his letterand will give no coppy. " (Cf. Dr. Farbeck & Mr. Cary's discourse , [c late September/October1595], Westm V, n. 20) Theimplications oftheabove extract, as of this present demand, that Bagshaw's party were ignorant ofthecontents of Garnet's letterwere quite untrue, since Bagshawhimself was first informed of its provisions by Dolman, after the latter had seen it during his mid-Lent visit to Wisbech, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595], No. IV, note 6). Cf. also Bagshaw's letterto a Norfolk Gentleman, [c late May 1595], No. III, note 5

4 Weston later wrote a graphic description of the campaign wagedagainst the Twenty when it was realised that they meant to proceed with their plan to form a confraternity : "Hencecame the dailythreats, theattempts to cause terror Calumnies to discredit us were spread abroad through letters and messengers sent in every direction to solicit sympathy and support ... Theearsofnone were spared, nor anyone'smodesty or slowness

ofwit, ... " (Westonto Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 18) It seems probable that the terms objected to in this present demand, reallyappearedin such communications, and are here arbitrarilyattributed to Weston'ssupporters As Garnet later remarkedto Bagshaw: "Wonder would indeed never have taken shape, not to talk of scandal, if someof yours had not with letters and messages stirred up men's minds, before any suspicion had emerged about the separation" (Garnet to Bagshaw, 8 October 1595, No. XVIII) For furtherevidenceconcerningthespreading of information outside the Castle, cf. Bagshaw to Dr. Windham, [c late June 1595], No. VI, note 6

5 This may be a reference to the interviews of Southworth and Pound with the Keeper in June, to secure rooms in the Castlefor the confraternity's use , (cf. Thomas Pound to Calverley, 25 June 1595, No. VII, note 8)

6 None of Bavant's Notes about theMay arbitration , left with or afterwards sent to the Wisbech prisoners , have survived, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw, [c . August 1595], No. XIII, note 3)

7 No evidencesurvives to indicate what incidents were in questionin articles 7, 8 or 9. ThomasGray's term ofoffice as Keeperofthe Wisbechprisoners ended sometime between 16 Novermbe 1592, when he was restored to his place after some trouble, (cf. Dasent XXIII, pp 302-8), and 8 May 1594 , when Medeleysent Sir R. Cecil a presentfrom Wisbech Castle, (cf. Hatfield Cal IV, p 526).

8 The onlyother referenceto these five propositions occurs in theAppellant tract, the True Relation, (pp 46-7) of 1601. No contemporary document throws any light on the matter, nor on the five counter reasons which, it was alleged in the same tract, Bagshaw'sparty was forced to publish in their own defence

No. XIII

DR. BAVANT TO BAGSHAW .

Westm. V, n 16. Holograph

[c. August 1595.]

Introductory Note to No. XIII. The background to this letter is probably as follows: When Dolmaneventually replied to Southworth's long letterof c. early June (No. IV) he sent it, not to Southworth, but to Bagshaw to use as he saw fit, (cf. Dolman to Bagshaw, 29 July 1595 , No. IX) There is a referencein Bavant's Answear to the Thrydd Proposition below , to this particularletter to Southworth, and it seems probable that Bagshaw made use of it, together with some of Bavant's own Notes (see Note3 below), in order himself to write to Bavant at this time Dolman's views can beseen in many of the quotations from Bagshaw'sletterwhich Bavant used to preface his replies Having failed to obtain Bavant's support during the May arbitration (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra; Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII ; Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII), it was evidently now hopedto trap him witha letter , into making admissions useful to the dissidents' case. Bavant seems from the context to have answered Bagshaw immediately, which places his letter probably sometime in August 1595. That the result of their ruse wasa disappointment can be gatheredfrom Bagshaw's reply, (cf. No. XIV)

Good Mr D[octor]. In yor lateletters to me , ¹ afteryor long silence , for yor satisfaction in certayn maters, you desyre me to be content to heareyourmynde, & to returne myne owne, as betwyxt brethren, & to atteste of yor playnesse as you say you wyll doe of myne. Tothewhichfor thebrotherlyaffection I doe beare you I doe yeilde Yousettdowne in yor letter distinctly fyve propositions, wherein you desyre to knowe my mynde.

THE FIRST PROPOSITION .

Your decisionshould have bene onlyWhetherthey had done well in separatyng theym selfes , or no.

THE ANSWEAR .

Yf I should have sett downe any such decision, I should have doneyt wythoutanyCommission for I never had anycommission to such speciall purpose, eyther before my comyng to Wisb[ech] or after , as I have declared at large in the first Advertisment ofthe fourth parteofmy note whychyou have.3 Yfyou thynkeyetstill that I had such a commission , I prayyou tell me whoegave it me , you alone, or they alone, or both ioyntly: where & whan yt was given me : & by what words At our fyrst comyng to you to knowe,wherfore you had sente for us, & what commissionyou woulde grante us , yf you had given us anyspeciall commission onlyforthe decyding of the goodnes or badnes of the separation in commons, (as you terme yt) yt were too wunderfull, we could bothe of us in a mater of such importance, quite forget our message in so shorte space bothoftyme& place, goyng but fromone lodgyng to an other.

for surelywe never mencioned any such thyng in speciall unto the other cumpanie, as they can testifie, but related the mater generally as we had conceyvedyt by yor speeches generallye WherinI for my parte was so precise, that beyng desyred by Mr N[ewton] to make the rehearsall (though in the substanceof the mater I knewe I could not erre), yet misdoubtyng in some circumstance ofwords my memorie myght fayle me , I still desyred Mr N[ewton] in every sentence I spake, to supplie any defecte that myght happen in my words. He soothed me in everythyng I sayd, & helped me out allsoin some thyngs to the same purpose, which I dydnot remember to rehearse . And not one word uttered by eyther of us twoe , or theym in particular, touchyng such a speciall or only decision, as you have make mention of And except we had our commission gyven us at that meeting (which was the fittest tyme to haveyt gyven us) I knowe not whan we had yt gyven us, at any other tyme before or after.

THE SECOND PROPOSITION .

Mr. bl[uet] & myself are charged to have gyven you commission for our selfes & others, that you should order us in any thyng whatsoever & afterward to have revoked yt.

THE ANSWEAR

Idyd then verilyethinke, & soe I doe yet, that that commission which you gave us twoe at our first comyng to you, by generall words as I sayd before, & in the name of your whole cumpanie exceptyng onlyone man byname, & expressyngno particularmater, was eyther a generall commission for all maters than in variance betwyxt you & the other cumpanie, or none at all for surely we two conceyvedyt by your speches for generall : reported yt so to theym for generall : they toke yt for generall : & therupon they lykewyse condescended to the same as generall, & geave uppe into ourhands theyr owne orders , letters etc. to alter& disposeoftheym at our discretions And I for myne owne parte was the rather induced so to thynke, for that at my fyrst enterie into the Castell, before I had spoken wyth any of the cumpanie, you mette me , & after mutuall salutations, of yor self, you offered to submitte yor self to any order that should be sett downe by us twoe, allthough yt were (as you expressly name yt) to subscribe to theyr orders . I answeared , I was ryght gladd to heare such charitable words at my fyrst enterie, & I was putt in great comforte therby, that we should beable to doe some good amongst you And afterthat Mr. bluet] & you by your generall words (as I have sayd before) confermed mein the same opinion. Andyetnotwithstandingimmediate ly after that we understoode your unwyllyngnes, & the repynyng ofsomeofyour companie, for us to procede in that generall maner, we strayght way gave over, & never sought by any means in the world to take anyadvantage of your supposed (at the least) former graunte : but returnyngto the other companie, I tolde theym of

your staye, & that we could procede no further in that order we had proposedunto theym, & that now bothyou & theystoodefree of your graunts made to us the day before All the rest I dyd or sayd touchyng an order of government, was of myself by your consente as you knowe, under the person of a common frende, as commonly others use to doe both by speeche & by wrytyng, to advertise you of such thyngs as they thynke requisite for you, & not by force of any commission that ever I had or pretended.

THE THRYDD PROPOISTION .

Concernyng the pacification we earnestlyedesyreyou to laye the burthenofthe refusall therof, where by ryght yt should lye.

THE ANSWEAR

Touchyng the generallreconciliation no man knoweth better what was meante by yt than my self for of my self only without the motion of any other man, I drewe yt out upon thys occasion.⁹ After we had wearied our selfs for the space of three or fowre days, & had profitedno thyng, & had nowgyven over to deale by generall commission , & in the mater of accusations, & perceyvyng by certayn reprochfull speeches some signes of wante ofthat parfytt charitie, which I loked to have fownde in some persons, & doubtyng we should not be ableto bryngother thyngs to our desiredpurpose: Idreweout onemorning that short Note ofa generallreconciliation ofthe whole cumpanie in christian charitie : partlye that we twoe might be witnesses to others ofyour conformitie in brotherlye love and charitie, thoughwe could not bringe other thyngs to passe as we desyred: & partlyealsothat yt myghtbe some good begynnyng of good successe in any other mater that should be committed to us byyou: Ishowedyt to Mr N[ewton]& he lyked yt well. Ihad great cause to feare some contention, & some exceptions in the readyng of yt, yf men myght have bene permitted to multiplie words, & therfore I excluded all rehearsals of private iniuries so precisely, & so generallye as my words there doe shewe , but Inever intended therby to bynde any of you all to renounce hys ryghtin anyevillaction or cause , touchyng the mater in controverie amongst you for how could I possiblie imagine (thyngs standyng as they dyd) that I could be pronouncyng of eyght or ten lines out of a paper, only by way of exhortation, & after so many attempts frustrated in a mater so weyghtie, have wrought such a generall reconciliation of exasperatedmynds, as myght have made an ende ofall your variances, & brought you to one commonsagayne, & all thyngs els as yt was before: than myght you well have sayd: digitus dei est hic but yt could never enter into my myndeso to thynke butmy intentwasonlyto procureinyourgenerallassemblie some outwardtokens of that parfytt christian charitie, which you ought to kepe eche towards others And so I declared both to you & to f. Ed[mund] at the fyrst tyme I shewed yt you. And I remember you sayd: A civill action myght stande, wyth parfitt

charitie & you added somewhat of the lawe of nature, but what thatwasI doenot remember. Wherupon, to expresse mymeanyng more playnlye, & ad maiorem cautelam, & mistrustyng by lyke my words beyng somewhat generall myght be misconstrued , f. Ed[mund] desyred a tyme to drawe out certayn propositions to expounde yt, which he readd to us twoe, & delyvered yt to Mr N[ewton] thevery same whichMr N[ewton] hathsettdownein hys letter to Mr South[worth] beyng fyvein number . 10 Than I sayd to f. Ed[mund]yt should not nede to explicate yt by wrytyng for I promised hym Iwould declare so muchat the readyng ofyt before the companie Wherupon he tooke hys wryten note backe agayne out of Mr N[ewton's] hande. The other stayes, whye yt was not readd at litanies were (I well remember) for the space of ij or iij days afteryt wasreadye, the presence of certayn strangersatdyner (viz your physition, hys wife, etc.) I had allso notice of your absence from that place." Than kepte I my chamber (you knowe whye) tyll the day before my goyng away. That the other party dyd hynder the readyng of yt further than I have sayd, I never knewe, neyther can I imagine any reason theycould have to hynder yt, seeyng yt tended not to the impeachyng of any mans ryght in any thyng, but only to cutt offe all occasions of the breach of charitiefor tyme past or to come . Thatthysonlywasmymeanyng in makyng that Note, & no other yt appeareth playnly by the last words ofmyNotes whichI leafte wythyou, whichare these: 8. yf all other meanes to doe you that good I have desyreddoe faile me , yet my last & instante desyre ys, that notwythstandyng I can not bryngyou toa conformitie inother thyngs : yet in Christian charitie eche towards others you wyll shewe your selves by some mutuall speechor token uttered in your next publike assemblie , that you all agree together uniformlye , as becometh brethren, accordyng to the Note whichI have allreadye delivered untoyou in wrytyng for thatpurpose. yfyou have readd thys Note, how could youthynke I ever meante to extende the other Note of reconciliation to any other purpose than to a meere charitable reconciliation of eche to other, all other maters of variance amongst you utterly precluded & every man freely leafte to hys owne lawfull libertie. And you knowe for the decision of any mater in controversie amongst you we never meante to deale wyth the multitude, but wyth certayn persons in the name of the whole cumpanie.

THE FOURTH PROPOSITION

In the materofaccusations , I marvell you wryte neyther parte wouldbe the authors of theym. And youprove at large,thatthey were to be accounted the accusers & not you.

THE ANSWEAR .

I dyd never wryte that neyther part would be the authors ofthe accusations.12 but I wrote in the fyrst Advertismentofthefourth part of my Notes, that one reason whye we two gave over that

maner of procedyng by accusations, was that neyther you nor the other cumpanie would urge us two to enter into that odious course to heare your mutuall accusations, but referred the mater to us , yf we thought yt expedient, & so you would have made us the authors ofthat order ofprocedyng, & to have provoked youto have accused eche other before us as your ordinaries (which had bene on ourpartssucha presumption as all the worldmyghtiustlyehave condemned in us) wheras yf eyther part of you upon some hope to havedonegood to the whole, would have urged usto that course , withthe assente of the other part, we myght lawfully have entered into yt. the question than was not, whoe were the accusers , nor whoe were the defendants, but whoe should be the authors ofthe maner of procedyng by mutuall accusations, we twoe of our selfes tohave taken yt upon us (whichwe allways refused) or the one part of you to have urged us to yt, as I have in that place of my Notes playnly declared

THE FYVETH PROPOSITION .

Concernyng regiment no thyng nedeth to be spoken by you or me, for that they disclaime yt & have protested under theyr hands, that they meane not to have amongst theym any superioritie. And after, you say that : Theynever respected your advisefurther than to make a Maior, that one must be above an other , etc.

THE ANSWEAR

That they refuse all superioritie ys more than I have heard of any . 13 And I knowe not what creditt I have amongst theym in thys poynte. but yf you wyll saye Amen to yt, & yelde me some comforte of your conformable inclination to a regiment, I wyll adventure that lytle credytt I have, that theyare so farre offe from disclaymyng of regiment, that as yet they stande readye to yelde both to one regiment & one commons . In dede yf you refuse all regiment, to what purpose were yt eyther for theym or for me to talke any further of regiment ?

Thus have I sett downe myne opinion & Answears to the fyve principall maters by you proposed in your letter And my desyre hath bene to utter yt wyththat truth, synceritie, & modestie that becometh our vocation yf thys may satisfie you in these poynts, I shalbeverygladd, & readye to doe the lyke herafter, yf occasion shall require . I wysshefrom the botome of my harte, & I daylye prayforytthat youwould makeanende ofthese dissensions amongst you, & yelde eche to other to agree upon some good ordersfyttfor such a cumpanie to lyve under which I take, & allways I have done, to be the only waye of a perfytt union of bothe sydes , which god graunte you And so wythmy hartye commendations toyou all I take my leave of you Thys Thursday. your Clerke . 14

Certayn other bye Notes out ofyour letter wyth theyrAnswears . The redresse ofour trobles beyng ones in yourhands&thanomitted

Answ. It was never in my hands to doe you more good than I have done, & intended to doe And as yet I am & wylbereadye to doe you any good I can.

The progresseof the separation ys layd on you, as allowyng theyr separation but not a separation. Answ. What myne opinion was ever of the separation of commons, & how yt may be helped, I have declared at large in my fyrst Advertismentto the cumpanie. for further decrying of notable iugglyng in thys poynte, I praye you remember the other uncharitable articles tendyng to the detectyng of some mens crimes, & the foysture of these in stede of those etc.15 Answ. What Mr South[worth's] answear was on thys poynte, or upon what occasion of words I knowe not And therfore I leave yt to hym in hys next answear to Mr N[ewton's] letter, yf he have not allready answeared yt but I am verilye persuaded, he could not be so grosselyeoverseene, as to place one sorte of articles in stede of an other, beyng allways present at all ourmeetyngs,& at thereadyngofall the articles that wereofferedus. I appeale to your conscience & memorie etc. Wheyther f. Ed[mund] dyd not gyve you Notice of three sheets of extracts of enormous crimes to be obiected agaynst some of us . 16 Answ I can not say trulye that ever I heard hym name precisely three sheets . but I heard eyther hym or some other saye, they were about to settdowne in wrytyng a number of falltes in some persons of the cumpanie, & to have delyvered theym to us to considerof, yf that course of procedyng by accusations had takenplace. but what they were, or how many, I never knewe. for they never came to our hands you knowe who , & by what means induced came to tell you the relation of an heretike agaynst one ofour brethren . 17 Answ Ever synce I heard yt I have had a scruple to reporte yt, bycause (as I remember by the place where yt was tolld Mr N[ewton] & me, where we two were never together but at that tyme) yt was tollde us at that tyme that we were about to enter into the mater of accusations, & in that respect after a sorte, (yf yt had not bene therwyse hyndered) we had bene, as your ordinaries. And so yt myght be tolld us tanquam sub sigillo, which had bene sufficient tobynde ustosecresie but wheyther ytweresoorno,Mr. N[ewton] knoweth how well I lyked of yt havyng sometymeto spareI thoughtgood for your bettersatisfaction to adde these forsayd Notes, desyryng you to take all in as good parte as I meane yt Thysfryday.

Addressed To Mr Doctor Bagshawedeliverthys.

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator:

An aunswere to five of Dr. Bagshawes propositions by Clarke [crossed out] sit alias Dr Bavyn concerninge his pretended arbitrement

NOTES

1 This first letter from Bagshaw (see Introductory Note above) has not survived.

2The assertionabout a very narrow commissionhere answered by Bavant was a repititionof that made soon after the May arbitrationby Dolman , (cf. Southworth to Dolman , c early June 1595, No. IV, note4), andrepeated by him unaltered in his replytoSouthworth at the end ofJuly, (cf. No. X , note 5) Bavant's description in his first two Answears , ofthecommission which was in realitygiven to the two arbiters when they came to Wisbech, shows the falsity of Bagshaw's contention Bavant's account of the "generalcommission" is in agreement with that of Southworth (seeNote 6 below) The Mr. Newton mentioned several times in this present letter is , of course , Dolman, Bavant's fellow arbiter in May

3 The Notes containing Bavant's remarks on the May arbitration , to which there are severalreferences in this presentletter, have not survived. Itis not certain whether they were left with the prisonersbeforehis departure, or sent to them shortly afterwards. Southworth made three mentions of what is probably the same document, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, No. IV, note 15). In their list of demandsmadeto Weston , Bagshawand Bluet include one about a certain 14 points in the "4th parte latelysente" . It is not clear whether these words refer to a further set of Notes, or to the above (cf. The Requests to Weston, 11 August 1595 , No. XII, note 6).

4 The meaning here is "corroborate" . Archaic. In this present letter Bavant refersseveraltimes to Dolman's agreementwith himself atthe time of the arbitration , a point also made by Southworth more than once, (cf. Southworth toDolman, ut supra , note 10) This fact putsmany ofDolman's own statements in a very curious light.

5i.e. Bagshaw.

6 Bavant's account in this present letter of the "general commission" given to the two arbiters and of its subsequent failure closely supports Southworth's, as follows : (a) Bagshawand Bluet gave the two arbiters a commission to deal with all matters at variance, in the nameof all their party, excepting one man who was named (b) Understanding their commission to be general , the arbiters so reported to the Twenty, whothen alsogranted a"generalcommission" (c) In consequence ofthis the Twentythen gave up their Rules , etc. to be examined (d) Bagshaw had privately told Bavant that he would, ifrequired, even sign the Twenty's Rules (e) The "general commission" had to be abandoned because of the subsequent repining and objectionsof Bagshaw'sfollowers (f) The Twentywerefreed from their grant because of this failure (Cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, notes 10& 13). Bavant's accounthere also confirmsandsupplements the short one given by Garnet (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, note 12)

7 For further information concerning Bavant's own idea for a system of orders for the prisoners , cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, Note 16

8Much of this Thrydd Answear is devoted to explaining what Bavant intended to achieve in proposinga "generallreconciliation" , andit is clear that hehad bythis time little hope of achievingmorethan a bareminimum of outward friendlyrelations betweenthe two parties Cf. also Southworth to Dolman , ut supra, Note 17 .

The "accusations " in question here must be those of the "3 sheets of extracts" which are mentioned in the postscript of this present letter Concerning these 3 sheets, and the timing of the incident, cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, No. IV, note 20. Cf. also Dolman to Southworth , [29 July 1595], No. X, note 12. From the general context of this letter , the "some persons" next mentioned by Bavant appear to be membersof Bagshaw'sparty.

10 "F. Edmund" is Weston, and the "certayn propositions" here mentioned were Weston's 5 articles The full list of these was first given bySouthworthin hislettertoDolman ofearly June, whence it was copied byDolman in his reply. For furtherinformation , cf. Southworth to Dolman , utsupra, Note 18. In this present Answear Bavant shows that it was not Weston and Southworth's company which finally hindered the reading of the reconciliation paper: "That the other party [i.e. the Twenty] dyd hynder the readyng of yt further than I sayd [i.e. by proposing the 5 articles], I never knewe , neyther can I imagineany reason they could haveto hynder yt, etc."

11 In his replyto this present letter Bagshawcalled these two reasons "most vayne and frivolouse" to be alleged as hindrancesto the pacification, but he did not deny them as facts, (cf. Bagshaw to Bavant, [c late August 1595], No. XIV, note 8) No evidence survives to explain Bagshaw's absence , though it must have been very brief. Bagshaw's physician was Dr. William Farbeck (or Ferbeck, Firbeck) He was a native of Durham, and had had a long career at Peterhouse , Cambridge , between 1572 and 1589, (cf. Venn II, p 120 ; Walker, A Biographical Register of Peterhouse). The last two references to his career there record his degree of Doctor of Medicine (on this point, cf. also Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 28), and his executorship under the will of Andrew Perne, late Master of the College, both in 1589. His frequent visits to BagshawatWisbech, aswell as the factthat he was thought tobea recusant, were reported by the porter, (cf. E. Hall's evidence , 31 March 1596 , S.P.D. Eliz. Vol 256 , n 116) Concerningsome of his activities in support of Bagshaw'sparty, cf. Mush to Bagshaw , Norden and Bluet, 10 May 1596 , No. XXVII,note 27, andFisher'sConfessions, 8-14 March 1598, No.XXXV , note 50

12 The "accusations " here in question relate to the final events of the arbitration, afterthe Twenty had reluctantlyagreed, at Dolman's instance to allow the process of personalaccusations demanded byBagshaw'sparty's 4 articles This demandfor a hearing of all personalaccusations , with the arbiters acting as judges , had finally cancelled Bavant's plan of achieving a general charitable reconciliation, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, No. IV, note 22) To mitigate the evils of the accusations , the Twenty had countered with 7 articles or conditions, which sought to ensure that everyonereallydid behaveas beforetheirjudges (Ibid Note 24) Neither set of articles (both of which were quoted in full by Dolman, cf. No. X , p.7 of the MS .), actually setthe process in motion, andit was cleartoBavant thatifthearbiters themselves haddone so , they would have thereby claimed a position of ordinaries "which had bene on our parts sucha presumption as allthe world myght iustlye havecondemned in us." The4 articles had, in fact, demandedjudgment by a process ofCanonlaw which was inoperative in England at the time, and Bavant knew this.

13 It is not very surprising that Bavant did not understand this objection, with theexample of the confraternity beforehim. The keyto Bagshaw's words, however, lies in such letters as that to a NorfolkGentleman, of c late May (No. III) : "Lawes only can be made by princes & cannonsby

byshopps . Everyof us with his immediate power from the highest which he will not have impreached by the intervention of others who have no plebiscite in the churche .. And again: " ... with what storme & indignityeit is taken, yt yow ... shouldesuppose them to be outof order , which yettwith gods assistance keepe theyre place in the folde ... " (Cf. Bagshawto Bavant, c late August 1595, No. XIV, para 6, vi) Another exampleofthe same attitudeoccurs in another letter of Bagshawto Bavant, dated 30 September 1595 (Westm V, n. 17). For a quotation from this letter, cf. Mush's First Articles, 26 September 1595, No. XVII, note 6) Since therewasatthattimeno organised ecclesiastical hierarchyin England, and no authorityto enforce the canons, this attitudeprovided a convenient means of evading any issue On this point Thomas Pound pertinently remarked: " ... your appealing only to lyve according to the Canons , admitting no means (as owr desolate state here in pryson is) howe any perverseman may be censured and judged in foro externo whether he have offendyd againstthe Canonor no : is muchelyketo the protestants appealingtobetryedonlybythescripture, admitting nojudge uponthe scripture " (Thomas Pound to Calverley, 25 June 1595 , No. VII) From Bavant's reply here it is clear that he and Bagshaw did not mean the same thing when they spoke of 'regiment'

14 i.e. Dr. John Bavant, alias Clerke or Clarke.

15Dolman had accused Southworth of tampering withthe order ofevents in his accountofthe arbitrationin order to hide the odiousness, as Dolman said, of his party's 7 articles Bagshaw had evidently passed on this accusation to Bavant as a complaint against Southworth For further information about this matter , (cf. Dolman to Southworth, 29 July 1595, No. X, pp 6 and 7 of the Ms., and Note 13).

16 See Note 9 above

17 There is no information extantto explain what is here referred to. That some outsider might have had matters to report against "our brethren" , in this context evidently meaning Bagshaw'sparty, is not all surprising Bagshaw himself had constant meetings with the Protestant minister of the town, Mathew Champion (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshaw 1602 , No. XXXVIII, para L.), and the behaviour of at least two others, Potter and Calverley, was well known to persons outside the Castle (cf. The Rules , [7 February 1595], No. II, note 1)

No. XIV.

BAGSHAW TO BAVANT

[c late-August 1595]

West. Arch. V, n. 15. Copy or draft in Bagshaw'shand.

Introductory Note to No. XIV. This letterwas Bagshaw'sanswerto Bavant's letter, c August, No. XIII in this present volume, as is shown by many of the things referred to in the text below. Bagshaw also included references to points in Bavant's Notes to the prisoners following the May arbitration at Wisbech (see Note 2 below) This present letter is mainly a reassertion of points already answered by Bavant, but though it adds very little to our knowledge , it provides an interesting example of Bagshaw's method of argument. Its insolent tone also provides some confirmation of Weston's description of the treatment of Bavant during the latter's visitto Wisbech (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII).

I H S

Good Mr D[octor] At the reading of yourletters¹ so many cawses ofmarveyle offered them selfs, yt I must confesse I knowe not with what to beginne Yett because you promise satisfaction in any poynte wherin you shalbe certified yt content is not yett yealded, I will briefly sett downe some.

1. Theyshowe yowrseverall letters yt yow liketheyre separation but not a separation& yt you will defendetheyre innocencye. yowreferreustoyournotes.2 Is this MrD[octor]to answeare? Certifye us good Sir, whether yow have written any suche thingeor no .

2. IwroteI thowghte no Catholique woulde defende a separation for crimes pretended.3 yowreferred us to yowrnotes. They of the separation offers to showe yowr allowance, so farreyt uppon yt condition if we woulde grawnte them some roomes , they woulde stande to yt issue. This requireth a resolute answeare . Doe you allowe or not theyre separation ?

3. I proove yow had commission to decide the breache , by the testymonye ofoureselfs,&MrNewton & bytheexpresse words & nature of owre compromisse:4 for yt yow shoulde have done agaynste all reason conscience & learninge if yow had assigned them roomes, 5 beforeyowhad knowne whether they had done not only well in severinge them selfs , but so well as to have conttervayled the infamy of religion & scandalls therbydirectlygeven yowansweare to the conclusionytyow had no suche commission, not a word of the promises. This commission was first agreed on & signified unto yow & recived at your cominge, & nothinge else but in order to this I 99

decision Answeare good Mr. D[octor] directly to this argument , yowr commission was for roomes to be allowed or not byyowr owne graunte, go (sic) for decision of the breacheto be good or badd

4. Owre words geven unto yow was but for matters invariance & it was nothinge but the separation & the adventuringe to reporte them as generall & by interpretinge them asgeneralle to grownde there uppon a conceipte to make youre selfe a lawmaker heere,6 will not towche us in creditte, butyourselfe Mr Newton his testymonye & owre consciences & the nature of an arbitremente & the very aequitye & reason of lawe & vigor& words will convinceyow. Yowshouldhavedonewell to have answeared the testimonyes of the lawe which I alleaged, & not to have mantayned yowr conceipt by some good grownde whereof [2 or 3 wordslost].

5. The sence of the pacification is playne enowgheas by theyre pretended exceptions appeareth which otherwise had bene superfluous. MrNewton the principallArbiter hismeaninge we have agreeinge with the true & sincere & exacte interpretation of the words which yowr imagination can not alter yow shoulde have showed, howe yowr writinge can stand with yowr severallinterpretation My absence fromyeplace and another d[octor] his presence to have hindered it, is an allegation most vayne and frivolouse.8

6. In the matter of accusations if yow do not better satisfye us , we must chardge yow with extreme iniurye.

(i) Yow say nether parte woulde be author of a motion to accuse one another looke in your firste thinge. This agayneyownowe denyeyt ever yowsayde Thinkenot, wearso simple, as not to make him an authorofaccusinge, whichisan authorof libellinge extractinge and articlinge.

(ii) yow say they were very reasonable conditions proposed by them concerningethe accusations. we say they were all uncharitable & unchristian : but the foisture of permittinge owr accusations was a playne imposture

(iii) yow saye yow were hindered by certayne intricate propositions ofowres & by bindinge yow to the cannon lawe. wherein uppon yowr conscience & creditte we exacte ofyow, doifyou be able to mislike the least title in owre answeares to theyre articles, sett downe the particulars otherwise I dowbte it will prove a meere calumniation

(iv) we take it for a singular abuse and untruthe , to use the worde Mutuall you knowe or might knowe, we directly intended not to accuse any.

(

v) yow protested theyre demaunde of securitye was the hinderance ofyowr procedinge I marveyle yow did lett these things passe to omitte yowr distinction betwixte

accusers & authors of accusinge & not answearefully particularely& exactlye, seinge yowstand in the opinion of many, as a principall cawse, of the vilest scandalle, yt was ever yett geven in this time. (vi) for regiment & this worde of arte : Order, becawse you may take us as partiall, Iwoulde yow knowefromabroade & those amongewhome discipline was ever well perfectly planted, with what storme & indignitye it is taken , yt yow livinge (god be thanked) in quiett, & remayninge at the moste ad sarcinas shouldesuppose them to be out of order whichyett with gods assistance keepe theyreplace in the folde , & ar likely so to continue. To deny order in any member of the churche keepinge his due place, Hoc Ithacus velit, et magno mercentur Atrides (vii) that matterof accusationin particularwhichas the reste yow woulde colowr is most hatefull & in your first thinge yow say yow had geven over yowr commissionto deale in matters of accusation within 3 or4 dayes& yett yow hard yt detraction afterwarde as an ordinarye. Mr Newton in descryinge yt vile and almost sacrilegious trecherye, dealte moste honestlye & religiouslye. Mr D[octor]I must tellyow,Deus nonirridetur. Take heede yt ther detractions & heathenisheaccusationswhichyou woulde seeme to colowre& defende, as they have already impared the dignitye of priesthoode, so they be not in the ende a speciall cawse whye our contrye shall not, as it oughte to be redressed Fye uppon prowde& seditious factions . I expecte your answeare fullye,10 to every particulare, wherin for the honor yowowe to theunitye of gods churche wherin we live & with gods grace will dye, deale I beseeche yow as becommeth one of owre callinge Pray for us. yowr conceipte & opinion wilbe litle wayed excepteby wayghtye reasons & approved examples of antiquitye, yowcan showeyt the plantingofyowrdiscipline¹¹ isgood & expedient. whichI marveyle howe yow will make to cohaere with the creditte of this place, the honor of priesthoode & consequentlye the conversion of owr cowntrye.

Endorsed in hand of Bancroft's collaborator: Concerninge the separation at Wisbiche. Dr Bagshawe to Dr Bavyn charginge him to have dealt falslye in the matter committed unto him for pacification

NOTES

1i.e. that of Bavant to Bagshaw , [c . August 1595], No. XIII This present reply seems from its openingwords to have been written withoutdelay.

2 Whatever letters of Bavant to the confraternity (the "they" here referred to) are here in question have not survived Concerning the "Notes" written by Bavant, to which there are several references in this present letter, cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, Note 3

33 Bagshaw here probably meant to imply that a separation, such as the confraternity , could only follow when crimes had been proved by some legal process, in this case presumably one according to Canon law , though he well knew that this was impossiblein the circumstancesprevailing at that time in England. His words were, however, beside the point, for though itwas truethat disordersamongthe Wisbechprisonershadledthe majority early in the year to decide to draw up some schedule of rules (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII), no ecclesiastical law forbade the formation for spiritual advancement , of a voluntary associationsuch as their confraternity (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw, 8 October 1595, No. XVIII), and the prison customs of thosedays allowed separate commons according to prisoners' own wishes, (cf. T. Pound to Calverley, 25 June 1595 , No. VII, note 10). The legitimacy of the Twenty's "separation" did not depend on their proving any case. Also anyone was free to join, and the originators had discredited no individual in their letter to Garnet of 7 February, nor in the schedule of Rules, (Nos I and II)

4 Mr. Newton is Dolman. "compromisse " the terms offered by either side in a dispute. Archaic usage. Though it is not clear precisely what Bagshaw here meant, the context suggests another repetition of the assertionthat the two arbiters had only been given a special narrow commission at their coming to Wisbech in May Bavant had already dealt at length with the commission given to them, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw, ut supra, Answearsto the First and Second Propositions, and Note 2).

5 Bagshaw'smeaninginthe restofthis paragraph3, concerningan assignment of roomsfor the use ofthe confraternity is obscure, for none of the accounts of the May arbitration indicate that this was attempted at that time. The reference to the subject, however , provides confirmation that the Twenty were in need of such rooms (because of their ejection from the common dining hall etc., cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, note 6, and Pound to Calverley, 25 June 1595, No. VII, note 5). It is unlikelythat Bavant soughtto makeany allocation after his owndeparture, for he had no authority to do so, but he may well have referred to the necessity for such an allocation in the letters mentioned in paragraph 7 of this present letter.

6 "conceipte"=idea Archaic Bagshaw'sremarks in this paragraph were simply a prevarication, since it is obvious that "matters at variance" must have included the causes of a separation, and not simplythe bare fact of separation, if once it was decided to discuss the question at all. His jibe here at Bavantwas foolish, for if the Twenty, in virtue of a generalcommission to the arbiters, delivered up their Rules etc. to be examined by them, as had indeedhappened , (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw, ut supra, No. XIII. Answear to the Second Proposition), any judgment upon these Rules necessarily put Bavant and his companionin some position of"lawmakers" , howevermodified by circumstances Bagshaw's point, however, as the final sentence of this paragraph indicates, was that any such 'lawmaking' could not be formally within the procedures of Canon Law, which could

not be applied in England at the time, as Bavant well knew Bagshaw would evidently accept nothing less, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw, ut supra, Notes 12 & 13).

7 Concerning Bavant's intention in proposing this general pacification, cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, Answear to the Thrydd Proposition. By "theyre pretended exceptions" is evidently meant Weston's 5 articles, whichweredrawn up to elucidatethepacification, (cf. Southworth toDolman [c early June 1595], No. IV, note 18)

8 It is noteworthy that Bagshawdoes not deny the substance of these two alleged causes of hindrance to the pacification For further information , cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, note 11

Bagshaw'ssection 6 deals with aspects of the final episode of the May arbitration , i.e. the process ofpersonalaccusations demanded by Bagshaw's party's 4 articles "sub poena talionis" , (cf. Southworth' to Dolman , ut supra, No. IV, note 22). (i) Cf. Bavant's own words on this point, (Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, Note 12). (ii) These "reasonable conditions" which Bagshaw so disliked, were the Twenty's 7 articles (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, Note 24) Bavant's description probably occurredin his Notes (see Note 2 above). Bagshaw'swords "but the foisture of permittinge our accusations was a playne imposture" , used in relation to the conditions complainedof, are a clear , if unconscious , admission that the 7 articles followedthe 4 articles, contrary to Dolman's own story transposing this order , (cf. Dolman to Southworth, [29 July 1595], No. X, note 13)

(iii) The "certayne intricate propositions" in question were Bagshaw's party's 4 articles (cf. Southworth to Dolman, ut supra, Note 22) Bavant does not use these words in his letter to Bagshaw , so that it is probable that they occur in the Notes left with the prisoners (see Note 2 above) Something similar also occurred in the report of the arbitration made by Bavant which Garnet referred in his letter to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, (No. VIII), where the 4 articles are referred to as "the most unfair conditions insisted upon by the others" . (iv) Thattheydid not intend directlyto accuse anyoneaccords neither with Southworth's account, notwith Bavant's, in the AnsweartotheFourth Proposition (v) This is a reference to point 2 of the Twenty's 7 articles, (cf. Dolman toSouthworth, ut supra, No.X, p. 7oftheMS .) The "vilest scandalle" is presumably the separation itself, of which Bavant is here unjustly accused of being a "principall cawse" Bagshaw was, at about the same time, accusing Garnet of the same thing, (cf. BagshawtoGarnet , 28 August 1595, No. XV, note 1)

(vi) This sub-paragraph seems to be a reference to Bavant's words in his Answear to the Fifth Proposition, and also contains another reference to Bagshaw's often repeated preoccupations with the excellencies of Canon law and the degrees of an established ecclesiasticalhierarchy, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, Note 13).

(vii) This paragraph seems to be simply designed to pour abuse on Bavant , byconfusingthe two occasions on which "accusations " were inquestion, andbyaccusingBavant ofhavingactedasan "ordinary" ,whichBavant had, in fact, refused to do, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, Notes 9 and 12).

10 From a later short letter of Bagshaw to Bavant, dated 30 September 1595 , (Westm. V, n 17), it appears that Bavant did reply to this presentletter. That reply has not survived Since Bagshaw characterisedit as "buta

repetition ofsome tryflings sufficiently discussed before" , itmaybeinferred that Bavant's account of the events of the May arbitration remained unshaken. The purpose of Bagshaw's later letter seems to have been mainlyto inform Bavant that his party had by then agreed to some draft rules The pertinent quotation will be found in Mush's First Articles, 26 September 1595, No. XVII, note 6

11 This is probably a reference to Bavant's own plan for a system of orders for the prisoners , which was proposedto both sides "under the person of a common frende" , when the arbiters' first efforts under their general commissionhad failed, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , ut supra, Answear to the Second Proposition ; also Southworth to Dolman, [early June 1595], No. IV, note 16),

BAGSHAW TO GARNET . 28 August [1595].

Westm. V, n 10. Draft or copy in Bagshaw's hand .

Introductory Note to No. XV. This letter was the first attack of Bagshaw on Garnet over Wisbech affairs, though the troubles there, in which Bagshaw himself had played a leading part from the start, had begun very early in theyear. Garnet also, was well awareof his correspondent'srole, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII) The reason, therefore , for so long a delay in accusing Garnet of authorship of the prisoners' divisions, must lie outside the events ostensibly in question It probably lies in a more direct support given by Bagshaw's party for the campaign against the English Jesuits,ofwhich the origin was in FlandersandRome. For anotherindication of this, cf. The Requests to Weston, 11 August 1595, No. XII, Introductory Note Cf. also Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII, Introductory Note Even before the death of Cardinal Allen in October 1594, there had been many intrigues to undermine his authority on behalf of Owen Lewis, Bishop of Cassano, by the faction among the exiles led by Charles Paget, Dr. William Gifford, Dean of Lille, and Hugh Griffin, the Bishop's nephew and at this time absentee Provost of Cambray. Now that Allen was dead , however , open efforts were made by these supporters to secure Cassano's promotion in RometoAllen's position ashead ofthe Englishmission, although part of this plan was frustrated early in 1595 , by the Pope's appointment of the Protector as dispenser of the faculties to English priests, (cf. Persons to Garnet 12 July 1598 , Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 21-38). Because they hadalwayssupportedAllen, the English Jesuitsbecame, in these intrigues objects of an enmity, which no shift of plan over the next years altered or mitigated, and in pursuanceof which calumnies and lies against them were normal weapons , (cf. Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598 , No. XXXV). The bestnarrative ofthese eventsyetavailable is in Persons' Briefe Apologie, Chapters5 and 7. Large numbers of the letters and memorialsthere quoted survive to this day. The connection between the faction's activities in Flanders and Rome, and the stirs in England in 1595, is only mentioned in passing in the above-mentioned chapters, but from the account ofthedoings of the student emissary , Robert Fisher, in 1596 and 1597, it can be seen to have been already a close one (cf. Fisher's Confessions, ut supra) This present letter clearly has a place in such a context. Its actual timingmay possibly be related to new efforts to mediate at Wisbech, undertaken by Mush and Dudley at Garnet's request, though no referenceis made to this here (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 16) Garnet gives no dates for the newattempt, but a letterofDr. Farbeckto Bagshaw,of 1 September1595, (Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n 46), includes a greetingtoDudley, then presumably already at Wisbech

Etsi in negotiis nostris re valde ingrata, libenter tuis auribus parcerem, et infandum renovare dolorem meum parum habeam voluptatis, moveor tamen ad scribendum et propterprivatam quae mihi tecum uti spero intendit amicitiam, et propter communem religionis dignitatem Illa ne dissolvatur, ne periclitetur ista providere animus est. Separationis nostrae te authorem saltem fama vulgaris facit , ¹ consultorem aut approbatorem litterae tuae²

subindicant . Mirabar certe fateor, Reverende Pater te decrevisse aliquid aut insinuasseetiam, in re tanti momenti, sine exemplo ut opinor inter christianos approbato, inconsultis et omnibus insciis illis ad quos scivisse spectabat maxime.3 Nec de charitatetamen tua sincere et religiosa dubitare possum quam mihi spirabant illae tuae litterae, quas quoties cum magno voluptatis sensa recordatas fuerint conscientia mihi testis est, quibus significasti cupere te nos omnes invisceribus Jesu Christi : Eam igitur amantissimefrater iam appello eam cupio eam inculco Cogitationessecundae meliores sunt. Effectus docuit quod opinio non providit. Separatio nostra non minus ecclesiae adversariis est iucunda quam molesta nobis Perpende queso tecum prudenter quot nervorum inde consequentur, distractionem amicorum non minus quam corporum, iacturam temporis, frigorem suffusum devotionis , sumptum magnum et innecessariumin alendis duabus familiis, periculum famae nostrae adeoque vestra, et quod maxime dolendum est, et quotidianis pene iniuriis litteris lachrimis significatum tale quale non contigit a primordio renascentis ecclesiae Anglicanae scandalum. Res est speciosa praelatura, sed quae nec incommodis maximis carere nec authore sustentari potest Edmundus tuus nomen inane habet cum grandi invidia, apud eos praesertim qui non sunt de domo dei. Omnia [?] separati ex ultima particulalitterarum tuarumad suum trahunt iudicium Misi tibi quaedam [?] notarum ad P[atrem] E[dmundum] missarum quibus ex praescripto tuo aut supersedeat nudendis [?] si rev[. ..] velit, aut si progrediatur queso satisfaciat. Mihi si amici tui sensa in hisce rebus omnibus explicueris,6 faciam quod in meest ut omnia ad dei gloriareferantur . Pro festo S[anc]ti Augustini me et omnia nostra humillimetuis precibuscommendo

Added in another hand , perhaps Bancroft's : 26 Feb.?

Endorsed on theback in the handofone of Bancroft's clerks : Bagshaws letter (as I take it) unto Mr Walley blaming his yealding or furthering ye proceeding of the separation without ye hearing of ye other partie moving him to cause Edmunds to desist in his courses

BAGSHAW TO GARNET

.

28 August [1595]

Though I would willingly spare your ears about our affairs, and although myown inclinationcanbe slight toopenupmyunspeakable sorrow , I am however moved to write to you, both on account of the private friendship which I hope holds between us , and ofthe regard due to the religion we have in common. My intent is that thefirst may not collapse, nor the second be jeopardised. You are stated to be the author of this separation amongst us, at least by common rumour. Your letter contains hints that it has been effected by your counsel and with your approval I confess that I am truly astonished, Reverend Father, that you have ordered , or at any rate, have managed to introduce, into a concern of great moment, a thing which I reckon is without precedent among Christians, and that this has been done without consulting or informing in any way those whom it most concernedto know what was being done.3

Not that I call in question in its sincerity and dutifulness ,your charity, which that letter ofyours breathesfor me. As often as I recall it with a great sense of pleasure, the thought of it witnesses howyou declared in it the love you bear to us all in the bowels of Jesus Christ. It is to this charity that I appeal, which I seek , upon which I press Second thoughts are betterthan first. Effect has shown what thought did not foresee. This our separation is not less agreable to the enemies of the Church, than it is disagreableto us. Take thought prudently, I beg, as to what will be the consequences of this action : the drawing apart of friends, over and above their bodily separation, the waste of time , the chill striking through devotion , the great and unnecessarycost of maintainingtwo households, the danger to our reputation , and to yours as well, and most painful of all, and manifesting itself in daily insults, writingsand tears, a scandal on such a scale thatthe like has not been seen since the restoration of the English Church has been set on foot This thing of yours is a pretended prelacy, 4 but not wantingin the greatest inconveniences , and devoid ofany support from authority. Your Edmund has taken up this foolish title with great odium, especially amongst those who are not ofthe house of God. Those who went into separation, have put every sort of interpretation on that last phrase of your letter. I have sent to you some queries from notes sent to Father Edmund, 5 in which I ask that he may either desist from exposing us[?], if he wishes to [ ....], or if he proceeds , that he may make satisfaction When you shall have explained the notions of your friend about all these things, I will do my utmost to secure thatall is referred to the glory of God On this feast of St. Augustine I commend myself and all our affairs to your prayers. 26 Feb.7

NOTES

1 Bagshaw was making a similar charge against Dr. Bavant at about the same time : " ... seinge yow stand in the opinion of many, as a principall cawse , of the vilest scandalle[i.e. the separationof commons ], yt was ever yett geven in this time. " (Cf. Bagshawto Bavant, [c. late August 1595], No. XIV, para 9 (v). Concerningthe "commonrumour" Garnet pointed out in his replythat wonder would not have existed in the minds ofthose outsideWisbech "if some ofyours hadnot with letters and messagesstirred up men's minds " (Cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII, note 12)

2 The letter referred to was Garnet's reply to the 18 Priests' letter of 7 February 1595, (No. 1) The reply has not survived, but much of its contents are describedin his letter to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 (No. VIII), and to Bagshaw, 8 October 1595 (No. XVIII) Bagshaw may possibly have had a copy of this reply before him as he wrote, made in response to a recent demand, though he certainly knew its contents many months earlier (cf. The Requests to Weston, 11 August 1595 , No. XII, note 3). His remarks about it in this present letter are somewhatcontradictory !

3The reader is referred for the answers to Bagshaw'svarious charges about the separation , to Garnet's reply of 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII

*Comparethis with Bagshaw'sown words in May : " ... the authority of the Agent was byMrW[alley] limited to be but a meere direction to others without any power in him selfe (Bagshaw to a Norfolk Gentleman , [c late May 1595], No. III, note 5) Seealso Garnet's ownreply, ut supra

5 This is evidentlya reference to Notes made from the Requeststo Weston , of 11 August 1595 (No. XII) The very poor state ofthis manuscript makes it impossible to be sure of the alternatives offered by Bagshaw in this matter Garnet later informed the General that "certain articles" had been sentto him about this time, to which he was required to makeWeston and other priests answer under the threat of the heaviest ecclesiastical censures He was ashamed to rehearse such frivolous matters, he said, exceptto report the indignation of CatholicsoutsideWisbech, at a demand made for information about almsgivers (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, Note 25).

The "friend" in question is probably Weston, though if the peacemaking attempt of Mush had already begun by the date of this letter (see Introductory Note above), Bagshawmight have meant the latter The Latin is vague.

7 There is no indication what this note (in a hand closely resembling Bancroft's) relates to Bagshaw himself dated the letter as on the feast of St. Augustine, and a marginal note in Briefe Apologie (f 77v), shows that the feast of St. Augustine of Hippo, i.e. 28 August, was meant.

SOUTHWORTH TO DOLMAN.

Westm. V, n 24. Holograph. 13 September [1595].

Introductory Note to No. XVI

Southworth first wrote to Dolman (alias Newton) of his behaviour, as an ostensible peacemaker in the Wisbech quarrel, soon after the May arbitration (cf. Southworth to Dolman [c early June 1595], No. IV), but when Dolman eventually vouchsafedan answer , he sent it with a covering letter to Bagshaw , for him to peruse and publish, if hesaw fit (cf.Dolman to Bagshaw, 29 July 1595 , No. IX). It was evidently judged expedient, after so acting, for Dolman's whereaboutsto be concealed , hence the delay in the dispatch of this present protest

JHESUS MARIA

I have bene desirous a longe tyme (good Sir) to heareofyour residence ,byreasone that one dayeIwas sent forbyd[octor]Nor[den]¹ who toldeme that he had a letter fromyoue in answeareunto that whichIsent untoyoue.2 he affirmed that he had full commissione fromyoutodivulge it at hispleasure, thoughe I never seeit; which he hath performed I tolde him then that I wolde not foranieof theime , or theire doingsoffer anie discourtesieuntoyoue ; and that for my parte I tooke contrarie course for I sent my letter to your hands firste and wolde not divulge it untill I hearde from youe et iam quidem nunc non estnarrandi locus but in myopinione theare is no greate civilitie (I will not saye honestie) to proceade as he dothe 3 whearefore I thoughte goode to admonishe youe before I did anie thinge, for my discharge:4 I doubte nothinge but that the authoritieofthe twoegrave doctors5(mento bereverencedwithoute exceptione bothe for vertue and learninge, as also theire fame inviolable ) will geave sufficient credite to my penn, neitheraffirminge nor yet denyinge anie thinge but that which I have under theire handes. ifanie thinge heareafter displease youe, blame not me I praye whom youe so instantlieurgeandwoldegodour companie yea all the Catholikes in England, or ratherthe Churche of god had not iuste cause to complaine of your doings. perswade not your selfe I praye that these lynes proceade of malice, or from one that loveth youe not, for melior est manifesta correptio, quam amor absconditus & meliora sunt vulnera diligentis quam fraudulenta oscula odientis a daye will come (god knoweth howe sone) when we shall all be hearde indifferentlie in the meane tyme (god is my Judge) I ame moste readie to conserve your credite to the uttermoste of my power. and so in haste I cease youre troble

expectinge your answeare ,6 and committingmy selfeto your goode devotions. 13 September. Your lovinge frende and servaunte in Christe Jesu

Christopher] Sothwo[rth]

Addressed To his especiall goode frende mr Albane Newtone at Norwiche geve thesse.

No endorsement

NOTES

1 This was John Norden, Doctor of Medicine and secular priest. Nothing is known of his early life He arrived at Reims on 4 March 1583 , when he was recorded as "medicus " He was ordained on 18 May 1583 , the same day as Bagshaw , and left for England on 25 June of the same year, (Knox, D.D. pp 194, 195, 196) No information survives covering his activities duringthe next eleven years He was probably sentto Wisbech about the end of March 1595 (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, note7). Therehe was amongthemostviolent ofBagshaw's supporters (cf. Giles Archer to Norden, [late 1596], No. XXVIII; Fisher'sConfessions, 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV ; Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII). About the beginningof June 1597, when engaged in composing a series of written charges against Weston, he sufferedwhat was evidently a stroke, and died shortlyafterwards, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, ut supra, note 26) He was buried at Wisbechon 13 July 1597 , (Wisbech Burial Register).

2He was referring here to Dolman's answer to his own first letter of early June (see IntroductoryNote above) The reply in question is printedin this present volume as No. X.

3 Dolman's long letter (No. X) was used outside Wisbech as propagandafor Bagshaw's party An instance of this is recorded by Dr. Farbeck, who read partofit to an opponent, in order to refute the latter's remarks about Wisbechaffairs, (cf. Dr. Farbeck& Mr. Cary's discourse, [c late September/ October 1595], Westm V, n 20) There is no evidence that Southworth counteredtheiraction bypublishing later his ownoriginal letterto Dolman

4 A defence seems to have been written after this warning, for Dr. Farbeck mentioned a newsharp reply, which had been sent to Dolman in thename of all the Twenty. This, however, has not survived (Cf. Dr. Farbeck & Mr. Cary's discourse, ut supra)

5 The twogravedoctors were Dr. Windham and Dr. Bavant Dr. Windham wrote a letterin June 1595 (No. V) in response to enquiriesmadeby some member of the confraternity, perhaps Southworth himself, and it shows how Windham had been deceived by Dolman about the early stages of the stirs at Wisbech Windham appearsto have been approachedby one personor another on several later occasions, (cf. Ibid, note 3). Noteswere left by Dr. Bavant with the prisonersat his departureafter theMay attempt at arbitration , or were sent to them later, but these are not now extant, (cf. Bavant to Bagshaw , [c August 1595], No. XIII, note 3), nor any letters which he may have written to the Twenty after his visit The abovementioned letter of Bavant to Bagshaw , however , provides close support of Southworth's evidence about the May events .

6 Dr. Farbeck forecast that Dolman would send yet another reply to Southworth, but none has survived, (cf. Dr. Farbeck & Mr. Cary's discourse , ut supra).

No. XVII

MUSH'S FIRST ARTICLES AT WISBECH

. 26 September 1595.

Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n. 12 (volume at Westminster). Autograph. The Articles are in the hand of Edmund Calverley, followed by original signatures. The attestationat the end is in the hand of John Mush

Introductory Note to No. XVII This set of Articles, signed by thethirteen membersof Bagshaw'sparty, brought to an end the first part ofMush and Dudley's efforts to settle the Wisbech quarrels These efforts, made at Garnet'srequest, may havebeen in handsince the end ofAugust, (cf. Bagshaw to Garnet, 28 August 1595, No. XV, Introductory Note), though such a lengthy visit to the Castleseems unlikely For an accountofthe negotiations as awhole,cf. Garnet'sletterto Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No.XXVI. Though unsuccessful as they stood, Garnet considered that these present articles provided a basis for further discussion , and urged Mush and Dudley, when they visited him in London, to return to Wisbech to complete their work, (cf. Ibid note 17) There are several similarities between these rules and those adopted at the pacification, though many of the fines proposedlater were heavier , and the means of securingexecution much more detailed than those proposed here (cf. The Pacification, [6] November 1595, No. XXI). There are considerable differencesin this presentschedule from that of the confraternity in February 1595. (cf. No. II)

JESUS

1. That the receipt of the common money shall remaine stillin the custodie of those three¹ which have had the chardge ofit ever since Mr Metthams death, with Mr Braddocke ioyned to them and all these fowre be made privy presently to eche others receipts and disbursings before the bringers departure as much as may be.

2. Thatwhatmoneyshalbesenteto some particularpersons named for theire owne use the same to be brought and delivered to the common receivers, for the common use ofallthe company.2

3. That the whole company dine togitherin one common hawle , ³ and have a common reader appointed by course or otherwise , to whom all with silence shall attende.

4. That whosoever shall disturbe this silence by any words or deeds notoriously iniurious or scandalousshall besides theorder taken with him by his ghostlyfather for his satisfaction and amendement be deprived of ijs for every severall fault to be taken out of his next dividente , whichmulcte is tobe putinto the common purse.

5. That whosoever shall detracte his brother, or give him greate iniurious wordes to his disgrace, shall for every such crime , if

it be before straungers be taxed ijs and if it happen amongst themselves alone xiid.

6. That whosoever in his behaviour shall committe any facte censurableby the cannonsof the church, and a notorious and open scandall, shall for every time be mulcted vs as before.

7. That whosoever shall disclose any thinge to any externe person preiudiciall to any one, or the whole companye shall for every time pay vs as before.

8. That whosoever shall upbraide any delinquent with his fault in timepast committed and corrected, or revealeit to anyother abrode shall for every such offence loose vs.

9. That whosoever shall wrongfully accuse his brother of any fault which he cannot prove sufficiently shall suffer poenam talionis

10. That every one shalbe stewarde4 for a quarter according to his seniority , either by himself or some other, and as neare as he can observeall customes , that we have heretofore observed , and of which we have generally rules : and the same to be removeableifhe doe not well: by three partes ofthecompany.

11. That whatsoever concerneth the execution of any of these aforesaid things: it shalbedone by twoe partes ofthree ofall the preistes of this house , 5 unlest the party delinquent make satisfaction ofhisowneaccorde, accordingeto the truemeaninge of these orders, without farther troublinge the companye: whose iudgementsifanyman refuse , he shall loose his dividentes untill such time as he reforme himselfe .

12. That for avoidinge delay, confusion, aversion of mindes, or other inconveniencesthat may happenin the execution of these articles, whosoever shall have any cause, or matter of trespas against these orders, to be examined or determined as above mentioned, shall give notice thereof to the steward, who with all convenient speede, shall assemble the company of preistes, and there the partyegreived to propounde to themsimplythe case and thatthesuffragesshalbesecretlyetaken byscrutinye , by twoe persons, the one whereof shalbe chosen by theparty delinquent, the other by the partye greived.

13. That in cases doubtfull what wordes, deedes, or behaviour be notorious and scandalous , the twoe partes of three of preistes, shallby theire voicessecretly taken as above, determine, every one at the acceptanceof these orders promisinge in all simple and sincere manner to his owne knowledge and conscience , withoute respecte of persons or parties, as behoveth a preist to deliver his sentence and vote

And all these foresaid orders and rules to which we have subscribedweprotest in our consciences that wesetthemnot downe for any crimes, or outrages heretofore by us committed or likely by gods gracehereafter to happen amongst us, but to satisfye theworlde, that we be not men dislikinge

any thinge that may take away scandall or that may be repugnante to any good orders, which may be observed conveniently by us, our restraint, place, occasions , and persons considered.6

Christopher Bagshaw

Thomas Bluet

Rodolphus Ithell

Jonas Meredyth

George Potter

Edmunde Calverley

W. Wiggs

John Norden

Robert Buckley

Francis Tilletson

James Taylor

Christopher Thules

William Clerionett?

Thes Reverend fathers whose names ar here subscribed to thes orders did allowe & accept of them. All the rest of the company refused to accept or subscribe to them. The principall poynt of their refusall standeth in this, that they mislike to have all things determined by two partes of thre of the priests but wyll have five priestes to do it, wherof three to be chosen of their company & two of thes & all things to procedeas the most voces of thes five shall determine The fyve named by the recusants to subscribear thes Mr Stranwedge, Mr Hide, Mr Chadocke, Mr Thewles & Mr Claregennet. Anno domini 1595 26 September Ita testor John] M[ush]8 R. D[udley]

Endorsed : 1) By Bancroft at the head : Mr Mushe his first Articles propownded

2) By Bancroft by the 13 signatures : These are the Articles yt Mr Musshey (sic) and Mr Dudleyshewed at London, etc . 10

NOTES

1 There is no record of any "three" who had chargeof the common money after Thomas Metham's death in June 1592. It appears, on the contrary, that Bluet retained the custody of this fund by force against the will of most ofthe prisoners, (cf. Requests to Weston, 11 August 1595 , No. XII, note 1). Fisher's Memorial of September1597 (Westm VI, n 57), affirms Bluet's position as sole treasurerafter BishopWatson's death at Wisbech in September 1584, and no mention is there madeof another personbeingappointed tosharethe officewith him . Weston, thoughurged bymany persons, consistently refused to have any charge of the common purse, whether of custody or distribution , (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 11) The wording of first Rule of the Pacification (No. XXI) seems to indicate that at that time there were two treasurers , i.e. Bluet and Stranguise, and it seems most likely that the latter had been appointed by the Twenty when the plans to establish the confraternity had led totheir expulsion from the commonhall, (cf. Westonto Aquaviva, ut supra, note 15)

2 This second provision was entirely contrary to accepted practice,and Rule 2 of the Pacification (No. XXI), allowing to individuals the use of alms specifically "named for theyre owne use" , reasserted the normal custom . Only alms given for the common use of all passed through the hands of the custodianofthe commonpurse, whilst prisoners had the freedisposition of any sums given for theirown personaluse, as of any personalproperty they might have or acquire, (cf. also The Requests to Weston, 11 August 1595 , No. XII, note 1 ) Describing these events later Weston wrote : "I have certain funds of my own, as the others have, to meet dailyexpenses. Of these funds I presume they will allow me to make what use I wish without injury to any man, as they themselves also do with their own . " (Weston to O. Manare, S.J., 27 March 1598, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n. 34). Cf. also Weston to Aquaviva, same date, No. XXXVII, note 12. The principal motive behind this present rule was probably personalenvy of Weston, and it is perhaps because he was awareof this that Garnet gave a conditional assent to it, (cf. Garnet to Mush, 22 October 1595, No. XX, note 6).

3An instruction concerningthe order ofsitting at table was added to Rule4 at the Pacification. Such an omissionhere is curious, since it was a matter about which Bagshawhad earlier expressed strong views, (cf. Bagshawtoa Norfolk Gentleman, [c late May 1595], No. III, note 8)

*In November it was agreed that four persons only, who were named, two from either side, should be stewardsin turns, (cf. The Pacification, rule 3).

5 The method of executing the rules and dealing with offenders, contained in this and the following two rules, was the "principall poynt" ofthe refusal of the Twenty to accept this schedule, as Mush's attestation at its close shows At the Pacification this matter was much more carefully dealt with, [cf. No. XXI, note 7] The two-thirds majorityprocedureproposed in this present document would certainly have opened the way to endless canvassings and "faction ofvoyces" forwhich Bagshawhadearlierexpressed a loathing, (cf. Bagshawto a Norfolk Gentleman , ut supra) The proposal may, however , have been made deliberately to ensure that no decisions could be made , for the relative numbersofthe two parties would preclude agreements on that basis.

6 Such a declaration seems entirely inappropriate in a document such as this, which simply purports to set out a body of rules forthe orderly conduct of all in a common life The declaration, indeed , adds an air of mere propagandato the document, and the following words of Bagshaw , written toDr. Bavant a fewdayslater, donothing to dispel theimpression Having again expressed dissatisfaction with Bavant's letters to him, Bagshaw continued : "The practize of owr conversation we have sett downeto the vieweofthe worlde with no differenceI thinkebut this, yt wehave madeyt an arbitrary mulcte heretofore at the iudgement of some twoe or three , which nowe we have agreed (to take away partialyty & canvasinge ) to be certayne. Which divulgation (requested by owr friends) we have yealded unto not of necessitynor absolute expediency nether but to take away the calumniations of some & scandall taken by others, which some mens indiscretions hathe begunne , & the humerouse [i.e. ill-humoured] heads of other which the iniquityeof these dayes hathe sett forwarde. Whosoever thinkethyt we or yow or any yt keepe theyre due place in gods church be not in sufficient order too, tell them lookto them selfs, yt they proove not soonerenemyes than orderly members of yt churche as by examples ofall antiquitye(god willinge we will prove if therto we be urged). " (Bagshaw to Dr. Bavant, 30 September 1595, Westm V, n 17) It will be noted that Bagshaw'swordsin the aboveextract"at the iudgementof some twoe or three" , do not accord with the"twoe partes of three of all the preistes of this house" of the actual articles of which he was writing.

7 Christopher Bagshaw, cf. No. III, note 1

Thomas Bluet, cf. No. IV, note 9.

Robert Buckley was the sole survivor of the Benedictines (his name in religion was Sigebert) of Westminster after the death, at Wisbech , ofthe last Abbot, John Feckehnam, in 1585. Cf. Dom Sigebert Buckley and his Brethren , by Dom StephenMarron, in TheDouay Magazine , Vol VII,No. 3, 1933, pp 130-8 He was ordainedin Mary's reign, and very littleis known of him . About 1588 Topcliffe procured his liberty after 7 or 8 years in prison and sent him to live in his own house , but when Buckley heard of the coming of the Armada, he escaped from Topcliffe's house, but was captured again later, (cf. Topcliffe's Report on the Wisbech Prisoners , c. 1594, Westm V, n 2) Buckley was later a supporter of the Appellants In 1607 , after negotiations, he formally "aggregated" the two English Cassinese Benedictines , Thomas Preston and Anselm Beech to the old English Congregation He died, aged 93 years, in 1610, (cf. Thomas Preston, O.S.B., alias Roger Widdrington, by W. K. L. Webb, S.J., in Biographical Studies, Vol. II, No. 3, pp 220, 226)

Edmund Calverley , cf. No. VII, note 2.

William Clerionett , or Clargenett was ordained from Reims and sent on the missionin 1585, (Knox, D.D. pp 12, 30) He was taken in Chichester harbour and committed to the Marshalsea on 11 November 1585, and was still in London prisons on 30 September1588, (Prison Lists, C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 242, 282). Though one of Bagshaw's supporters at this time, he does not appear to have supported the Appellants later. He was exiled from prison in April 1603, returned the same year, and was exiled again in July 1606, returning once more in October 1607, (Third Douay Diary, C.R.S. Vol 10, pp 49, 51, 74, 83)

Ralph Ithell, cf. No. IV, note 11 He

Jonas Meredyth was ordained from Douay in June 1576, and was sent to England in September1576. His imprisonment was reported in July 1577 . but he re-appearedat Douay in September1577. He then studied in the English College, Rome, from October 1577 until December 1579 returned to England in January 1580 and was exiled in 1585. (Knox, D.D. pp 105, 110, 124, etc.; Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 8) He was exiled in 1604, visited Rome and returned to England in November 1604 ,

He went to Paris in October 1605. (Third Douay Diary, C.R.S. Vol 10 , pp 63, 70).

John Norden, cf. No. XVI, note 1

George Potter vere Stransham entered the English College, Rome, from Reims, at the same time as Bagshaw, and was notyetordainedwhen he was expelledwith the latter on the Cardinal Protector's ordersin January 1585 He was allowed to complete his studies at Reims and was ordained in September 1585, and sent to England in March 1586. (Knox, D.D. pp. 197, 207, 209 ; Liber Ruber , C.R.S. Vol 37, p 43) He was taken at sea and committed to the Marshalsea , 27 April 1586, and had been transferred to Wisbech before March 1588 , (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 242, 280) For some details of his behaviour at Wisbech, cf. No. II, note 1. He escaped from Wisbech in February 1597, cf. No. XXXVII, note 28. He was later a supporter of the Appellants, (cf. Tierney-Dodd III, p. cxliv).

James Taylor was ordained from Reims in March 1580 and was sent to Englandin June 1581 , (Knox, D.D. pp. 162, 180). He was committed tothe Gatehouse in August 1586, and was still in London prisons in September 1588, (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 268, 282) He was later a supporter oftheAppellants

Christopher Thules was studying at the English College, Rome, in 1579 , aged 19 years He went to England in June 1585 , (Liber Ruber , C.R.S. Vol 37, p 12 ; Knox, D.D. p 207) He was taken at Salisbury about mid 1586, and committed to the Gatehouse , and was still there in March 1588, (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 258, 279) He was later a supporter of the Appellants (cf. Tierney-Dodd III, p cxliv ; Law, Archpriest Controversy

I, pp 70, 72, 155).

Francis Tilletson, cf. No. XXVII, note 2

WilliamWigges was ordainedfromReimsin 1582, and was sentto England in February 1583 , (Knox, D.D. pp 11 , 193) He was in the Tower before 27 May 1585 , and at Wisbech beforeMarch 1588, (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp. 239 , 280). He had ceased to be one of Bagshaw's supporters at Wisbech probably about 1596, cf. No. XXXVIII , note 12. He signed, with others at Framlingham, a petition to the Privy Council about prison conditions , in 1603, (Law, Archpriest Controversy II, pp 242-4) An undated note statesthat he died in prison, (Knox, D.D. p 295)

8 John Mush, alias Wharton or Ratcliffe , secular priest, c 1552-1613 ? Icame from the diocese of York He was among the first Douay students chosen in 1576 for the newly founded English College in Rome, (Knox, D.D. p. 25) Whilst there he took part in the broils in 1579 betweenthe English and Welsh students, in settlement of which the College was given into the chargeof the Jesuits, (cf. Persons' Letters, C.R.S. Vol 39, p. 17). He returned to England in 1583 , (Ibid p 183), and laboured for many years, mostly in Yorkshire, (Foley, Records VI, p 134). Towards the end of 1586 he was captured but escaped almost immediately, (R. Southwell to Aquaviva, 21 December1586, Documents relating to the English Martyrs, C.R.S. Vol 5, p 312) He went to Romein 1593, returning in 1594. For an account of his activities there, cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI He undertook to mediate at Wisbech in autumn 1595 at Garnet's request, (cf. Ibid Note 16) From about the end of 1596 Mush became prominent as a member of Bagshaw'sparty, (cf. No. XXVI, ut supra, note 4) Sworn testimony, written from personal knowledge, witnesses to moral breakdowns , which appeals to priests at Wisbechfailed to remedy, (cf. J. Standish's Testimony, 23 August 1597 , Westm VI, n 57) He became one of the most active of the Appellants, being one of the fourwho carried theirAppeal to Rome in 1602, (cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I & II, passim ; unpublished MSS in St. Paul's Cathedral Library, Vols IV & VII, etc.) Many details of his later support of this party's policies may be seen in the Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41

Richard Dudley, secular priest, was born c 1563, the heir of Edward Dudley of Yanworth , Westmorland, and entered the English College, Rome, from Reims, on 1 October 1583 , the same day as Bagshaw . He was ordained priest in April 1588 , (Knox, D.D. p 197; Liber Ruber , C.R.S. Vol. 37 , p. 44) After a short stay in the English College at Valladolid , ( Valladolid Diary, C.R.S. Vol 30, p 8) he went on the English mission c. November 1590, (Hatfield Cal. IV, p 69). He seems to have workedmostlyin the North-West, (Ibid VII,p 298 ; Fisher's Confessions 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV) He suffered a period of imprisonment in 1599, but escaped (Hatfield Cal IX, p 187) Though a close friend of Bagshaw , he counselled him to maintain the Pacification settlement, (cf. Dudley toBagshaw, [c end 1595], Westm V, n 32) Hewas notasupporter ofthescheme for secular clergy Associationsproposed byMushandColleton in late 1596 and 1597, (cf. Dolman to Bagshaw , 16 January [1597], No. XXXI, note 10) Though later an associate of the Appellant party, (cf. Hatfield Cal. X, p 281 ; Law, Archpriest Controversy II, p. 185), he was not a signatory of the Appeal against Blackwell in November 1600 .

10 These articles were shown to Garnet during visits paid to him after the failure of their efforts to settle the Wisbech dissensions, (see Introductory Note above) Bancroft wrote explanatory comments(not always correct) on many of these papers when they reached his hands , (cf. Introduction, Part II).

GARNET

No. XVIII.

TO BAGSHAW . 8 October 1595

Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n. 45, (volume now at Westminster). Autograph . There are 3 contemporary copies in Stonyhurst Anglia II, n. 6. There is a 17th century copy in the hand of Christopher Grene, S.J. in Stonyhurst , Coll P. ff. 561-3. Printed in Tierney-Dodd III, p cix Excerpts, in translation , were printed in Persons' Briefe Apologie, f. 77, where a misprintgives the date as 8 September.

Introductory Note to No. XVIII

This letter was primarily Garnet's answer to Bagshaw's letter of 28 August 1595, (No. XV) When writing of these events some months later, however, Garnet recorded that he had about this time also receiveda threatening letter, bidding him use his authoritytoforce Westonand his followerstoreturn tothe commontable, and he also mentioned certain articles againstWeston and others, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, notes 23 & 24) His description of his reply indicates that the two latter communicationswerealso dealt with in this presentletter, though he does not specifically state that the threatening letter in question was written by Bagshawhimself, (see note 11 below). On the question of other threats, cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 22 October 1595 , No. XIX, note 1 . For the articles referred to above, cf. The Requests to Weston, 11 August 1595, No. XII

Reverende Domine in Christo mihi semper charissime , Pax Christi, etc.

Etsi ego separationis istius vestrae autor fuissem, ut me tua Dominatiosaltem fama vulgari praedicari asserit : non video sane cur me iure poenitere deberet. Neque enim ea in re, (quanquam tu aliter sentis ,) aliquid instituissem, quod, meo quidem iudicio, ab exemplis inter christianos probatissimis abhorreat Vidi enim ego, et tu ipse, amantissime domine, expertus es, in Christianis , et Catholicis, et praestantissimis urbibus, inter Laicos, confraternitates multas, interclericos, variacontubernia, in ijsdemCollegijs,peculiares congregationes, et, quod maximum iudico, in unica interdum religiosorum familia, sub eodem capite, sub eadem regula, varias observationes, diversas reformationes Quae quidem omnia , cum virtutis studio ac spiritualisprofectus ac perfectionis desiderio ab alijs suscipiuntur, tantum abest, ut alijsiniuriosa videantur; utab ispis summis Pontificibus approbentur, et tanquam EcclesiaeChristi maxime salutaria commendentur. Neque ego sane eo tempore, inhac vestra separatione aliudaut ipse spectavi, aut ab alijs sibi proponi ullo modo iudicavi, quam ut absque aliorum contemptu, salva charitate, illaesa cuiusvis etiam minimi existimatione, alij id aggrederentur, quod eos, et in doctrina et in pietatis curriculo cum omnium mortalium aedificatione promoveret : et (ut est natura nostra ad malum semper proclivis) ab omni perturbatione ,

.

confusione, ac ruinae periculo, regulis quibusdamquasifraeno, si quando opus esset, cohiberet Nam quod separationem illam , illasque regulasad vestram infamiamcomparatasexistimatis : Ego rem totam semper longe profecto aliter interpretatus sum. In suis enim illis communibus ad me literis2 ideo se regulas scripsisse profitentur, quod in iustitijs suis (ut ipsorum verbis utar) eam fiduciam non haberent, ut dicere possent , iusto non esse legem positam et in prima regula poenamsibi ipsi constituunt , si quando (quod absit) ab ipsis scandalosumaliquid perpetretur Qui igitur iustitias suas incusant, et fragilitatem suam poenis et regulis in posterum constabilire conantur ; si ulli : certe sibi ipsis, non vobis solis, infamiam conciliant

Vide igitur (Reverendedomine) quibus ego me rationibus defenderem, si illis autor fuissem, non vestrae contumeliae, sed sui profectus desiderio novum hunc vitae cursum inchoandi Nam quod tuaDominatioconqueritur rem hancgestam esse inconsultis et omnino insciis illis, ad quod scivisse spectabat maxime ; id illi fortasse pernegabunt :3 Sed ut ut (sic) fuerit : non video curhominibus liberis, in re sibi salutari, nemini iniuriosa, Deo (ut videbatur) gratissima, non licuerit suo iure sine cuiusquam facultate uti : id est sine vestro permissu aemulari charismata meliora. Et ego sane (sincere ac candide profiteor) dubitare eo tempore non potui quin brevi omnes ad tam sanctum atque utile institutum animum ac vires omnes applicarent.4

Sed longe se res aliter habet (mi domine) quam aut fama vulgaris praedicat (parcat Dominus illis qui eiusmodi rumores dissiparunt) aut quam tu literas illas meas interpretaris . Separationes vestrae autor non fui, non consultor, non approbator Litterarum mearum exemplar ego quidem nullumhabeo : nunquam enim suspicabarfore, ut tot iudicumtam rigidam censuram illae literae subirent, aut ut separatio illa, initio haud dubie nonnullis iniucunda futura , tot nihilominus ac tantis clamoribus ac reprehensionibus exciperetur Verumtamen inter vos fortasseillaemeae literae salvae permaneant. illas ego appello, appello etiam eorum literas ad me scriptas, 5 omnes denique appello Presbyteros viros gravissimos qui causam hanc aequius ac diligentius ventilarunt. Hos ego testes haud dubie habebo, nunquam a me petitum esse ea dere consilium, nullam neque petitam neque datam separationis istius approbationem. Illi rem totam ante apud se post maturam deliberationem firmiter statuerant; me obnixe rogabant ut Edmundum meum illis superiorem ac iudicem omnium suffragijs electum, constantissime tamen renitentem , tribuerem . Dedi illum quidem ; verum non superiorem, non caput, non iudicem, non Rectorem : sed ut esset interregulares(ut ita dicam) regulatissimus, inter observantes (quoad fiere posset) observantissimus, primas ad onera, pervigil ad omnium commoda , et (si ita vultis) omnium, qui ita cupiebant, Pater. Neque enim fas esse iudicavi ut hominem regularem a regularum professione subtraherem ; neque a nostro instituto alienum puto, ut qui inter alios necessario vitam degere cogitur , eosdem, pro virili, omni opera

atque industria, inijs praesertim quae ad suametaliorum communem pacem atque utilitatem spectant, iuvet ac consoletur Hanc alii praelaturam vocent : nihil moror. Veritas ipsa se tandem patefaciet. Sit plena invidiae, at non invident illi, qui sponte sua elegerunt, qui pene infimis precibus illum mihi extorserunt , [p. 2] qui tanquam divinitus approbatum hoc suum institutum putant, dum eius praestantiam ex manifestissimis ac praeclarissimis effectibus ac fructibus aestimant, pietatis, doctrinae, caritatis, ac suavissimaeanimorum quam sentiunt teneritudinis Hoc factum a me libenter profiteoratque huius facti mei rationem libentissime reddam ijs ad quos spectat, nec dubito quin apud aequos iudices haud magni sceleris preterea condemnabor . At cur, inquies, separationemhancnon improbasti ? Egone,quod tam multi viri pij, prudentes, docti , religionis Catholicaeet sacrorum ordinum susceptione ac professione antiquissimi , nemine contradicente, inre pia, nulli iniuriosa , in proprianecessitate , sibi nota, mihi incognita ; tam serio statuerant , in questionem ac controversiam adducerem? Deum ipsium hic testem invoco, ad cuius ego gloriam literas illas et negotium illud, utpote non levis apud me momenti tunc temporis referebam si id fecissem: summae me arrogantiae, superbiae,immo etiam etiam impudentiae condemnassem ,atqueadeo iam condemnarem Et tamen duo, ut opinor, fretus illorum humanitate illis commendavi, quae mihi, vel corrigenda, vel magni facienda videbantur: non quod mihi approbationis officium assumerem , sed ad quaedam declinanda incommoda.? Alterum erat (nisi me memoria fallat) ne suffragia ita darentur, ut colligenti innotescerent : Alterum, ut quoniam haec separatio communi consilio decreta fuisset, ita ipsa pro sua prudentia se gererent inilla instituenda atque aggredienda, ut tota invidiain unoPatre Edmundo non resideret. qua quidem in re utrum recte coniectarim norunt omnes Catholici quotquot separationemhancnon ad unius Edmundi invidiam, sed ad universae Societatis nostrae infamiam detorqueri contemplantur.8 Sed nequaquaminsolita patimur. Dominusfaciat cum hac et alijs tribulationibus illum proventum, non solum ut sustineamus, sed ut abundemusmagis in omneopus bonum, ut Deo adiuvante omnibus fere in locis hactenus experti sumus

Jam quod ad malorum vestrorumremedium attinet : Equidem omnes vos ea charitate atque amore complector, qua par est: te imprimis , cui me sempercarum esse summis votis expetivi Non sum tamen tanti ut tantae controversiae inter tantos viros exortae diribitor aut esse possim aut velim. Ut non possim , facit partim imperitia, partim absentia mea. Nam regulas aut ordinem , praescribere, aut proponere, aut etiam approbare, ijs quorum ingenia, actiones, singula etiam vitae momenta ignores: perinde est , ac si sutorvestem illi faciat, quem nesciat, magnus ne an parvus, longae an brevis staturae sit aut tanquam medicus illi pharmaca mittat, cuius neque complexionem, neque morbi symptomata, neque ullam denique affectionem inspexerit : facit vero ut non velim, multorum

XVIII.

praestantium virorum in tam lubrico opere iamdudum frustrata pietas atque industria . 10 De Patre Edmundo, curabo ut nihil faciat impune, quod religiosum non deceat ;11 Quae autem ad vestram oeconomiam pertinent , nolo ad meum iudicium revocare; adeo illius prudentiae ac pietati confido, ut verendum non sit ne quicquam faciat se indignum ac vocatione sua. Nolo ita mea potestate, quantulacunque ea est, abuti, ut quoniam ille superiorem habet ; ij, qui peculiaribus regulis nullis subijci volunt, illum pro regulis ac disciplina decertantem nimis facile ad iudiciumcitent, ipsia nemine iudicandi Sin me audire vultis per Christi Domini charitatem curate utomnes Catholici intelligant vestros animos in ista separatione corporum esse coniunctissimos. Permittite illis vivere arbitratu suo : neque enim votum ullum aut lex ulla id prohibet vos interim vivite ut vultis id est, ut Presbyteros doctos ac pios decet quod hactenus fecistis : neque enim aequum est ut novis regulis sineliberrimoconsensu constringamini Qui manducat, non manducantem non spernat ; divisiones gratiarum sunt : uni sic, alteri autem sic Nulla sit mentio praeteritorum: haec enim , veluti pernitiosa vulnera, nimia tractationesempermagis recrudescunt facile sibi omnes Catholici persuadebunt omnia bono loco esse , si vos ita divulgetis, quamvis rationes ac circumstantias non norint . Hac ratione scandalum, extitisset , nisi vestri suis literis ac nuncijs, antequam de separationeulla suspicioemanesset, hominum animos permovissent Cuius rei ego ipse oculatus testis sum : Cum e contra pars altera neverbum quidem vel ad me unquam scripserat quo cuiusvis fama laederetur 12 Sin vosipsi estis quibus scandalum gignitur (quod sane, fieri non potest, quin a vobis emanet longius) non estisprofecto vos adeo pusilli[p. 3.]ut scandalumhocinfirmorum iudicandum sit. Quod si aliorum spiritualibus commodis vos homines spirituales impedimento esse velitis, neque alia ratione acquiescere , nisi illi sine ratione desipere velint, norunt illi D: Bernardi in simili causa saluberimum consilium ; Non valde illorum vobis curandum est scandalum,quinonsanantur nisi vos infirmemini Audite etiam et vos Spiritum Dei praecipientem Noli prohibere eum qui potest benefacere , sed si vales, et ipse benefac. Dominus det vobis omnibus (id quod quotidie postulo) pacem illam sine qua nemo videbit Deum

D. Nordonum meo quaesonomine salutet, eius literas una cum tuis nudius tertius accepi :13 Miror eum meam de iurepatronatus sententiam aut non percepisse , aut oblivionitradidisse. Aio Papam non posse dispensare ut iuspatronatus vendatur : aio hoc esse contra ius Divinum: Aio etiam facultatemillam (quicquid ipse sentiat) adhuc incolumem permanere, qua materialiter tantum iuspatronus venitur. Plura scripsi in alijs literis quas aliena manu descriptas ad eum misi, ut et has modo ad tuamDominationem mitto, iustissimasobcausas , 14noncontemptusgratia,utillesine causa interpretatur De alijs eius quaerimonijs nihil habeoquod scribam. Noloegome in tantas salebras conijcere, ut illi de rebus infinitis respondeam.

Habebit ille, si velit, qui ipsi gratificari quovis in negotio cupiat maxime :15 Qui in harum controversiarum labyrinthum se libens praecipitet, alium si velit, querat, mea plurimum abhorret ab hisce molestijs et conditio et natura. Dominum obnixe precor ut nos omnes faciat in domo Dei ambulare cum consensu. qua in re (Domine amantissime) tuam operam, et pro me ipso piam deprecationem, suppliciter imploro 8 Octob 1595. Has literas (si placet) alteri parti ostendere dignetur ita enim illis significavifore,16 ut videant, quae sit mea de reconcilianda amicitia ac controversijs sopiendis sententia.

Reverendae Dominationis tuae Servus in Christo, H.G.

Addressed : To my very freind Mr D : B[agshaw]

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator: Edmonds17 letter to Dr Bagshaw as it is supposed.

Translation

GARNET TO BAGSHAW .

8 October 1595.

[The passages in italics are quoted in Briefe Apologie, f. 77].

Reverend Sir, most dear to me always in Christ,

Even if I had been the author of this separation among you, as your Reverence asserts that I am proclaimed to be, at least by common rumour, I certainly do not see that on that score I should find any good cause for regret. Although you think otherwise ,I would myselfhave judged suchan arrangement, had mine been the responsibility for makingit, one fromwhichnobody, mindful ofthe example of Christians of the best possible standing, need at sight recoil. For I have seen , my very dear Sir, that which you, too, have often seen in cities, which are Christian, Catholic, and most famous, manyinstancesof confraternities among the laity, associations among the clergy, and in the Colleges special congregations Further, and what is most to the point , we have both of us seen in the one family of religious, examples of various observancesand different reforms, yet under the same head and the same rule.¹

If some take upon themselves these obligations from a study of virtue, and pursuit of spiritual progress and perfection, in no way can others thinkthemselvestherebyaggrieved, and the less so when in so doing, the former are approved by the SovereignPontiffs, and such things are held to be most salutaryto the Church ofChrist . Certainlywhen that separation was established I did not myselfsee init, nordidI judge others to see in it, anythingbut an undertaking , whereby some might promote by a rule of life their advancement in doctrine and piety, to the general edification of men, without any contempt for others, without any harm to charity and without casting the least reflection on the esteem due to anyone No other intent appeared than the avoidance of disorder, confusion and the peril of disaster, and for this end did they drawup rules for their own restraint, knowing how human nature is ever prone to evil.

I am aware that you others have thoughtthat this separation and these rules have been drawn up for your discredit, but formypart I have always viewed the whole matter in quite a different light. In their common letterto me, theydeclarethat theyhave set down their rules in writing, because (to use their own words) they had nottheconfidencein theirown well-doing, whichwould enable them to apply to themselves the saying, that law was not ordained for the just, and indeed, in the very first rule they impose a penalty on themselves, if any among them should give occasionfor scandal, which we may hope may never occur . Men who thus bring into question their own title to goodness, and for the future provide supportfor theirfrailtyby penaltyand rule, clearly havethemselves in mind, and not you alone, if there is to be any talk of discredit.

These, then, are the reasons , Reverend Sir, which I would have given in my defence , if I had been responsible for beginning this association in a new way of life, to show that their welfare was at issue and not your credit. Your Reverence'scomplaint that this was effected without consulting or even telling the rest, who had the most concern in being informed about it, will perhaps be met with a denial.3 But however this may be, I cannot see how free men should, in the use of their rights, be held dependent, as such , on the assent of anyone else in matters bringingbenefit to themselves , harm to none, and promise of being most pleasing to God : in a word , why they should need your permission to seek the higher gifts. For mypart I give you my word candidlyand sincerely that I could not at that time have any doubt that all shortly would apply their whole mind and strength to this so holy and useful enterprise.4

The matter is then far otherwise, Reverend Sir, than common report gives out, (may Godforgive those who spread suchrumours), or than you would make it out to be from that letter of mine. I was neither the author, consultor , nor approver of your separation I have indeed no copy of this letter, so far was I from suspecting that it would ever be submitted to the close scrutiny of so many censors , or that exception would be takenwith so much noise and blame to the separation, even if, at the start, it was to be expected to give occasion of displeasure to some Perhaps, however, what I wrote is kept safely among you, and I call to witness not only my letter, but theirs also to me , 5 and the most gravest priests among you who without asking councel or approbation of me, after mature deliberation among themselvesdid determine most firmly to have rules and live in order , & of mee they required onely that I should yeeld them F. Edmund to be their Superior and iudge of their controversies , chosen thereunto , as they write, by al and every one of their voices, but yet he most constantly denying to take the same upon him, which I granted unto them at the end, though not that he should be either Superior or head, or iudge or Rector, but onely as a regular man amongst them, that would live in rule, and as an observant man of discipline amongthem that desired discipline, that he should bee first in labour and paines and watchful for the commodities of all ; and ifyou will have it so, that hee might be a spiritualfather to suchas desired to be his children.

On the one hand I did not thinkit right to withdraw a religious from the profession of his rule; on the other hand I do not deem it alien to our Institute that one of us, who is under constraintto pass his days in other company, should do his utmost with every good office and all diligence, to help and console his companions, and especially in all things which touch the peace to be held in common, or to be sought for himself, as by others for themselves. Some may callthis a prelacy. I do not stop to discuss thequestion The truth itself will one day be manifest . Such a position may

bea targetfor jealousy, but none is found in those who themselves freely chose him for it, who with most humble prayers overcame myreluctance togranthimtoit, and who still think hisappointment visited with God's approval , whilst deeming his preferment tothis charge to be linked with very clear and notable effects and fruits of piety, doctrine and charity, and with the experience of most sweet consolation of soul This was all I granted, and for this I hope with equal judges I shall not be condemned of any great fault or wickedness

(I freelyadmit that I concurred in this, and I will most willingly account for my action in the matter to those whom it concerns. I am confident that just judges of it will in no wisedeclaremeguilty of great wickedness [N.B. Actual translation of the passage in question, rendered by Persons freely, as italicized above].

But why, you will ask, have I not condemned this separation ? I reply by asking : Who was I to call into question and debate what many men had, after due deliberation , decided upon, and these men of piety, prudence, learning, of notable seniority by membership of the Church, reception of orders, and profession in religion, acting with unanimity, in a matter concernedwithpiety, involving injury to no one, and adapted to their own needs, which were known to them and notto me ? I call God Himselfto witness , to Whoseglory I referred their letter and this whole affair, as being atthat timeno meanmatterofconcern,that if I hadacted otherwise, I would have convicted myself of excessive arrogance, pride, and even impudence, and would still at this moment hold myselfas standingso convicted Yet therewere two things, ifmemory serves me , whichI commended to them as appearing to stand in needof correction and more consideration, relying as I did upon their courtesy. In this I was not prompted by a desire to undertake any responsibilityfor their approval, but rather to avoid some inconveniences One suggestion was, if I remember aright, that votes should so be given, then the givers of them should not be known to the person taking them up. Another was that since the separation was made by the common assent of all, it should so be effectedand establishedthat all the jealousy, which it might arouse, should not fall on the one man, Father Edmund How wellgrounded was my anxiety on this head is known to all Catholics , for they can well see in the event that not Father Edmund alone has been involved in jealousy, but the whole of our Society in infamy. But for us this is no noveltyto have to suffer. MayGod so work in this and our other tribulations that we may not only endure them, but may abound in all good works, as with God's helpwe have found hithertoin almost all places

To comenowto a remedy of your ills, I embrace allofyou with that loveand charity, whichis fitting, and you in particular, whose loveI have ever greatlystrivento win, But I have never thought myself so great as to be able or to wish, to declare the balance

between so weightymen in such a great controversy as has arisen . My inabilityand disinclination to do so has been increased , partly by my lack of experience, and partly by my absence . Further, to draw up rules or an order, to propose such, or even approve them for persons unknown to one, in their disposition, activity, or even at any single moment of their lives, would be to be placed in a position similar to that ofa tailor makinga coat for a man without knowing whether he is large orsmall in size,or tallor low instature: or ofa doctor sending medicinesto a patientwithout knowinghow he is constituted, what are his symptoms, or in any way how he feels. The charity and diligence expendedto no avail in soticklish an affair, by many men of standing, has confirmed my unwillingness . 10 As for Father Edmund, I will ensure that he does nothing unbecoming a religious, without being brought to account. " On the management of your household, I do not wish to be further heard. Truly I have such confidence in his prudence and piety, that Ihave nofear of his doing anythingunworthyofhis vocation . I am most unwilling to make wrong use of any authority whichI have , minimal though it is, derived from the fact that he is under the authority of a superior. Those who wish to be subject to no special rules, might make a case against him for judgment, whilst they would be exempt from judgment by anyone, if he strove to uphold discipline and the adopted rule To but one request do I begyou tolisten, namely a plea, throughthe charity of Christ, that you take care that all the Catholics understand, that all of you remain united in spirit in this bodily separation Permit, I beg you, others to live according to their desire , for no opinion or law forbidstheir so doing. You others, on your side, live according to your minds, that is, as learned and pious priests, as hitherto you did. It would not be right that you be brought under any new rules without your entirely free consent. Let not him who eats scorn him who does not eat. There is division in the distribution of graces, to the one so , and to theother so . Let silencefall upon all mention of the past ills, for these like dangerous wounds, by too much handling do ever open up anew. Catholics will readily persuade themselves that all is set right if you give out that so itis, even oftheyare unacquainted withthe causes and circumstances of this outcome By this means all scandal, whether to Catholics or heretics, willfade away. Wonder would indeednever have taken shape, not to talk of scandal, if some of yours had not with letters and messages stirred up men's minds, before any suspicion had emergedabout the separation This fact I witnessed withmyown eyes, as also another in contrast, that the other side had uttered no word or line to me in writing, which could harm anyone's reputation . 12 But if it is you bywhose means scandalarose (which surely can hardly be, unless you did more than they to spread it), you certainly are not such little ones, that men will deem this a case ofscandal ofthe weak Moreover, ifyou, being spiritual men ,

WISBECH STIRS No. XVIII. still want to stand in the way of spiritual good to others, and will yield tono other terms than their surrender to indulgenceintrifling, the others know that most salutary counsel of St. Bernard injust some similar case : "Take little heed about scandalgiven tothose , who heal not themselves unless you too join them in infirmity" Listen to the teaching of the Holy Spirit : "Hinder not him that doth good, but if thou canst, go thou and do likewise." May God give you all, and this is my daily prayer, the peace without which no man will see God.

I beg youto salute in my nameDr. Norden His letter I received three days ago along with yours . 13 I am astonished that he has not received, or has forgotten the receipt of, my opinion about rights of patrons. I there state that the Pope cannot give a dispensation to sell rights of patronage ; that such a grant would be opposed to Divine Law; that the faculty in question (despite his opinion) still stands, for in the case the patron merely disposes of the matter involvedin the right On this point I have written at greater length, in a letter copied by another hand, and sent to him. I have followed the same procedure in this letterto Your Reverence , for very good reasons14 and not for anywantofrespect, ashe has needlesslyinterpreted it. Concerninghis other complaints, I have nothingto write. I am loath to be pitched at any ofthese so bumpypatches, and so be put to endless answering to him . He has at hand, if he wishes, one who is most desirousto do his pleasure in any busniess . 15 Let anyone who is glad to plunge into this maze of controversy, look about for anyone but me By my situation and by my natural disposition, I hold troubles of this kind in the greatest abhorrence. I earnestly beseech God that he may bring us to walk together in amity in the household of God, and to this end, very dear Sir, I humblybegyour co-operation, and your pious prayers on my own behalf 8 October, 1595 .

Would you be kind enough to show this letter to the other side , as I have led them to expect that you would, 16 so that they may see what is my mind about restoring friendship and laying to rest these controversies

Your Reverence's servant in Christ , H. G.

NOTES

1 The chargeanswered in the first part of this letterwas that the separation ofthe Twenty had been "a thing ... without precedentamongChristians" , (cf. Bagshaw to Garnet, 28 August 1595, No. XV), which was similar to one made earlier to another person outside Wisbech, (cf. Bagshaw to a NorfolkGentleman, [c. late May 1595], No. III, note 2). The efforts of Bagshawinside Wisbech, and Mush and Colleton outside, to set up secular clergy Associationswith very elaboraterules, in late 1596 and 1597 , shows the disingenuousness of the outcry against the confraternity at Wisbech in 1595, (cf. Dolman to Bagshaw, 16 January [1597], No. XXXI, Introductory Note)

2This was theletter of the 18 Priests to Garnet, [7 February 1595], (No. I), with which they had enclosed their proposedschedule of Rules, (No. II). The wording of that letter shows that the writers had their own spiritual advancementas theirprimaryaim. On this point Weston wrote that since yearsofprivate admonitions and public attempts at correction had availed nothing to curb the disorders among the prisoners, the establishment of the new confraternity had appeared necessary to those desirous of order for their own protection, lest the infamy from the evil deeds of a few should fall upon all It was hoped that the disorderly would thus be ashamed and reform, but no one was excludedfromjoining (cf. Weston to Aquaviva,27 March 1598, No. XXXVII) See also Garnet to Aquaviva, 12July1595, No.VIII. Bagshawhad been awareofthe contentsofGarnet's Reply to the 18 Priests' letter since mid-Lent, and of their letter itself since at least May, and was therefore aware that no individualreputation had been harmed, (cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595], No. IV, pp 1-2 of the MS.)

3 Bagshaw's complaint that the confraternity had been set up without consulting the rest of the priests is in his letter of 28 August (ut supra). His party had, however, as Garnet knew, known about Weston's desire for some systemof common rules fromthe time he had first voicedit very early in 1595, and they had even professed to be in agreementwith him , (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, note 5)

4 It is evident that the outcry made against the confraternityhad come as acompletesurpriseto Garnet, and that he had hoped, like Weston (see note 2 above), that anexampleoforderly living would quietlyeffect some general measure of reform Thomas Pound had earlier expressed the same hope: " ... we have voluntarilysubmitted owr selves to a mostesweete and easy Rule for preservation of unity & concordeamong owr selves, & ofpatience Itrustealso withyou, which thowghe it doe not bynde you, yet (pardon my confidence ) yt wyll overcome you " (Thomas Pound to Calverley, 25 June 1595, No. VII)

5 The letters here referred to are (a) Garnet's reply to the 18 Priests' request of 7 February to be allowedto haveWeston as superiorof the confraternity . The letter has not survived Bagshaw knew of its provisions very soon after its reception, (see Note 2 above), and a copy of it was demanded of Weston in August, (cf. The Requests , 11 August 1595 , No. XII, note 3) Garnet's remarks about its contents in this present letter can be supplemented from those in his letter to Aquiviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII (b) The 18 Priests' letter to Garnet [7 February 1595], No. I.

6 In his letter of 28 August, Bagshawhad described Weston's agencyas "a pretended prelacy" . It is hard to see how this accords with his own earlier description of it as "but a meere direction to others without any power in him selfe ... " (Cf. Bagshawto a Norfolk Gentleman, [c. late May 1595], No. III, note 5).

7 This paragraph, and others in this letter, show Garnet's constant refusal to interfere in the affairs of the Wisbech prisoners, except whereWeston , his own subject, was concerned . On this point, cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, note 2. The two points raisedin connectionwith the confraternity's Rules were simplysuggestions for furtherconsideration , as Garnet here remarked

* On this question, the priest Thomas Audley (vere Tichburn), in a letter to Bagshaw urging peace, aptly wrote : "And that which maketh the matter [i.e. the reports of the stirs at Wisbech] more greevous , is, that in that place where all Catholickeseyes are fastenedto look for order, the desireoforder and discipline should be hindereduponstomacke[i.e. malice, ill-will] onely against the Jesuits ... " (Thomas Audley to Bagshaw , 26 June 1595 , printed in Knox, Allen pp 378-380). It was a growing awareness of the spreadingof calumniousreports againstthe Societyin England, which had caused Garnet on 12 July 1595, to write to Aquavivain some detailof the Wisbech quarrels, (cf. No. VIII, IntroductoryNote),

Though Garnet was engaged in teaching Hebrew or mathematics in Rome at the period of Bagshaw'sstay as a student in the English College there, no record survives that the two men met at that time When Garnet reached England in July 1586 , Bagshaw was already a prisoner. They may first havemet during the briefperiodsof liberty obtained by Bagshaw before his transfer to Wisbech, (cf. De Bagshao, No. XXXVIII note 1). Any contact was, however, probably largely by means of letters , to which can certainly be added Garnet's visit to all the prisoners at Wisbech in November 1593, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 November 1593, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, f. 103). This present letter, and that to Bagshaw of 22 October (No. XIX), are evidenceof Garnet's desire to treat him in a friendly manner

20 This is probably a reference to the attempt to arbitrate made inMay 1595 by Dr. Bavant and Alban Dolman, and also to letters written to Wisbech by such men as Dr. Windham (No. V), J. Palmer (No. XI), and others of which there is now no record Since this present letter nowherementions Mush and Dudley, whose first efforts in the second arbitrationat Wisbech ended in failure in late September , (cf. Mush's First Articles, No. XVII), itis unlikelythat they had yet visited Garnet in London, and theirefforts are thus not included in the above reference to unsuccessful peace-making efforts

11 Describing later his reply at this time to several communications Garnet said : "I replied to this and many other suchlike demandsthat I would make it my care that Fr. Weston should not with impunity do anything which intheleast did not become a religious" (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI, note 26). The presence of the direct version of these words about Weston in this present letter, indicate that this is the reply in question Cf. also IntroductoryNoteabove.

12Concerningthe question of responsibility for defamatory letters and the spreadingof information about the quarrels outside Wisbech, cf. Bagshaw to Dr. Windham, [c June 1595], No. VI, note 6.

13Norden's letterhere referredto has notsurvived. The lapse of time before Garnet received on 5 October, as here indicated, Bagshaw's letter of 28 August, maybeaccountedforbya temporary restfrom hisusualoccupations of which Garnet spoke in a letter to the English nuns at Louvain , of6 September 1595, (Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 5) On the other hand two oblique references to letters and articles in undated notes in Bagshaw's

hand of about this time, may indicate that the communications destined for Garnet were sent to Bagshaw'ssupportersoutside Wisbechfor perusal before being sent on to him, (cf. Bagshaw's Notes on Wisbech, matters [? September/October 1595], Westm V, n 6)

14 The copy from which this letter is here printed, was the original actually sentto Bagshaw, for it alone bears an address and a seal mark As Garnet here remarks , it was not written in his own hand, except for the final initials

15 There is no evidence to explain what other matters were the subjects of Norden'scomplaints to Garnet at this time. There weretwo persons, then probably residing in Norfolk, who would have been willing to attend to Norden's business : Dolman and Dr. Farbeck

16 No letterfromGarnet to any ofthe Twenty ofabout this date has survived .

17 This endorsement , made by Bancroft's collaborator some time after Bagshaw's papers came into official hands in 1598, (cf. De Bagshao, No. XXXVIII , note 16), is incorrect .

GARNET TO BAGSHAW .

No. XIX. 22 October [1595]

Westm. V, n 26. Holograph

Westm.V, n 27 is acontemporary English version in a hand associatedwith other translations later made by the Appellant party. No contemporary printed use of this translation has been traced.

Introductory Note to No. XIX. The onlynarrative written near the events, describing the efforts of Mush and Dudley to bring about a settlement at Wisbechin autumn 1595, is that of Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, (No. XXVI). Other documents, however, such as this present letter , confirm or supplement points in the story, (cf. also Garnet to Mush, 22 October 1595 , No. XX ; The Pacification, No. XXI ; the three congratulatory letters to Garnet, Nos. XXII-XXIV ; Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII) In his account of 16 April 1596 Garnet gives no dates , so that it is not possibleto be certain when the attempts to arbitrate began, though theymay already have been in hand by late August, (cf. Bagshawto Garnet , 28 August 1595, No. XV, IntroductoryNote). Thefirst visit, however , ended in failure at the end of September , (cf. Mush's First Articles, 26 September 1596, No. XVII), and was followed by conferences between the arbiters and Garnet in London about mid-October Garnet chose to regard the First Articles as a step forward from the position of Bagshaw's party earlier in the year, and Mush and his companion were urged to return and complete their task at Wisbech, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April ut supra). To facilitate their negotiations he sent several letters with them, of which this present letter is one, (cf. Garnet to Mush, ut supra, notes 1 & 2)

Quam mihi laetus ac iucundus dies ille illucesceret, qui de vestra mutuapace ac coniunctione nuntiumafferret! Cum enim ego nihil in hac vita (prout mihi conscientia testis est) vehementius desidere , tum tu etiam , amantissime Domine, spem mihi optimam et per literas, et per gratissimos nuntios praebes , non longe faelicissimam illam, mihique et omnibus bonis optatissimam lucem abesse.1 Progredereergo mi frater ac Domine in hoc tam praeclaroincepto:2 nihil ages unquam in hac vita praeclarius, nihil mihi iucundius, nihil Ecclesiae Christi honorabilius Meditare quod te ipso, ac tua professione dignissimum est, qua ratione ac via in stabili ac firma pace coniuncti habitetis tanquam fratres in unum, et caritatem illam fraternitatis, quam post Apostolum tantopere nobis omnibus commendat pius ille patriae nostrae parens , ³ quem Dominus olim suscitavit , hominem iuxta cor suum , perpetuo atque indissolubili nexu usque ad mortem amplectamini . quid enim ? nonne vos estis, quos posuit Dominus in signumet exemplar omnibusgentibus ? nonne eandem iidem profitemini ? nonne eodem charactere insigniti, tanquam praeclarissimaelucernaelucetis in caliginosoloco ? et quod amplius est, nonne easdem cruces, easdem coronas , eandem Hierusalem caelestem expectatis ? et profecto nisi expectaretis

miseriores essetis omnibus hominibus Cur ergo vos inter vos non idem sapiatis in via, qui victuri estis in perpetuum concordesin patria ? Plerumque (ait sanctissimus ille Pater Augustinus) cum tibi videris odisse inimicum, fratremodisti, et nescis. Non ego vos mutuisodiisinter vosdissiderearbitror ; nondecentodiaChristianos, multo minus Christi Sacerdotes , minimum Ecclesiae propugnatores et vinctos Domininostri Jesu Christi Et tamen sunt inter vos illa dissidia, quae haud dubie non erunt in illa perpetua pace, in illo uno quod dominus noster docuit esse necessarium , in illa optima parte quae nunquam auferetur, quam vos omnes (si pacemamplecti velitis) pene habetis in manibus. Tuum ergo Reverende Domine est, omnibus viribus elaborare ut haec dissidia omnino tollantur, et in terrammiseriae ac tenebrarum ubi sempiternus horror inhabitat, penitus detrudantur. Qua quidem in re Edmundum meum tibi socium atque adiutorem adhibeo. Illum ego scio Dei gloriam ac publicam Ecclesiae bonum semper prae oculis habere . Sed ut omnis plane tollatur suspicio, et ut meae extet in vos omnes propensae voluntatis perpetuum testimonium ; hisce ego literis eum vehementer moneo, atque etiam in nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi et in virtute obedientiae illi praecipio, ut serio animum applicet ad regulas aliquas proponendas ac stabiliendas, quibus honestaac firma amicitiaconstituatur pacem incompositam nullo modo probo eam pacem commendo, quae certis regulis atque ordine stabili nitatur ; hanc volo ut promoveat quoad poterit, et quoad in sua ipse conscientia coram Deo fas esse iudicaverit. Non possum ego de regulis vestris dijudicare : vos ipsi optime statuetis quid vobis expediat.5 Sine regulis profecto ac legibus nullaunquam communitas diu starepotuit : hominibus certe placere in bonum (ut Apostulus loquitur) omnino non poterit. Quoniam autem amantissimi isti Domini qui a vobis nuper venerunt, non valde displicere afferunt alteri parti leges illas a vobis constitutas , sed tamen modum illum controversiasdijudicandinon satis omnibus probari, si ita se res habet ; Tuamego Dominationem vehementer oro atque obtestor ut a me exoratus autorsis, ut maiorpars semper ius habeat quidvis definiendi : quis enim dubitare poterit, quin tam aequi utrinque homines sint, ut maior pars sciens ac volens errare nunquam possit et magnae saepe incidunt difficultates ut duae teriae partes in unum aliquid consentire non velint, et si haec via non placeat, alias excogitaremultas et non in re tamparva haereatis Reliqua eiusmodi sunt, ut utraque pars de suo iure aliquid cedere merito debeat, unde optatissima pax facile stabiliatur. Quod ergo bonum, faelix, faustumque sit, Deo gratissimum, pijs omnibus iucundissimum, et vobis ipsis salutare ; pijs aliquibus ac sufficientibus excogitatis regulis, in unum convenite : Virtutis ac pacis exemplum omnibus praebete: videant adversarijs et confundantur , dum vestra caritas ac mutua concordia profert sese, et omnibus mortalibus magis ac magis illucescit. In hoc sane positi sumus , ita oportet nos adimplere omnem iustitiam, ut sublatis obstaculis

134 THE WISBECH STIRS No. XIX

omnibus, remissis iniurijs, sedatis controversijs et sempiternae oblivioni traditis, unanimes, uno ore, et nos glorificemus, et alij nobiscum et pro nobis glorificent Patrem nostrum cum eius filio Domino nostro quem nobis perfecte semper imitari, ipse pro sua misericordia largiatur Vale mi Reverende Domine mihi semper carissime, sed longe carior future, si hac in re caritatem tuam et firmaminternos amicitiam velis ostendere atqueomnibuspaterfacere. 22 Oct[ober].

Reverendae Dominationis tuae Servus in Christo H. G.

Addressed in Garnet'shand : To my verygoodffrend MrD. Bagshaw geve these .

Seal mark. :

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator : H. G. to Dr. Bagshaw: that is MrWally wherein he inioynethmr Edmonds virtute obedientiae to yeald to any reason, so as they be contented to admitt any tollerable rules of discipline.

GARNET TO BAGSHAW

Translation

. 22 October [1595].

[Contemporary translation (Westm. V, n 27)].

How joyfull & pleasant would that daie appear to me, wherein I might here tydings of your mutuall peace, & agrement ? For whereas both I (as my conscience beareth me witnes) doe long after nothing more earnestlie; You also, most loveing Sir, both by your letters ,& most welcom messages, doe give me exceedinggoode hope, that yt most happie daie instantlie desired of me, & all goode men, is not far of.¹ Go forward therefore, goode Sir, & loving brother, in this so notable an enterprise.2 You shall never doe a worckof more renowne; never anie thinge more pleasing to me ; never anie thinge more honorable for the Churche of Christe. Thinck on yt, which is most beseeming you, & your profession , by what meanes , & waies ye may dwell as brethren together, united in stedfast, & firme peace ; and embrace with a perpetuall, & indissoluble knott even unto death that brotherlie love, which is so especially commendedunto us, (next unto the Apostle) by that godliefather ofour cuntrey,3 whomethe Lord heretoforehathstirred up, a man according unto his own hart For whie ? ar not yee thosewhome theLord hath sett as a signe, and an example to all Nations ? doe you not profes the same faith? and being adorned withthe same character, doe yee not shine as most renownedlights in a darck place ? and which is more, do ye not all expect the same Crosse , the same Crowne, the same hevenly Jerusalem? and were truly, yf ye did not so expect, more miserable then all men? Whie ar ye not then one with another of the same minde here in this life, whoe looke to live, & agree together for ever in the life to come? Manie times (saithyt holie father St. Augustine) when you thinckeyou hate your enemie, yee hate your brother& know it not. I suppose there is not amongst you, inyourdissensions anie hatred ; hatred becometh not Christians, muche lesse ye Preists of Christe ; least of all the defenders of ye Churche. and ye prisoners of our Lord Jesus Christ. And yett there be among you those disagreements , which shall not, (without doubt) be in that eternall peace in yt one thing, which our Lord hath taught to be onely needfull ; in the best part, which shall never be taken awaie; which part yee all (yf ye wilbe peaceable) have welnie alreadie in your hands . It is your dutie therfore (Reverend Sir) to putt to all your strength, that these dissensions may be utterly removed, & thrust owt into the land of miserie & darcknes, whereeverlasting horror dwelleth In whichbusines I ioyne with you, as yourfellow, & helper my beloved Edmunds. I knowhe is a man , yt hathever before his eies gods glorie & the publique benefitt of yt Churche. Andytallsuspition maieberemoved, and ytI maiegive a perpetuall

testimonie of my goodwillinclyning towards you all, by these my letters I most seriously advise him, & withall charge him in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, & in the virtue of his obedience, that he doe his utmost indevor to sett downe, & establish certayne rules, whereby an honest, and firme amitie maie be decreed . I allow not by anie means an unordered peace. I commend such a peace, as is supported by certayne rules, & stedfast order Suche a peace I will that he further, asmuch as in him lyeth, and so far forthasheshall thinck meet in his conscience beforegod. Icannot iudge of your rules, yee yourselves maie best determyne what is expedient for yourselves: without rules, & lawes surely no Communitiecan ever long endure : nor please good men (as the Apostle speaketh) [Marginal comment in same hand : Surely to please men cannot be good, as the Apostle speaketh] But because those gentlemen, our loving freinds, which came of late from you, doe affirme that the lawes by you ordayned doe not greatly displease the other parties, onely that manner of deciding controversies is not so generallie allowed of all :7 yf it be so, then (goode Sir) I earnestly desire and beseech you, that at my entreatie you would ordayne, that the greater parte may allwaies have the right to determyne anie thing For it is not to be doubted that on either sidemen will stand so indifferent, as that the greater part will never willingly,orwittinglybe deceved Andoften tymesgreat difficulties doe happen, so yt two, or three parts [Latin 'duae tertiae partes'= twothirds] willnot agree on anie one thing But yf this waie please not, devise some one other of manie, & make no staie at so small a matter , as this is Other things ar of yt kinde, as yt bothParties mustgivewaie a little in their owne right, whereby a most gladsom peace maie be established. Haveing therfore devised certayn godly, and sufficient orders come together in one minde, which is a thing goode, happie, & successfull; to godmost acceptable : most delightfull to all godlie people and to yourselves profitable give goode ensampleof virtue, & peace to all men. Lettyouradversaries see , & be ashamed , while your love, & mutuall concord showeth itself, & shineth more & more befor all men. For this cause have we our places, and thus it becometh us to fulfill all righteousness, that removing all hindrances ; remitting all iniuries ; appeasing all controversies , & committingthemto everlasting oblivion, withone mind, & one voice both we ourselves , and other with us, & for us maie glorifie our Father, with his sonne our Lord, whome that we maie perfectlie followe graunt he us his grace, for his mercies sake . Farewell Reverend Sir allwaies most deere unto me, and yettto be greatlie far more beloved of me, yf in this business you will make knowne , & manifest to all men your love , & the assured friendship yt is between us . 22 Oct[ober]

Your worships servant in Christ H. G.

No endorsement.

NOTES

1 The letter from Bagshaw here referred to has not survived Mush had probably brought itto London, togetherwiththe"mostwelcome messages" , after the failure of the First Articles The threats and demands of earlier communications were probably not repeatedin it, (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595, No. XVIII , Introductory Note) About the same time, however , a threatagainst Garnet can be seen in Dr. Farbeck'sreport of his dealingswith an opponent: " ... and for MrW[alley] yf he make not an end ofthis evill he haith begonne [i.e. the confraternity ] he shall fyndoppisition withoutfeareofhim or his orderin this behalfe" (cf. Dr. Farbeck&Mr. Cary's discourse , [c late September/October 1595], Westm V, n 20) Somewhat similar words appear in an undated note in Bagshaw'shand, which seemsfromthe context tobelongtoabout the samedate, (cf. Bagshaw's Notes on Wisbech matters, [? September/October 1595], Westm V, n 6)

2 i.e. the hope of achieving some settlement of the Wisbech quarrels (see note 7 below)

3 St. Augustine of England.

4 Concerningan orderly peace Weston wrote: "For never did we entertain the least contempt forunity, but only for a unity unaccompaniedby order , or represented by a confusedmob " (Weston to Aquaviva , 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII). On this point, cf. also Garnet to Mush, 22 October 1595 , No. XX, note 7, and Thomas Pound to Calverley, 25 June 1595 , No. VII, note 19

5 Garnet had often repeated his refusal to interfere in the affairs of men who were not under his authority, as was the case with all thepriests at Wisbech, save only Weston, (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 19, where other references are given).

* This is a referenceto the visit of Mush and Dudley to Garnet after the failure of their first attempts at Wisbech in September , (see Introductory Note above)

The referencehere is to the principal reason why the Twenty had refused to accept the First Articles, which was written down in a note at the end of that document and signed by the arbiters, (cf. Mush's First Articles, 26 September 1595, No. XVII). Unlike Mush and Dudley, who seem to have thought the failure of their first attempt final, Garnet chose to regard the unsuccessful first Articles as an encouragingsign: "For whereas the thirteen had always taken the line that they did not want anyform of collegiate life ... they now went so far as to concede the point which the very good priests had always striven for as their only objective, that they would agree to live by some fixed body of rules ... (Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, notes 17 & 18) The method of judging controversieswhich was eventually decidedupon, was an adaptation ofthe suggestionmadeby Garnetin this present letter, (cf. ThePacification , [6] November 1595 , No. XXI, note 7).

8 i.e. the heretics, to whom dissension amongstCatholics, suchas the quarrels at Wisbech, were grateful.

As may be seen from the letter above , this endorsement by Bancroft's collaborator does not accurately portray the instructions given to Weston The instructions in question appear also in Garnet's letter to Mush , 22 October 1595 , No. XX Garnet was, in fact, scrupulousnotto overburden Weston with commands: "As for Father Weston, I could not allow myself to be moved by any entreaty or argument to restrict his freedom to follow the larger as well as better party among the priests ... " (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 16 April 1596, No. XXVI) Cf. also Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, [March 1598], No. XXXVI, note 26.

GARNET TO MUSH

Westm V, n 28. Holograph

22 October [1595].

Introductory Note to No. XX. Though the endorsement on this letter is vague concerning its recipient, probably due to an early loss oftheoriginal address sheet, the context shows that it was written to Mush, the chief of the two arbiters, on the eve of their return to Wisbech after consultations in London, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI, note 20) Garnet's reasonable proposals , and the concessions he was prepared to make concerning his own subject, Weston, show his sincere desire that peace should be made among the prisoners.

Good Syr. Whilest I was providingto dispatch away my letters , 1 there cameunto my hands a packett from Wisbech, whichbecause I cannot have leasuer so much as to oppen, much lesse to peruse, Ihavethoughtit necessary to differre thewryting ofanylargeletters untillfitter opportunity yet withall now to wryte by you mymind briefly & sufficientlyaccording to our speech & conference. Therfore good Syr, I desyre the wholle company for the love of God & for the common cause which we are here all to advance with all our study & diligence, that they will ernestly go forward in that whichto my singuler ioy I perceave they are beginning.3 that is, to sett downe by common consent such orders as may conserve them in mutuall love & amity. wherin with all ernestness I do humblydesyre bothparts, that without all partiality they will seek to make a holy union & attonement the ones relenting (if so it be needfull for the glory of God) from severity , & the other (if it be thought convenient) adding somewhat to the accomplishing of theirvertuous desyres But because youinforme methatyoufound no difficulty in the twenty in admitting these new rules, if the dissension in the matter of government or execution were taken away: I beseech you to be a meane to Mr D[octor] Bag[shaw]that of all frenship he will procure with his part that the greater part of voices may alwayes prevaile for I nothing doubt but among the twenty there will alwayes be that indifferency & equity that the greater part will alwayes followthat whichis better; & I hope also assuredly, that if all other orders be thought iust & sufficient by the twenty, they will easely consent to this forme of execution . If this maner of execution be not liked, yet I desyre them all in the behaulfof our Saviour so to confer togither, that if all other orders be yelded unto, they will not breake for so small a matter , but rather devise some way to content both parts. which thing for me to prescribe, or otherwise to examin or approve their rules , were an impossible & presumptuous adventure.5 Andwheras there

is one rule that requireth that what mony is geven herafter to F. Edm[und] to be applyed at his iudgement within the housefor to be applyed to the commonsthat therofmay grow no difficulty : if other rules be accepted, in this I do interpose my autority, wherbyI will that so he do dispose of such summes referred to his discretion.6

Finally that you & all others may understand how happya day Iwould account that wherin I should heareofa perfect union under convenient orders for so honourable a company : I do hereby charge F. Edm[und] not onely as he is ordinarily bound by the waightines of the cause : but also in vertew of obedience , that he proceed herin without all partiality, & labour as much as in him lyeth to draw either parte to that which in his conscience & before God he shall think necessaryfor an honest & orderly coniunction. which commandment I lay upon him, not for that I think that without it he would not or doth not performe his dewty, but to the end thatallthe world may know that I deale without dissimulation, & how unfainedly I desyre their union if without preiudice ofsufficient disciplin it may be compassed This also I dodetermine, that if agreement be not now made, I purpose to wryte to the twenty that F. Edm[und] maylive privately as the rest, allorsome bycourse performing that whichwas layed upon him.8 ThisIhope in any reasonableiudgement will satisfymy dewty both to God & man . I rest at your commandment, & wilbe mindfull when God maketh me able to make that provision whichyou desyre Thus withharty commendations, toyourself&yourcompanie, Icommitte you to God. this 22 of Oct[ober]. Yours alwayes to commaund H. G.

No address or seal mark now extant

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator: H. G. to some in Wisbech (for quietnes) It is mr Wallyes letter wherein he promiseththat Edmonds shall give over his superioritye and live as a religious private man amongst them, if they can agree upon the rest of the articles

NOTES

1 The letters referred to were probably the three which he informed the General that he had written at this time and sent to Wisbech with Mush and Dudley : one to the Twenty as a group, one to Weston separately, and the third to the leader ofthe other party, [i.e. Bagshaw], (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI, note 20). Only that to Bagshaw now survives, (cf. No. XIX).

2 The conferences in question, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No XXVI), probably took place about the middle of October 1595 , as it is unlikely that Garnet had already seen Mush and Dudley when he wrote to Bagshaw at the beginning of the month, since that letter makes no mention of such a meeting, (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII, note 10). This present letter was probably intended to be shown to both sides as an aid to the renewed negotiations.

3On this point, cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 22 October 1595 , No. XIX , note 2.

4 See Mush's note at the end of the First Articles, for an explanation ofthe Twenty's objection, (No. XVII) The requestfollowing, that Mushshould procure Bagshaw's agreement to a modification, endorses a similar plea in Garnet's own letterto Bagshawof 22 October, (No. XIX)

5"I rejected out of hand any idea that I could have the wishor the power to prescribe rules of any kind to these priests, as men wholly outside any authority held by me. " (Garnet to Aquaviva , 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 19) Cf. alsosimilar words in Garnet'sletterto Bagshawof22October, (No. XIX).

6 This is a reference to rule 2 of Mush's First Articles Garnet's conditional acceptanceofthis provision, in itselfcontrary to hitherto accepted practice, and of which the inspiration would be highly suspect to him, must have been unexpected For furtherdetails, cf. Mush'sFirstArticles, 26 September 1595, No. XVII, note 2. At the Pacification, however, the old custom was reasserted , (cf. No. XXI, note 3).

7 Garnet and the Twenty at Wisbech were not, of course, alone in realising the need for order among the prisoners The efforts of Mush and Dudley areevidenceoftheirfeelingsonthe subject Earlier in the year Dr. Bavant had been equally definite : " ... mrClarke[i.e. Bavant] tolde usinvehement teares howe muche he pityed oure case, & that since he first heard of oure trobles he had bene of mynde that it was necessarie some good order should be sett downe amongst us whereby all controversies might be ended . " (Southworth to Dolman, c early June 1595 , No. IV). Outside the Castle the necessity was recognised , (cf. for example, J. Palmer to Bagshaw, 1 August 1595, No. XI, note 2) The principle was, indeed quite obvious to Bagshaw's own party, as can be seen by their initial pretendedagreementwithWeston'sideas onthe subject soon afterChristmas 1594, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 12 July 1595 , No. VIII).

8 It is clear from this passage that had Mush and Dudley's mediation not succeeded in achieving an agreement , Garnet had no intentionof doing anything to overturn the established confraternity , and the measure of peace it had brought to its members , though his proposal to withdraw Weston from its leadership, is further evidenceof his desire for a general pacification. He informed the Generalof these two points in his letter of 16 April 1596, (cf. No. XXVI, note 21)

It is not known what business was here in question.

THE

No. XXI

PACIFICATION. [6] November 1595.

Westm. V, nos 29 and 30. Duplicate copies, each with 33 original signatures.

Introductory Note to No. XXI. Though Garnet's conferences with the arbiters, Mush and Dudley, in October, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 16 April 1596, No. XXVI), and the letters sent to Wisbech with them on their return, (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw, 22 October 1595, No. XIX, and to Mush and Dudley, No. XX), had done everything possibleto promote the agreementto which this present document is witness, the favourable result is still something of a puzzle The earlier behaviour of Bagshaw'sfollowers, particularlyat the first arbitration in May, (see earlier documents in this present volume), indicates that argumentsabout therulesmight well have continuedindefinitely Weston, indeed, later remarked that the thirteen members of that party only reached agreement after a long altercation, and Mush himself said a year later, that he had had to alter the proposeddraft twenty times, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, note 22). It seems likely, therefore, that the real reason for the conclusion of this affair at this time must be sought in eventsoutside Wisbech For an outline ofthe background, cf. Bagshawto Garnet, 28 August 1595 , No. XV, IntroductoryNote The Bishop of Cassano, focus of the intrigues in Flandersand Rome, diedsuddenly on 4/14 October 1595, andhis deathleft his partywithoutan obviouscandidate for their designs This news could have reached Bagshaw at Wisbech by early November (old style) from Flanders, and in that case to make peace, at least temporarily , would be prudent and might acquire for his party some of the credit which their previous actions had lost for them, (cf. J. Palmer to Bagshaw , 1 August 1595 , No. XI) Troubles began again in a shorttime , however, for "peace was farfrom the heartsofsome" , (cf. WestontoAquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, note 23), and it seems to have centred around exceptions taken against the Rules agreed upon in this present document, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, notes 6, 7) The original, or master-copy, of the Rules, ofwhich the two surviving manuscripts are the copies left with the two parties at Wisbech, remainedin the handsof the arbiters, who took it away with them, (cf. Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598 , No. XXXV, pp 9-10 of MS ) This original no longer survives Taken as a whole these Rules have several similarities with those of Mush's First Articles of 26 September 1595 , (No. XVII), though the method of securingtheirexecution is much more detailed, and the penaltiesforinfringe- ments are here mostly heavier .

Christopher Sothworth

Alexander Gerarde

Jacobus Powell

Robert Nutter

William Parrie

Thomas Haberley

Thomas Pownde

Christopher Bagshaw

Jh Norden

Ro Buckley

Tho : Bluet

Raffe Ithell

James WilliamTaylorWiggs

.

Gyles Archer

Leonarde Hyde

L. Barlow

Tho Bramston

Edmunde Brodocke

Phil. Strangwaies

John Greene

Wm. Chadocke

John Boltone

Christopher Drilande

Robert Wodroofe

Rafe Bickley

William Edmunds

1595 6 novemb[er] 1

Edmunds Calverley

George Potter

Christopher Thules

William Clerioneth

ffrancys Tilletson

Jonas Mredyth

Orders agreede upon to be observed by us whose namse are above written for oure coniunction in diet & publique conversation.

1. That ye custodie of the common money rest in ye hands of Mr Bluet & Mr Strangways2 and these ij to be made privie eche to others receipts presently beforeye bringers departure as muche as maye be. & yt they give upp theyre accompts once a quarter, and make ye distribution ofall thei have in store, once a weeke yf ye money amount to v for above .

2. That what money shalbe sent to any one or moe , to bedistributed at theyre discretions, excepte it be sent to some particular persons namedfor theyre owneuse;3 orwhatshalbe brought to be distributedat ye discretion of the bringer. The same to be brought & delivered presently to the common receivers for the common use of all the companye

3. ThatMr D. Norden MrAberley Mr Calverley& Mr Bramstone be stewards by course quarterly, & as nere as they can observeall customes that we have hithertoe observed and of which we have generall rules and the same stewards to be removeableas hereafter , and to givetheyre accomptsquarterly.

4. Thatyewholecompany ioyne & dyne together inone common hall, takinge theire places as they had before separation or as they please & that they have a common reader by course or otherwise to whom they all with silence shall attende.

5. That whosoevershall disturbe this silence by words or deedes , notoriously iniurious and scandalous shalbe deprived of ijs for every severall faulte to be taken out of his next divident by the common receivers unless ye delinquent paye it presently uppon his fault committed or judged which mulcte as all other hereafter shalbe put in the common purse and this order to comprise all them also that are out of commons yf they eate in the common hall.

6. That whosoever shall detracte his brother or give hym contumelious or iniurious wordes signes or deedes , or contemptuouslyderide him to his disgrace, shall for every such faulteyfit be beforestraungers loose vs & yfit happenamong oure selves alone xijd out of his next divident as before

7. That whoseover in his behavioure shall commit anye facte censurablebythe canons of the churcheand an open scandall shall for every suche cryme loose xs out of his dividents as before.

8. That whosoevershall disclose any thinge to anyexterne person preiudiciallor hurtfull to anyone or the whole companie or the common cause , shall for every suche cryme paye, yf it beto a Catholique xs and yf to anyother xxs out ofhis nexte dividents as before.

9. That whosoever shall upbrayde any with his faults in tyme paste committed and corrected, or reveale the same to any abroade, or shall hereafter to the offence, disquiet or harme of his brother, obiect upbrayde or call in question anyfaulte, quarrell, iniurie or other lyke dissentious matter, passed amongeus ether beforeor since oure separationshall for every suche offence loose vs out of his dividents as before 10. That whosoever shall wrongfully accuse his brotherof anye faulte whichhe cannot sufficientlyprove shall suffer paenam talionis to be payde as before.6

11. That whosoever hath any matter to be decided concerninge any point of these orders? shall for more speedie & better exequution thereof (unless the offenders make satisfaction before ofhis owne accordewithin twoe or three dayes) choose twoe priestes and ye delinquent other twoe and a fifte bylot and ye most voyces of these five to iudge and endethe cause betwene them.

12. That yf the delinquent shall refuse or make delayeto choose twoe for exequution and triall of his cause , then ye stewarde for ye tyme shall choose twoe for hym and one by lot, & by them five ye cause to be examined and ended as though the delinquent had chosen them hym selfe And yf ithappen the stewarde to be the offendoure and he refuse or delaye as before, ye nexte stewarde to succeede shall choose twoe for hym and exequution to be done as above .

13. That ye five which shalbe chosen, sincerely and without respecteof persons or parties to determine and endecauses as before, shall not refuse to undertake and ende the same , also that none of them shall revele or make knowne to any what way any of them gave theyre opinion and suffrage: but the sentence of theire most voices to passe and be delivered to the parties by the fifte man that was chosen by lot, as the suffrageofall them five,in which cases ofrefusallorbewrayinge ofthings secretly done amongst them , the partieproved guilty

thereof shall loose by the same manner of tryall vs outof his next dividents as before.

14. That in all cases and causes doubtfull what words deedes or behavioure are iniurious, scandalous or anywaye offensive or taxable bytheseorders, by most voyces ofv preestes whereof ij shall be chosen by the partie greeved and twoe by the accused and the fift by lott shall determine and decide.

15. That whosoever shall refuse to stande to the judgments of the most voyces of five preests chosen as before shall loose his whole dividents till he reforme hym selfe .

16. That whosoever shall condemne controll or call in question ye iudgments of these five once paste shall loose vs out of his dividents as before.

17. That yf the keeper of the common money or any stewarde shalbe noted by any of ye companie to commitanyfaultein theire officesnecessarie to be redressed : the same partiewith thesaydeofficer shall choose eche one twoe and a fifte bylott and these v to examine the case & by theire most voyces to remove the partiefounde delinquent , yf it be convenient , and to place another and yf the saydeofficer be found bythem innocent the accusarto loose xs out of his dividentsas before.

18. That yf any of the companie dislyke to continue together in commons with the reste and after theire union desyre to seperatethem selves agayne8 at Easter nextoranytymeafter, that they maye departe at theire pleasureand have sufficient roome allowed them for theire table seperate in thehall,with libertie to dyet in theire chambers yf they thinke it more convenient Allsoto have allowed them a sufficientplacefor a kechin a buttery and a place to lodge theire servaunts in yf the number of them so desyrous to seperat amount to tenneand will have a peculiar stewarde, a cooke and servaunts of theyre owne But in case they be not so many, then havinge a seperate roome in the hall for a table to eate together, they shall eyther content them selves with the common stewarde, cooke kechin and servaunts or els to make whatprovision otherwisefor them selves they pleasewithout clayminge or occupyinge the buttry, kechin or servaunts lodginge appointed for a number of tenne or above, yf any suche should departe after. which roomes of buttry kechin and lodginge for servaunts shalbe assigned by Mr Dud[ley] and Mr Mu[sh].

19. That whosoever is not in commons shalbe bound notwithstandinge to observe all these foresayde orders concerninge good manners and common societie

John] Mu[sh] Rycharddudley

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator : The generall agreement for the government of the priests in Wisbech amongst themselves subscribed with all theyr hands.

NOTES

1 Neither copy of the new Rules was originally dated, and that appearing on one only of the copies was added in a hand very similar to that of one of Bancroft's clerks. The congratulatory letterof the 18 Priests toGarnet , 8 November 1595, (No. XXIV), states that the articles of pacification were signed on the Octave of All Saints, i.e. 8 November The date endorsed by the clerk is, thus, probably a mistake

2Concerning the custodiansof the common purse, cf. Mush's First Articles, 26 September 1595, No. XVII, note 1 .

3This provision endorsed the accepted custom regarding the disposition of almsgiven to any prisonerprivately, against Rule 2 ofMush'sFirstArticles , (cf. No. XVII, note 2)

4This provision considerably modified rule 10 of Mush's First Articles

5 See Mush's First Articles, note 3.

6 This appearsto be the first occasionthat an attemptwas made to give a definite significance to "poenam talionis" in relation to the affairs of the Wisbech prisoners. Rule 9 of Mush's First Articles left it as an undefined threat, recalling the use made of the phrase during the unsuccessfulMay arbitrationin Bagshaw'sparty's Four Articles, (cf. Southworth to Dolman , [c early June 1595], No. IV, note 22)

7 Rules 11 to 17 provide a carefully thought out procedurefor the execution of the Rules as a whole, meeting the main objection of the confraternity's twenty members to the cumbersomeprovisions (rules 11 to 13) oftheFirst Articles. The result here is also a modification of Garnet's request to Bagshaw to allow the voice of the "greater parte" , i.e. a simple majority, and not two-thirds of all the company to prevail in matters of dispute, etc. (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 22 October 1595, No. XIX) The system here agreed on was much more elaborate than that of the Confraternity's Rules, [7 February 1595], (No. II, note 3).

8 The provisions contained in Rules 18 and 19 were new. Since all the prisonerssignedthese documents, these last two rules provide an interesting commentary onthe outcriesof Bagshaw and his followersagainstseparations during the earlier months of 1595. Years later, the writer of the True Relation, (p 63), alleged that Weston and his followers would never have agreed to join again in commons with the Thirteen, had not Mush and Dudley underhandedly consentedto allocate various roomsto them should they later wish to separateagain Such a statement was plausible onlyif, as wasthe case, these actual Rules were not printed On this point Mush wrote a year later: "We [himself and Dudley] are blamed againe for thappoyntment & allowance of roomes when any would separate, as by your orders was agreed. To which both my companion & I answere . That separationat yourowne pleasures, beinggenerally agreed upon (which yettwe never feared would be attempted, yourformar being so scandalous to the world ... & your reconciliation semying so charitable & unfeyned). And againeyou consenting, that we two should appoynte suchroomes : we nothing doubted but we might do yt, yf thallowed separation were maid in our absence : we thought reason& wisdome required to appoynt them er we departed, & so of our selves we did. " (Mush to all the Fathers at Wisbech, 20 November 1596, Westm V, n 87). In another part of this

very lengthy letter he says that though a new breach would be "misliked of all, & cannot be but verie odious to all them that more sincerely seeke the glorie of god . yett in no wise can yt be thought expedient or conscionable, so inseparably to yocke good, vertuous, and peaceable soules in societie , with unruly & tyrannical men . . . Yf therbyshame & disgrace faule upon the misruly, theyhave to blame onely them selves , & to impute their harmes to their owne evyll deserts " These observations of Mush are very similar to those made by Weston concerning the separation of 1595, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva , 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII)

No. XXII

MUSH & DUDLEY TO GARNET 8 November [1595.]

Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 7. The letter is in the hand ofMush , with twoautograph sets of initials Printed in full in TierneyDodd III, pp cxiv-cxvi Excerpts printed by Persons, Briefe Apologie, f. 79v. These are indicated byitalics in thetextbelow .

Introductory Note to No. XXII. In view of the false accounts of these events which appeared later in various Appellant tracts, (see Note 1 below) thisletter, and that of Bagshawto Garnet on the same subject (No. XXIII), are veryimportant. There is evidenceof hostility to the Jesuitson thepart of Mush in 1593, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI, note 4), but this was later dispelled and was not re-kindled until late 1596 or early 1597, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, note 19) This present letter, therefore, probably truly representedMush's feelings at this time

R[everende] P[ater]

Wehavyngnowendidallthescontentions , & united all the companye againe, yt resteth that we all be thankefullto our common lord by whose mercy and grace by the intercession of his sanctes poured aboundantly on this blessed companye, the mortal enimye is overcome & driven away, & a perfecte reconciliations of harts is maid. we twoyour owne children & servants, greately reioice &thinkourselves exceedingly bound toyou, in that you so wyllinglyimployedusagaine in this affaire , & concurred & assisted us so sincerelybyyour sweete letters, wherby, (we assure you,) the most of our difficulties were removed wehave fought, & striven indifferently (we hope) betwene them. but we assure ourselves we were unworthyest & unfittest of many, to deale or compass so greate a matter And no doubt the victory had not bene gotten, unless you on the mountain had ferventlylifted upyourhandesto heaven, & assisted (with the charitable fellowship of devout brethren & freinds) your owne good desirous (sic) & our endeavours, with most zealous praier & clamors to god, & his triumphant sanctes in the celebration of their common feast Good news therefore you receive, the blessed frute ofyour blessed desires & paynes.3 you would have wondered to have sene the vehemency of Gods spirit, in one moment to make all hard harts to relent, & wher ther was most froward aversions, immediately before, there was sodenly sene to be most intense affections & tenderness , suche humiliation one at anothers feete, suche wringing clipping& embrasing, such sobbes, teares, & ioiefull murnyng, that for ioie also our hartes werelike to brust (sic) emongthem. And verely fa[ther] neither emong them selves, nor to our sight, they appeared after, the same men they werebefore. wethoughtyt one ofthe yoiefullest

And

daies that ever we had sene 4 Haec mutatio dextrae excelsi Now goodfa[ther] : as this most comfortable & happyeffect hath followed of your sincere endevoursin this cause, so by all meanes, confirme the same , & by all meanes your wisdome can devise prevent & hinder the devils malice that no such contentions, & debates may hereafter arise you live nearer them, then we, & worthelyyou ar respected of all & may do more than a greate manye of us.5 yt wylbe bothe yours greatest credit & ours, & most to gods honore, the good of the common cause, the comfort of all our friends, & discomfort & ruine of our Enimies, that we love, honor, credit, cherishe, embracein all friendlyness, & helpe & defendonean other, bearing in the inviolable purite, & infringible bonds of christian or brotherly charitye, the weakness , infirmities, imperfections, & frowardnesses of our fellowe members & bretheren whome our Saviour haith bought so dearlywith his precious bloode, & cauled so mercifullyto be of the number of his sanctes, bewtified now on earth with the gifte of their holy confession & other worthygraces, & in heaven to be exalted to the high roomes of dignitie prepared for gods children, not perhaps as appeareth likely to us here , but as bestpleasethour heavenly father for yf we honourlove&defend one an other , the enimies are to weake for us but yf difference , contempte, & emulation be emongst us, we therby enfeble our selves, & strengthen the adversaries force. We are yours (good father) from our harts, & we beseche you to write to the whole companye some swete & comfortable letter at your best leasure , of theyoieyouhave oftheir union And that you would in particular write frendly to Mr. D[octor] Norden, 6 that from hence you & all yours do forgive & forgett all matters passed of discontentments emong you. And that you request him so to do also for with a litlefrendly usage now& then the good man mayeaselybewonne, & kept a frend He is sharpe you se & bitter, wher he imagineth to have an adversarie, butyett kindynough againewhere he findeth courtesies, & thinketh he is beloved We have delt with him to surcease & lett all things passe in matters betwene yours & him heretofore . And (god of his mercy houlde it) we find him most tractable, & no man of that side yealding more frankelyto concord & pacification than him. Rememberus we prayyou, to our deare frend fa[ther]Tho[mas] Lis[ter].8 to the good afflictedlady, to Mrs. [5 words erased], with whom we, but specially I have a quarrell of unkindness, that we might not se them. Forgett us not in all your devotions. Our Lord preserve you, in haist , this viij of November. [1595. Added in another hand].

Yours assuredly

R.D. M.J.10

No address now extant.

Endorsed (1) By Garnet: Mr Mush and Mr Dudley to me , after the pacification ofWisbich (2) By Persons : 1595. Mush & Dudly 8 9bris 1595. about thepeace madein Wisbich 1595

NOTES

1 Writing of this present letter, which had evidently been forwarded to him by Garnet, Persons said: "M. Mush also wrote at the same time a very kind letter to F. Garnet, in his owne and M. Dudley's name, which is yet extantunder his owne hand, and beginneth thus : 'We haveing now ended all these contentions . ' These were his words at that time, which if they be true, then are many other things verie untrue, which appeareunder his name in these late libels, for that they are quite contrarie to these. " (Briefe Apologie , f 79v) (Editor'sItalics) The referenceis to the Latin tract, Declaratio Motuum, pp 18-20, which givesa version of the course of Mush and Dudley's arbitration which contemporary documents, such as this present letter, do not bear out Another somewhatsimilar version to the Latin one, but with embellishments , appeareda littlelaterin English in the True Relation, pp 51-60 Many of the statements in the relative passages in these two tracts, concerning the alleged evil dealings of both Garnet and Weston at this time, probably had their origin in the section on Wisbech of Fisher's Memorial against the Jesuits of September 1597 , (cf. Fisher's Confessions , No. XXXV, note 70 ; Garnet's Reply to the Memorial, No. XXXVI, note 17). Apart from the opening phrase of this letter, quoted above, two other extracts were quoted by Persons , which are printed in the text above in italics

2 These words provide confirmation of Garnet's own account of his part in the negotiations which lay behind the second attempt at arbitration at Wisbech, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 16 April 1596, No. XXXVI, note 16) The "sweet letters" next referred to must be those written to Bagshaw, Weston, the Twentyas a group, and to Mush and Dudley themselves , of which only the first and last now survive, (Nos XIX and XX).

3The praise of Garnet for his sharein theseevents contained in thispresent letter is matched by that of Bagshaw himself, (cf. Bagshaw to Garnet , 8 November 1595, No. XXIII)

4 These emotional scences were mentioned also by the 18 Priests, in their letter to Garnet of the same date, (cf. No. XXIV). Writing in some disillusion a year later, Mush remarked of the pacification itself: "Truly, my dear Sirs , I had thoughtin your reconciliation, all thinges paste had bene buried & forgiven from your harts : your teares & tenderness signified no less to me then I am sorie you deceivedme" (Mush to all the Fathers at Wisbech, 20 November 1596, Westm V, n 87)

5 Mush's most usual area of work, at least until after the appointment of theArchpriest in 1598, seems to havebeen Yorkshire, whilstDudley usually laboured in Lancashire. Garnet therefore, in London or thereabouts, was nearer to Wisbech than either of them There is no record, however , that he was able to make any journey to the Castle after that of November 1593, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 12 November 1593, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651 , f 103).

*A letter dated 17 November 1595, said by the writer of the True Relation (p 61) to have been addressed by Garnet to Bagshaw, is quoted inpart in that work, and speaks of joy at the new reconciliation in somewhat flowery terms It was probably written in answerto this plea from Mush though not necessarilyto Bagshaw alone . Concerningthis letter, cf. also Bagshawto Garnet, 4 December 1595, No. XXV, note 1). No letter to Norden from Garnet has survived.

7 The accounts of Norden's later behaviour, as for instance in Fisher's Confessions , 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV, note 46, or in Weston's letter to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, do notbearoutMush'sestimate here of his character and intentions

8 Thomas Lister, S. J. was born in Lancashire in 1559, and entered the English College, Romein 1579, whereMush was one of his fellow students Heleft to join the Society in 1583, (cf. Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37 , p. 15). He studied and taught at the Jesuit Universityof Pont-a-Mousson , taking the degree of Doctor of Theology in 1592. (Foley, Records IV, p 271) In 1594 he suffered a breakdown in health, and fears were entertained for his sanity. He was accordingly sentover to England to recoverandarrived in 1595 , (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 6 November 1595, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, f 130)

Though his health improved his presence was a source of anxiety , and some time between August and October 1596 , Garnet sent him back overseas, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 22 October 1596 , Ibid, f. 151). Lister, however, soon returned to England, without permission, (Same to same, 11 February 1597 , Ibid f 153), and may fora time have lived with Fr. Oldcorne, S.j. in the Worcestershire district His dismissal from the Society was seriously in question late in 1597 , (cf. Aquaviva to Garnet, 25 October 1597 , A.R.S.J. Fland Belg I.II p. 656), for his behaviour during this year evidently gave cause for anxiety, by some dealings which he seems to have had with members of Bagshaw's party, though no details are available, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 7 May 1597, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 27 ; Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1597 , No. XXXV, note 65) Later he was much hated by the Appellant party for a treatise entitled Adversus Factiosos in Ecclesia, (Inner Temple, Petyt MSS. 538, Vol. 47, ff. 86-90, printed in part by T. G. Law, as Appendix D to his edition ofthe True Relation, pp 143-5) He spent much oftherest of his life workingin England, and died between 1626 and 1628, (Foley, Records VII, p. 462)

⁹About five words after "Mrs" are carefully scored out, and cannot be deciphered. No name identifies the first lady mentioned.

10 i.e. Richard Dudley, and John Mush, who often transposedthe order of his initials, as did others at this period, as an elementary disguise.

No. XXIII.

BAGSHAW

TO

GARNET.

8 November [1595]

Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 9. Holograph Printed in full in Tierney-Dodd III, p cxvi Excerpts printed by Persons , in an English version, in Briefe Apologie, ff 78v-79 .

Introductory Note to No. XXIII This congratulatory letter to Garnet is important, like that of Mush and Dudley of the same date, (No. XXII), because of the false accounts of this arbitration later appearing in some Appellant writings The course of the disputesat Wisbechin 1595 , as shown in other documents printed in this present volume, makes the settlement reached rather puzzling On this point, and on the wider issues probably involved, cf. The Pacification, [6] November 1595, No. XXI, Introductory Note. As thesecond endorsementindicates, thispresentletterwasforwarded to Persons in Rome, where its survival must later have been a source of embarrassmentto its author, (see Note 4 below).

I H S

Vidi fratrum meorum ad te (Reverende Pater) scriptas literas, 1 plenas gratijs, gratulationibus , gaudiis Nec ideo minus meas , sed vel multo magis, dixi necessarias. Victoriae siquidem temporalis nuncius animantiDavidi bonus erat, quia solus, in qua unus vincit, sed alius vincitur : victoriae vero spiritualis nuncius si solus nunquam bonus, quia quisquepropterea vincit, quia etiam vincitur. Bellum apud nos finitum est, pax stabilita. Ijs quistatum nostrum intellecturi ad nos mittuntur2 iam pridem respondimus, Ite et renunciate quae audistis et vidistis Gratulortibi preces pro nobis effusas, literas solicitudinis , sinceritatis , charitatis plenas , nuncios fideles, longeque (non dubito) nobis, et vel eo nomine Paternitati tuae futuros charissimos.3 Gratulortibi Edmundum nostrum, qui in hoc negotio componendo, et obedienter erga te, et amanter erga fratres, et proptereos quiforis sunt, prudenter se gessit. Confirma hoc Deus quod operatus es in nobis Tuae partes primae fuerunt, sint secundae , sint tertiae, sint omnes. Charitatem inchoatam quam laetiexcipimus, charitatem indiesmagismagisqueaugescentem postulabimus enixe, praestabimus (spero) ingenue. Me in hanc spem inducit sanctorum omnium festivitas Quibus vel ideo res nostras curaeet cordi essemagis persuasumhabeo, quod in illorum celebritatem adventus ad nos tuus multo charissimus, et post biennium decursum litterarum tuarum effectus,5 supra quam dici potest optatissimus, inciderit. Illorum meritis demississimepeto, per mutuas nostras preces nostrae commendentur Vale desideratissimefrater, et mein eorumnumero pone, qui tecum coniunctissime Dei (si is dederit) gloriam promovebunt Salutant te omnesfratres

No. XXIII. THE WISBECH STIRS 153

nostri. In octava omnium sanctorum [1595. Added in another hand].

Tuus in veritate, C. B.

Endorsed (1) by Garnet : D. Bagshawes letter to me after the union at Wisbich. (2) by Persons : literae D. Bagshai ad p. Garnetum de unione Visbicensi 9 (sic) novem, 1595 .

Translation

BAGSHAW TO GARNET.

8 November [1595].

[The portions in italics are quoted in Briefe Apologie, f. 78v.]

I have seene the letters of my brethren unto you¹ (Reverend Father) full of thanks, gratulations, ioy, nor do I think mine lesse needfull , for that they have written, but rather more . The messenger bearing news of temporal victory for David's comfort had good news , if alone [II Kings 18, 25], as in such victory one conquers , and the other is vanquished ; but the messenger of spiritual victory, if alone, never bears goodnews, because herewhoever conquersisalso vanquished. War between us is at an end, and peace established To those who are sent backto take cognizanceofour situation²we reply: Go and report what you have seen and heard . I do congratulate unto you, the prayers which you have made for us, your letters full of sollicitude, sinceritie and charitie, trusty messengers, long to be held most dear (I doubtnot) by us, and on that account , by your Paternity.3 I do congratulate unto you our F. Edmund, who is composing this busines hath behaved himself both obediently towardsyou, and lovingly towardshis brethren, and prudently towards them that lived abroad . Do Thou, O Lord, confirm what Thou hast wroughtin us. You played the principal part ; let it be you to play the second, the third, and allthe rest. We have gladlytaken up the charity now revived, we will strenuously require that that charity day be day increasemore and more, and I hope that this we will liberally perform. The feast of All Saints fosters this hope in me I become the more convinced that the Saints have a love and care for us in this, that there should fall about their festival, both your approach to us, so very much welcome, and the effect ofyour letters after the passage of two years,5 exceedingour desires in a manner beyond all possibleexpression By their meritsand by our prayers for one another I beg most humbly that our desire may be commended. Farewell, brother so very much longed for, and put me among the number of thosewho will promote withyou , in the closest union, the glory of God, if He should give us that grace. All our brethren salute you. On the Octave ofAll Saints. [1595].

In truth, Yours

C. B.

NOTES

1 The letters referred to are those to Garnet of Mush and Dudley, and of the 18 Priests, both dated 8 November 1595, (Nos XXII and XXIV).

2This vaguesentence is probably a referenceto outside visitors, other than the two arbiters

3 This praise of Garnet for his letters and solicitude echoes that voiced by Mush in his letter (No. XXII), and like that of Mush is quitecontraryto what was said about Garnet six years later in the tracts Declaration Motuum, pp 18-20, and the True Relation, pp 54-58 Concerning the origins of the later versions, cf. Mush and Dudley to Garnet , 8 November 1595 , No. XXII, note 1. Bagshaw repeated his praise a month later , (cf. Bagshaw to Garnet, 4 December 1595 , No. XXV, note 2) .

4 Bagshaw could hardly have put on record a more comprehensiverecommendation of Weston's behaviour at this time. On this point Persons wrote, after his words about Mush's letter to Garnet, (cf. Mush's letter, ut supra, note 1) : "M. Bagshaw also contradicteth himselfe notoriously in his letter [i.e. of 8 November] for if it be true that he writeth a little before of F. Edmund [Weston] that he behavedhimself so wel in making of this peace ; with whattrueth or modestie can he tell all the world now in print, that Father Edmund was so unwilling to doe it, that he sayd he would rathercast himselfe down from the Castlewals, and that he was so astonishedby the very treatie [i.e. discussion ] therof , as he was mute , and beside himselfe . . " (Briefe Apologie, f 80) As shown in the translation to this letter, Persons quoted three extracts fromit. Persons' referenceis to the account given in Declaratio Motuum, pp 18-20 , which, in thatwork, is worse than Persons' paraphraseabove Though Declaratio Motuum, of 1601, anostensiblyanonymouswork, has usually been attributed toMush, probably from the inclusion at its close of a letter signed by him , Persons himself was of the opinion that the work was written "by the proper pen of the chiefe authors of all these broyles" [at Wisbech]. In the margin is the brief note "D.B." , i.e. Dr. Bagshaw. (Briefe Apologie, f. 63v). It is probable that they bothhad a hand in its composition

5 This is a reference to Garnet's visit to the Castle in November 1593, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 November 1593, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651 , f. 103, and True Relation, p 61) Bagshaw's Latin is here somewhat obscure , and must be taken in the metaphorical sense of Garnet's approach to them by letter and through Mush and Dudley, for there is no evidence that he paid a visit to Wisbech in person at this time Garnet himself, inhisreport ofthese events, mentionsno suchthing, (cf. GarnettoAquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI), nor does any later account emanating from either side.

No. XXIV.

18 PRIESTS TO GARNET. 8 November [1595].

Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 8. 18 original signatures ; letter in a hand resembling that of John Green Anothercopy in A.R.S.J. Anglia 30.II.f.344 .

Introductory Note to No. XXIV. This is the third congratulatory letter sent to Garnet after the Pacification at Wisbech It is signed bythe same eighteen priests who had written to him in February 1595 of theirplan to procure some measure oforder amongthemselves , (cf. 18 Prieststo Garnet, [7 February 1595], No. 1).

Quod nunc attinet Reverende Pater, quae retro sane omnia libentissimis animis obliviscere et quidem remittentes invicem ex cordibus nostris, ad ea quae sunt priora extendemus nosmetipsos.¹ Nam qui paulo ante sedebamus super flumina Babylonis tristes, et organa nostra suspendentes , et amicis nostris compellantibus, Hymnum cantate, nobis de canticis Sion, respondentes : quomodo cantabimus canticum Domini in terra aliena, in tempore alieno , et maxime omnium in causa alienissima: nunc dicimus uno ore , Cantemus Domino in Cymbalis bene sonantibus, gloriose enim magnificatus est, equum et ascensorem , hoc est nolumus et volumus , proiecit in mare Hodierno quidem die per Octavas omnium Sanctorum , illuminante Deo vultum suum super nos, ut qui effuderit super nos spiritum suum abunde, partim freti sanctorum precibus, partim tracti amicorum sermonibus, ijsdem articulis in digito dei subscripsimus omnes tanquam vir unus :3 tanto complexu in corporum (flexis genibus ad invicem in spiritu humilitatis) et tanta coniunctione animorum, ut sit mirabile in oculis nostris, nisi quod haec fuerit mutatio dexterae excelsi Quid vis Venerande Pater ? verba quae emisimus fuerunt ignita in charitate super aurum obrizum, et quae profari non potuimus lachrymis impediti, fuerunt dulciora forte super mel et favum Nullius oculi pupilla tacebat, sed eloquentia cuiusque cordis erumpebat per lachrymas, et profecto lachrymavimus omnes multo dulcius quam alij rident, pro aliquod temporis spatium.4 Absit ergo ut tanta charitas non sit radicata in fide, id est, in dictorum et factorum constantia Compensabitur damnum, ut speramus , quod emersit ex recenti tristitia, proinde laetentur nobiscum omnes domestici fidei, et non supergaudeant inimici nostri, qui dum paulo commoverentur pedes nostri, super nos magna locuti sunt. Scandalum quale fuit, generavit disciplina et separatio a mensa, concepit unitatem . et perturbatisordinibus, enixa est tandem discordia pacem, 5 illam dicimus pacem , quae exuperat omnem sensum, et quae custodiet in posterum intelligentias nostras Multum debemus venerandis

istisfratribus, qui venerunt ad nos primo cum lenta spe, sed postea supervenerunt cum fructu, et applausu.6 Dividebantrem acute, quo ad veteres articulos : componebant eleganter, quo ad novos: haerebant semper in causa, pro disciplina efficaci, quibus insuper sireverentia vestra velit nostro nomine regratiari , fortassisauctiorem facies unius cuiusque nostrum benevolentiam.7 Tibi Reverende Pater pro Edmundo tuo, quas meritas es gratias satis dignas agere, non possumus, nam quem dedisti nobis Patrem, praebuit seipsum et matrem amantissimam, et quidem nutricem foventem, nos in sino suo , amicum vero tam erga omnes mitem et mansuetum et omni fide et acceptione dignum, et memoriam eius apud nos excipiant omnes anni consequentes.8 Vale Pater colendissime , et si quid erratum est in amore nostro, pro tua indicibili humanitate ignosce , et deum pro nobis precareassidue, ut in pari iure boni aemulatores simus, et charitatis cum disciplina, et disciplinae cum charitate. Nullius rei conscij sumus, sed non in hoc iustificati sumus , deusest qui iustificat, quis est qui condemnat ? 6° Idus Novemb. [1595 . In another hand].

Reverentiae Vestrae studiosissimi patres

Aegidius Archerus

Rudolphus Bickleus

Johannes Greenus

Wilelmus Parreus

P. Stranguiseus

Christophorus Drilandus

Thomas Haburleus

Ludovicus Barlous

Robertus Nutterus

Alexander Gerardus

Roberte Wodruffe

Gulielmus Chadocus

Tho Bramstonus

Leonardius Hidus

Cristoferus Sothwerthus

Edmundus Bradocus

Jacobus Powellus

Joannes Boltonus

Endorsed: (1) A generall letter of the good at Wisb[ech] of their union . [Garnet].

(2) De unionefacta in CastroVisbicensiinter sacerdotes concaptivos, gratiarum actio ad P. Henricum Garnetum 8 novemb 1595. est 18 sacerdotum haec epistola 1595. [Persons]

No address extant

Translation

18 PRIESTS TO GARNET.

. 8 November [1595].

[The phrase in italics is quoted in Briefe Apologie, f 78v.]

There is one concern for us all at this present time, Reverend Father, and it is, that putting the things which have happenedwell behind us, with most willing minds and forgiving one another with our hearts , we give ourselves over wholly to our formerinterests.¹ A short time ago we were sittingin sadness by therivers of Babylon with harps hung up When our friends urged us to sing, with a request, "Sing us a song from the songs of Sion" , our only answer could be, "How shall we sing a song of the Lord in a strange land , at a strange time, and amidst the strangest of happenings" . But nowdo we all exclaim "Let us praise the Lord with highsounding cymbals for He is gloriously magnified Horse and rider, that is, 'we will' and 'we won't' has He thrown into the sea" . This day , the Octave of All Saints, 2 with God's face shining upon us as if pouring upon us His Spirit in abundance, relying in part on the prayers of His Saints, and drawn in part by the words ofour friends , we have all, as one man , 3 signed the articles drawn with God's finger. So great has been the union amongst us, of bodies , on bendedknee to one another in token of humility, and of souls, that it is wonderful in our eyes, and not to be accounted for but as a change wrought by the right hand ofGod .

What more wouldyou have , Venerable Father ? Thewords we utteredwere refined in the furnace of charity above pure gold, and sweeter than honey or the honeycomb, had to struggle for their way through our tears ; the apple of the eye in none could hide its witness, but expressed in tears the feelingsof each heart Truly our tears gave greater joy than men derive from laughterandfor a considerabletime. God forbid that charity so great should not berooted in faith, in firm standing by word and by deed The loss issuing from our recent distress, we may hope will be made good. Now can all of the household of the faith rejoice with us No longer may our enemies exult over us, who had so much to say about the way we were going This scandal (such as it was) hath engendered discipline, and our separationfrom the table, hathconceived unitie of hearts, and discord by troubling of all orders, hath brought foorth at length peace, the peace which we speak of as surpassing understanding, and which for time to come will set a guard over our minds. We owe much to the verenable brethren who first came to us with sluggishhope, but who afterwards came back again to gather fruit amidst general approbation They divided up the matter clear-sightedly. For the old articles they devised an admirable solution. In drawing up the new articles, theyever kept the main

object in view, which was to procure effective discipline. If your Reverenceweretoo to thankthem yet again in our name, youwould perhaps add to their benevolence towards us.? As for your Father Edmund , we can never on his account give you thanks enoughto meet your deserts, for he whom yougave to us as a Father, has also shown himselfas having all the qualities of a most lovingmother , ofa mother nursing and cherishing us to her bosom He has also been a friend to us all, gentle and meek, worthy of complete trust and esteem , whose memory we will take with us through all the years to come . Farewell, very dear Father, and ifthere has been any lapsefrom the love we bearyou, do youforgive it in yourkindness passingdescription Doyou also pray God for us constantly, that duly bound on our side, we may vie with you in combining charity with discipline, and discipline with charity We are not guilty in conscience of anything, but we are not herein justified, but he that judgethus is theLord, and who is he that shall condemn us? 8 November [1595].

Your Reverence's most zealous brethren , 18 signatures

NOTES

1 A general description of their "former interests" is given by Persons when describingthe state of affairs beforethe death of ThomasMetham in June 1592 ... "they led a collegial and heavenly kinde of life, both for inward vertue and external edification, then prayer was frequent andearnest, their studywas continual, meditation of the Holy Scriptures and other exercises appertayning to vertue, they lived in common both for their diet and distributionof almes that were sent unto them, they were present dayly at publique and private Litanies , etc." (Briefe Apologie , f. 65) It was an over-idealised picture, which details soon following in the same chapter corrected. However, it seems to have represented the idea which those outside the Castle had earlier had of the prisoners there, for undoubtedly the great esteem in which they had been held as a group, accounted for much of the sorrow which the stirs had caused outside, (cf. J. Palmer to Bagshaw , 1 August 1595, No. XI , note 2)

2Concerning the actual date of the pacification , cf. The Pacification, [6] November 1595, No. XXI, note 1

3 Behind thesewords lay much heart-burning among the Twentyabout the agreement, and the success achievedmust have been in great measure due to Weston's persistence . Weston himself later described the devastating physical effect which the proposal to join together again with Bagshaw's party wrought upon the priest WilliamChaddock , (cf. Weston toAquaviva, 27March 1598 , No. XXXVII) John Greenlater felt hehad been persuaded against his better judgment, (cf. Ibid. Note 10). One reason for the failureofMush'sFirstArticles of26 September(No. XVII), was theTwenty's fear of being overreached by some deceit, and their reluctance to be too easilydeprived ofthe measure ofpeace which they hadenjoyedinseparation from Bagshaw'sparty, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI).

4See also Mush's description of this emotional scene of reconciliation, (cf. Mush and Dudley to Garnet, 8 November 1595, No. XXII, note 4).

5 The words "Scandalumquale ... discordiapacem" were quoted by Persons inan English version (italicised in the translation of this presentdocument). He commented: "And that the better sort meant plainely and sincerely and from their very hearts, appeareth by a very spirituall letter of theirs written to F. Garnet with the 18 hands , beforementioned, subscribed unto it, the very same day that the peace was made . . ' (Briefe Apologie f 78v).

6 This is a reference to the two visits of Mush and Dudley, thefirstofwhich endedwith the First Articles of 26 September (No. XVII), and the second after their conferences with Garnet in London, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI).

7 Though it is very probable that Garnet replied to Mush and Dudley's congratulatory letter, no record of such reply survives.

8 See alsoBagshaw'spraiseof Weston for his part in these events , (Bagshaw to Garnet, 8 November 1595 , No. XXIII, note 4).

No. XXV.

BAGSHAW TO GARNET.

StonyhurstAnglia II, n. 11. Holograph

4 December [1595].

Introductory Note to No. XXV. As has already been mentioned, it seems likely that the real reason which brought Bagshaw's party to agree to the pacification at Wisbech in November 1595, must be sought in some events outside the prison, with which they were concerned , (cf. The Pacification, [6] November 1595, No. XXI, Introductory Note ; also Bagshaw to Garnet, 8 November 1595 , No. XXIII, Ibid). This second congratulatory letter from Bagshaw belongs to the brief period before new dissensions started, (see note 3 below), but it seems certain that at the very time it was written plans were being concertedbetweenhis party in England and Paget and Gifford's circle in Flanders, for the journey to England of the unruly students' envoy, Robert Fisher, who left Rome probably in early February 1596. (cf. Fisher's Confessions , 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV, notes 22 and 53). The earlier student envoy, Thomas Hatton, may also have been in England in December 1595, (Ibid Notes 8, 20)

Literas Paternitatis vestrae ad me inscriptas omnibus apud nos fratribus feci communes , ut pariter omnibus consolatio in domino essecommunis.¹ Ea vero quanta fuerit, tuae potius erit prudentiae conijcere, quam calami mei exarare. Si gaudet unum membrum congaudentreliqua In eo vero etiam nobis placemusmagis, quod dum sanctorum in caelis gloriam utrumque celebramus, sanctorum in terris spiritualem et exuberandam laetitiam palpamus quasi et sensibus usurpamus Laetati sumuspro diebus quibus per dissidia afflicti sumus, pro temporibus quibus vidimus mala Gratiasautem deo qui dedit magnam sollicitudunem pro nobis in corde tuo.2 Ea quantumin se est efficiet in posterum spero et maximis precibus contendo, ne sit inter nos quia fratres sumus, partium vestigium ullum, dissensionis suspicio minima , adque adeo ne umbra quidem contentionis . Hoc opinio de te (CharissimePater) concepta, hoc vestrae religionis dignitas, hoc causa religionis communis flagitabit. Me si utere ut tuae existimationis cupientissimo, intelliges quam optatissimum mihi facies. Decemb[er] 4 [1595. Added in another hand]. Me vestris precibus humillime commendo.

Reverentia Vestra studiosissimus

Christopher] B[agshaw]

No address extant

Endorsed (1) by Garnet : D. Bagshawes letters to me in answer of my congratulation for the union (2) by Persons : Literae D. Bagshai ad patrem Henricum de unione Visbicensi4 decemb 1595 (3) by C. Grene: Suprascriptae 3 lineae [i.e. endorsement n. 1] enaratae sunt a B. P. H. Garnetto M[artyr] 161

Translation

BAGSHAW TO GARNET.

4 December [1595].

I have communicated to all the brethren here with us your Paternity'sletter written to me, so that the consolation in the Lord, whichit afforded, might be common to allalike. It will be rather for you, in your prudence, to imagine, than for me with my pen to describehow great this was If one member rejoices, the other members share the joy. It was a further source ofjoy to us that whilst we celebrated the glory of the saints in heaven, we touched (asitwere) and possessed withour sensesthe spiritualandabounding joy of the saints on earth. The days when we were afflicted by dissension , the times when we gazed upon evils, have turned toour joy. Thanks be to God, then, Who gave this great sollicitudeon our behalf in your heart.2 I hope and strive with most earnest prayer that such care may still be exerted to the utmost through the days to come, so that there be not left among us, for we are brethren, the least trace of division, the smallest suspicion of dissension , and not even a shadow of strife.3 The opinion of you which we have formed, most dear Father, the respect due to your order, the cause of our common religion, all these will impel us stronglyto thedesiredresult Youwill understand whatverygreat satisfaction you will give me, ifyou make use of my service, as of onemost desirousofyouresteem. December4 [1595]. I commend myself most humbly to your prayers. Most devoted to your Reverence , Christopher] B[agshaw]

NOTES

1 Garnet's letter here in question was probably that from which some lines arequoted in the True Relation, p 61, dated 17 November 1595 , and which was probably writtenin response to Mush's request, (cf. Mush and Dudley to Garnet, 8 November 1595, No. XXII, note 6) The original letter has not survived . In the True Relation the use made of Garnet's congratulations on thenewlymadepeace provides an interesting insight into the aims of the writers. The "consolation in the Lord" , of which Bagshawspeaks in this present letter, is ignored, and Garnet's words are quoted, together with some lines from a letter written to Wisbech after his visit there in November 1593, in order to hold Garnet up to contempt as a "divelish Politician" transformed into "an angell of light" , for using fair deceiving words !

2 See also Bagshaw'spraise of Garnet in his letter a month earlier, (cf. No. XXIII, note 3).

3Dissensions seem to have begun again, however, within a veryshort time. According to Weston it was hardly a month after the pacification that "new_suspicions" arose, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva , 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 23) The second arbiter, Richard Dudley, addressed an eloquent appeal to Bagshaw, his friend since their student days at the English College in Rome, to preservethe newly made peace, to defer to Weston, even if he thought him wrong, and to treat certain other members ofthe Twentywell The occasion for this exhortation seems to have been Bagshaw'svehementpartisanship of some friend at Wisbechwhom hetook to havebeen injured in some way : .. . "it is no great credit for you me or my companion [i.e. Mush] yf the peace begune sholdfayle ... " Theletter is undated, but from references to the late breachmust belongto the period soon after the pacification, (cf. Dudley to Bagshaw, Westm. V, n. 32). It can be seen from other documentsprinted in this present volume , that by late 1596 new quarrels were already well established .

GARNET TO AQUAVIVA (Extract) 16 April 1596 .

A.R.S.J.Fondo Jesuitico 651, ff 143-146 Holograph 3 copies of a long abstract of the letter, which includes some portions from the original verbatim, but whichlacks any referencetothe part printed below, are in Stonyhurst Anglia II, n. 16,

A.R.S.J. Anglia 31.I. ff 129-132 , and Stonyhurst , Coll P. II, ff. 567-569. The last mentioned copy is in the hand of the 17th century copyist Christopher Grene, S.J.

Introductory Notes to No. XXVI The extract printed here, which comprises the final thirdof a long letter, gives information , nowhereelseavailable, about some of Mush's activities, and provides alsothe only contemporarynarrative of the second arbitrationat Wisbech in late 1595, carried out by Mush and Dudley Many individual points in the story receiveconfirmation fromother contemporarydocuments , (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw, 22 October 1595 , No.XIX, IntroductoryNote) Theearliersectionofthis letter containsmuchof interest about theworkofthe Jesuits inEngland, writtenonreceiptofsome information from Fr. Holt, S.J., in Flanders of charges being made against all English Jesuits. As the opening words of the extract here printed show, however , Garnet's knowledge of this campaign was as yet uncertain Much of what hewroteonthis occasion wasrepeatedlater in moredefinite form, in his letter to Aquaviva, 10 December1596, (cf. No. XXX, IntroductoryNote), and in his Reply to Fisher's Memorial, March 1598, No. XXXVI. References to the part of this present letter not printed here will be found in Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p. 122, note24, pp 130-133 , notes 40 &41. Theoriginal letter remained unknown in its entirety until very recently. An abstract , probably contemporary, has long been known (references at the head ofthis document), but it included none of the portion here printed.

Finem huic epistolae imponam, si prius Vestrae Paternitati aperiam, unde has accusationesexortas iudicem Si de Censorum quereliscerti aliquidaudivissem,planioremdaremnostri defensionem Coniecturis nunc solis agendum est, atque ex illis etiam ceritssima nostrae innocentiae argumenta depromenda. [f. 145v.] Egit Romae Sacerdos quidam non paucis mensibus , indequeAngliam versus haud ita multoante AlaniCardinalis obitum iter ingressusest.¹ Disseminavit ille in Anglicano Collegio Presbyteros Australes (ipse enim Septentrionalis erat) Jesuitas praesertim nulli adventanti e Seminarijs Presbiteros auxilium ullum praebere velle: seLondini solennes quasdam dies in diversorio sine Missa transegisse . Perterriti illo sermone quidam Presbiteri vix ausi sunt in Angliam remeare: sed ubi plane neminem hic invenerunt qui eos ope, consilio, pecuniae subsidio, victu ipso atque hospitio iuvarent praeterque nostros, admirati sunt hominis ingeniam, ³ 164

mihique hoc postea magna cum hilaritate ipsi narrarunt . Quod autem Londini statim receptus ille non sit, minime mirandum est, cumadeo observentur Catholicorum domus, utnon liceat eo introduci quemque nisi maxima cum cautela et deliberatione Accidit ut eodem plane die ingressi Urbem simus ego et ille ubi primum ad hospitium veni, antequam quemque Catholicum inviserem , adivi hominem officij atque amicitiae causa non potuieummecumducere, cum incertus adhuc ipse essem num aliqua me familia Catholica ea nocte reciperet. Vix duodecim passibus ab eo discesseram cum in familiarem Catholicum incidens illi Sacerdotem commendo, qui e vestigio hominem consequens viarum diversitate deceptus invenire non potuit. Post aliquot tamen dies in honorati Catholici domum exceptus humanissime est. Sed hunc quoque iam habemus ut supra diximus amicissimum, et Urbanaeilli factioni infensissimum:4 nam cum ad eum scripsissem Vestram Paternitatem de relinquendo illo nostratiumCollegio serio cogitare: meque omni diligentiaac labore contendere ut retineret , nec dubitare me quin Vestra Paternitas aliquando flectaretur modo constaret hanc esse aliorum Presbiterorum ac Catholicorum in Anglia voluntatem : rescripsit eadem quam nunc latine reddo [The original letter following is quoted from Westm V, n. 43:15 Good Sir this day I receyved yours, & the partiepassethaway with suche poste haist that Ican not write at large as I wishe wo is my harte for the hevy newes you write of the disordered & unfortunate companye, that undoe them selves, discredit our whole nation, & most shamefully hynder & harme the cause. Ourgood frend that died sence my departure thenceeverfeared this, " that after his deathe that house wouldbe overthrowne. [And in good sooth my selfe seing what was likely to faule out, I writt sincerely of all to our dearest frend Robert (whome I ever honored & loved next to whom that is deade) that by his wisdome & providence, thes & suche like mischeves might beprevented but he tooke my simple & sincere dealing in evyl parte, & I lost a deare frend . 18 you knowe what a doo we had to gett those good men to governe us , & what greate profitt our countrie haith reaped of that house since. Many tymes the devil haith laboured, as you knowe to overthrowe that building of God . At this tyme tho he rage, & haithe by thes disordered heades greatly shakentheframe, yett in no case must he be yealdenunto. bygods grace this is his last plunge he can make wherefore in no case you must write but to encourageClaud, 10 & his to stand firme , & in no sorte to fainte or be discomforted, or to yeald for a litle vexation or ingratitude God wyll repay them aboundantly. I nothingdoubt butall be wellshortlyafter this difficulty beovercome . Ifhe laboure to give yt over (so litle hope I have ofyt) & effect his desireI wishe yt were withall dissolved, for unless they be brought up in vertu& learnyng, & maid fitt for this course of our countrie [the place is otherwise so subiect to perversion & evill education,] they that come from thencewyll do more harme than good What

other mens affections ar orwyllshew them selves ytmuchemattereth not in this behaulfe. The cause is gods, & taken in hand for his sake, what nede Claud or any looke for more My deare Sir write effectuallythat he kepe yt styll, & condescend as muche as may be, that all may be redressed, & contynewe in quiet Ishall sound what men thinke & certifieyou according as I find. in the meane faile not you to write for gods sake how this breacheemong them reioceth the Enimye excedingly, & discomforteth all good folke more than any thing in theworld The causes of thes garboils, & the partakers ar to expect litle frendly interteynement at their returne. [for wisbitchnever lett them troublethem selves forany reportes or vaine speaches . 11 you wyll not beleve how we are quareled by some for our doyngs their who tho they be glad (as we thinke) that all is well againe, yett sorie ar they thatyt should be done by us two So emulous & evyll disposed many ar. but what remedy. referr all to god.] for gods sake pray for your assured frend, who wyll not forgett you god wylling. Jesu kepe you this 15 Martij commendme to Thomas12 & all. Yours M.J. Wharton. Ab hoc homine, ut dixi, fluxisse potuit istorum querela: sed si is qui a nobis aliquando alienatus fuit, ita amanter ad meita graviterde illis scribat : Videant quae fulguraaccepturi sint a tam multis alijs viris optimis ac gravissimis, nobissemperconiunctissimis, si plurimorum suffragijs causa nostra dijudicanda sit . 13

Altera potuit esse origo huius nostrae reprehensionis, dissidium Wisbicense: de quo iamdudum14 suspicatus nescio quid, Vestram Paternitatem praemondendam censui Nam cum in eo carcereob quotidianos tumultus, rixas et contentiones ac scandala optimos quosquetaederet communis vitae : exemploin DeiEcclesia eiusque varijs congregationibus nostra aetate usitatissimo, ut etiam S. Fulgentium in illo celebri Africanorum Praesulum ac clericorum exilio una cum alijs viris sanctissimis [f. 146.] legimus factitasse, in sodalitium quoddam peculiare certis legibus stabilitum ad viginti coierunt. In his quoniam P. Gulielmus Westonus magna vir sanctitate annumeratus est dici vix potest quam vehementer in nostram Societatem exacerbati sint alij duodecim tot enim initio fuerant, donec Londino ad illum carcerem delatus alius Presbyter tertiumdecimum numerum complevit . 15 Post multas contentiones, et per universum regnum dissipatos rumores falsos , D. Joannem Mutium de quo antea mentionem feci per nuncium rogavi, ut eo se conferret, utriusque partisrationes ponderaret, et quod facto opus eststatueret . 16 Profecit illesane in ipsoprimo congressu nonparum. nam cum tresdecim illi nullumantea ordinem admittere voluissent, idque semper inculcassent, Collegialem se vitam ducere nolle aut rursum fieri pueros nequetamen a suis querelis clamoribus desistere velle prius quam ad tumultuarumillud vitaegenus redirent omnes : id tandem effecerunt quod solum melior pars semper desiderarat , ut illi etiam certis quibusdam statutis a se excogitatis vivere decernerent , 17 quibus si alij consentirent, et iuxta eorum normam ,

communem secum vitam ducere vellent, omnis tolleretur discordia. Verum cum ea statuta non probarentur ab alijs viginti,18 fraudem nimirum suspicantibus, nec quietem illam dulcissimam qua adhuc separati cum omnium Catholicorum aedificatione fruebantur sibi aequoanimo auferri patientibus : ad me venitur, mea ut autoritate regulae illae, ac P. Gulielmi opera omnibus obtruderentur:19 Negavi me illis qui mei iuris non essent regulas ullas praescribere aut velle aut posse De Patre Gulielmo, nolle me ullis precibus aut rationibus adduci, quin maiorem ac longe meliorem partem libere sequi posset ; adeoque velle me ut eandem sequeretur Rogavi tamen eundem D. Joannem cum socio etiam Presbitero cuius praecipue opera dimidium facti obtinueramus, ut vel ipsum regularum nomen admitterent; ut ad castrum redirent: qui huc usque profecerant haud dubium quin cetera etiam omnia assequerentur . Scripsietiam per illos serio adviginti illosPresbiteros et ad P. Gulielmum seorsim: ad alium etiam qui primus inter tredecim habebatur :20 ut quoniam in regulas aliquas iam omnes conspirabant, adeas communi consilioscribendassedulo incumberent: id nisi pro voto perfici posset, me nunquam autorem fore , ut ob quorundam non modestissimorum hominum importunos clamores , gravissimorum ac pijssimorum hominum pulcherrimus ordo paxque suavissimaperturbaretur . 21 Effectum deniqueest quodoptabamus: et pax illa consecuta , qua etiamnum fruuntur. Ego tamen interim comminatorias accipio literas : nisi iubeam pro potestate P. Gulielmum et se et suos omnes ipsis in mensa ut antea se adiungere (o dignam Christi Confessoribus querelam, de comessationibuset compotationibus , cum tamen alijs in rebus viginti illi cum illis familiariter versarentur, fuissentque primum ab illis indignissime a communis refectorij usu exclusi)22 nisi hoc inquam iubeam ; aliam se aggressuros viam, mihi ipsi imputarem , si me postea valde paeniteret . 23 Missi insuper sunt ad me certi articuli partim contra P. Gulielmum, partim contra alios ibi Presbiteros, illis ego imperare debebam responsiones , sub gravissimae interminatione censurae . 24 tam haeccine sit via, aut haec paenitentia quam comminabantur , plane nescio fieri certe potest, ut antequam illae lites component, nostri hic tresdecim, ad commilitones suos quorum isthic censurae totusmundus subijcitur tota hac decontroversia scripserint, iamque sedata contentione nuncios suos revocare aut non potuerunt, aut non volueruntsed nihil refert. neque enim illam velim resuscitari discordiam, et pudet articulos illos futiles recitare Contra P. Gulielmum id unum erat, ut scripto suo ostenderet a quibus, quo tempore, per quos nuncios, quantum pecuniae pro se vel pro universis suis concaptivis accepisset ut nimirum constare posset, cum eius intuitu multi eleemosynas misissent, et ipse ex privatis eleemosynis quae ipsi uni mittebantur non mediocres summas in illos ipsos concaptivos distribuisset (neque enim solicitus est in crastinum, ut alij) num fideliter se in pecunijsdistribuendis gessisset Visa est haecquaestio omnibus Catholicis ridicula , indigna, insolita,

.

atque exCecilij ac Topcliffiofficina profecta cumhocfuissetcontra ipsorum expressam voluntatem benefactores prodere.25 Rescripsi itaque ad haec et alia multa curaturam me ut P. Gulielmus nihil quod religiosum minime deceret, impune faceret . 26 Verum mihi et alijs probatam esse satis illius integritatem ac fidem : et plurium, omnique exceptione maiorum testimonio confirmatam, quam ipsi essent nullam me causam videre, cur ipsi adeo vehementer illi litem intenderent, cum ipsi nullis regulis aut legum indicijs subdi vellent

Ante hoc autem tempus ex eo numero quidam divulgaverata quodam viro Catholico certam pecuniae summam ispis donatam , a quodam ex nostris ad alios usus fuisse applicatam. quod cum diligenter examinassem , deprehendi meram esse calumniam , hominique per literas id significavi. 27 Haec sunt quae ego de horum hominum querelisconijcerepotui: sed Vestram Paternitatem obnixe rogo, ne unquam proferantur in lucem nisi id iusta nostra purgatio requirat Nollem enim ego aut praesentem nostram quietem interturbare, aut alienis recensendis criminibus odiosus fieri Spero nostros illos adolescentulospaci nostrae invidere , aut rem iam antea iudicatam ad sua tribunaliarevocare nolle. Miseret me sane illorum, sed magis Ecclesiae Anglicanae, quae homines exceptura est superbos , factiosos, ambitiosos, e caeno haereticorum nuper emersos, et quod peius est per singulos Academicos gradus iuratos haereticos , nonnunquam etiam Ministros quos extra omnem Ecclesiasticam disciplinam vagantes, Pastorum atque Apostolorum suorum loco venerentur 28 nam qui in tali schola contra parentes ac moderatoressuos recalcitrant , et suis clamoribusatque insolentijs orbem terrarum complent : quid huc obsecro opportent boni? Utinam abscindantur qui domum illam perturbant iam fere decimam sustinetis seditionem. ne multae ex illis a nimia indulgentia processerit, videte Notentur perpetua ignominia, qui discordiasseminant, nutriuntur : ita liberieritis a fermento Ceciliano cui omnino attendendum est, 29 ne per modicasdispersum particulas integras massas corrumpat Interim tamen Vestra Paternitas nos filios suos, illamque domum tot nutricem martyrum ne unquam propter istos paucorum insolentium hominum tumultusdeferat , sed ut hactenus fecit, amet semper ac foveat. Vestrae Paternitatis precibus ac sanctissimis Sacrificijs nos omnes suppliciter commendamus. Londini 16° Aprilis 1596. Reverendae Paternitatis Vestrae indignus in Christo filius

H. G.

Addressed :Al moltomagnifico Signoreil SignoreClaudioAquaviva

Signore ossimo a Roma

Vinegia

Endorsed : Londini 96. P. Henricus 16 Aprilis

Translation

GARNET TO AQUAVIVA

. Extract. 16 April 1596 .

If only I could once reveal to your Paternity whence I consider these accusations to have arisen, I would bring this letter to an end, and had I heard anything certain concerning the complaints of the critics , I would give a more explicit defence of Ours . Itis at present, however, a matter of conjecture only, and yet even from this sure proofs of our innocencecan be adduced.

Manymonths ago a certain priest had business at Rome , and he set out thence on his returnjourneyto England not long beforethe death of Cardinal Allen.¹ Whilst there, this priest spread in the English College , a report that the priests of Southern England (he himself being a Northerner), and especially the Jesuits, would give no help to priests arriving from the seminaries ;2 he also said that in passage through London he had had to spend several days in an inn without facilities for Mass, and at a solemn season. Dismayed by this news, some priests, due to leave the College , could hardly summon up the courageto set out on their journeyhome to England. But when on arrival, they found no one at all but Ours ready to afford help, advice, money for their needs, clothing even and shelter , they wondered what manner of man this priest could be who made this report, 3 as they themselves told me later, with no small amusement. As for his complaint that hospitality on that occasionwas not readilyforthcoming in London , there is here not the slightest cause for wonder So closely are the houses of Catholics watched, that it is out of the question to introduce anyone into them without greatest precaution and considerable thought. It, in fact, so happened, that I and this priest came into London togetheron the very same day. When I came to an inn at which to halt and before I had visiteda single Catholic, I went out topay a call on a man for business and out of friendship. I could not take this priest with me, for I did not myself yet know whether a Catholic family would befound willingto shelter mefor that night. Hardly had I gone twelve paces on leaving this priest than I came upon a good friend, a Catholic. I recommendedthispriestto him , and straightwayhe went after him, but lost track ofhim, somehow missing him in the maze of streets. However, after a few days he was entertained, with the greatest kindness, in the house ofa Catholic of standing. But now we have in him too, one who is disposed to be most friendly to us, and one who is utterly opposed to that factionwhichyou have in Rome. He gave proof of this for when I wrote to him saying that your Paternity was seriously contemplating withdrawing from our English College there, he urged me to use all diligence and spare no effort that you retain the charge of it, refusing to believe that your Paternitywouldnot

be turnedfrom your intention, if only you were assuredthat such was the earnest desire of all the priests and laity in England. I give here a translation into Latin of what he had to say.

[The original English letter is includedin the Latintext above , where references to Notes 5-12 will also be found]. It may well have been then, that from this priest, as I have said , was derived that grievance current among malcontents in Rome, but thoughhe is a person who once thought so poorlyof us, he can now write to me in terms so friendly and so sober as these: "Let them have regard to the thunderbolts which will fall upon them from such a multitude of other Catholics, men ofthe highest virtue and consideration, ever joined with us in the closest of unions, if this suit should be carried for settlement to judgment by the majority. "13

There is also another possible cause for this blame of us which goes about, and this is the stir at Wisbech About this I thought some time ago14 that I ought to warn Your Paternity that I had apprehensions , whichwere difficult to define. In that prison, you may remember, some very good priests grew weary of the kind of life theyhad to lead in common, owing tothedaily brawls, quarrels, disputes, and scandals . Accordingly , twenty of these men got together to form an association apart, organised under certain regulations This they did, drawn by precedent in the Church of God, seen in the many and varied forms of association so very common in our day, as also by what St. Fulgentius did at the time of that famous exile of many African bishops and priests in the association which he with many other holy men set up, provided with most holy rules. As FatherWilliam Weston, a man of great holiness, was among the number of these men, our Society was assailed with a violence almost impossible to describe by the remaining twelvepriests Suchwas their number at the beginning , until another priest was brought from London to that prison to bring the number up to thirteen . 15 After much further strife and the spread of many false reports throughout the whole kingdom , bymeansof a messenger I begged Mr. John Mush, the priestabout whom I have been speaking above, to go thither, hear what each side had to say, and make what settlement he thought good to meet the situation . 16 At his first meetings he certainly accomplished a good deal For whereas the thirteen had always taken the line that they did not want any form of collegiate life or any return to a regime suited to schoolboys, and had required before they would give up their noisy agitation, that the others resume their former manner of life, in common, with all its disturbances, they now wentsofar as to concede the point whichthevery good priests had always striven for as their only objective, that they as well would agree to live by some fixed body of rules, which should be drawn up anew with their co-operation . 17 If their companions would agree to these rules, and were willing to join in a common

life regulated by them, then all cause for disunion might beremoved

But when the newly drafted regulations could not win approval from the other twenty, 18 who were very afraid of being overreached by some deceit, and who were loath to suffer themselves too easily to be deprived of the most precious peace, which they had enjoyed in separation, to the edification of all the Catholics, recoursewas had to me to get me to use my authority and the help of Father Weston, to overcome any resistance to the acceptance of the regulations, as they stood, by all . 19 I rejected out of hand any idea that I could have the wish or the power to prescribe rules of any kind to these priests, as men wholly outside any authority held by me As for Father Weston, I could not allow myselfto be moved by any entreaty or argument to restrict his freedom to follow the larger, as well as better party among the prisoners; rather must my wishbethat heshould followthis party.

So again I begged this same priest, Mr. John, withhis companion in the work, another priest, by whose means, chiefly, halfthe task had been done, thattheyshould themselvessponsortherulesintheir name, and that they should return to the Castle As they had been so successful hitherto, there was every ground for hope that they could carry the resolutions through to a happy conclusion. Through these two, I sent a carefully thought out letter to the twenty priests, and another separately to Fr. Weston I also wrote to another priest, who is regardedas theleaderamong the thirteen . 20 I pointed out that as they had all already accepted in principle that some rules should be made, they should all, taking counsel together, apply themselves earnestly to the task of getting them set down in writing I assured them, too, that should they not succeed to their own general satisfaction , I would never be a party to anyintrusionupon the whollyadmirable order and most pleasant peace established by those, whom I regarded as of highest worth and virtue, on account of any importunate objections raised by a few other men , whom none could hold notable for their modesty. 21 What we sought to bring about was achieved and the peace was established, which we still enjoy Meanwhile I had received a threatening letter to the effect, that unless, invokingmy authority, I ordered Fr. William to secure that he and his followers returned to share, as before, the common board (O what sort of a wrangle is this to be thought fit for confessors of Christ, about makingup the company for taking food and drink,-yet, in point of fact, the Twenty would, except at table, have maintained normalsocial intercourse with the rest, and it was they who in the first instance were excluded with much contumely by the others, from access to the common refectory)22 unless , I repeat, I gave this order , they had other means of waging battle, in which if I suffered hurt to mygreat regret, then I would have only myself to blame . 23 Further certain articles were sent to me, some against F. Weston, some

.

against the other priests there, and I was required to make them all answerto thesearticles under thethreat ofthe heaviest ecclesiastical censures 24 Whatall this was to leadto and whatstood behind all this penitence to be exacted by suchthreats, I still cannot begin to understand But it can certainly be stated that before the dispute was composed , our thirteen priests here had written about thewhole ofthis controversy to allies oftheirs,whothinkbycensures procured where you are, to bring the whole world into subjection, and that afterthe dispute was settled, theywerethen either unable, or unwilling, to recall their envoys, but the truth about this can now hardly matter Nor am I in the least disposed to keep this argument alive, and I would be ashamed to rehearseto you those frivolous articles, which they produced. I will but instance this one demand, made against Fr. William, that he should show in writing a list of all those from whom he received alms, at what date, by what messengers, the amount received, and whether for himselfor for all the other prisoners The purpose of this enquiry was to find out whether his conduct was above reproach about the distribution of alms, seeing that many had sent in alms on his account , and he was wont to assign alms sent for his personal use , and sometimesin not inconsiderable sums, for the common use of his fellow-prisoners, for unlike some others, he took no thoughtfor the morrow . ToalltheCatholics this enquiryappeareda ridiculous thing, disgraceful, and monstrous, something whichbore the marks of the handiwork of Cecil or Topcliffe , as compliance would have been a treacherous betrayal of the benefactors, and all the more , since it would be against their expressed wills. 25 I replied to this and many other suchlike demands that I would make it my care that Fr. Weston should not with impunity do anything which in the least did not become a religious. 26 But for me and for others , there is ampleproofof his innocenceand honesty, and thisconfirmed by many more, whose testimonyadmits of no challenge, than are found in the number of his traducers . I fail utterly to see why these men should aim their feud so viciouslyat a man such as he is, when they themselves show such complete disregard for any rules or laws.

But before this occurrence one of the priests of this set spread a report that a certain sum of money given by a Catholic layman for their benefit had been misappropriated to otheruses by one of Ours. I found this allegation to be an utter calumny, when I looked into it carefully , as I informed the priest concernedbyletter . 27

This is about all that I can bring together about our difficulties with these men, but I most earnestly beg Your Paternity never to bring these matters into the light, except you be driven to do so by need of clearing our names . I would be most loath to see anythingdone to disturbthe peace we enjoy at present, or to incur odium for recounting the faults of others It is my hope that those youngmen ofour nationin Rome willenvyour peace here and that

they will not sit as in some court of appeal of their own on matters on which authority has already pronounced I certainlyfeel pity forthem , but I must feel much more pityfor theChurch in England, ifit is going to have to take men devoured by pride, given over to faction, full of ambition, men freshly come from the Supper ofthe heretics, and what is worse men who have taken their oaths to be heretics, as they proceeded throughevery step of their academic degrees, and sometimesministers who have wanderedabout keeping clear of any form of ecclesiastical discipline, if such are going to be held in esteem here instead of pastors and apostles28 What good, Iask you, can be expected of scholars , who in so good a school rise against their parents and teachers , and fill thewhole worldwith their brawlings and insolences? Would that those who disturbthe peace of the college there could be torn out of it. This sedition must be about the tenth whichyou have had to endure. It should be looked to whether most of these stirs, are not a resultofshowing too much indulgence Let those who sow and cultivate sedition have set upon them a mark of lasting infamy. Only so will you be able to free yourselves from the ferment of the Cecils, which must be watched for with constant vigilance, 29 lest remaining here and there even in its smallest particles it may still worktocorrupt utterly whole masses of good material

For the rest I can but beg Your Paternity to love and cherish , with the solicitude whichyou have always hithertoshown, not only us , your sons , but that College of our nation, the nurse of so many of our martyrs, which I trust that the agitation of a few insolent men may never bring you to renounce. I commend earnestlyto your prayers and most holy Sacrifices all of us here London 16 April 1596

. Your Reverend Paternity's unworthy son in Christ, H. G.

NOTES

1 Cardinal Allen died on 16 October 1594, n.s. The priest here in question was John Mush, as references later in this extract concerning Wisbech indicate Mush paid a visit to Rome in 1593, where he is noted in the Pilgrim Book of the English College as staying for 19 daysfrom August 30 , (cf. Foley, Records VI, p 566) He may have lived for the rest of hisstay in Cardinal Allen's house until leaving Rome to return to England very shortly before 16 March 1594 (cf. Allen to Mush, 16 March 1594, printed in Knox, Allen, pp 356-8) He visited Charles Pagetand WilliamGifford in Flanders on his way back (Ibid, p 319, note 1).

2 In a passage in the first section of this present letter (see Introductory Note above), furtherlight is thrown on Mush'sactivities in Rome in 1593-4 . Having spokenof the goodrelations which had hitherto prevailed between secular priests and Jesuits in England, and of the repudiation by the former of any suggestion of disunion, Garnet said: "One example will serve for a most convincing illustration A person [i.e. Mush] who lately made some insinuation or other to the Illustrious Cardinal at Rome concerning severalpriests who had shown opposition to us, and had brought away with him a common letter to them from the Cardinal dealing with this matter, was very sharply censured on that account by all who had come to hear of it When he was required to name any priest who was opposed to us , he was unable to give the nameof even one , and could only reply that he knew somethingwhich they did not know and that hewished things were as they thought they were " (f 145) The Cardinal's letter here in question is that mentioned in note 1 above On this point cf. also No. XXIX, note 24. Of Mush'svisit to Rome Persons wrote : "Wee have understood by Cardinall Allens letters before mentioned, written unto M.Mush the yeere he died, how he had understoodof a certaine emulation and division begunne in England by some Priests against the Fathers of the Society, and perhaps he perceivedthe same by no means morethanby himselfe, [i.e. by Mush] his speech and behaviour while he was at Rome with him the verysame yeere. Foralbeit this man gave outevery where , that he went to Rome to enter into that order, which many yeeres before hee had pretended, yet others that knew him better, did soone discover his alienation from them, and that he pretended perhaps by his iourney to Rome, to get some other dignitie. " (Briefe Apologie, f 89v). Mush's prayer to be receivedinto the Society had been warmly recommendedby Garnet in late 1587 (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, [late 1587], A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, f 56) In 1593, however, whilstasking instructions about the reception of various other men , Garnet specifically stated that he did not wish it to be thought that he recommendedMush, "qui iam fortevobiscum est" (Same to same, 30 September1593 , Ibid f 102).

3Afurtherrefutation ofthis calumny comes from one ofthe unrulystudents, the young priest Sylvester Norris, (cf. Fisher to Bagshaw , 16 May [1597], No. XXXIII, note 13), shortly after his arrival in England : "There is one thing more about which I wish particularly to inform you touching the dissensions which happened in the College. I know that some ofyou have been somewhathesitant about coming back to England because you think that the Catholics may be more prejudiced against you and that the Fathers may show greater dislike for you, but so great is their charity, that zealfor souls has banished out of sight or wholly swallowedupeverything of this kind The Fathers who work here alongside us were so far from being a hindrance to us, who were the last priests to comein after those disputes in the English College, that I received at their hands even more than ordinary kindness My companion Richard Buttonwastreated in the same fashion, and from the moment of our arrivalthey supplied us

"

with all that we needed ... (Postscript, Sylvester Norris to Edward Tempest and other students, 28 January 1597 , Westm . VI, n. 11)

4 Mush's ownletterto Garnet, quoted a few linesbelowin this present letter (See Note 5 below), is witness to this change of heart, which wasprobably due to Cardinal Allen's influence during his visit to Rome in 1593-4 (see note 1 above ) Garnet's own behaviour towards him must also have been of great assistance The change did not, however, outlast Robert Fisher's talks with him in late 1596 and early 1597 , (cf. Mush to Bagshaw , 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, note 19).

5 Since the original holograph letter to Garnet is still extant, it is inserted here (cf. Westm V, n 43) Garnet translated the whole letter, exceptfor the three short portions marked with J. The letterfromGarnet which Mush was therein answering, has not survived.

6Mush wasreferring to the stirs in the English College at Rome, which had started soon after the death of Cardinal Allen in October 1594, with the intrigues to secure Owen Lewis's promotion (cf. in this presentvolume No. XV , IntroductoryNote, and No. XXX, IntroductoryNote) Among the documents in this present volume Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598, (No. XXXV), gives many details about these disorders and about the plans of the trouble-makers A year before this time Mush had written another much longer letter to Garnet on the same subject, very strongly urging that the Jesuits should not abandon the College, and blaming the students themselves as the main source of disturbancesthere, (cf. Mush to Garnet, 14 March 1594/5, Stonyhurst Anglia I, n 79. The index to that volume incorrectly gives the recipient as Persons, probably from theaddress to "Mr. Roberts" , which was one of Garnet's aliases)

7"Our good frend" was Cardinal Allen.

8In his 1595 letter to Garnet, (see note 6 above) Mush had complainedthat he had been rebuked for friendly advice about College matters, sent to Persons (whowas atthe time inSpain, andwhowas the"Robert" mentioned here). In view of his own activities in the College and in Romein 1593-4, (see note 2 above), Mush'srebuffseemshardlysurprising Though putting the main blame on the students, the 1595 letter to Garnet repeated, under six heads , what Mush considered to be amiss with the College These cover two main complaints : that discipline was too harsh for those with stubborn natures, and only made more trouble for all; and that students were being lured to become Jesuits, of if so inclined, were showered with favours, etc. Garnet's remarks at the end of this present extract, as well as parts of Fisher's Confessions, (No. XXXV), suggest that discipline was much too lax, and this was, in fact, one of the charges made against the Fathers at Cardinal Sega's Visitation of the College late in 1595 , (cf. His report, 14 March 1596, Foley, Records VI, p 38) On the second point an answerwasmadeto Fisheron the subjectat the time of his examination , (cf. No. XXXV, pp. 14-5 of the MS) For a full discussion of this question, cf. The English College, Rome and Vocations tothe Society of Jesus, L. Hicks, S.J., Archivum Historicum S.J., Vol 3 (1934), pp 1-36

9 This is a reference to the first troubles in the newly founded EnglishCollege, when in 1579 the English students, amongst them Mush, secured the replacement of the Welsh Rector, Dr. Maurice Clenock , by the Jesuits For an account of this affair, cf. Persons to William Good, S.J. , Rome, after 19 March 1579 , Persons' Letters, C.R.S. Vol 39, pp 5-28.

10 Claud is Fr. Claudius Aquaviva, General of the Society "What? shall the Enimie now prevaile so mightely, that the frowardness of them [the students], shall make yours flye, & forsakethe unrulye sheepe, & give overtheirweldoyng, & sogreat a meritt ? ... I have alwaiesbene perswaidid verely, that ther is no education to be found so good as that, nor that our people can have any to traine them up & makethem so fitt forourcountrie as yours can do every way ... I beseche you write most earnestlyto Claud , thatin no wise he faile us now .. " (Mush to Garnet, 24 March 1594/5 , ut supra note 6) Mush'sletter to Mgr Mora, 28 May 1598, printedatthe end of the Appellant tract Declaratio Motuum, is in sad contrast to the above words

11 In thecontext of Mush's letter it seems probable that the reports causing trouble at Wisbech were rumours reaching the castle of the stirs in the English College, which probably emanated from Flanders. Fisher later remarked that he found Paget remarkably well-informed about these stirs, cf. Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV)

12 Probably ThomasLister, S.J., (cf. No. XXII, note8) Theletter'ssignature M. J. Wharton" is one of Mush's usual aliases.

13 The letter to Garnet fromwhich these words were taken has notsurvived.

14 i.e. Garnet's letter to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII, which gives a much longer account of the early events of the Wisbechquarrel

15 The newcomerwas John Norden On this point , cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII, note 7.

16 Garnet's part in this second attempt to reacha settlement at Wisbechwas ignored, and his share in the negotiationsfalsified, first in Fisher'sMemorial, of September 1597, (cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV, note 74), and later in the Appellant tracts of 1601 , DeclaratioMotuum pp 18-20 , and the True Relation pp 51-60, (cf. No. XXII,note 1 ) His initiativeinthematter can be inferred from Mush and Dudley's letter of 8 November 1595 , (No. XXII, note 2), and is directly confirmed by Fisher : "when peace was restored by the intervention and industry of certain priests, namely Mr. Mush and Mr. Dudley, sent to that end by Fr. Walley, Superior ofthe Jesuits in England . ' (Cf. Fisher's Confessions, ut supra, note 44)

17 The hopeful view which Garnet chose to take of Mush and Dudley's first efforts at Wisbech in September 1595, not only enabled him to urge them to return , but also to appeal for Bagshaw's co-operation, as a friend,in composing outstanding differences , (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw, 22 October 1595, No. XIX, note 7).

18Cf. Mush's statement of the reason for the Twenty's disapproval of the draft of the rules, at the end of his First Articles, 26 September 1595, No. XVII

19The desiretoforceGarnet to use his authorityagainst Weston atthistime, can be seen in Dr. Farbeck's report of his discourse with an opponent, Mr. Cary, [c late September/October 1595], Westm V, n 20, and in two undated notes in Bagshaw's hand, of about the same time, Westm V, n 6 Garnet's refusal to interfere in general Wisbech affairs by any show of authority had been often repeated , (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 12 July 1595 , No. VIII; Garnet to Bagshaw , 8 October 1595, No. XVIII, and of 22

October 1595 , No. XIX, note 1 ; Garnet to Mush & Dudley, 22 October 1595, No. XX) Bagshawhimself bore witnessto this policy, (cf. Bagshaw to a NorfolkGentleman, [c late May 1595], No. III).

20Of the three letters mentioned, only that to Bagshawnow survives, (cf. Garnet to Bagshaw , 22 October 1595, No. XIX). Garnet at the same time also wrote to Mush, (cf. No. XX).

21 This last phrase probably occurred in Garnet's lost letter to the Twenty, as it does not appearin those to Bagshawor to Mush, (see note 20 above). Though he madeit clearto these latterthat he hadnointentionofupsetting the confraternity , if no agreement could be reached at Wisbech , Weston himself would, as he told Mush, be withdrawn fromits leadership

22Details of this exclusionfromthe commonrefrectory are given by Weston , (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 15). Cf. also Southworth to Dolman, [c. early June 1595], No. IV, note 4 , and Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII, note 6

23For further remarks about this threatening letter, cf. Garnet to Bagshaw, 8 October 1595 , No. XVIII, IntroductoryNote The letter itself has not survived

24 This is a reference to notes made from the List of "requests " given to Weston on 11 August 1595 (No. XII), which Bagshawhad sent toGarnet , (cf. Bagshaw to Garnet, 28 August 1595, No. XV, note 5).

25For further information about public and private alms in prisons, cf. Requests to Weston, 11 August 1595, No. XII, note 1 , and Mush's First Articles, 26 September 1595, No. XVII, note 2

26 The direct version of thesewords : "De Patre Edmondo, curabo ut nihil faciat impune, quod religiosum non deceat" , occurs in Garnet's letterto Bagshaw, 8 October 1595, No. XVIII, note 11).

27 No information survives to elucidatethismatter

28The "men freshly come from the supper of the heretics" (see translation) may be a reference to some priestswho had attempted tojustify attendance at hereticalservices, e.g. Thomas Bell, (cf. Garnetto Aquaviva, 10 December 1596, No. XXX,note6) Those"whohavetaken theiroathstobe heretics" refersto the subscription ofthe oath ofSupremacyrequiredofallcandidates for academicdegrees in English Universities since 1559. Garnet'sstricture relates to those who took such oaths for the sake of their academic or worldly careers, whilst ostensibly remaining Catholics Bagshaw'sfriend Dr. Farbeckseems to have been such a one. In a letter to Bagshaw he remarked: "I certifyed yow .. also of my great good liking conceyvedof my Doctordom since I hard itt to be misliked by ye Agencye [i.e. Weston]. (Farbeck to Bagshaw, 1 September 1595, Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n 46) His degree of M.D. at Cambridge dated from 1589. (Garnet again dealt with the question of academic degrees in his Reply to Fisher's Memorial, No. XXXVI, note 23) The exact meaning of his reference to ministers wandering about outside ecclesiasticaldiscipline is less clear, though the words may relate to the survivors amongst that once fairly large number of old priests, who continued to hold livings, under the newestablishment, against their consciences, and who were known at times to celebrate Mass in secret and administer the Sacraments furtively to theirCatholicparishioners. Such men were obviously outside Catholic ecclesiastical discipline. The same words could also apply to those seminary priests who became openschismatics , (cf. Garnet's letter of 10 December1596, ut supra)

29 This is a reference to thosestudents of the English College in Romeduring these turbulent years who did not persevere or who openly apostatised, many of whom were suspected of having connections with the English Government The names of some such students are Thomas Hatton, Robert Fisher, Robert Markham, Robert Shephard , John Sacheverell , Andrew Bayley. The names of all of these occur in Fisher's Confessions , 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV.

No. XXVII.

MUSH TO BAGSHAW , NORDEN & BLUET. 10 May 1596.

Westm. V, n 51.

Holograph

Introductory Note to No. XXVII

There is a scarcity of documentsfor the years 1596 and 1597 which have a bearing on Wisbech affairs, in contrast to those which deal with the quarrels there in 1595. The most detailed account of renewed strife, particularlyin 1597 , is probably that containedin Weston'sletterto Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, but many further details are givenin Fisher's Confessions , No. XXXV. Official sources reveal that in January 1596 searchingenquiries were instituted into the prisoners' affairs, and examinations ordered of large numbers of their visitors, whilst access to them was very severelyrestricted Reports reaching Medeley, the Keeper, of unguarded words spoken in Wisbech town by the Castle porter, Edward Hall, about his prisoners, seems to have occasioned both these measures, and Hall's own removal to London for examination, (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1595-1597, p. 142 ; Dasent XXV, pp. 131 , 154, 174-5). These events were followed in May byfurther Privy Council instructions for thearrestof 25 persons who had refused to appearfor the examinations mentionedabove , (cf. Dasent XXV, pp 418-420) The new restrictions soon led to great povertyamong most of the prisoners , whose friends did not dare to relieve their wants, (cf. Wm . Medeley to Sir R. Cecil, 1 March 1596, Hatfield Cal. VI, p 77) This present letter appears to have been Mush's first since the Pacification in November 1595. It is chiefly remarkable for its very strong condemnation of those, evidently unknown to Mush, who betrayed the priest Tilletson after his escape from Wisbech.

Reverendi Patres. Albeit manye tymes I desire bothe to heare from you of your weldoyng, & to send to you, yett the tymes ar suche that by rare chance, we in thes partes specially, can either send toyou or receive from you Onely once since my being with you, I was certified of the continewance of your mutual love, concord & good order wherin we left you And this by a letter written at Candelmass , whichyet came not to my hands, tyll the beginning ofMay. byreceite ofwhichI& manye mo weregreately comforted to understand ofyour welfaire. As I wasmovyingsome of our breatheren towards the helpe of Mr Tilletson² (whose debt & want was by that letter signified to me) one of them said yt was nedeless forthat the daybeforehe had mett withone Mr Jackesley³ who commyng out of Norfolke tould him that Mr. Tilletson had maid an escape & was taken againe,5 & sent to London Not long after, thissame tailewas spredabrode, & that he was apprehended by the meanes of some of his bretheren at Wisbitche, that bewraied to the Jalor, the place where he has receipt. This we heare in good soothe all be a confuse & uncertaine rumor, without note of tyme, cause, person, or other circumstance Of him onely we heare he is in close prison & in Topclifs handling, god be his comfort. Alas pooreman, whatment hethus to harm and endanger

him selfe & you all. Could none of you disswaide him from this perilous attempt ? yf you knewe what difficulties we dayle suffer abrode, you would accompt your selves happyto be where, &, as you ar. yt is a great miserie in mans nature, not to knowe or not to be content when he is well Yf yt so might please god, manye of us would be right glad to change places with you. The poore man is now to be lamented & praied for earnestly, that he may beconstant to the honor ofGod& his cause Butemonge yourselves (my dearestSirs) yf yt be true, that by some ofyour companye he was betraied & taken againe after his escape, yt is a crime most shamefull & horrible& not to be lett pass, without greate & verie severe correction,6 least for your tolleration& conniveninge (sic) at so grevous a fault in this Anathema, Gods indignation faule upon your whole house Emong the rest yt behouveth you three specially, which for many respects may be thought pillers of the house, to shewe your selves syncere& zealous in this poynte, that not onely you iustifie not, nor defend against your companye, for any affection or foremar amitiewiththe man, what soonermaybe iudged blameworthy in mr Tilletsons departure ; but also in punishing & confounding the impious facte of whosoever betraied him after he was gone What motive or cause he had to departe inthatmanner I knowe not, were it goodor bad ipseviderit Some circumstancesmightmakehim culpable in that facte, but otherwise he might lawfully do yt, as you knowe, quia vexatio & detentio iniusta est. but the betraing himafter, orto be a cause ofhis apprehension againe, can no way be iustified nor cleared from most unworthy tretcherie. Who emong you haveing any sparcke of Gods grace,orcareof his ownesoule, or respectof his honor& credittinthe world; would ever open his mouthe to bewray a Catholike preist, & deliver him into the hands of Heretikes. " woes me for thee (my dear brother) who soever thou be , I hartely bewaile thy case Thou haist laid violent hand upon the annoynted of God, & thou a Catholike preistdone that to a Catholike preist whichno Catholike lay person would have done, yea whichmanye heretikes durst not have attempted , & every man that had any regard of his owne honesty would have been ashamed to have gone aboute. Thou haist laid no violent hands on him, thou didst not betray him as a preist, his bloud is not shedd . My Reverend Sir the fact it selfe is over shameful & outragious, ne adijcias, et etiam declines cor tuum in verba malitie ad excusandas excusationes in peccatis. Suche subtil metaphysikings & shiftingwyll bring Godsvengeance on thy necke errthoube awarr. Thy violent hand, was thy tounge that informed the heretike where he might find & apprehend him . The impious Jewes in this sorte would have acquitt them selvesof Gods death. but when they cried Crucifige, crucifige, theyr toungs were the swords that murthered him. And so thine was the hand that tooke this preist, when yt bewraied him to the Hereticke . yea yf this be rightly considered perhaps thou wylt be found the

principallagent& theheretike thy instrument & hand When thou didst betray & cause to be taken a preist, thou deludest thy selfe with this vaine distinction, as a preist yt is the sacredperson thou didest persecute, whichfor ever wylbepreist, & whichby Gods holy churche thouart forbidden violentlyto touche Ifhis bloud be not shedd, no gramercy to thee, a sufficient cause thou haist [p. 2.] given therof, when thou didest deliver him into the wyll of bloudsowkers . deceive not thy selfe. for his prison, his cheynes, his torments, his discomforts, his dolors, his distresses every way, & his bloude crieth to heaven & earth against thee. By his escape heiniuried the whole companye. Be it so : The iniurie was to be pardoned, & not to be revenged by this foule meane yt would have overblowen & after a litle patience have bene repaired or els iust satisfaction should not have bene looked for by this disordered &sinfulrequitale Yf the whole companyeconspiredin oneconsent to have him taken againe, yt may perhaps be thought to have procedid from them after due examination , right iudgement , & perfect discretion, & so with manye rune currant in the world or els pass more freely without censure or condemnation for that men wylbe lothe to discusse & controle the fact of so manye good & Reverend fathers, tho the fact in yt self before God, & in the sight of wise men remayne altogether unlawfull: But yf one or some of the Companye did yt, either without the knoweledge, or against the wylls of the rest, all the world wyll condemne (& this worthely) such officious or evyll disposed persons of muche fault Indede it was a thinge that concerned the whole house, & not particulare man was to deale in yt, without thadvice, consent, & direction ofthewhole, unlesse hewould incurre a manifest & certane note of presumption , insolencye & many mo enormious vices , intollerable in a Companye The whole Companye were damnified &iniuried, & thou art one ofthem Sitt theystill, & wyll notthou? attempttheynothing,& dostthou ? Have theypatience & wylt no thou ? In this thou shewed thy selfe, in dede to be none ofthem. Thou art thy selfe alone. Vae soli. A restless & evyl busiedhead thou haist, selflove & liking chokeall goodness in thee ; & drowned in an arrogant conceite ofthy owne worthiness, thou iniuries thy bretheren better then thy selfe throughcontempt, & disdaine. yf the crime be committed as we heare, one man haith done yt, but the slander & ignominie therof lighteth on you all One of the company (they say) haith betraed him, nameless as yett he is, & whils the credit of one man is unworthelysaved by concealing his name: the discredit toucheth you all. for the people taking advantage ofthis, addytto the former faultsof Bel, Maior, Hardestie, Clarke & other Apostats , saying The veriepriests inWisbitchbetray one an other . The scandall is greater than I feare can be taken away by his bloode that haith given yt And wouldto God the offender onely should receyve harme thereby. but the discredit pincheth us abrod also And thus whils you please your selves you

undo your selves , & us with you I am haretelysorie, & is yt not a foule shame (besides the synne) that any of your companye should be so inteire with an heretike & so disorderly tender the pleasing of him, that he would either for his frendship or threathes disclose to him any thing harmefull to his brother ?10 Our Lord comfort& protect the goodsoules matched withsuche falsebretheren. Sed haec est prudentia carnis, haec est amicitiamundi huiusmodi proferunt fructus superbia & insolentia [?]. I pray god he may have grace (whosoever he be) to abase & humble him selfe, & acknowledge his fault. But greatly yt is to be feared that the Devil which moved him by pride or other vice to committ the crime, wyll kepe him in the same ungratious humor to defend yt, & to abhor nothingmore, than the thoughtor speeche ofsubmitting him selfe to make any parte of condigne satisfaction for his outragious fault quia peccator cum in profundum venerit, contemnit Sed deus non irridetur, non effugiet manus domini quicumque ille sit. Seing (mydearefathers) the fault is past, & can not be undone , shewe your selves zealous to amend the partie, & to reforme the evyll disposition of his mynd but, for our lords sake, lett nothing trouble you, to the breache of the houses peace, what can not be amendid, beare yt with patience, your reward is great qui justus est iustificetur adhuc, & qui in sordibus sordescat adhuc Emong so manye, the devil wyll bestirr him to have a Judas Sed bonum esset si natus non fuisset homo ille I beseche you, yf oportunitie wyll serve lett me knowe some certaintieof these blind rumors, 11 that I may defend the innocent, and knowe what to say for the saving of everie mans credit, when I shall heare thes slaunders to be cast against any of you Thus craving pardon for troublingyou thus long, & desiryng your prayers I cease this 10 of May. Your servant & assured frend M. J. Wharton12

Addressed : Totheright worshipful& Rd fathers Mr.Dr. Bagshawe, Mr. Doctor Norden, and Mr Bluet thes at Wisbitche

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator: Wharton alias Mushye (sic) to the priests at Wisbiche inveighing bitterlye against him that caused Tilletson to be taken after his escape from Wisbich: whichwas indeed Dr Bagshaw. He accounteth it lawfull for any priest to breake prison, because they are detaeyned uniustlye He tearmeth mr Bell and some other priests Apostataesand sayth that now it will be given owt that the priests of Wisbich betray one another . Mr Mushy was accounted for this letter a most divelish detractor, as appeareth by another of his letters to D. Norden

NOTES

1 The letter in question has not survived.

2 Francis Tilletson, a Yorkshireman, was born c. 1549. In early life he was servant to a Mr. ThomasSlingesby, and then for a short time to the Earl of Northumberland, (cf. Hatfield Cal. VI, pp. 77, 312). He wasordained from Reimsin April 1585 , and left for England shortly afterwards, (Knox, D.D. pp 205, 206) He was captured whilststill at sea , and imprisoned in the Marshalsea , (Prison Lists, C.R.S.Vol 2, pp 240, 242, 257, 274, 277) He was transferred to Wisbechabout the same time as Weston in January 1588, (Ibid p 279). At Wisbech he was one of Bagshaw'sparty. He escaped on 28 February 1596 , (Hatfield Cal VI, p 77), was betrayed, recaptured and eventually committed to the Gatehouse on 11 March , (Ibid p 311). He escaped fromthe Gatehouse on 29 May 1597 , (Tower Bills, C.R.S. Vol 4, p 233), but had been returned to the same prison by Christmas 1601 , andin July 1602 was recordedthere as "a priest, respected of neyther syde" (C.R.S. Vol 4, p 235, & Vol 2, p 288) He was banished in April 1603, (Third Douay Diary, C.R.S.Vol 10, p 50). Details of an alleged Jesuit plot against the King which he told to a sea-captain at this time are in Hatfield Cal XV, pp 66-8, 144. He reappeared , as a priest, in Ireland in March 1608, telling similar tales to Lord Danvers , President of Munster, (Cal S.P.D. 1603-1610 , p. 411).

3 This spelling may be an alternative for Yaxley If so , the man is question may well be the William Yaxley of Yaxley, esquire, who appears in the Suffolk paragraphofa longlistofRecusants , dated 1592, (Hatfield Cal IV , p 269). A "Mr Yaxley" , sympathiser with Bagshaw's party, is twice mentioned by Dr. Farbeck, (cf. Dr. Farbeckto Bagshaw, 1 September1595, Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n 46, and Dr. Farbeck & Mr. Cary's Discourse , [c. late September/October 1595], Westm V, n 20).

4 "Upon Saturday, at night, last, beingthe 28 of February, one ofthepriests in the Castle of Wisbech, whose name is Francis Tilletson, by a cord ofa bed let himself down over the Castle wall, and so is escaped. I havelaid very great wait forhim, bothbywater and land, ... A man ofsmalllearning or rather none at all, nor of any other respect among the rest within the Castle, ... and now grown to that extreme poverty , as he oweth todivers persons within the town of Wisbech .. me for his charges, due a long time " March 1596, Hatfield Cal VI, p. 77). besides that which he oweth unto (Wm. Medeley to Sir R. Cecil , 1

5 Edward Hall, once Porter at the Castle , whilst himself a prisoner in the Gatehouse, (see IntroductoryNote), obtained from Tilletson an accountof the method of his escape, which he reported to the Attorney General , 31 March 1596, (Cal S.P.D. 1595-1597, pp 194-5)

6 Giles Archer , another prisoner at Wisbech, later wrote of this betrayal : "I have delared above [i.e. in De Bagshao, No. XXXVIII, para H] that Francis Tilletson was apprehendedwith violencethrough the efforts ofthis man [Bluet] and Bagshaw , and flung into prison in the heaviest fetters. To effect this a certain letter was written in the name of all the captive priests, by the hand of Dr. Farbeck, to a certain nobleman, in which , though falsely, it was signified that the greatest danger hung over this same noblemen, namely of life and the loss ofall his goods, unless Tilletson was brought back, as it appearedthat he had received the fugitiveinto his house, and given him a horse Moreoverit was asserted that there would be the greatest danger to all the prisoners if he were not brought back, and thus they greatly desired his return This letter was carried to this

noblemanbya spiritual son of Bluet, who was presentwhenthe nobleman's house was visited by a search party This man, struck by terror, as he had many possessions, sought out Tilletson and when the search began delivered him into the hands of the Keeper's servant However, this nobleman, being later rebuked by his confessor and brought to repent of his deed , sent this same confessor to Wisbech, who told them that the man had acted in accordance with the letter he had received" (Translated from Archer's Relatio de Blueto, 1602, English College Archives, Scritture 55, n 39. Cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII, Introductory Note). Weston also speaks of his betrayal by his own associates, and his ill-treatment by them when first brought back to Wisbech, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 28).

7 John Green's views of the deed matched those of Mush: " ... how can I say too much about the abominable, wicked, treacherousand more than sacrilegiouscrime, thatheinousaction demanding so great expiation, which youcommitted in procuring a man's re-capture, his beingfetchedback and beinghanded over into our hands This shockingmonstrosity looks toyou as its especial defenderand leader. " (John Green to Bagshaw, 1 October 1596, Westm V, n 72)

8 i.e. 'reasoning '

Thefourmen were : (a) Thomas Bell, secular priest He was a Yorkshireman, and was born c 1549. He was ordained in Rome about the same time as Mush, and worked in the North of England He apostatised shortly before October 1592, (cf. Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 10 ; Cal S.P.D. 1591-1594, p 283.) For further details of this man's activities, cf. No. XXX, note 6. (b) Anthony Major, secular priest, nephew of Dr. Humphrey Ely He was born c 1565 , and was ordained from Reims in June 1590. He apostatised in June 1594, and was afterwards a spy in. theservice ofthe Earl of Huntingdon, (cf. Knox, D.D.p 231 ; Cal. S.P.D. 1591-1594, p. 523). (c) William Hardestie , secular priest. He was a Yorkshireman, and born c 1559. He was ordained in Romein 1586 , and returned to England in 1588. He apostatisedsometimebefore 1594 , and was employedby the Earl of Huntingdon, (cf. Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37 , p 28 ; Cal S.P.D. 1591-1594, p 474. (d) Thomas Clarke , secularpriest. He was born at Erith in Kent c 1556, and was in the service of Lady Pembroke and others for several years He went to Reims in 1588 , and was ordained in September 1590. He worked for some time in northern England, and apostatisedin January 1593, (cf. Knox, D.D. pp 220, 234 ; Cal. S.P.D. 1591-1594 , pp 304-5).

10 In his Confessions Fisher made Bagshaw'sliaison with Keeper Medeley quite clear , and the suggestion is not lacking that the favourhe received was due to Medeley's superiors, (cf. No. XXXV, note 31). Bagshaw's connections were no secret to his opponents in Wisbech, (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII ) With regard to the betrayal of Tilletson, Bagshaw evidently made an effort to exculpate himself by accusingsomeone else of the crime, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, note 12).

11 Noneof the replies of the three addressees of this present letter survive , but from Mush's comments in November letters, they must have been extremely bitter, Norden in particular calling him "a most devilishe detractour" of their house, i.e. Wisbech, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, ut supra note 13)

12 Wharton was one of Mush'saliases

XXVIII

GILES ARCHER¹ TO NORDEN.

Westm V, n. 117. Holograph.

Late 1596].

Introductory Note to No. XXVIII. This letterprovides an illustrationofthe quarrelsome atmosphere among the Wisbech prisonerstowards theend of 1596. The matter here in question became known as the "Stewes Controversy" , and echoes of it can be found in many Appellant writings in later years. According to the True Relation , p 64, it was started in September 1596 by Giles Archer Weston wrote of it: "Among other disturbances which they [Bagshaw'sparty] created , it will not be amiss to mention this .. Someone said in familiar conversation with others that it was not right in scholasticdisputation to say 'I deny the argument' , instead ofsaying'Ideny the consequence'. Another standing by said, 'Yes, butworsethings aredone in other places' . And being asked, what things, he said that there were courtesans in Rome. 'It is true' , said another, 'that they are permitted'" This led to a loud altercation which Weston attempted to calm : "These few words however afterwards brought me in such matter of controversy that I wascompelledto showin two Apologiasthat I and otherswere notheretics" . (Weston to O. Manare, S.J., 27 March 1598, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n. 34) This was the quarrel perhapsstill in progress at the time of Norden's death in July 1597 , (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, note 25)

Good mr Doct[or] Norden, My humble dutye remembered [5-6 words illegible] ofyors have come to my handes or rather2 of yors & one of Doct[or] Bagshaws2 seeinge he averrethit as a bird of his ownefeather, of which ifI should adventure to geve my censure , youmightperhappesaccount mee too presumptuousyoureminencye yeares & dignityeconsidered yet howsoeverit bee, counsayleyow as a frend I may: though censure yow as a iudge I dare not, my advice then & desire is this, I desire yow for the love of god to settell yor selfe in quiet & sett yor hart at rest, forsomuch as this earnest proceedinge by wrightinge , doth but bewray a troubled mind, worke yor needles turmoyle, & geve yor illwillers (if anie yow have) matterofyor disgrace& their delight. yoware so farrefrom movinge mee hearein to anger, greefe for my selfe or chollericke passion, thatall my sorrow is spent in yor informity, ³ whom Ifind over earnest in a frivolous matter further if yow obteyne yor intent, (yt is to make mee an hereticke which yow shall never contrive,) what have yow gayned in sooth, of a frend an enemy , ofa brotheranalien, & finallyof a beleevinge& suffering catholicke , an odible miscreaunt It is not beleeve mee for men of our qualitye & callinge to laboure to drawe men against their wills from beleefe to heresie& apostasie: but contrariwise to helpe the weake to raise the fallen, to reduce the strayed, & to the utmost of our endeavours to establish & confirme those that bee in daunger of fallinge; If 185

Iprove anhereticke (as god forbid) yorglorie therein shalbenothinge, yor meritte littell, & yor reward least of all; when my wordes may carrye a good sense, it was over hardto hale them to theworst. especiallye to a crime so odious, of a priest imprisoned for defence oftruth, and lastly against such a one as hath often professed both publickely& privatlye both by word & wrightinge , that he will not defend them but defie them as farre as yow or anye els canne desire if they bee not iustifiable & when all is done yea all that is possible, it reacheth noe further then table talke, where mens minds bee not alwayes soe attentive, yt every word must needes have his wayght, every sillable his due order, and everye speech his necessarye poised & full advised circumstaunce ; if it be an error and that I thincke is the most it canne been made; I must needes say humanum est errare. And I am no more but a man of great infirmitye, nor yet in my words fullie compossed , nor in passions perfectlye redressed ; neither is my judgment so learnedlye illuminedbut that as great an error as this might easelye overslippe mee, finallie this withall I would wish yow to conceive, that beinge an undoubted offence, I am not soe irreligious or to the dreadfull misteries soe irreverent , but that before I celebrated I would seeke to expiate this sinne bee it more or lesse, & with myconscience yow have not to do, ne in animo meo sto aut cado But perhappesyow will say as some have done that my speeches did scandalize and consequentlie that I must satisfie, to speake my mind hearin , I thincke none of the companie, either soe weak or soe unlearned as to bee scandalized in soe small a trifell. howbeit I thinke none in this companiesoe unacquainted with my behavior, but have found mee redie enoughe to satisfie for anie offence committed , & in this matter it selfe yow shall find that I will performe the dutye ofa christian catholicke preest, for god forbid that I should take upon mee to defend any thing that is not justifiable, yea or hath but the shadowofthat whichis scandalous . [p 2.]I beseech yowtherefore for our sweet Savior Jesus sake not anie further either to trouble yor selfe or molest mee ; forgeeve as yow hope forgeevnes. In multis offendimus omnes, let us not foster & lodge in our brestes yt which wee endevour, & desire to expell out of others, that is hatred disdane & mutuall discord let the cloake of yor charitye, cover mine enormityes, & I in liew & regard heareofdoe promise yow a full forgeevnes of what soever, if wee have beene hitherto alieni let us now habitare in domo unanimes, quia bonum est et iucundum habitare fratres in unum. let not our quotidianoversights bee soe fledged by passionthat they mount over theis walles , fortheir unfortunateflight shall procure us neither creditte , pleasure nor profitte. I am yours maugre all mislikes, I will not cease to love yow; thoughe yow should not brooke mee, I will acknowledge yow for a brother thoughe yow should repute mee your enemy. As withyowfor defence oftruthIlive, soe with yowfor the churches honour I will never refuse to die One heaven I hopeshall conteyne

Noe more

us both , & therefore I rue this one rotten & ruinous castell should at all disioine us. It is one catholicke faiththat wee bothmaintaine , let us therefore ioyne in one perfect manner of Christian charitye. if yow thinke unkindnes in mee for urginge mine owne innocencye by establishedrules I am readie heareafterto recompence howsoever in that I may. I impute not this humble suite to anie conceived feare of yow, but onelie ascribe it to the feare of god, whom lothI am that yow should offende by bearinge mee ill will. at this present but our blessed lord preserve yow. Yors assuredly Gyles Archer

Addressed by Archer : To Mr DoctorNorden

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator : Mr Archer to Dr Norden desiringe that he wold not charge him with haeresye

NOTES

1 Giles Archer was ordained from Reims in September 1587 , and was sent to England in 1588, (Knox, D.D. pp 30, 217) No information survives ofhis workon the mission, nor ofthe date of his arrest. He does notfigure in the Wisbech lists of 1588 , and was perhaps sent there in theparty of 13 priests who were transferred in the charge of the pursuivant Selioke, (cf. Prison Lists, C.R.S. Vol 2, p 279, note) With Weston, Southworth and Pound he was sent up to London in December1598, for interrogation, (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII, note 17) Hewas still intheTower on 24 June 1600, (Tower Bills, C.R.S.Vol 4, p 235),andsome time later was sentto Framlingham Castle He was one ofthe twoProctors for the Archpriest in 1602 at the hearing of the Appellants' case in Rome There is no information to show when he was released prior to this. (Cf. Third Douay Diary, C.R.S. Vol. 10, p 39).

2 None of these communications survive

3The meaning here is 'deformity' . Archaic.

4 Weston's description of the beginningof this controversy, (cf. Introductory Note above), tends to confirm Archer's description. In view of Archer's readiness to make any amends considered necessary, it certainly need have been no subject of violent dissension The problem of courtesans in Rome or any other place is, of course, a perennial one, and as such might well have been a subject of serious discussion as a matter of moral theology. Such discussion was evidently not the intention of Archer's opponents . Information abouttheaffairreached beyondthe Castle , and Mushinterfered in his charcateristicway, condemningeveryone'sbehaviourindiscriminately (cf. Mush to all the Fathers at Wisbech, 20 November 1596 Westm V , n 87).

5 Nofurther papers addressed to Archer on this subject are extant , but an , exchange ofnotes between Norden, BagshawandWestonon similar matters may still be seen, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 25).

6i.e. 'in spite of' Archaic

No. XXIX.

MUSH TO BAGSHAW .

Westm V, n 88. Holograph.

Introductory Note to No. XXIX

24 November 1596.

This letter is muddled and tells no continuous story, as it answered several communications at the same time, but it contains a number of allusions to the advent of Robert Fisher, the new contact with the trouble-makersamong the Catholic exiles in Flanders and Rome It also provides some information of the state of strife at Wisbech

Reverende Domine & pater dilectissime ,

Before nowe , I receyved none of your letters sent me since my fonde contrimans escape except once 2 or 3 lines written before June last. In like manner also I thinke Mr. Rich[ard] received none beforethes which I heareyou have now sent himbythe young man that came over This summer he & I was muche together, & hard nothingfrom you, whatsoever you sent by Jo Read :3 or otherwise for all that was sent rested in Lankeshire, wher we came not, after Mr. Read coming to you, tyll now that I am come, & expecte dailyto mete with bothe Mr. Rich[ard] & Mr. Read . The young man you sent , I missed, & all he brought he carried to your sonne Some of yours to me you date, some you do not. You write of oneMr. Co. you sent about despatcheofa mariag. I never hard of any suche man or matter. for the faculties I have sentto get potestatem subdelegandi & I intend to send againe by the young man you sent hyther yf he returne to the place whencehe came I se well what inconvenience the want of them bring. for your sonnes commyng I can say nothing tyll we mete I wyll do my best indevoure that he make a jorney to you for, he may withmuch more saiftie than I. Isyt but a kynd of peace youhave ? Wellmy deare Sir, God & yourselves must makeasincere andperfect peace among you. I can do no more but pray for you all, that christes holy peace may be and abide among you, & beseche everie one to looke sincerely into his owne conscience, & behaviour that he be not any occasionto disturbe yt by word or dede, shunnyng & amending everyinclination, imperfection, or demeanour in him selfe, which may be offensive to his brothers frailtie for otherwise yt wyll not be possiblethat peace or charitie remayne emongyou, or your union be undissolved, to the confusion shame & discredit yea & manylosses to you all. Aboutthat foolishe scruple& doubt of the sentence ofthree , wher theother two disagree I have had muchea do , & bett my braynes to no purpose, for they be so pusilanimes, & so affraied oftheirowne imagination , that I can not as yett fully satisfie them therin. I have propoundid the case to manye, & never one ofus all can finde

any difficultie in that point. but that the two which differ in sentence & opynion from the other three, bothe may with saiftie of conscience , & ought also, to lett the sentence of the three passe without more a do. They ar to do no more , but secundumallegata & probata, to discuss & examine the case , & in thistyme to do their endevour byreason & perswasionto draweverie one to give a iuste & right sentence , & to hinder the contrarie, but aftertheir suffragies once given, be the sentence of the three iust or uniust they have no more to do : but lettit procede yf they voted well, they have merit, yf the three unconscionably, ipsi viderint. The sentence is delivered to the parties, as from the five, not that all five agreed ofyt, but the most voices of them After which sentence , ther is no more to be done but execution, for which yt is not nedeful to choseotherfive to deprive the delinquent of his devident, but the dividers ar to do yt upon the knoweledg of the sentence Seing you differ so muche in the explication & understanding ofyour rules, I pray you (yf you thinke yt convenient) be a meane to have everie mans particular consent that your good sonne & Mr Mich[el] with some other that you can all like of better than you do ofme, mayinterprete them, when anycontroversy ariseth theron among you. At my being withyou I thoughtI had disswaidedmy contrieman from attempting any such course.9 for indede I utterlydisliked yt, not findinghowyt could be done without muche danger & many inconveniences . They abused me, that maid me either author or consenter to yt, or said I was any way privye to yt Theybe bables and vaine fictions ofidle heades that he should have come to me, & bene at mydirectionetc. no Sir, I am not , to bolster up any suche foolishe prankes as this ever semed to me , or to take upon me charge or direction of anye, more then as I am perswaidid behoveth me & us all one to do for an other in tyme of nede, & in way of brotherliecharitie You knowe I was farr of, & could not come easely or in tyme as I desired to knowe the certanetie ofthethingwhether thescapewas welldone with consent ofallor the most, or yt was done otherwise And therfore Idurst not in particular either iustifie his fact which in my harte (for all I had conceived of yt) I condemned as worthy muche blame. (whichnotwithstandingmightbe iustifiable withgoodcircumstances) but hearing divers waies (yett in good sootheSirnot one word from any of your companie) relation of his apprehension by meanes of oneofyouthat betraied him, letting pass his escape [p. 2] to further intelligence, were yt done well or evyll. I could not conteyne my selfebut condemne& inveighagainst his betraer, whose fact (if any suchehad beneas nowe I perceive, god bethanked ther was none)10 could not have bene but most detestable, & not to be iustifiedor maid lawfull by anycircimstances that my poore witt could devise for my owne escape, we did yt as circumspectly & discretly as we could . toour knowledgeno man took harmetherbye,butone man that for ij hours space was taken from his companye & shutt up

alone in a lower prison, nor the catholike cause therby susteyned detrimentunless yt were, that wethree lasie& unprofitable workmen saved ourselvesto loyter & do little good in the harvest wher other labored right well The loss indeed was our owne, for, but a little, & we had bene saife from all earthly miseries whichfact of ours as (for my owne parte) I have often rued since in respect of the exceding benefitt I myght have gained shortely after yf I had not done yt, but staied to the end ; so I never wished any should take & use yt as a president to them selves in the like danger, muche less in Til[letson] his securitie emong you: And yf any of you wyll censure me & condemne me of folly or what els you please, therfore I wyll not gainesayyoutherin, or make repliesorApollogies for my owne escape defending with offense to any of you, the thing past, which, yf yt were to do againe, I thinke I should not do yt I hard for Til[letson's] apprehension one of your companie was charged to his face, that he had betraied him. And that the gentilmanwher he was taken shewed a letter written by one ofyou to him , to that end, that he should take Til[letson] & bringe him back againe. But now within these 4 or 5 daies I am certified from one ofyour house that therwas no suche letter, but the partie socharged,wasmanifestly cleared ofsuchslander, bythatgentilmans letter, 12 & so this whole matterto be endid and pacified emongyou nowe & might have bene at the first, yf the partie charged with betrayinghim, would have but denied that he had done yt, when your companyerequestedbut so muche ofhim And he wouldnot yeald to that for the houses peace. which (yf yt were so) wastoo , grosse oversight in him, and forwardness, in regard bothe of his owne credit, & his bretherens quiet for my letter to you three, you tooke yt in worse parte, than my dearest frends should have done. 13 ofthat I have written ynough to others what mightany way offend you or them I wishe had not bene written. his escape I iustified not, as I remember, but onely condemned the fact of betrayinghim yf any suche had bene And in that pointeIthinke my sequels might well holde. It were no harme to your house , yf your brother D[octor] & all other of the secular ranke had less intermedlingin your affaires . 14 I hope theratherfor youradmonition I shalbe warie of lightness in beleving, or hearing detraction. Be you for our lords sake & your owne creditts careful above all things to kepe peace & charitie, that you may still remayne united, for thavoyding ofscandal& a 1000 inconveniences . foranypromise I maid to undertake restitution, I remember not what this should meane , I pray you good Sir write more planely, & I shall not faile to performe my promise, to my power . 15 yf you list to paralleal with odiousness my contrimans escape & myne (as you write) yett mayyou not suppose me to plead my owne case, for then (yf they rune by equal matche & may be paralleled) they may bothe be by a meane scholler or indifferently witted man, easely defendid, & iustified , from all crime, that uncharitable men can urge against

them. yet never intendidI to do that, how lawfully soever I might have done yt. but knowyng my owne, & not his, I rest silent in bothe and you ther, in most parte I dare say ignorant of myne, & knowing his,mightspare yourodiousparalleling,& morecharitably bestowe your selves yt were not sound doctrine yf you should deny yt lawfull for a Catholike priest or lay person imprisoned by heretikes for religion & in danger oftheir lives ; to make an escape. inthisIwould not, anyparticularmans escape semyingblameworthy to you should pervert your iudgements in suche sorte, asyou wyll therfore hould or pronounce universally all escapes to be unlawfull, as all betrayings or consenting to taking of a priest escaped ar manifest to be . You charge me to bring forthe thauctors of this slander . This is needless . I have answered in Mr. Blu[et] & D. Nord[en] as muchas may suffice yfyt will not, patience. Ireferr you to theirs. Some thinke (you say) the generall letter to be a reprehension not fitt for us to sucheas you ar. & thinke yt to be myne onely without consentofmr Dudley]. To this Iwyllanswere no more but assure you, mr Dud[ley] [p. 3.] his approbation was ther, he perused yt, & (as he said to me) thoughtyt might besent you without offence, & this at Easter before yt came to your handes:16 for thenwewrytt it, & yt lay in his custodie allthewhile after, tyll the weke yt was sent by mr Jo: Read at whichtyme mr Dud[ley] him selfe delivered yt me Marie for thatytisthought a reprehensionnot fitt for us to suche as you ar I can say no more but crave pardon of you all, we shall hereafter spare our labours & moderate our affections towards you Our love maid us to excede our duties & fittness Who be we to open our mouthes to suche as you ar.

Our blessed lord grant us all to be better then we ar. But without true humilitie of harte patience & charitie one towards an other , we ar stark nought, & everie one so muche the worse , the greater conceipt he carrieth of him selfe , for any qualitie or gifte he haithe. Once againe a few lines to your whole companye & so an end . 17 for we wyll not toile our selves to be burdenous or offensive to you any way. for the monye mr Dol[man] bestowed on us, I referr to your sonne & your selves that have yt he once tould me how he had written to you aboute yt, that I was discontented & tooke yt in evyl parte you should bestoweany portion ofyt, or not send yt, and suche like I returne this to your good sonneagaine, hewritt his owne disposition and dede, but not myne. tho we bothmarveled, you should procure yt for us& afterconvert ytto other uses . 18 Our iyorney(sic) to youwhat yt costus without any one contributing a farthing, & what want we have in thes poore countries it is nedeless to write. you maycommand all that is ours ,& our selves ar at your devotion Tho the Q[ueen's] takers happen on our horses, & frends faile us, yett can we not want, havyinga most bountifull lord, that haith promised adijcere nobis omnia temporalia , si primum quaeramus caelestia Your cousin Elizabeth I havenotsene as yett, 4 or 6 daies passed I shallremember

you to her . forgett me not in your devotions , for dailyIremember you. for Rome matters I muse greately why you or any should quarrel me , I reported nothing but what I hard from some that came over And I writ yt purposely to lett fa Ed[mund] & his se the cruel indiscrete & extreme dealing of theirsat Ro[me] now after my lord Cardinals death, to the overthrowof our youthes and discredit of our nation in that place, which religious men should not have done, nor they never had neded to have done, yf in tyme they wouldhave hard thadvice of their faithful frends . 19 butthey were to wise . What comments they made of my writing I knowe not. howsoeveryt were , youshould havestoodeat leastindifferent to your frend & not have beleved the worst. You condemneme of light beliefe but who are you in this, & many other evyll conceiptsagainst me, ever iudging the worst in all occasions that befaul . Sir my bould & peremptorie writing in Til[letson] his case concerning that point which I medled in, of his betraing, or consenting to yt, or defending yt to be lawful, wyll not be misliked I hope to any good men that was sackless20 of yt Yf yt be, & yf they showe me reason , I shall most willingly reforme my self , for I writt as neare the truth as my simple witt would serve me , & I am not ashamedto learne. In my opinion yt would better beseme your selfe & other to spaire your foule speaches against him. & rather to take compassionover his miseries & pray charitablyfor him, than to aggravate them by more infamie & slander21 I beseche you use themno more to me ifheyet stand & prove well, men wyll thinke the worse of you or any in your companye that labour for his further disgrace & yf hefaule to nought, the harme is his owne, yett may he for all that, become a greater sanct in heaven by gods grace, than manye that appeare or thinke them selves more sanctlike now on earth. for your hard conceipt of Phil[ip] & disgraceful language against him, I will say no more , but lett you knowe you harme your selfe more than him, greate wronge surely you do him, in your accusations of calumniations detractions etc. 22 no, no, Sirit is [p.4.] as youperswaid your elfe: you ar as mucheguiltieof suche iniurious dealing for ought I knowe , as he is And I assure you, they ar of your owne companie, that mislike your doings & condemneyou in manythings, as mucheand more than Phil[ip] or any of the rest, fearyng no less thraldome by you, than by mr Ed[mund] & that also in more vehement & intollerable sort Sir I love you well, & honor you as becometh me, sorie would I be to behould so many good parts as god haith bestowed on you, should be lost or not used to their full extent I have not knowen or bene muche conversant withyou yett the most that have bene acquanted with your former course of life, thinke your inclination (unless yt be moderated much withvertu) tobevehement, restless , imperious and factious, whichtheyconfirme byexperiencein all places wher you have lived in societies aswell here as beyond . 23 This is the chefest argument your adversaries

make at all tymes against you to condemne you, & your cause , in any controversie or discord This also is the onely cause of feare in us your frendes, touching your discredit ; unless your wisdome be aware in tyme. At tymes of contentions, yt is a principall helpe to iustifie ons cause, that he be of vertu & good fame : And a man in an evyll name (they say) is halfe hanged. Thus you se I am verie bould, but so you do well, wynne honor , kepe credit, & comfort your frends let me hardly incurr your displeasure& blame. forthematterwhich our contrieman requireth resolution of, I knowe not what to say more, then as neare as I can to follow thadvice my lord Cardinal writt to me in his letter. I love peace, I haite contention & I purpose (god wylling) not to be accusator fratrum. lett them look to yt & deale as conscience & charitiemoveth them, that have sufficient & substantial matter against them, & can prove yt, for I have not 24 And besides I feare exceedingly that, yf we could iustlie vanquishe those we we (sic) recken adversaries, we should devour and tyrannize one over an other, more cruelly then either they or we do now. So little humilitie I find emong us, or charitie either. God give me grace to live & die as becometh a poore priest more then this Irequire not, nor wyll expect who soever beare the bell away.

Seing you can not indure the sinceritie ofyour assuredfrend , but thus takeoccasions to break friendshipp with me about my writyng against the betraying of a priest, whichI assure my selfeyou would not have done, how roughly soever I had inveighed against the consenters to his escape : yt is best for us bothe we have litle dealing together hereafter 25 yfI can anyway bestead you, indede I wyll do yt but the inequallitie of our staits, on your parte perhapshindretha frendly harte to so meanea man as I am . cosin Elizabeth fitz, is merie, & in all humble sorte recommendeth her to you. Jesu be with you this 24 November.

Yours M. J. Whart[on]

Your

Addressed To the right worshipfull & assured good friend D. Bagshawe thes Wisb[ech]

Endorsedby Bancroft's collaborator: Wharton alias Mushy (sic) to Dr Bagshaw, movinge ofhim to peace : he aunswereth to diverse particulars concerninge his letter against the bewrayinge of Tilletsons escape. He tellethhimwhat an opinion ishad ofhim : viz. that he hathever been prowde and violent Concerningethe contention who shold be chiefe, he feareth as he sayth as great violence if Bagshaw and his sorte shold prevayle, as ifthe other , restinge indifferent who gett the victorye.

NOTES

1 No letters from Bagshawto Mush during this year survive.

2 Mr. Richard was Richard Dudley, Mush's fellow arbiter at Wisbechinthe autumn of 1595. The "young man that came over" was Robert Fisher , who had left Romefor England early in the year at the behest of the unruly students in the English College there, to spread abroad stories against the Jesuits and to gather information against them. On the way he had stayed some time in Flanders, seeing Paget, Gifford and others , (cf. Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV) He had arrived in England in September1596, (cf. Garnet to Persons, 18 February 1597 , Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f. 548) After first visiting Bagshaw at Wisbech, Fisher set outonthe firstof several journeys making contactswithlikelysympathisers , among whom he specifically mentioned Mush and Dudley, (cf. the Confessions , ut supra) Further details of Fisher's doings in England may be seen in Garnet's letter to Aquaviva, 14 May 1597 , No. XXXII

3Neither this man, nor the Mr. Co : of a few lines belowcan be indentified.

4 This is probably a reference to powers to subdelegate certain faculties possessed by Mush alone among the secularpriests inside England, which had expired on Cardinal Allen's death The appointment oftheArchpriest in March 1598 regulated this (c.f. Garnet to Persons, 10 June 1598, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 37) The reference is otherwise to Fisher's announced intentionto re-enter the English College when the purposeof his journey toEngland was achieved, (cf. Garnetto Aquaviva, 14 May 1597 , No. XXXII, note 9).

5i.e. Richard Dudley. Eleven years younger than Bagshaw , they had enteredthe English College in Rome together on 1 October 1583, (cf. Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, pp 43, 44) In a letter to Bagshaw shortly after the pacification at Wisbech, urging him to maintain the newly madepeace, Dudley began : "My dearestfather, I have no moe but god & you, since my interest in my temporal father is lost ... " And in a later passage he said that he wanted to equal all that Bagshawcould have done forhim had he been free, and "in correspondence will endevour to give you the comfort of a sonne .. " (Dudley to Bagshaw , [c end 1595], Westm V, n 32). For further information about Dudley, cf. Mush's First Articles , 26 September 1595, No. XVII, note 9.

6 Mush here answered a query which Bagshawhad evidently raisedagainst the method ofexecuting the Pacification Rules , (cf. The Pacification, [6] November 1595, No. XXI, note 7). In another letter Mush remarked: " ... And so plaine they [the Rules ] seem to us, & our bretheren abrode: that wecan not but thinke that yf you were either so charitable as not to offend in them : or after yourfrailtie shewed, as desirous sincerelyto kepe & execute them, as you are careless of the one & unwillingto the other : the ordersmight well ynough passe withoutall thes complaints & cavills. " (Mush to all the Fathers at Wisbech, 20 November 1595 , Westm V , n 87).

7 "Some I heare . . . quarrell & take exceptionsat your orders, sayingthey are not sufficient, other that they intangle your conscience, & bring you to perplexities, other contemne them , & say they never cared for them one penny. other in all occasions indevoure to illude them, by slightie shiftes counnyng wrangles , & superfluousdoubtes ; and thus they are not regardid nor executed as they should be Yf this be tru, fairewell your peace ; adew yourgood . . . for your owne honors , you should spaire now , so long tyme after yourowne acceptance & approbation, thus tocondemne

No.

. them . " (Mush to all the Fathers at Wisbech, ut supra). Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598 , No. XXXV, give some idea of what this state of affairs meant in practice.

8 In Fisher's Confessions this priest was incorrectly given the initial N , for he was most probably John Michel, M.A. Oxon , who went to Douay in 1576 , was ordained in September 1577, and returned to England nearly a year later, (Knox, D.D. pp 109, 129, 144) No details are available concerninghis career before 1596. From Fisher's Confessions he appears as working in Northern England, and as, in some measure, a supporter of Bagshaw , thoughwithDudley he later refused tosupportMushandColleton's proposals for Associations of secular priests, (cf. Dolman to Bagshaw , 16 January [1597], No. XXXI, note 10) He had evidentlyceased to support this party before the Archpriest's appointment in 1598 , for he became one of Blackwell's Assistants, and as such his name was given by Bagshawto Wade, in the presence of Bancroft, (cf. Bagshaw'sMemoranda, 19 October 1598, Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 206)

⁹ This is a reference to the escape and betrayal of Francis Tilletson, who was a Yorkshireman like Mush himself Further information concerningthis affair will be found in the notes to Mush's letter to Bagshaw, Norden & Bluet, 10 May 1596 , No. XXVII

10 For Mush's meaning here see note 12 below .

11 Robert Southwell, S.J. reported the capture, late in 1586, of Mush and others,atthesame time as Richard Langley, a gentleman,whowasexecuted at York, 1 December 1586. Mush and some of the others were able to effect their escape almost at once, (cf. Documents relating to the English Martyrs, C.R.S. Vol 5, pp 312 , 315).

12 For further information concerningthe letterwhich was writtento the man who gave Tilletson shelter after his escape, cf. Mush's letter of 10 May 1596, No. XXVII, note 6. Clearly, whoever informed Mush that no such letter had been written was a follower of Bagshaw , possibly the layman Dr. Farbeck himself , for all the prisoners had been informed of the cause of the betrayal by a priest sent by the penitent betrayer. Mush's words here about "the partie so charged" , is not a reference to Bagshawhimself, of whose part in the events he had evidently not been informed, but to charges made by Bagshawagainst one of his companionsat Wisbech , in anattempt to divertsuspicionfromhimself John Green, one oftheTwenty in 1595 , wrote : "You have filled out your guilt of this so great crime [i.e. of effecting Tilletson's betrayal], bylying about it, ...Iwill notnow speak ofyour accusing, in public, a brother ofthis man [i.e. a fellow priest] ofbeingthe culprit ... " (John Green to Bagshaw, 1 October1596, Westm V, n. 72).

13 Bagshaw , Norden and Bluet each wrote very bitterly to Mush after his letter of 10 May, (No. XXVII), but none of their replies survive. In his answer to Norden, Mush remarked: " ... yett could I nott then [in May] in the freshe hearing this thing, but be earnest against suche a crime whether yt were committed or not, & condemne yt as yt deserved Yf any man ofyou [i.e. in the Castle] had done yt, I writt & inveighedagainst his damnablefact, & desired not to defame his person, yf no suche thinge were done , no man was touched by my letter & so none should have bene offendid with me, more one then an other specially not any ofyou three , considering I charged none of you therwith, but in frendly sorte reqested you to certifie me of the truthof thes reportes. .. " Norden appears to have called Mush "a most devilishe detractour" for his first letter, (cf.

Mush to Norden, 24 November 1596, Westm V, n. 89). This replyto Norden deals only with Tilleston's escape. The personal reply to Bluet, which is mentioned in it, is not extant.

14The "brother Doctor" concerned was Dr. Farbeck "I wishe you that reprove this [i.e. calumniation] in your bretheren to us ; were not less scrupulous to impart your houses affairesto other, yea ofthe secular ranke , more unfitt to knowe them than we be perhapsgods peace & goodorder would stand more firmely emong you And for my owne parte, I knowe noneto havedoneworse inthis pointe than they thatmakethis complainte" (Mush to all the Fathers, 20 November 1596, Westm V, n 87) The accusations ofcalumniation levelledagainstMushforreporting the rumours he had heardabout Tilletson's arrest were evidently containedin Bagshaw, Norden and Bluet's letters to him, (see note 13 above).

15 "For my severall promises I have nowe forgotten them. but I thinke I never promised that which I could not of my selfe performe. my best indevor for all your good ,I freely promisedto god & you : & to mysimple stile I performed yt [i.e. in autumn 1595]" . (Mush to all the Fathers, ut supra)

16 The general letter referred to in this sentence, evidently sent to Wisbech soon after Easter, (April 11), is no longer extant.

17 The general letter to all the Fathers at Wisbech, of 20 November 1596 , Westm V, n 87, is probably indicated here Several extracts from this have appeared in the notes above. It is exceedingly long. Though an endorsementon it in the hand of Bancroft's collaborator : "Mushye (sic) to the priests at Wisbeche, exhorting them to humilitye and concorde generally" , probably describes Mush's intentionin writing, the unrelieved blaming tone of the letter may well have had a different effect

18 Nearly a year previously, Dudley had asked Bagshaw to see if Dolman could obtain some 20 from his wide acquaintancefor Mush and himself, to repay them for the expenses of the period when they were arbitrating at Wisbech, (cf. Dudley to Bagshaw , [c end 1595], Westm V, n 32)

19 Besides Robert Fisher himself, (see note 2 above ), the "somethat came over" , mentioned by Mush a few lines above, may be an indication ofthe arrivalof the unrulystudent priests, Sylvester Norris and Richard Button , who had left Rome shortlybefore Fisher, but who reached England after him, (cf. Fisherto Bagshaw , 16May [1597], No. XXXIII, note 13). Mush's words in this passage indicate that he had learnt, and evidentlybelieved without further investigation, the dissidents' anti-Jesuit version of events in the English College In view of his two earlier letters to Garnet on College affairs, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI, notes 4 and 6), his ready credence of such information seems only explicable in one having so long an experienceof the mission, as evidenceofthat lack of judgment, which even atthistimegiveshis letters theirpeculiar quality of immoderation, and which yearslater, in 1608 , led to complaints from no less a person than the Cardinal Protector, (cf. Fitzherbert Letters , C.R.S. Vol 41, p 18, n 2) If we areto credit his ownstatements,Mush'srenewed alienation from the Jesuits, later so bitter, was due in large measureto Fisher's tales, which so opportunely fitted in with what Bagshaw andothers had often said to him, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, 8 J[une 1597], Law,Archpriest Controversy I, p. 2).

20 i.e. 'innocent' Archaic

21 Weston also referred to the harassing of the re-captured Tilletson by his own party, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, note 28).

22The priest in question was Philip Stranguise, named in Rule 1 of the Pacification of November 1595, (No. XXI), to have charge ofthecommon purse with Bluet Cf. also Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII, note 3. No information survives to explain the reference further.

23Foran accountof Bagshaw'sbehaviour as a FellowofBaliol College, Oxford, in early 1574 , when Persons was Dean, cf. Briefe Apologie, ff. 195v-198v . John Green wrote of the circumstancesattending his expulsion from the English College in Rome : "I will pass overyour expulsionfrom the English College, in a manner sufficiently ignominious, if you give it due thought, on account of a conspiracyorganisedagainst the Fathers of themost holy Society of Jesus ; nor will I recall how you were frequently observed in any interval, howevershort, devotedtorecreation, to be a means ofplanning mischief with one or other of the students to a number amounting to at least ten" (John Green to Bagshaw, 1 October 1596, Westm V, n 72) John Green was a student, andabout tobe ordained, atthe time ofBagshaw's return to Reims, 2 April 1585, after his expulsion.

24 The letter of Cardinal Allen here in question is that of 16 March 1594 (printed in Knox, Allen, pp 356-8), in which Allen strongly urged peace and co-operation among all the priests working in England It had been written because of the stories of internal dissension between the Fathers and the secular priests which Mush had himself told the Cardinal during his visit to Rome in 1593-4, and which were strongly repudiated by those secual priests to whom Mush showed the Cardinal's commonletter, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI, notes 1 and 2) The occasion behindMush'sreference toAllen's letter here can be seenin Fisher's Confessions . Having visited Bagshaw on his first arrival in England, see (note 2 above), Fisher (mentioned by Mush as "our contrieman, Fisher being from Northern England, as was Mush himself) was sent to see severalpriests in Northern counties, who were thought likely to agree with plans concerted at Wisbech. Among these were Mush and Dudley who, however, believed the proposals for public accusations against the Jesuits to be inexpedient, "partly because it was difficult to support them with legal proofs, and partly lest it might appear that the associations or fellowships, which they were at that time seekingto promote among the clergywere inspired, notbyzeal forreligion, butbyjealousyoftheFathers" . In these circumstancesit is understandable that he was reluctant to be "accusatorfratrum" . For an account of the Associationsin question, cf. Dolman to Bagshaw , 16 January [1597], No. XXXI, IntroductoryNote Only a few months later, however, when he had come to believe that the Jesuitswere the main obstacles in the way ofthe Associationsbeingformed, Mushforgot the love ofpeace mentioned in this presentletterand intended "god wylling to examine and searche them out to the bottom" . (Mush to Bagshaw, 8 June 1597], Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 2) In reality the real opposition to the scheme came from the majority of the secular clergy themselves , (cf. No. XXXI, note 10)

25 ContactsbetweenMush and Bagshawdid not, however , suffer any lasting diminution , as later documents show .

TO

. 10 December 1596

Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 19. Holograph. There is a copy in A.R.S.J.Anglia 31. I. ff 132r-133 ; another copy, byChristopher Grene, S.J., is in Stonyhurst , Coll. P. II, ff. 566-7 .

Introductory Note to No. XXX. This letter is one of several which Garnet wrote between 1595 and 1598 defending his brethren in England against the persistent campaignof calumny against them emanating from Flandersand Rome The death of Owen Lewis, Bishop of Cassano, in October 1595, put an end to the intrigues to secure his promotion to Allen's place as head of the English mission, (cf. Bagshaw to Garnet, 28 August [1595], No. XV, IntroductoryNote),but the campaign againstthe Jesuitsdid notslacken , and in the following months new plans were concerted in Flanders, and many papers belongingto 1596and 1597 survive whichillustrate them. Inparticular there are several letters, sometimes under an alias, sent by William Gifford to some ofthestudentsin Romecontaining bitterand false statementsagainst the English Jesuitsin and outside England, and particularlyagainstWilliam Holt, S.J., in Flanders These may be seen in Westm V, nos 49, 64, 65, 71 , 83, 84, 93, and VI, nos 7, 8, 15, 44. The contents of these letters were intended to be passed on to Cardinal Toledo, the Vice-Protector, who was for months in the middle of 1596 in charge of the English College affairs, (cf. No. XXXII, note 7), and to the Pope. Severalmemorialswerepresented in Rome, (e.g. MemorialeTempestii mense Junii 1596 datum Cardinali Toleto ex litteris Giffordii, Westm V, n 62). The information given by Garnet in his Reply to Fisher's Memorial, [March 1598], No. XXXVI, complements that given in this presentletter He had previously dealt with many ofthe same matters, especially concerning the events at Wisbech, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 12 July 1595, No. VIII, and of 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, Introductory Notes)

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater.

Etsi laetandum nobis potius sit quam dolendum, posttot annorum labores, vigilias, ac pericula pro Christo tolerata, varijs (ut audimus) in urbe illa omnium matre magistra Ecclesiarum calumnijs, sine ulla causa impetamur ; eaque in re praeclara nobis materia Christi Ducis nostri imitandi, eiusque induendi insignia praebeatur: quia tamen, ut Apostolus nos monet, providenda sunt bona non solum coram Deo sed et coram hominibus, et nostri institutiratio id plane exigit, ut patribus ac Superioribus nostris probe cognitiet penitus perspecti sumus: officij nostriid esse duximus, ut totius reprehensionis nostrae originem ac fundamentum (quantumquidem assequi possumus ) breviter ac sinceread Vestram Paternitatem perscribamus id simul obnixe ac suppliciter efflagitantes, ut ne Vestra Paternitas Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum rerum nostrarum ignarum essepatiatur: ut si contingat publicae pacis perturbatores² tanquam lupos ovina pelle contectos, aliquid contra nos absentes , et cum propriae vitae contemptu, rem Catholicorum promoventes, 199

suis beatissimis auribus obstrepere: apud illam sedem ad quam nulla perfidia accessum habere potest tutum permaneat semper innocentiae perfugium : Aiunt ergo nobis cum alijs Presbiteris simultates atque difficilia intercedere,³ hoc si verum esset cur nostra potius quam illorum culpa accidereiudicandum sit sed tamen si haec mera calumnia non sit, nisi omnes plane Presbiteri in nos aequum ac benevolum omnium prae se ferant, nisi nos vicissim omnes quoad possumus in visceribus Christi amplectamur, oneremusque officijs ac beneficijs insumptis in huiusmodi beneficentia nostrorum e societate patrimonijs, non recuso quin non solum mendax habear, sed vestram offensionem incurram Ergo longe minus veritatis in eo inest quam nos illos opprimamus, quos amamus , fovemus omni opere ac studio nec sine periculo nostro iuvamus vel maxime

Verum ut aliqua ratione constarepossit, unde istiusmodi reprehensiones ortae sint : fuit sane gravis controversia inter Presbyteros illos in castro Wisbicensi detinentur separarunt se ob gravissimas plane causas a reliquorum consortio viginti optimi viri inter illos sane Jesuita unus fuit reliqui illi adversarij neque doctissimi, neque optimi. Exanimata causa est ab alijs Presbyteris, vicit causa melior, peiorem admissaeregulae quibus scandalaevitarenturet corrigerentur : Regulae aliae quas per viginti illi Patres sibi conscripserant penitus abrogatae pacis studio cuius amore relicta illa tranquillitate quaantefruebanturseparati, in multacontentionum ac discordiarum discrimina (quae posteasubsecutasunt)5 se libentesconiecereethanc unionem nobis etiam illi ipsi qui prius conquerebantur acceptam ferunt. Itaque haec sane Presbyterorum secularium oppressionon fuit, vel si fuit, non illa Jesuitis, sed alijs Presbyteris secularibus imputari debet.

Fuit et aliadiscordiaemateria :6 dum Presbyteri quidam defendere ausi sunt illicitam conventiculorum haereticorum frequentationem : idque post Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Clementis expressamdefinitionem vivae vocis oraculo Illustrissimo Cardinale Allano datum. opposuimus nos impijs eorum conatibus : non sane iniuste eos oppressimus. quod nisi fecissemus gravissimum plane accidissetrei Catholicae detrimentum .

Non defuerunt qui a Catholica Ecclesiadefectionemmeditarentur iamque in hoc regno praeter ingentem veterum Presbyterorum multitudinem, ad quindecim Seminaristaenon sine publico scandalo partim in manifesta haeresi, partim in aperto schismate, nonnulli etiam in praetenso matrimonio vivunt hos si iam vel haeretice praedicantes, vel libros in haeresis confirmationem edentes ,velimpia quaequecontra Apostolicam Sedem ac SocietatemJesu disseminantes pro virili oppugnamus: ipsorum forte iudicio Presbyterorum oppressores iudicabimur , revera autem faciemus, quod nos decet , quodque nos facere semper gloriabimur

Iam si in rebus difficilibus ad nos potissimum recurratur , si adventantes Presbyteros, aliosve pauperos Catholicos, vel fovemus

magis, vel recipimus liberius quam alij possint : illud sane eorum devotioni concedi debet, qui vel in Societatem ingredientes omnia sua nobis donarunt una cum seipsis, vel alias suis eleemosinis nos instruunt,ut habeamusquod impendamus in eos , pro quibus vitam ipsam impendere cupimus neque vero thesauros hic recondere necesse est nobis, qui et paupertatem venimus, et si quando in exilium mitti continget, tot parentes reperturi sumus a quibus alamur: quod an omnes Presbyteri faciant, non est nostrum inquirere. Et si vel in vita, vel in doctrina, vel in ipsa professione aliquidsit quod homines suspiciant et revereantur : illa sane omnia

Deo concedente ad ipsius gloriam, ad nullius autem oppressionem referemus interim tamen nonnullorum fortasse vel invidiam vel aemulationem effugere non possumus sed profecto si aliquid eiusmodi est , occultum est, nec se prodit foras. Quod si sese proderet aliquando, nos certe labores, impensas, solicitudinem, vitae etiam discrimen sine quo procurari res tantae non possunt, libentissimequibusvis nolentibus permittamus.8 Alios profecto opprimere nec vacat, nec libet, nobis quotidie mortem expectantibus, eaque deo iuvante semper meditantibus quae ad nos mortem pro Christo fortiter perferendam idoneos reddere possint. cuiusmodi, non sunt zelus contentio , invidia, animi elatio, ac similia, quae aliorum contemptum atque oppressionem pariunt : sed humilitas, caritas, perfectus mundi mundanique honoris contemptus, quibus studere, religiosi potissimum institutum est. Haec volui de illa nostra accusatione summatim perstringere, Vestram Paternitatem per Christiamorem obnixe rogo, ne domesticis malis quae sane maxima sunt aliquis nobis inde cumulus addatur, si malevolorum hominum sermonibus, vestrae urbis in nos benevolentiae aliquid detrahatur , Londini 10° Dec[ember] 1596

Reverendissimae Paternitatis Vestrae filius in Christo H.

Addressed Al Molto Rdo in Christo Padre il P. Claudio Aqu[aviva]

Endorsed (1) by Persons : P. Garn 10 10bris 1596. pro sua suorumquedefensione in causa visbicensi (2) by C. Grene : P. Henrici Londini 10 Dec. 96.

GARNET TO AQUAVIVA .

Very Reverend Father in Christ, 10 December 1596.

Though it should give us cause for joy rather than for sorrow , we here, who have given no cause for such treatment , are being attacked (so we learn) with divers calumnies where you are in the city, whichis the mother and mistressofall the Churches, and this befalls us after so many years spent in labours, watchings and perilsfor thesakeofChrist. Certain it is that hereby weareoffered notable opportunity of imitating Christ, our Leader, and ofwearing His livery . But because , as the Apostle teaches , it behoves us to show good things in the sight not only of God, but of men, and because the rule of our Institute requires that we be knownfor what we are sincerely and wholly to our fathers and superiors, I have thoughtit a duty of my office to set down briefly and candidly what I conceive to be the origin and foundationof all this blame laid upon us, as far as I can understand the matter In so doing I earnestly and humbly deseech Your Paternitythat you suffer not our most holy Lord, the Pope, to remain in ignorance about our situation, ifit should happenthat the disturbers ofthe public peace,2 like wolves clad in sheep's clothing, make a noisein his blessed ears against us, who are far away, engaged in the Catholic cause, and facing peril to our lives. So may that See , whichis able to deny safe approachto anyperfidy, ever hold out a shelter to the innocent. These men say that enmity and friction is rife between us and the other priests.3 Were this true, it were surely a matter to be investigated and decided whether this situation had arisen by our fault rather than by theirs. But if this allegation is not a pure calumny, if all the priests did not show favour and goodwill to all ofus , ifwe on our side did not in turn cherish them all in the bowels ofChrist , and ifwehave not charged ourselves out of the resources of the Society with the burden of services and benefits expended in kind treatment of men such as they describe , then I am quite willing, not only to be held for a liar, but for a subject ofyour displeasure. So far it is from the truth that we oppressthe other priests, that on thecontrarywe love them , we endeavour and exert ourselvesto the utmost to cherish them, we help them to the best of our ability, and at times with peril to ourselves. But an attemptmust bemade to assign some reason for the origin of this blame. Certainly there arose a grave controversy among the priests imprisoned in Wisbech Castle A separation oftwenty very good men, one of whom wasa Jesuit, tookplacefor manifestly seriousreasons fromcommon lifewiththerest. These other priests, who were neither of the very learned or the very good, opposedthis move. The twenty priests saw the matter throughto a finish, and the bettercause got the upper hand oftheworse . Rules were then

drawnup to prevent and correct any scandal Other rules which thetwentypriests had drawn up for their own benefit when separate, were nowwholly dropped for the sakeof peace. In their desirefor this boon they sacrificed the tranquillitywhichthey hadpreviously enjoyed apart, and they willingly undertook the many risks of being thrown into debates and quarrels, which indeed followed.5 The union involved with us was also accepted by the priestswho had previously complained about the separation. Here clearly there was no case of oppression of secular priests, and if we are still to suppose that there was some such oppression, it was oppression by other secular priests and not by Jesuits .

But there was other ground for strife There were somepriests who dared to justify attendance at heretical services , thoughthis is forbidden, as indeed had been expressly defined in a reply by word of mouth, given by our most holy Lord, Clement , to the Illustrious Cardinal Allen. We opposed the impious efforts ofthese priests,but so todo was assuredlyin nowisetooppressthem unjustly, and anyfailureby us to take suchaction would have clearlybrought about very great harm to the Catholic cause .

There were not wantingamong these priests some who contemplated defection from the Catholic Church In this kingdom, in additionto the verylarge number of the old priests, there are at least fifteenseminary priests who have given public scandal, some by becoming open heretics, others by becoming open schismatics Among these priests some are living in pretended marriage We are opposing with all our might such priests, when they preach heresy, or produce books in confirmation of heresy, or spread impieties about the Apostolic See or the Society of Jesus . We will perhaps be judged by men such as theseto beoppressorsof priests, but in their regard we will go on doing what it becomes us to do , and we will ever glory in what we accomplish.

But if people turn to us, especially in matters of the greatest difficulty, if we give more assistance to and entertain more freely than can others the priests as they come into thecountry, and other Catholics in need, our ability so to do must be attributed to the devotionof those who on entering the Society, placed not merely themselves, but all they possessed, at our disposal, orwho on other occasions furnished us with alms that we might have the wherewithal to spend on neighbours, for whom we yearn to spend our very lives. What need have we to lay up treasure, who come here to practice poverty, and who, if we happen to be sent into exile, have so large a kindred to seeto our wants ? What all thosepriests do , who talk in this fashion, it is none of our business to enquire. If,however, men look up to and respect us for something theyfind in our lives , in our doctrine, or in our religious profession, all these things we turn back to God, Who gives us these graces, and not against anyofour neighbourswherewith to oppress them Perhaps we have to reckon with a possibilitythat we cannot escape from

the envy and jealousy of a few. But actually, if such feelings are entertained in any quarter, they are kept hidden and do not come out in the open If at any time they should betray themselves , we are always most willing to surrender, indeed, to gainsayers,the labour, expense, worry, and risk of life, whichsome mustundertake of necessityfor the so great needs of the common cause As things are , forsoothwe are afforded scant leisure and opportunityfor the oppressionof others Howcould wefind ourselves otherwise , when we live in daily expectation of death, when we keep with God's help ever before our minds, thoughts which may prepare us to endure death bravely for Christ's sake ? Assuredly, such thoughts have nothingto do with jealousy, strife, envy, conceit and suchlike states of mind which breed contempt and oppression of others . Rather do they breed humility, love, entire contempt ofthe world, and of worldly honours, which virtues it the main object of the religious state to foster Thus would I sum up in brief compass what I have to say about these accusations laid against us. I earnestly beg Your Paternity for the love of Christ, not to suffer the very great load of troubles which certainly weighs us down here, to be increased by any charges whichour ill-wishers may lay in the city where you are, to lessen the good will there borne to us. London 10 Dec. 1596

Your

most Reverend Paternity's son in Christ , H.

NOTES

1 This is a reference to Rule 11 of the Summary of the Constitutions of the Society of Jesus, based on the meditation on the Kingdom of Christ in the Spiritual Exercises

2 These disturbers of the peace in Rome were the unruly students in the English College, and certain supportersamong the English exiles living in the city, such as the laymen Nicholas Fitzherbert, John Smithson and Nicholas Morris, and Owen Lewis's nephew Hugh Griffin, Provost of Cambray, who continued to live in Rome until late summer 1596. These men are all mentioned in Fisher's narrative, cf. Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV.

3An early example of the voicing of this charge in Rome was by Mush during his visit to Romein 1593/4, and it was repudiated by secularpriests after his return, and Mush himself was censured, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 2) About this time Blackwell, later Archpriest, wrote to the Protector : "There are (as I hear) little equal, or altogether ignorant esteemers of our matters, who have not gently whetted the edge of their wit and style and the sharpness of their voice against us . They say (but rashly) that we Priests in England are tossed with divers dissensions amongst ourselves and with the Fathers of the Society of Jesus; and, that more freely in lying they may wander , they report the said Fathers to seek no other thing almost amongst us , than by the contempt of the rest of the Priests, greater authorityanddominion in the Clergy might daily grow untothem . A heavy accusation , but most full of falsehood . . . " (Blackwell to Cardinal Caietan, 10 January 1597 , quoted from a contemporary English version, cf. T. G. Law's edition of the True Relation, Appendix B, pp 137-9) Garnet again wrote of the close bondsofaffection between the Jesuits and all the secularpriests but a tiny minority, at the beginningof his Reply to Fisher'sMemorial, [March 1598], No. XXXVI

4 Garnet had earlier madetwo much longer accounts of the stirs at Wisbech in 1595 , (cf. his letters to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII, and of 16 April 1596, No. XXVI).

5 The fullestaccount of the renewed strife at Wisbech after the pacification of November 1595, will be found in Weston'sletterto Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII. Fisher added many details in his Confessions , 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV. Most of the documents for 1596 and 1597 printed in this present volume, however, provide further illustrations

6 Many names could be given to illustrate Garnet's words in the next two paragraphs: e.g. Edward Gratley, Gilbert Gifford, Anthony Tyrell, William Tedder, Isaac Higgins, Thomas Barcroft, Thomas Langdale, Rowland Morgan, and others , who beforethis timehad apostatisedopenly, or had carried on activities detrimental to the Catholic cause and morale whilst still ostensibly Catholics Such a case , in particular , as that of Thomas Bell (cf. Mush to Bagshaw , etc. 10 May 1596, No. XXVII, note 9a) caused much trouble, because of his advocacyin 1591 and 1592 of the practice of Catholics attending heretical churches, in spite of Papal pro- hibitions. Then in October 1592, perhaps aware that his case was being discussed in Rome, he made himself known to the Commissioners who were carrying out the ordinancesof the Proclamation of 1591 , (wherebyweekly examinations were to be made in all parishes concerning houeseholders' religious beliefs andchurch attendance), betrayedhis friends,andabandoned his faith He then himself published details of the infamous life he had

led, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 17 March 1593, Stonyhurst AngliaI, n 73, and Cal S.P.D. 1591-1594, pp 283, 288) Since in the above-referenced letterGarnet remarkedthatCatholicswould befreeofthe "yoke ofslavery" beingplannedin the 1593 anti-Catholicstatute if they would attend church , the effect ofthewords of such a priest, who had been long on the mission , may be easily inferred In spite of great pressure, however , Garnet later reported that Bell's condemnationin Romehad been eagerly received, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16/26 July 1592 (vere 3), copy in Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f 597). Cf. also Cardinal Allen's letter to the Catholics of England, 12 December1592, printed in Knox, Allen, pp 343-5 , which was probably occasioned by Bell's case .

7 The Generalhad assigned the patrimonies of some of the Fathers for use on the English Mission Garnet later dealt more fully with the question ofalms ,in which these patrimonies had their place, in his Replyto Fisher's Memorial, (cf. No. XXXVI, notes 6, 9 , 14 , 16). The "tot parentes" (large kindred) who would look after their needs in the event of exile were , of course , the houses of the Society abroad

8 This is a reference to the fact that for many years Garnet had had to look after incoming seminary priests, as there was no one of their own in a position to co-ordinate any such efforts, and he sometimes found it a thankless task The matter is again dealt with in Garnet's Reply to Fisher'sMemorial, (cf. No. XXXVI, note 6). The eventual appointment of the Archpriest in 1598, as Superior in England of the secular clergy,atlast relieved Garnet of the burden of providing for and placing thosewho were not his own subjects, but, as if in proof of the contentious spirit animating those who objected to the Jesuit's good offices in this matter, the new appointment did not pacifythem, as the activities of the Appellants from 1598 show

No. XXXI

DOLMAN TO BAGSHAW

. 16 January [1597].

Westm. III, n 93. Holograph . Manuscript slightly damaged.

Introductory Note to No. XXXI The interest of this letter lies in the divergence of attitude shown among the small group of priests in England who supported Bagshaw , Mush and Colleton. It is not possible to say when in 1596 the proposals , with which the letter deals, for twoAssociations of secular priests, one about London and the other in Lancashire, which are connected especially with the names of Mush and Colleton, were first made. The copy of the Rules preserved at Hatfield , however , bears thedate "die Presentationis B.V.M. 1596" , i.e. 21 November, (Hatfield Cal VI, p 483-4). Other copies containing Persons' comments , are in Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 32 andWestm VI, n 77. After a long pious preamble, the rules are divided into sections under headings , dealing with the periodic election of Rectors and secretaries , the admitting and expelling of members , public money, relieving thosein need, residence, composingcontroversies , and other matters . This scheme had an interesting forerunner in a plan proposed by the priest John Cecilin 1591 , (a long series of whose dealings withthegovernment, underthe alias ofJohn Snowden , may be seenin Cal S.P.D. 1591-1594) He pointed out to Burghley "how to converte al this machina of Seminarys & pryests to your Lordships service" , without harsh proceedings , by giving Catholics some controled freedom of conscience, whilst allowing a party to grow and gain authority which would eventually lead to the dissolution of the seminaries , andthe abolition ofCardinal Allen's control ofEnglishCatholic affairs A Congregationof priests, in or out of England, should aim tohave all priests in the realm known, go in theirown dress, take some oath against treason, and be under a head "that shoulde be wholy dependenteuppon your Lordship" , (John Snowden (Cecil) to Burghley, 23 May 1591 S.P.D. Eliz. Vol 238, n 168) Connections between John Cecil and Bagshaw's party cannot be shown in 1596-7, but with regard to the 1596 proposalsit is difficult to see how a priest so long experienced in the conditions ofpersecution in England as Mush, could have believedit possiblethat so detailed a scheme as the above could be worked in secret. He seems, indeed, to have been awareof the construction which would be put in his attempts, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, note 24) The following May Garnet commented: "When you read ye rules you may ghesse ye intention : it is a very strange case that those which are most forward therein, were those which were most against ye rules of Wisbich [i.e. in 1595], as though men that live scattered abroadought more to live in rule, then those which are continually in tumults in one house" . (Garnet to Persons, 28 May 1597 , Stonyhurst, Coll P. II f 548).

Youre letters, (WoorshipfullMr D[octor]) bearing date ofthe 13 of december , were delivered unto a friende of myne, bi a stranger unto us bothe, to begiven me the 10 of this monthe, with the owt syed so soiled, rent, and wette, as the indorsment couled not be read and ifbygoodhap, ani in the howsse, had not had knowleage whoseman a was, that braught them, thehad notat all benreceved. so suspicius, and chari, men are in these eivell dayes, to dealewith strangers. notwithstandinge , your letters, were most welcomeunto 207

me, and shalbe alwayes thoughe the should conteine no moore matter, then bene valeo so desirus I am to heare of you, and so great comfort, I shall take to heare often fromyou The A[rticl]es that were inclosed in them, whereof you are desirus , to knowe mi opinion : I had will[ed] rather to have committed them, to thefier or with silence to hav returned them [to you] agayne, then to set downe ani Censure of my liking, or mislikinge of them, so fearfull I am , to incur ani sinister opinion, of unequales dealinge among my bretherne . but suche is your interest in me, as I may not, nor, wil not, deni, nether the least nor the greatest request, you shall at ani tyme propound, or demaunde; if it stand with my habilitie to performe it as toching therfoer those articles ifyt were so with us, as it is in mani places , of Germani : where everi man may usse his conscience freli, withowt controwlment, ofthe hygher Powers, I couled in some parte, listen after them. but the case standing with us, as it dothe, eiven afoere God I speake it, I take them nether necessari , nor expedient, to be practised in these owr whretched dayes, and dangers as we liv in : wher Clamors, are taken for undoubted evidences , and sound pleas, agaynst us. owr honest , and Godli plaine dealing, is acownted tresonable praktice. and of this opinion also I can not but thinke, owr superiors to have bin, and are : otherwysse, dowbtles [ .. . (1? word)] missions, they being of so singular pieti, wisdom, and great reache [and] having with all, so spetiall caer of owr order and weldoinge would have apointed them selves : some one spetiale head over us . and set downe suche orders and Ruelles, as had ben expedient for us, to hav lived under if any will say that they have lefte it undon, becawse they understand not owr estaet that man must be thought of small conceipt and of lese Judgement for the understand asuredli of all owr procedinges, in moore parfit & amplemaner, then I suppose the best dothe heare.5 no, thereverend Bissops and Fathers, when estate was not in the jeloci, that now it is , thos I meane , which were owr owne contrimen, and remained in prisones, for God]s cawsse, could never be brawght, to hav likinge, of ani suche [1-2 words missing] inconveniences hathe followed uppon the attempt therof, we have [1-2 words missing] exsamples Father Heywood, upon the comaundent of his S[uperi]or F Persons, cawled together all the Preysse (sic), of Norfolke, and deliv[er]ed the certayne Canones, to be observed and kept." and what be cam of if ? all the chatholique howshouldersweregreatli scandalized by them: et merito, for they conteined erronius doctrine.8 and the hygher powers hearinge of it gav it owt, that there was tresonable practises in hand : and there upon, the sent owttherecommissions, and Pursiphants (sic) to the highe Sheriffe of Norfolke to apprehende all the Chatholiques, so as for a great space , there was bothe nyght,and daye, continwallwache , andwarde . and the highe Sheriffe hym self dayli roaed abowt, asociated with many Justices, and there companies, as if it had ben in a time of

and

Rebellion a number of Catholiques were aprehended, and cast in prison, wher mani died oppressedwith melancholi and whichwas most lamentable, mani revolted and all the Preysse fled: which were abowt xxv in number. so as, upon this occasion onli of gatheringean assemmble , anddeliveringe owt ofCanons, that Contri, that was most freest, and harbored so mani Cathholiques, becam presentli, most troblesome, and now so barren, of good men , as yt can scant afored, one Preiste, to helpethem in ani extrem necessiti.⁹ whothencan thinke otherwisse but these Articles once published mayhavethe same effect, and that they wilbe ratherto the destruction then to the edifiation (sic) of the Churche of God. ther foer houldingthe mynd I am now in, I will never siewe (sic) to beof the confraternitie , and will harteli desire that none ofmy bretherne will onse move me to be ofit. 10 otherwyse wherin I may stand them, in any steade, they shall fynde me most willinge , as God he knowethe whom I humbli beseeche to have us all in his mercifull protection written in hast the 16 of Januari.

Yours unfeinedli N[ewton]

No address extant Possible seal mark.

Endorsed (1) by Bancroft : Mr Dolemans letter. (2) by Bancroft's collaborator: N[ewton's] reason to Dr. Bagsh[aw] against the havinge of oneSuperior.

NOTES

1 This letter from Bagshawis not extant .

2 The Articles here mentioned are the Rules for the proposed Associations of secular priests, (see Introductorynote above)

3i.e. 'inequitable' or 'unfair' Archaic.

4 i.e. Without the interference of civil authorities, such as was the case in England, with the elaborate system of penal statutes relating to religious matters

5 Dolman's estimate of the wisdom of "owr superiors" , in this case the authorities in Rome, seems on this issue tohavebeenoverrated Thoughonly formallyappointed Prefect of the English Mission in September1591 , (cf. Knox, Allen, pp 335-7), Cardinal Allen had for many years previously been head of the mission, and had maintained some measure ofcontrol through his personalprestige, over the secularclergy working in England. The position, however, had essentially been one of moral authority, for even after the Papal Brief of 1591 had commandedall priests and other Catholics to obey him, no one secular priest, or group of them , in any way formally representedhim in England. The situation, though seemingly successful for a time, had all the weaknesses of remote personalrule, and with the continued expansion of the mission, and with Allen's frequent ill-health, such a situation could be no lasting substitute for a properly constituted localauthority. Thefailure toprovide such a thingimmediately after his death in 1594, indicates what can only seem a lack of grasp, in higher quarters of the exigencies of the situation . The eventual appointment of the Archpriest, in March 1598 , found matters already badly deteriorated, where for long no one had had any powers to deal with trouble-makers

This is a reference to the imprisonment of the Catholic bishopsand other ecclesiasticaldignitaries deprived on various pretexts at the beginning of the reign, (cf. The Extinction of the Ancient Hierarchy, G. E. Phillips, 1905). The last bishopto die was ThomasWatson of Lincoln , at Wisbech on 27 September 1584 , after 25 years in prison There is no record that any scheme similar tothatofMushandColletonfor secular clergyassociations waseverproposed forthe approval ofany imprisonedprelate Dolman was perhapsreferring to Fr. Heywood'sattempt toreform the fasting discipline, (see note 7 below).

7 In 1583, JasperHeywood, at that time Superior of the Jesuitsin England, sought, on his own authority, and not at Persons' command, to bringthe discipline ofthe Churchin England intoline with the practice ofRomewith regard to fasting and abstinence The ancient English usage was considerably stricter, and he had been led to believethat a too great severity had beenemployed by certain clergy His efforts raised a storm against himself and the Society His opponentswere firstly the old priestsordained in Queen Mary's reign, of whom Dolman was one, but they werejoined by most oftheearlier seminarypriests, on thegroundsthatitwas notHeywood's business to change the ancient customs, nor edifying that a religious should be thought to be so opposed to fasting Heywood persisted , with the support of the youngerseminarypriests, and held a sort of synod, but this, however, only exacerbated matters Persons described Heywood's conduct in this matter as grave imprudence, (cf. Notes concerning the EnglishMission, C.R.S. Vol IV, pp 104-9) For furtherdetails, cf. Letters of Fr. Persons , S. J., C.R.S. Vol 39, p 190, note 6

8 Thereis no evidencethat Heywoodsought to imposeanything but Roman disciplinary practice, and thus no question of "erronius doctrine" arises . It is certain , however, that many were scandalised by his actions. It is notclear whether the gathering of the priests of Norfolk here referred to is the synod mentioned by Persons, (note 7 above) An account of this Norfolk meeting, showing Dolman's opposition to Heywood, was later included in the Appellant tract, A Sparing Discovery , 1601 , pp 47-8

⁹ These words are greatly exaggerated , as a glance at lists of Recusantsin Norfolk, or the diocese of Norwich, in December 1585 , April 1586 and 1592 willshow, (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1581-1590, pp 290, 318, and Hatfield Cal. IV, pp 268-9) Another list of gentlemen to be examined regarding their visitstoWisbech, dated 24 May 1596, (Dasent XXV, pp 418-20), contains a number of East Anglian names It can be taken as certain that many ofthesepersons sheltered priests, and thatthe homes of some were permanent refuges.

10 Dolman was not alone among the supporters of this group of priests in repudiating the proposed Associations . Some months later Fisher wrote thatRobert Barwis (orBarras) intheClink, had said"thatthisconfraternitie did never please him (Barwis), neither wold he ever consentunto it, but hinder it as much as he could" . (Cf. Fisher to Bagshaw , [c June 1597], Inner Temple, Petyt Mss 538, Vol 38, f 374-5) Another supporter reported that his brother when asked for his opinion, would not so much as look at the rules, (cf. D. V. to Mr. D[octor Bagshaw], 23 July [1597], Ibid f. 373). Mush wrote that though he would like the project to go forward, even with only 10 supporters, Dudley, Michel and others were faint-hearted, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, 8 June 1597], Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp. 2-3). The attitude of the majority of the priests in Englandis shown in a letterof2 May 1601 , writtenbysix oftheArchpriest's Assistantsto the Flanders Nuncio Thosewho were now among the chief Appellants against the Archpriest, they said, had 4 or 5 years before set out "to make a certaine associationor governmentamong themselves , and this without any consent , counsel or notice (so farre as we understand) of any Superiors either from the Sea Apostolike or otherwayes, and this to the preiudiceof others, yea the most part of our brethren reclayming and misliking the same as savouring bothof presumption and ambition (Quoted from the English version printed in Briefe Apologie , f 90v The original letter is in Naples, Bibl Brancacciana , Sign, III, B.3) On 10 September 1597 Garnet reported to Persons that "the sodality is cleane dashed in the north" . (Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f. 596). Bagshawwrote in October 1598, that "the devise of associatynge priestes was utterly disliked & lefte of" (Cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 205) "

No. XXXII.

GARNET TO AQUAVIVA . 14 May 1597 .

StonyhurstAnglia II, n 28. Contemporary abstract of a letter of which the original has not survived. Part of this abstractis also in Stonyhurst , Coll P. II, f. 573.

Introductory Note to No. XXXII. This letter, writtenwhilstFisher wasstill in England, provides details with which to supplement his own account of his activities , (cf. Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV).

Ex literis P. Henrici Garneti superioris Patrum Societatis Jesu in Anglia. 14 Maij 1597 .

Cum superiori hebdomadaad vos scripserim¹ ea quae hicoccurrunt , nunc tantum addam de Fischero illo scolari seditioso qui Roma nuper venit ad seditiones (ut videtur) in hoc etiam regnomovendas, ² et iam Castellum Visbicensetentavit, ubi pax antea firmata fuerat, tanta animorum laetitia, quantum ex ipsorum dissidentium litteris videbitis.3 fischerusautem postperagratasdiversasregni parteshuc tandem londinum redijt, et cum fratre Dominicano Sacheverello (de quo antea saepe scripsimus) contulit.4 Ea quae nominatim spargit contra Societatis homines qui Romae vivunt, haec sunt. Primo accusatum esse Rectorem Collegii Anglicani quod eius culpa multi scolares mortui sint 2° quod Collegij reditus averterit et substraxerit. 3° quod Hermaphroditum in domum induxerit, idque cognitum fuisse ac detectum per farmocopolaefamulumdum clysterium ei subministraret , quendam etiam scolarem illum manu pertractasse 4° quod scolares ad religionis ingressum alliceret.5 Praeterea affirmat DominumMorum dixisse quod sua Sanctitas decreverat Collegij istius Romani regimen Patribus Societatis omnino auferre, nisi P. Personiusliteras a Rege Hispaniaeobtinuisset in contrarium , perspexisseenim iam summum PontificemJesuitas nullo modo idoneos esse ad gubernanda seminaria eaque nomine quindecim seminaria ac Collegia ad eorum regimine amota fuisse hoc anno praeterito in Archiepiscopatu Mediolanensi Ultimo dicit se ea causa missum huc fuisse, ut videret si Jesuitae ita dominanturac tyrannidemexercent hic in Anglia, quemadmodum faciunt alijsin locis, et praesertim Pater Gulielmus Holtus in Belgio qui ab omnibus Anglis accusatur, cumquenuper voluisset Anglorum testimonium in suam defensionem corradere solum duo sacerdotes subscribere voluerunt.8 Addit denique hic Fischerus se confecto hoc negotio suo velle Romam reverti factam enim sibi potestatem esseredeundi ac studiorumcursum in Collegium finiendi.⁹ 212

Haec si vos istic moveant nescio nos parum movent, certum est enim omnes bonos nobiscum sentire, quorum testimonia si opus fuerit ad vos transmittere poterimus, praesertim vero praecipuorum sacerdotum, sed hac sine necessitatepetere nollemus,10 nequeenim hactenus literis commendatitijs (sic) eguimus, et nunc accusatorum nostrorum vita et moris satis pro nobis loquuntur, ultra quod Deus etiam quotidie iudicia sua in istiusmodi homines seditiosos exercet , ut omnes observant . 11 Solum hocadverto quod huiusmodi seditionum incensores ,qui isticveniunt gratiores videntur futurihuius regni gubernatoribus, et minus obnoxijpersecutionibussivesintsacerdotes sive alij12 ita quod nunc omnis tempestas deseviat in Jesuitas sed si Deus pro sua misericordia pro nobis fuerit, parum refert Publica est suspitio Patrem Joannem Gerardum, qui in Castro Londinensi ter tortus est, proditumfuissea quodam emulo ;13 postea res magis innotescet

Londini Maij. 1597

Endorsed by Persons [?] Ex literas Henrici Garneti de fischero. 1597

Translation

GARNET TO AQUAVIVA . 14 May 1597 .

From the letter of Fr. Henry Garnet Superior ofthe Fathers of the Society of Jesus in England 14 May 1597.

As I wrotethe news to you in a letter of last week , ¹I will now only add what concerns Fisher, that seditious student who came of late from Rome to raise sedition, as it seems, in this kingdom also . He has already made attempts at Wisbech Castle, where peace had previously been established with suchjoy to their souls , as you will perceive in the letters even of those who had been at variance. Well, Fisher, after wandering through divers parts of the realm, finally came back here to London, and conferred with the Dominican friar Sacheverall of whom we have often written before. The specific charges, which he spreads abroad against men of the Society who live in Rome, are these: Firstly, that the Rector ofthe EnglishCollege has been accused ofcausingthe death of many scholars; secondly, that he has diverted and alienated the revenues of the College; thirdly, that he has introducedinto the house a hermaphrodite , and that this has been found out and exposed by the servant of a druggist when giving him an enema , and that oneofthe scholarsalso madeinvestigations with his hand ; fourthly, that he was enticingscholarsto enter Religion. Further he assertsthat Mgr Mora6had stated that his Holiness had decided totakeawayaltogether from the Fathers ofthe Society thegovernment ofthe Roman College, had not Persons obtained letters from the King of Spain opposing it for that the Supreme Pontiff had now perceivedthat theJesuitswerein noway suited forthegoverning of seminaries; and by reason of this fifteen seminariesand colleges had been freed from their rule this last year in the Archdiocese of Milan Lastly he says that the purpose of his mission here is to observewhether the Jesuits domineer and tyrannizein England as they do elsewhere , and especially Father Holt in Belgium, whom all the English accuse of this : and when recently he had wished to take up testimony from the English in his defence, that only two priests were willing to give their signatures. Finally, this man Fisher adds that when this commission is finished, he intends to return to Rome, for that it had been made possible for him to go back to the College and finish his studies.⁹

I do not know whether you there are moved by these things: they have little effect on us. For it is certain that all good men are on our side and, if there should be need, we shall be able to send you their testimony, and especially that of the principal priests,but weshould be lothto askthis ofthem without necessity, 10 for indeed, hitherto, wehavenot required letters ofrecommendation, and nowthelives and morals ofour accusers speakforussufficiently ,

as well as the judgmentwhichGod visits daily upon seditious men of this kind, and in the sight of all I would only direct your attentionto one thing, that is that the raisersof the fires of seditions ofthis kind, who come from where you are, will be patronised more and more by the ruling set here in this kingdom, and will become less liable to be subjected to persecution, whether they are priests or not.12 And, as I write, such persecution as there is , rages against the Jesuits, not that this matters greatly, if God in His mercy is withus Suspicionis widespreadthat Father John Gerard, who has been thricetorturedin the Tower of London, was betrayed bysome rival,13but onthis headweexpect to get clearerinformation. London May 1597 .

NOTES

1 This is Garnet's letter to Aquaviva, 7 May 1597, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 27 , which deals with the torturingofJohn Gerardin the Tower, andother matters, and has only a brief mention of Fisher.

2 Fisher's own account of his early life, college careers, and departure for England as envoy of the seditious students in Rome will be found in his Confessions, 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV. In a letter to Persons of 18 February 1597, Garnet mentioned that Fisher had arrived in England the previous September , (Stonyhurst Coll P. II, f 548) A mention of his early doingsin England appearin Mush's letterto Bagshaw, 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, notes 2 and 24

3 This issimplya general reference to the peace made atWisbechin November 1595, after which various letters of congratulations had been sent to Garnet, (Nos XXII, XXIII, XXIV), since months before this present letter he had informed the General that peace in the Castle had again been broken , (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 10 December 1596, No. XXX, note 5)

4 Other letters in which Garnet wrote of this fugitive Dominican John Sacheverell do not appear to have survived Sacheverell , aged about 18 years appeared at the College at Reims on 28 November 1588, tired ofthe military service which he had seen with some English enterprise Very poorly instructed in the tenets of the Faith he stayed of his own free will toimprovehis knowledgeuntil, on 5 May 1590, he left to pursuehis military career, (Knox, D.D. pp 222, 230). It is strange, therefore, to find that heenteredtheEnglish College in Romeon 20 September1590, (Liber Ruber , C.R.S. Vol 37, p 77) Like Fisher himself, therefore, he was probably another of those ex-Reims students who were accepted in Rome with no reference to their former College, (cf. No. XXXV, note 4) He left the College to become a Dominican, and was known as FriarWilliam. In 1595 he fomented disturbancesin the College, and was a violent partisan ofthe rebelliousstudentsbeforethe Pope Earlyin 1596, probably after Fisher's departure from Rome, he was chastised by his superiors for immorality and imprisoned at Viterbo He fled thence to England (Cf. Chambers ' Account of the Roman College disturbances , 1594-1597, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 45; Cardinal Sega's Report, Foley, Records VI, pp 18, 32 ; Persons , Certayne Aparent Iudgments , C.R.S. Vol 2, p 208, Persons to Idiaquez, 22 May 1597 , Westm VI, n 36) On arrival he went to his relative Sir Richard Fiennes, and was sent by him to Sir R. Cecil on 1 March 1596/7 , as one able to inform Cecil of all proceedings at Rome, (cf. Hatfield Cal VII, p 87) His apostasy is referred to in a letter of M. Array, Archpriest's proctor, 22 Feburary 1599, Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 122 He was later responsible for the arrest of the priest Edward Tempest, )cf. E. Tempest to Blackwell, 15 January 1599, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 48) In late 1602 he had obscure dealings with another fugitive Dominican , Bailey, (cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV, note 80), when he wasliving in London apparently as a layman His name appears in a list ofapostates ofc 1610 or 1611 , (cf. Westm IX, n 115), butafter some years hereturned to his convent in Rome, penitent, and died there after two years, (cf. Fr. Baker's Treatise of the English Benedictine Mission, C.R.S. Vol. 33, p. 159)

5 Fisher was asked about examination in Rome . cf. his Confessions, No.

these four charges and about one other during his For his remarks, and for the detailed refutations,, XXXV, pp 13-15 of the MS.

6 Monsignor Mora or Morra was a prelate at the Roman Court He conducted a visitationof the English College in Rome some whilebeforethat of Cardinal Sega in late 1595 , of which several mentions occur in Sega's Report, 14 March 1596, (Foley, Records VI, pp 1-66) From thisit seems that he was ineffective in dealing with the trouble-making students A letter was later addressed to him by Mush, dated 27 May 1598, urging the appointment of bishopsin England, the removal of the Jesuits from the English College, and other such matters, which was printed by the Appellants at the end of their tract DeclaratioMotuum .

7 Some account has already been given ofthe campaignof calumniesagainst the Jesuits during 1596 in Flandersand in Rome, (cf. Garnetto Aquaviva, 10 December 1596, No. XXX, IntroductoryNote) Successesgained by the rebellious students in Rome had in large measure been made possible by the partisanship of the Vice-Protector, Cardinal Toledo, appointed to look after College affairs in April 1596, when the Protector, Cardinal Caietan, departed on a Papal embassyto Poland, (Pastor, History of the Popes, XXIII, p 291) Ignoring recommendations madeafter Cardinal Sega's visitation of the College, (see note 6 above ), Toledo pursued his own course , by a method which amounted to a progressivegivingway to anydemands made by the rebelliousstudents The position ofthe Rector became rapidly impossible, and this fact, together with other schemes of the Cardinal, to forward the demands of the same students and theirfew supportersin Flandersand Rome, to have the Jesuits dismissed from the College andrecalledfrom the Englishmission, led the General , inthesummer of 1596 , to renew his request to the Pope, already made more thanonce , that his subjects might be relieved of the governance of the College, (cf. Robert Chambers' Account, reference as in note 4 ; Relacionde lo que a passado en la visitacion del Collegio o Seminario de los Ingleses de Roma .. hastaprincipio de Settembre1596, Simancas, Est Leg 967 ; Memoriale Tempestii mense Junii 1596 datum Cardinali Toleto ex litteris Giffordii, Westm. V, n 62 ; Agazzari to Persons, 27 August 1596, Westm V , n. 66; Briefe Apologie, ff 42-2v) The Pope, unaware that support for the dissidents' plans and objections against the Jesuits came from onlya very small minorityof Catholic exiles, was by September 1596 inclined to grant Aquaviva's request Dr. Barrett , Presidentof Douay, then visitingRome , in an audience expressed his firm conviction thatsuch astepwouldhavevery serious consequences for the College and for the whole mission, and told the Pope that the true conditions in England with regard to the Jesuits could easily be ascertainedfrom priests working there The Pope acted on Barrett's advice, the removal of Toledo's influence, by his death in mid-September , doubtless conducingtothis end, (cf. Dr. Barrett to Persons or Creswell , 26 September1596, Agazzari to Persons, 25 September1596 , Westm. V, nos 70, 69, both printed in Knox, D.D., pp 384, 386). The removal of the Jesuits from their charge of one seminary in theArchdiocese of Milan, had no connection with the English College stirs , or with any complaints against their conducting of Colleges, and had in any case occurred during the time of St. Charles Borromeo, who had died 3 November 1584. (cf. Briefe Apologie, f. 41v-2).

8 Fisher's statement was quite untrue. A Memorial against Fr. William Holt, S.J., had indeedbeen sent to Romefrom Flanderslate in 1596, which is probably the paper "Literae D. Giffordiiseu Memorialecontra P. Holtum mense Novembris [?] 1596" , Westm V, n 93. When, however, counterevidence was sought from Flanders, a large amount was assembled and reachedRomeearly in 1597 ,much ofwhich still survives, signed by priests, monks , nuns and layexiles, (cf. Westm V, nos 85, 86, 90, 91, 98, 99, 100 & 101). This attackon Holt was a repetition of an earlier one , in which Cardinal Allen himselfwrote a defence ofthe Jesuit, (cf. FitzherbertLetters , C.R.S. Vol 41, p 131 , note 40).

Thesewords give a more definite meaning to the rather vague phraseon p.4 of Fisher's Confessions, that he was promisedmoneyand letters patent to cover his return, (No. XXXV).

10 After the appearance in Rome of Fisher's Memorial of September 1597 , (cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV, notes 70 & 74), Garnet evidently considered it necessary to obtain such testimony as he here mentions. Consequentlyhe wrote a circular letter to the secular priests in England, dated 1 March 1598, (printed in Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p. 17) The response wasimmediate, and letters in defence ofthe Jesuitsin England signed by almost 200 secular priests were sent For further information on this point, cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41 , p 81 and note 11 . Atthe same time Garnethimselfwrote a detailedrefutationofthe Memorial, which he sent to Persons in March 1598, (cf. Garnet's Reply, No. XXXVI) Cf. also Parker [later an Assistant to the Archpriest] to Bagshaw, 10 May 1598, Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p. 20.

11 These words probably refer in a general way to the apostasyof various persons, priests or laymen, which would certainly have been considered as a judgment, as in Persons' Memoir entitled An Observation of Certayne Aparent Iudgments , (C.R.S. Vol 2, pp 202-211) Examples illustrating Garnet's remark about the lives and morals of many of the accusers can be seen in various notes in this present volume.

12 Fisher's description of his safe journeyings about England, and hisvisits to prisons at will, because he was known to be an opponent of the Jesuits , confirms these words Sacheverell , the fugitiveDominican friar, was well receivedbySir Robert Cecil, and was freeto moveabout as he liked, (cf.No. XXXV). Then Garnet had reported a little earlier : "Wade chargedMr. Tichburn [alias Audley, arrestedc March 1597] yt he was one ofyemalcontents in Rome [he left 10March 1594]: he denyedit Neverdeny itsaithhe you shal fare ye better for it" (Garnet to Persons, 31 March 1598: Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f 551) Thelater close connections existing between many of the Appellants, suchas Bagshaw, Bluet and Watson, with Bishop Bancroft and others, from 1598 to 1603, (cf. for example, Law, Archpriest Controversy I& II, Hatfield Calendars X-XII, XV, Calendar S.P.D. 1601-1603, andWestm.VII), afford a widespreadillustrationof the accuracy of Garnet's prophecy in this presentletter.

13 This is not a reference to Gerard's original betrayer in April 1594, but to a fellow prisoner who informed against him in the Tower in 1597. The man concerned seems to have been the priest William Atkinson, who came to England from the English College, Valladolid , c September 1596 , and who later apostatised, (cf. The Life of Father John Gerard, J. Morris, 1881 , p. 230 ; The Autobiography of John Gerard, translated by P. Caraman , 1951, p 102 ; Valladolid Registers, C.R.S. Vol. 30, p. 20)

No. XXXIII.

FISHER TO BAGSHAW . 16 May [1597].

Inner Temple, Petyt Mss. 538, Vol 38, f. 376. Holograph.

Introductory Note to No. XXXIII. This letter is interesting, not only as a revelation of Robert Fisher himself, but also because it shows that he was treated with considerabledistrust among Bagshaw's own associates outside Wisbech One of these later wrote to Bagshaw: "yt maye be yow there [in Wisbech] do trust fisher but so do not we . " (D.V. to Bagshaw , 23 July [1597], Inner Temple, Petyt Mss 538 , Vol 38, f 373) For information about Fisher's career and of the reasons for his journey to England, cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV. One other letter written to Bagshaw during his stay in England, of about Easter 1597, is printed in C.R.S.Vol 25 , pp 243-6 Another, of about mid-June, is mentioned in the notes below

JESUS M.

Mr. D[octor]. wonder not I desire you at this my retorne, ¹ for in truth, it is not without cause : I knowthat hearing my state since my last departure from you, you cannot but pittie me : and thus it was . The letters which you gave me I sought by all meanes possible to deliver to those to whom they were directed, but I could not by any meanes heare of any of them for the space of thre weekes : then did I heare that Mr Collington2 was out of towne by reason that his brotherwas in trouble, and where hewas not any could tell after that did I heare that Mr Long³ wasgone over whome I beseech god to speede well at the last I heard also that Mr heb[burn] wasin towne, to whom I sent word that I had a letter for him, by one, by whom your brotherD[octor]³spoake with him; this was told him, but I had not any answeare . then I sent the letter with another of myne owne, but the letters came backe againe to me with this answearethat he wold not be spoake with all. then I desired Mr Barras to deliverthem, whichhekept for a time and then told me that he wold not be spoake with by any. then I tooke your letters and opened them and shewed to Mr Bar[ras] that clause wherin you spoake of my provision and how you willed me to take up money in your name whichyou wold see discharged if such neede should be. and theruppon I requested Mr Bar[ras] to lend me some money to get my passadge, which I told, you wold se discharged: at the first he was content, then after twoe dayes he told me that he could not, bycause that your brother D[octor] firb[eck] had forbid him so to doe Then I went to your brother D[octor] and told him my case, not letting him understand thatI had hardany suchthingofhim, and byhis wordes I gathered as much. for he told me in plaine tearmes that I have had by times of you more then wold have suffised me for my passadg consider this that ever since I came in I have not bean

in any catholiques house not one weeke together, but allwayes had my meate and bed for my money, beside my iorneyes which I have made, which could not but cost money : and if you will I will give you account of every shilling which I have spent. of your brother I could not have anythingbut words, saving thathe gave 5s to helpe to pay for my table all this time. ifI had had then but 30ta. or 40s I could have bene past surely or this, for better passadge there was not this long time if a man have any money. when I was at London there came to my lodging a man and askedfor me by the nameof brathait, which not anyof London knew, and thereuppon my host suspected me presently whichmade me be put to my shifte , for I durst not stay there and few there bewhichknew my lodging of all whom I enquired ifany suchthey sent; but they answered no and yet this man told my host that whatsoever my namewashe was sure that I lodgedthere whether this was done of purpose I leave it to other to iudge moreover it is plainely given out by the Jesuites and their favorites that I am a craftie spie, and that I onely dissemble to be a catholike : this was writto me by a dearefrend of myne who (as he writ) did heare it of a preist their favorite, and of a gentleman who did heare it from Mr Gard⁹ the cheif another told me the same tale and also that ther wasa plot for me but whatit should be he could not tell ; so that now I feare more the verie Jes[uits] then I doe heretikes . 10 and diverse such and other reportes goe abroade if the navie had gone I wold have gone withit, I wold not have cared whether, so that I might have landed out of Ingland, 11 and therefore I expected their going so long till I have not left anything unsold neither shert pistle, yea Mr D[octor] rap[ier?] and so poorely I lived thatIhad but xiijd. to bring me from London hether. and I wold not have come from thence at all if I could have got any thing by begging, for in truth I did beg iij miles from London, and ther one came to me and told me that if I beg I must not stay in that towne , bycause their was such an order made. but let the Jes[uits] the world and the divel spit and spite me as much as they will, I am content to beareall though penurie pinch, yet hart is as good ever it was. I am and will be still (as I writ in the letter sent to you by Mr Errington12) as I was before I am not unconstant here are the letters which Í sent to Mr hebron (sic), which I enclose here , that you may se whether I was unreaso [nable] in my demands or no. here I open my greif to you as to my frends, looke what you will have me to doe I will doe willingly. perchance you will aske of me what I wold have you doe in this case . I answeare that I wold onely have you to tell what I should doe. and whatsoever it be I will in truth bycause I sayd last when I was withyou that I wold not see you in hast now I will not looke uppon you, but expect your answeare at my wonted lodging. Maij 16

Youres if he were as rich as Job Rob[ert] fisher

Iheare that MrD[octor] Norice¹³ is sore sicke in warwickshire but where I know not. I heare also that one of my scholefellowes chamberfellowes and bedfellowes, was martired of late at Carlile, his name was Mr Robinson . 14 the thinges which I left unfinished if you will send me where I left, you shall have the rest before I goe . 15

Addressed by Fisher : To the Right worship. his verie good frend Mr D. Bag[shaw].

Seal mark

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator: Mr Fisher to Dr Bagshaw: how the Jesuits give it owt that he is a Spye and that he feareth the Jesuits as much as haereticks

NOTES

1 It would appear from remarks later in this letter that Fisher had some centre at which he could be reached by Bagshaw , probably a few miles out of London, but no information survives as to its location.

John Colleton or Collington, secularpriest, was born in 1548, and wasthe son of Edmund Colleton, gentleman, of Milverton, Somerset He was sent to Oxford in 1565 , and studied "according to report" at Lincoln College, and was convertedat about 20 years ofage, (D.N.B.; Foster, A-D, p 305) Heentered theCarthusianorderinFlanders,thoughatwhat dateis uncertain, but left within a year, (Colleton, Just Defence, p 299 ; Briefe Apologie, f 89) He went to the College at Douay in January 1576, was ordained the following June, and went to England a month later, (Knox, D.D. pp 100, 105, 108) He was captured with Edmund Campion, Ralph Sherwin and others at Lyford in Berkshire on 16 July 1581. After trial and condemnation with his companionsin November, he was cleared ofthecharge by being able to prove his absence from the place of the alleged plotting on the date named, (Foley, Records I, pp 279-284, and IV, p 360) He was detained in the Tower until banished in March 1585 , (Knox, D.D. p 204). The first notice of his returnto England occurs in April 1591 , (Cal. S.P.D. Addenda 1580-1625, p. 324) His partin promoting with Mushthe secular clergy Associationsin 1596 and 1597, (cf. Dolman to Bagshaw, 16 January [1597], No. XXXI, Introductory Note), is noted in a sworn deposition by the priest James Standish, later one of the Archpriest's Assistants, who fromhis personalknowledgealsogave details of Colleton's disorderedlife, (cf. J. Standish's deposition, 23 August 1597 , Westm VI, n. 51). He was later one of the most active of the Appellants, and author of the tract, A Just Defence ofthe Slandered Priests , 1602 .

3 Robert Charnock, alias Long, went to the English College in Rome in April 1580, aged 19 years, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 21). Hepassed by Reimson his way to England in April 1587 , (Knox, D.D. p 215). No information survives about his area of workin England, but accordingto the sworn testimony of James Standish, Charnockwas one of the troublemakersin the Roman College, [i.e. in the stirs of 1584/5], and in England, apart from the seditionshestirred up there, hegave scandal by his immoral lifein a noble household , which was onlysettled by the prudenceof Robert Southwell, S.J. who removedhim peacefully, (James Standish'stestimony, 23 August 1597, Westm VI, n 51) Evidence does not survive to show what part hemay haveplayed inthe Wisbechquarrels, beyondthereference in this present letter and another given in No. IV, note 5. The "going over" reported here was probably a journey to Flanders His imminent return is mentioned in Fisher's June letter to Bagshaw, (Inner Temple, PetytMss 538, Vol 38, f 374-5) With William Bishop he madethe first journeyto Rome on behalf of the Appellants at the end of 1598 , (cf. No. XXXIV, note 4)

4 Anthony Hebburn , alias Medcalf, entered the English College, Rome , on 22 September 1589 , and was dispatched to England in April 1592 , (Liber Ruber , C.R.S.Vol. 37, p 68) During his earlycareerin England heseems to have worked near Durham, (Cal. S.P.D. 1591-1594, p 377) He was an early opponent of the Archpriest, (cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 63, 70, 71, 85, 89, 98), and signed the second Appeal against him in November 1600, (Tierney-Dodd III, p. cxliv). Laterin this presentletter Fisher spelt his name Hebron

5 i.e. Dr. Farbeck or Firbeck, (cf. No. XIII, note 11).

6 Robert Barwis, Barras, Barrowes, Barweis or Barreys, alias Walgrave or Waldegrave, was a secular priest. He was born in London in 1565 , and was ordained from Reims in September 1589. He was sent to England in October 1589 and worked there for 3 years He then entered the Jesuit Novitiateat Tournai on 4 July 1593, leaving again on 7 November 1593, probably for health reasons (Tournai Novice Book (1584-1608), Bibl Royale, Brussels , Fonds Jesuitique, Vol 1016, p 214 ; Knox, D.D. pp 226, 227) He was captured in England on 10 March 1593/4 , (Hatfield Cal. VI, p 311), and gave an account of himself which differs in some points from the above. At the same time he disclosed information about Catholic exiles , ( Cal S.P.D. 1591-1594, pp. 468-9). He appears to have remainedin the Clink until after August 1601, (Hatfield Cal XI, p 363), and to have acted as an informer insidethe prison, (cf. W. Waad toSir R. Cecil, 2 October 1596, Hatfield Cal VI, p. 413). That the person referred to in Waad's letter was Barwis, seems indicated by the following : "Those [priests] left in London are .. . and Barwis in the Clink. This Barwis is doubtednot to behave himself as well as he shouldbyreason of his to-much familiarity with Wade" (A. Rivers, to Persons, 10 February 1600 , A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f 66) As indicated by Fisher, he supportedBagshaw's party, though he seems to have taken a great dislike to Fisher himself, (cf. Fisher to Bagshaw , c. June 1597], Inner Temple, PetytMss 538 , Vol. 38, ff 374/5) Cf. also Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 154-6 Various mentions of his employment as an informer in 1602, though he was not always in favour with the authorities, may be seen in Hatfield Cal. XII.

For information concerning Fisher's date of departure from England, cf. his Confessions , 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV, note 58

8 At his examination Fisher mentioned that among other money received in England, hehad suchsums as £40, £20 and £30 fromBagshawandBluet, (No. XXXV, note 35) The reluctance of Bagshaw'sassociates to assist him further is therefore understandable, and their implied accusationof misuse of his funds probably justified It may also be remarked that the three sums named amount to the total figure receivedfromalmsby Garnet in a year, (cf. Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, No. XXXVI, note 11)

9"MrGard"isperhapsthesame person as the "Mr. HenryGartsfishemonger" , who evidently actedas receiverof letters for Garnet, (cf. Persons to Garnet, 12 May 1596, Stonyhurst Anglia IX, n 50) It does not appearto be a simple alias, for Garnet in a letter to Persons of 30 June 1599 , (S.P.D. Eliz Vol. 271, n. 31), mentioned that "Garths" staying with him was inconvenient

10 Garnet answered a similar accusationin his Reply to Fisher's Memorial, [March 1598], No. XXXVI, note 25.

11 This is probably a reference to the naval preparations and repairs to ships , which were in hand for the summer campaignof harrying the Spanishoff the Flanders coasts, in company with Dutch men-of-war For the report of the council of war headed by the Earl of Essex , made in July 1597 , cf. Cal. S.P.D. 1595-1597, p 477. In his June letterto Bagshaw(ut supra note 6), Fisher spoke ofthree Dutch fly-boatswhich were carrying destitute English soldiers to Flanders to fight. His meaning here may have been that he might himself have enlisted, if he couldthus have secured a passage to Flanders

12 This man cannot be identified

13 Sylvester Norris enteredthe English College, Romeon 9 October 1590 , aged 20 years, having already receivedminororders, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 76) He appears, as a student priest, in Cardinal Sega's list of turbulent students, (cf. Foley, Records VI, p. 3). With Richard Button, another unruly student priest, he left the College shortlybefore Fisher set out for England, perhaps about the end of January 1596, butdid notarrive in England until after Fisher, (cf. No. XXXV, p 8 of the MS and note28) In January 1597 Norris wrote to some of the students in Rome extolling the charity of the Jesuits towards incoming seminary priests, contraryto what theyhad previously been told (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April1596 , No. XXVI, note 3) His feelings , however, evidently suffered vicissitudes, for the English version of the Appeal against the Archpriest, (printed in Tierney-DoddIII, pp. cxxxiii-cxliv), includeshis nameamongthe signatories . Norris was banished in 1606 , and in the same year entered the Society Hereturned to Englandlater as a Jesuit, where he died in 1630, (cf. Foley, Records VII, p. 552) He was one of those who obtained a doctorate without further adequate study, (cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 120, note 17)

14 This is Christopher Robinson, secular priest, who came on the mission in September 1592, and was martyred at Carlisle c March 1597 , (cf. The Venerable Christopher Robinson, by J. E. Bamber, in Recusant History, Vol 4, No. 1 , 1957)

15 The "thinges" in questionwere probably notes for or a draftof whatlater became his Memorial In his June letter to Bagshaw , (ut supra note 6), Fisher repeated this request, and asked for information on some points which later appeared in the Memorial Concerningthe Memorial itself, which wascomposed in Flandersin September1597 , cf. Fisher'sConfessions , 81-4 March 1598, No. XXXV, note 70 .

No. XXXIV.

WILLIAM GIFFORD TO BAGSHAW. 20 September 1597 .

Inner Temple, Petyt Mss 538, Vol 38, f 378. Holograph.

Introductory Note to No. XXXIV. This letter was written the day after Paget and Gifford had taken Fisher's Memorial to the Nuncio in Flanders for transmission to Rome, (cf. Fisher's Confessions , 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV, note 74) Though so short, it provides important evidence of this party's next plans, (see note 4 below). Gifford signed it with the initials ofthe Latin form of his name: G[ulielmus] G[iffordius]

My good frende , I had youres by R :f: and now agayne by J.H.2 toallwhichIcansaye nothinge buttlamentewithteares thetyrannie yow susteyne theare and we heare farre woorse than thatt which we endure of heretickes,3 yow have noe remediebutt to sende 2 or 3 of the graveste of youre bodie with all the commendation yow can give them to Rome to declarethe trueestateofall and seeke redresse theare whence itt muste come for all we can doe without thatt is nothinge, for youre adversaries have declared thatt all is quiett and in accorde with the fathers and solicitt mightilie for a head eythera Jesuit or one att thearedirection,5 yow have false brethren truste them nott, readethis sente me to communicate to yowand ofthis yow and youre frendes ghesse the reste, in anye case sende us woorde of some save meanes in london how oures maye come to yow without feare of interception for hostes non dormiunt, lett Dol[man] Mich[el] Blu[et] Nor[ris] Butt[on], come? els all is loste butt cito secreto et constanter deus dabit proventus nec timeatis quod pueri pueriliter composuerint nihil praeiudicabit , 8 in silentio et spe fortitudo. Wa: [?] 20 Septembris 97

Youres ever in Christe Jesus toye sheddinge of my bloude G[ulielmus G[iffordius]

Addressed To Master doctor B[agshaw]. Seal mark.

Endorsed by Bancroft's collaborator: 20 sept[ember] 1597. That a Jesuit or one that favoreththem must be theyr head. oftheyr sendinge to Rome

NOTES

1 William Gifford, aged 21 years , left Reimsin 20 July 1579 with five other students, and entered the English College, Rome, on 5 September 1579 He left Rome, recently ordained, in March 1582, arrived at Reims on 23 June, and beganto teachtheology there on 7 July He obtained his doctorate in theology at Pont-à-Mousson in December1584. (Liber Ruber , C.R.S. Vol 37, p 15 ; Knox, D.D. pp 154, 188, 189, 203) Before his return from Rome, however, he appears to have engaged in the activities of some disruptive faction in Rome, for there are several mentions of his present good behaviour in Allen's letters to Agazzari, the Rector of the English College, (cf. Knox, Allen, pp. 148, 154, 156, 163, 172). Less than a year, however, after his return to Reims disgracefulletters (foedae literae) from him were intercepted in Rome and sent back to Allen. The latter hoped to be able to deal with him by personal influence, but remarked that "it is very difficult to take from him the extraordinary inclination which he had towards the men of his faction" . (Allen to Agazzari, 30 May 1583 , Ibid p. 193). From the end of 1585 Giffordbegan to have dealings with Solomon Aldred and the treacherouspriest Edward Gratley, both agents of the English Government, (Cal S.P.D. Addenda 1580-1625, p 162), and in April 1586, during secret negotiations in Paris with these men and with the English Ambassador , he undertook to sow division amongthestudents at Reims, and between Allen and Persons, also being ready to inveigh against the Catholic leaders, if he could do it without discovery and loss ofcredit. (SolomonAldred toWalsingham, 24 April 1586 , Ibid pp. 174-5 ; Persons, Notes Concerning the English Mission, C.R.S. Vol IV, p 69) Onthe18April he had alreadywrittentoWalsinghamconcerninga promised passport to go over to England and other matters, (letter printed in Knox, Allen, pp 262-3) Several mentionsof him occurin the same connections in 1586and early 1587, including a paper giving reasons whyhe could not at that time (? March) proceed to England, (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1581-1590 , and Addenda 1580-1625). His conduct again caused anxietyamong his fellow exiles in 1590 (cf. Letters of his cousin Sir Francis Englefield, Cal. S.P.D. Addenda 1580-1625, pp 298, 312) He remained on the staff at Douay until December1594, when he was sent by Dr. Barrettto theNuncio in Flanders, Mgr Malvasia, about the difficult position of the College. (Vat Arch Nunz di Fiandra III, 726) He was appointedtotheDeanery of St. Peter's, Lille, in May 1595, (E. Hautcoeur, Histoire de l'Eglise Collégiale et du Chapitrede Saint Pierre de Lille, 1896-99, Vol II, p. 458). Gifford's support of the Bishop of Cassano in the intrigues after Allen's death, (cf. No. XV, Introductory Note), is evident in intercepted letters to Thomas Throgmorton in Rome, in May and June 1595, (Cal S.P.D. 1595-1597, pp 36, 40, 54) Gifford's letters to certain of thestudents in Rome in 1596 and 1597, sometimes under the alias of Zenobius Pulesius , (cf. No. XXX, IntroductoryNote), suggest that he was at this timeagain pursuing a deliberate policy of fomenting division among Catholics The List of Calumniesdrawn up in Rome after the reception there ofFisher's Memorial, (cf. Fisher'sConfessions, 8-14 March 1598 , No. XXXV, note 74), containsmany extracts from his letters For an accountofthe actiontaken by the Nuncio in Flanders on instructions from Rome after receipt of this List, cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 130, note 40. Gifford seems to have taken little direct action in the Appellant priests' affairs between 1598 and 1602, but in the period following, when Bagshawand others in Paris were again pursuing a persistent policy of calumny and intrigue against the Jesuits with the English Ambassadorthere, Gifford in 1605 and 1606 appears to have been similarly occupiedin Flanders, whencehe was exiled in 1606 by the Archduke's government, and lost his benefice, (Ibid p 12, note) Two years laterhe joined the Benedictinesat Reims , (G. Mailot , O.S.B., Histoire de la Ville, Cité et Université de Reims etc.

ed 1856). In 1617 he was one of those chosen to arrange the union of the three English Benedictine Congregations , of which he was the first President In 1618 he became coadjutor in the archiepiscopal see of Reims, and in 1621 its Archbishop He died on 10 April 1629, (cf. J. Gillow , A literary and biographicalhistory, or bibliographicaldictionary of English Catholics, London, 1885-1903, Vol II, p 460

2 R.F. is Robert Fisher, and the letter from Bagshawwas carried by Fisher on hisreturn toFlandersin July 1597, (cf. Fisher'sConfessions , No. XXXV , note 59) J.H. cannot be identified The letters in question have not survived.

3 Fisher's Memorial of September1597 contained a similar accusation , "that the Catholicks stand in more feare of the Jesuits, then of the hereticks" . Garnet dealtwith this brieflyin his Reply ofMarch 1598, (cf. No. XXXVI, note 25).

4 The importance of this letter lies in this phrase , for it foreshadows a new phase in the campaignto obtain leadershipof the English Catholic mission for the party led by Paget and Gifford in Flanders, and by Bagshaw, Bluet, Mushand Colletonin England Hithertotheirmain effort had been aimed at working the discredit of the English Jesuits, and it had been pursued by a variety of indirect means . (Cf. in this present volume Nos XV & XXX , Introductory Notes ; No. XXXII, note 7; Fisher's Confessions , No. XXXV, passim). This type of campaign, indeed continued, but it is a measure of the success of Fisher's journey to England, that the faction now felt able to pursue their policy by more direct means as well Though during Fisher's stay in England differences of opinion among Bagshaw'sparty had remained unresolved , they had nevertheless wished Fisher to report in Belgium and Rome what was being done in England, and a plan for having an agentresidingat Rome, with a salary and suitable establishment had been discussed He was also to tell Paget and his friends in Flanders to pursue their campaign against the Jesuits, (cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV, p 16 of the MS . and notes). Throughout the next months in England, members of the same party pursued some common end, evidently connected with a plan to send representativesto Rome , as the wordsin this presentletter suggest should be done, and the embassy late in 1598 of Robert Charnock and William Bishop was the result of these plans, (cf. Mush's letter quoted below). The appointment of the Archpriest took them by surprise, but it did not alter their plans except that it gave them an ostensible pretextfor their mission. The new authority, constituted on 7 March 1598, was not proclaimed in England until May, whenit was receivedwell by all but a very few , (cf. Garnet to Persons, 27 May 1598 , Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f 552) Mush, probably at the time in the North, does not appear to have had certain news of these events till some while later In July he wrote : "I sent to you aboutethe end ofMayletters concerninge the commonbusiness as they had requestedme to write, but since we heare of a certaine (as I ever doubted yt would faule out) that the Jesuits have prevented us & gotten anArchpres[biter]with 12 coadiutoresoverus, oftheirowne appointing Whereupon perhaps all our intendementeswyll surcease & procede no further. yfyt be so , then wishe I my letter backe againebut yfther be no more then I heare as yett, this they have done is to smale purpose, & not the greate goodes we were to solicite for the furtherance of Gods cause in the realme, & so no reason why our suite should not go forward to the obteyning of better & more needful matters But you & they use your ownediscretionswhether to stay, or to procede My opynion is , that this theyhave done should not hindertheprosecution of that we (I hope) all intended for the more honor of God & good of his churche here" (Cf. Mush to

Bagshaw& Bluet, 13 July 1598, Law, Archpriests Controversy I, pp 64-5)

Editor's italics Some plan was thus already well advanced among the members of this party to send a mission to Rome, when the news of the Archpriests's appointment reached England (For evidence that Mushwas quite wrong in ascribing the new appointment to the Jesuits, see note 5 below ). Exception was at once taken to the Archpriest by membersof this party, on the alleged ground that the Cardinal Protector had abused his authority, and matter was devised for an appeal to be prosecuted in person bytwo messengers, (cf. Briefe Apologie, ff. 109-110). Bishop and Charnock had already left England and passed by Paris in late August, 1598, (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1598-1601, p. 86), though theydid not reach Rome till 11 December , (Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 101).

Confirmation that this mission to Rome antedated the Archpriest's appointment can be seen in the letter of Martin Array, one of the Archpriest's Proctorsin Rome, of 18 January 1599, (Ibid p 111) In the course of his report of the examination of Bishop and Charnock by the Papal Commissary , he says thatthe messengerswere not ableto showanyauthority fortheirmission, and had with them onlya collectionofsome 21 or 22notes and little letters (he called them scrowles and tickets) of which 16 or 17 had been written before the Archpriest was appointed, and which only demanded some superior, which, as Array remarks, they now had, so that the said letters in fact told againstthem Theremaining letters contained notabove a dozennames, and half of these from one house (i.e. Wisbech). The Summary of their actual examinations contains confirmation on this point : "3. Interrogated as to whether theycarrywith them any letters of credence, with which they may prove that they were lawfully sent in the name of others, they reply no, but they offer certain little letters or open sheets of paper, withoutseals, and even in many caseswithoutdates , or certain times of writing which letters or sheets number 22 . . 4. Much the larger part of these little letters, that is 16, were written, as these examinates themselves confessed , and as appears from their contents , before the Archpriest was appointed in England, (Summarium desumptumex confessionibus Ruberti Charnochiet Gul Bishopi ... Torino Archivio di Stato, Raccolta Mongardino, Vol 61, Doc 12) Editor'sitalics

Persons wrote an account of these events with the authenticated copies of the examinations beforehim, and he commentedon this matterof the letters which the two messengers had brought with them , that "astrange maner of dealing it seemed to Italians , and hereupon also arose a great doubt what maner of commission these men had or could have ?" etc. He furthershowed from theirown answers that of a total number of about 300 priests then in England, about which number they were both agreed, Charnock could onlyclaim 14 or 15 supportersfor theirproceedings , whilst Bishop said that he onlyknew of 12. (Cf. Briefe Apologie, ff 130v-133v , and Summarium desumptum, ut supra).

5 Contemporary evidencesupports neither this suggestion of Gifford's , nor the later Appellant contentions that the Archpriest was a creation of the Jesuits, either as to the officeorthe personchosen, (cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 127, note 36)

6 There is no record of the letter or paper forwarded to Bagshawwith this present letter It is certain that large numbers of documents did reach Persons' hands in Rome , for he had verymany friends in England Many ofthesepapersstill survive, and are preservedin the Westminster Archives and in the Stonyhurst Anglia series Of these present controversies,in particular , he was well informed, as can be seen from the documentsquoted and referred to in Briefe Apologie .

7 Michel may already have ceased to support Bagshaw'sparty by this time* (cf. No. XXIX, note 8) It is an interesting suggestion that Bluet, who had been in prison from the end of 1578, might neverthelesshave been able to cross to Flanders at this time in connection with these affairs.

8 This is a reference to the first pacification effected in the English College, Rome, in May 1597 , through the efforts of Persons, when for a timeeven the most active ring-leaders in the troubles, suchas Edward Bennett, were won over, (cf. No. XXXV, IntroductoryNote). It is evident from this presentletter, thatthe agreements at thispacification childishly (pueriliter) enteredinto by the students (pueri) at the College, were not to be allowed to prejudice the plans here referred to. On this point, however, a letter which Gifford had written only two months previously to three of the students, provides an instructive comment For it contained congratulations at therestoration of peace in theCollege, and greatly praisedPersons' efforts, telling the students that God had consoled them for the loss of so good a patron as Cardinal Allen, having given them in Persons, a Josua for their Moses, and a David in place of Jonathan, etc. (Cf. Contena LitterarumD. Giffordii Patre Tempestio, P. Bennetto et P. Gillo (Hill) scriptarum in gratulatione pacis , 10 July 1597, Westm VI, n 44)

No. XXXV.

FISHER'S CONFESSIONS.

Stonyhurst Anglia VI, n 22 attestations and signatures of most pages, and is slightly 8-14 March 1598

Original document,with autograph The manuscript is frayedatthetop damagedin otherplaces

Introductory Note to No. XXXV. In this report of the examination of Robert Fisher after his return to Romeearly in 1598, the connectionsbetween the intriguers among the Catholic exiles in Flanders and Rome , and the small group of their supporters in England, stands revealed in a waywhich suggests considerabledetailed knowledge behind the questions put to him Concerning Fisher's own probable motives in making these revelations, cf. Note 81 below Copies of the Examination were sent to Flanders and to England, for use if necessary, in combating the campaign being conducted , especiallyfrom Flanders, against the English Jesuitsand thosewho supported them, to the detriment of the whole English Catholic cause, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 10 December1596, No. XXX, IntroductoryNote) On thispoint Garnet wrote to Persons on 21 October 1598 : "Your long letter [i.e. of 12 July 1598, Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 21-38] wonderfully well liked We publish it to honestfolk and so Fishersexamination alsoe (Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f 545) At the time of the examination, conditions at the English College were quite different from those which Fisher had previously known RecalledfromSpain late in 1596 Persons, at theearnest request of the Pope soon after his arrivalin the following March, agreed to attempt a settlement of the troubles there Long patient efforts resulted in the temporary pacification of 15 May 1597 , (cf. Persons to Garnet, 12 July 1598 , ut supra; Persons to Holt, 5/15 May 1597, Tierney-Dodd III, p. lxxviii) Final pacification and a thorough reform of the College were, however, effected only after the enquiry into the Taverns scandal, a few months later , (cf. Notes 15 & 67 below). One of the most significant general facts revealed by this document is the widespread use of deliberate lies to arouse hatred and foster dissension Many instances are given by Fisher (see note 48 below), and further examples of the method can be found in other documentsprinted in this presentvolume Concerning the reliability of information in this examination, cf. Note 82

Examen RobertiFis[her]i incohatu[m] die 8° Martij per Reverendum Dominum Acarisium visitationis Apostolicae fiscalem ex commissionesanctissimi Domini nostri, et Illustrissimi Cardinalis Caetani Angliae Protectoris : scriptum per me Henricum Tichburnum ab Reverendo Domino Acaritio deputatum in scribam.¹

Vocatus ad examen a Reverendo D. Acarisio die 8° Martij Anno 1598 et exhibito ei iuramento, quod tactis evangelijs, praestitit interrogatus est circa primum articulum de nomine, parentibus, patria etc. Respondit hunc in modum Ego vocor Robertus fisherus natus sum in Anglia in civitate Carleolensi, patris nomen Hugo fisherus matris Joanna fuit, ambo animis Catholic[i era]nt, licet non ex ijs qui reconciliati vocantur, et fidem publice profitentur

No. XXXV. THE WISBECH STIRS 231

sed potius qui exterius dissimulantes ob metum haereticorum communiter vocantur apud Anglos schismatici Educatus fui postea in provincia Cumbriae, ubi etiam studui , apud preceptorem schismaticum dictum Hayes Tandem catholicus factus sum ac ecclesiae reconciliatus per sacerdotem Bost ,3 postea martyrem Inde profectus sum in Scotiam Anno Domini 1588 cum classis Hispanica versusAngliam profecta est ubi mansi plus minus menses octo et fuiconiectusincarceremEdenburgi, a ministriscalvinistis,et per mensem circiter et medium detentus, quo tempore Hispani quidam ex ijs, qui ex classe in Scotiam deiecti sunt ad carcerem venerunt visitatum alium Hispanum qui in eodem detinebatur, qui et me quoque hac occasione cognoverunt, unde fuga postea ex carcere delapsus apud eos delitui, quoad nactus occasionem cum ijsdem in Belgium veni, ubi primum appuli ad portum Dunkercum et post mensem vel circiter profectus sum Nuporti ubi mansi per aliquotmenses apud Capitanum quendam [p. 2] nomine Leogrettam, qui abunde mihi ea quae erant necessaria subministravit , tandem vero post infirmitatem quandam Bruxellas ivi quorundam Anglorum literis patri Gulielmo Holto societatis Jesu commendatus, a quo tum literas tum etiam pecunias accepi ut ad collegium Rhemense proficiscerer, earumque adminiculo a Reverendo D. Barretto Collegij Rhemensis praesidein alumnum collegij admissus sum;ubi mansi studij causa per tres annos, et tandem illinc discedens contuli me iterum ad P.Holtum et ille me iterum literis suis Romam commendavit, et pecuniasetiamobtulit se daturum si mihi defuissent.4 Romam igitur appuli anno Domini 1593 et tribus circiter annis ibi mansi, quo tempore coeperunt paulatim tumultus oriri inter alumnos collegij et patres Societatis, et multa memorialia exhibita, tum summo pontifici, tum Illustrissimis Cardinalibus Caetano , Segae, Toleto et Reverendissimo Domino Morrae 5 Actores vero seu praecipui motores eorum inter scholares erant tres vel quatuor qui domi manebant nonnulli etiam extra collegium unientes de quibus postea dicam. atque hic finis fuit primi diei examinis . ita est Robertus fisherus.

Tertio deinde die, hoc est 11° eiusdem mensis interrogatus idem Robertus sub eodem iuramento tacto pectore dixit sequentia, quoad principium tumultuum huius collegij.6 Dicit primam et praecipuam causamfuissequod scholares quidam suggesserunt post mortem Cardinalis Alani Episcopum Cassanensem? promovendum esseet ut ei darenturfacultates quas habebat Illustrissimus Alanus pro missionibus Anglicanis huic vero motioni apud scholares favebant imprimis, ac incumbebant tres, Robertus Markhamus, Shepardus[p. 3.]et Hattonus [8? words] patrocinabaturin occulto etiam Ep[us] et nu [perrime veh] ementi[us] nepos eiusdem Episcopi⁹ celebrando convivia, et semper aliquid proponendo scholaribus contra Jesuitas, et vereor etiam nemultaconfinxeritad eos in odium adducendum, quod ideo melius affirmare possum quia illi eram et sum familiaris, et inter alia memini eum dixisse me praesente et

STIRS No. XXXV.

alijs scholaribus et quantum recordor Shepardo et P. Benetto , 10 quod patrem Cresuellum dum Rector esset istius collegij adeo convictum habuerit de quibusdam rebus, et nominatim quantum recordor de literis interceptis, quod tam ipse, quam praepositus Generalis societatis alijque patres coacti fuerint, genibus flexis ab eo veniam petere Dixit item de alijs literis interceptis quibus scriptum fuerat de Episcopo Cassanensi quod vel mors, vel daemon vel Turca eum eripiat a nobis, hasque literas vel a Jesuita vel eorum fautorescriptas fuisse aliaque multa huius generis quae non recordor, sed acerrimum eum patrum adversarium huc cognovi et puto eumidemadhuchabere propositum ut ex verb[is] eius cognovi dum nuper per Belgium Romam redij quibus me animavit ad hanc causam contra patres prosequendam dicens nec defuturas mihi pecunias nec favorem

Quoad prosecutionem tumultuum contra patres praecipua quaeque erant communicata cum episcopo et domino Hugone euis nepote tanquam agentibus principalibus, erant vero alij agentes minus principales hic Romae, ut Dominus Nicholaus fizharbertus , et dominus JoannesSmithsonus,12 licet hi duo non egerint mecum , sed cum alijs ExAnglis etiam in Belgio veniebant literae continuo ad mirandoset animandosscholares13 praecipueveroauthore domino Pagetto14 cuius instinctupraecipueputo Doctorem Giffordum egisse vel scripsisse ea quae huc scripsit, quorum nonnulla mihi nuper ostendit in flandria cum responsionibus Dominum vero pagettum scio esse valde contrarium patribus, ex ijs quae suo loco dicentur De discessu vero meo versus Angliam dico quod mihi repente propositus fuit die quodam dominico cum nihil de ea re cogitarem, et proponebatur mihi per D. Hillum, 15 Markhamum et Shepardum, tanquam valde utilis causae publicae futurus si in Angliam proficiscerer, finis autem meae profectionis proponebatur ut in Anglia divulgarem contra patres societatis ea quae hic obijciebantur , etiam procurarem informationes inde mitti contra patres per eos [p. 4] qui iam in Anglia ullo modo illis adversantur ; offerebatur mihi a D. Hillo et Markhamo quod haberem pecunias et literas patentes pro rediti[one]16 et quod omnia haberem ad placitum, et quidam etiam Nicolaus Moriteus,17 qui per id tempus Romae fuerat, et recenter ex Angliavenerat nondum catholicus, sed suspectus quod explorandi causa venerat eaque de causa in inquisitionem coniectus sed postea liberatus, hic literas mihi obtulit ad quosdam in Anglia, quarum adminiculo securus possem ingredi, sed ego ne forte illae literae apud medeprehenderentura patribus, vel eorumamicis easrecusavi Quinto vero vel quarto die post negotium mihi propositum omnia habui parata et discessi sumus favore omnium , 18 discessit autem una mecum Bekuittus quidam scholaris,19 valde charus episcopo, hic vero valetudinis causa Roma discedebat, qui cum in itinere moram faceret nobis praecedentibus obvius ei factus est Thomas Hattonus unus ex praecipuis tumultuantibusscholaribus, qui per aliquot menses antea missus erat in Angliam a reliquis scholaribus

et ab episcopo Cassanense ad eadem officia praestanda, quorum causa ego nunc quoque mittebar, sed quia diu abfuerat, et nihil de eius negotiatione auditumerat,20 me quoquesubmittendum , iudicabant. Hic cum esset discessurus mihi retulit episcopum Cassanensem nobis valde amicum esse et pecunias ei in discessu liberaliter dedisse , sumam bene non recordor, sed puto fuisse decem et octo aureorum , et hos praeter qui[n]queginta quos a pontifice acceperat, sicut ego quoque eandem summam 50 aureorum a pontifice accepi cum discederem , 21 et insuper commissionem habui, ut in Belgio acciperem , quicquid esset supplemento necessarium . Hic vero Hattonus ex Anglia veniens , et obvius factus Bekuitho ut dixi, petijt statim de me, meoque itinere ut postea Mediolani mihi retulit Bekwithus , dixitque se in mandatis habere me alloqui, ac dolore quod pertransissem, et quod me equo asequeretur, si sciret quo loco reperiri possem Ex quibus et ex eis quae mihi dixerunt postea in castro Visbicensi patrum adversarij se diu expectasse adventum meummihi constabathancprofectionemmeam rem esse compositam ex multorum hominum intel[li]gentia et consensu etiam in Anglia . 22

praecipuevero mea directio in Belgio fuit ad Dominum Carolum pagettum ad quem tamen nullas litteras ferebam commendatitias (sic), ne forte mecum deprehenderentur, sed per aliam viamhoc est per cursores ordinarios praemitebantur , quod fieri soletutplurimum mutatis nominibus tam scriptorum, quam eorum qui recipiunt23, adventus autem meus sit gratus [p 5.] Domino Pagetto [...]quo ben[... 2-3 words u]t tracta[ ...] et sig[ni]ficavit se de adventu [meo certiorem] esse factum et de rebusadnegotiamea pertine[ntibus] assignavit autem mihi horam certam qua ad eum quotidie venirem ; et cum illi exposuissem itineris mei rationem et propositum dixit mihi non defutura auxilia et directione, et nominavit autem mihi tres inAngliaqui me iuvarent, quorum primus erat D.Christophorus Bagshawusin carcere Visbicensi, et Robertus (sic) Dolmannus24 et Joannes Colintonus sacerdotes, non indigui autem pecunijs ideo nullas mihi dedit. post multa vero colloquia in quibus plurimadixit partim tanquam ex se cognita partim audita contra patres Societatis, affirmabat etiam non solum Romae, sed alibi etaim tam in Anglia quam in Hispania, quam in Belgio excitatas esse turbas contra eosdem , tandem ultra ea quaemihi dixit pro directione mea inAngliaremisit me ad ea quae diceret, vel scriberet Dominus Giffordus quem antea Insulisconveneram, et apud eumhospitatus fueram per aliquot dies, et literas eius ad D. Pagettum attuleram , postea vero mihi exiguas literulas dedit ad D. Bagshaum, mandans etiam ut sermone omnia ei explicarem confidenter .

Transieram [it]em per Duacum antequam Bruxellas veneram , ubi conveni Doctorem Yunghorum et D. Westonum25 qui se monstrabant mihifaverein hac causa, D. vero Robertus Tempestius26 audiebat quidem sed videbatur timidior in loquendo, reliqui vero

in Belgio, quimeanimabant praecipueerant, D.Timotheus Mokettus D. Car Brownus, D. Clitherous,27 et alij quos modo non recordor. Bruxellis Leodium profectus sum ad commoditatem ingressus quaerendum eo quod Cardininal Archidux negaverat eo tempore quibusdam in Angliam transeuntibus salvum conductum,28 profectus est autem mecum D. Giffordus Decanus Insulensis, cuius favore et auxilio habui nonnullas directiones a Domino Parone Darrio29 ad quosdam Londini per quos iter commodum nactus sum ad castrum usque Visbicense ubi petij a ianitore, ut facultas mihi fieret alloquendi D. Bagshoum ibi detentum et statim sine difficultate introductus sum . cumque nomen meum verum ei indicassem libenter me amplexus est, et dixit percommode a me factum esse quod ipsum petijssem, quia si pro facultate petijssem alloquendi P. Edmundum Jesuitam, aut aliquem ex illa parte forsitan captus fuissem et Londini transmissus quia simile quiddam (sic) nuper acciderat 30 [p. 6]

ex q[... 2-3 words] illum [ ...]gram esse apud custodemcarceris haereticum [2? words] postea clarius explicuit narrans catholicos ibi detentosindu[as par]tes divisosesse, unam sequentem P.Edmundum quam postea intellegebam longe maiorem esse , aliam vero partem sibi hoc est ipsi Bagshoo annexam esse, atque huic etiam patrocinari custodem, adeo ut aliquando etiam literas Cecilij Secretarij cum eodem Bagshoo confidenter conferat, quod fecit semeldum egoibi essem et apud eos commederem , et cignum habemus in convivio et venit custos dixitque totne papistae simul ? et ridens discessit et non potuit adesse tempestive Dominus Bagshous convivio quia erat apud custodem ut quasdam eiusdem Cecilij literas videret, quibus valde laetatus est custos et Dominus Bagshous rediens retulit earum argumentum.31 vocatur vero custos hic Dominus Medleus et dicitur Cecilij cogatus (sic), sic enim illum his literis appellavit , 32 acerrimus haereticus ut prae se fert. mihi vero consuetudine adeo factus amicus, ut licet me catholicum sciret, et me aliquoties Londini videret, atque alloqueretur nullum tamen periculum mihi intulit, immo cum semelcasu essem captus, famuli eius procuratione liberatus sum .

Post omnia consilia Domino Bagshoo proposita, et cum suis communicata (nullumenim alterius partis [me] alloquipermittebat) videbatureisexpedire ut querelaeatque negotiationes contra patres Societatis mitterentur volebant tamen prius ut ego proficiscerer in provinciam Lancastrensem aliasque Septentrionales, ut quosdam homines convenirem quos suae opinionis fore existimabant , nominatim vero Dominum Joanem Musheum, D. Richardum Dudleum, D. N. Michel et alios. quos ego cum convenissem ac negotia proposuissem , post consultationem vibebatur Mushaeo et Dudleo non expedire mitti accusationespublice contra patres partim quod difficulter probationes legitimae haberi possent, partim vero , quod tunc videretur associationes illas sive congregationes quas eodem tempore moliebantur non zelo religionis, sed aemulatione

contra patres institutas fuisse 33 Atque ita tandem post octo vel novem menses his rebus consumptos, 34 quo tempore ego septies vel octiesapartibus Borealibus Visbicum cantabrigum, atque Londinum progressus , atque regressus sum, nihil certi spei [?] hac re statui potuit pecunia vero ad has expensas abunde mihi subministrata est partim Visbici a D. Bagshoo, ac a Domino Bluetto (nam habui semel 40¹ aureos , alia vice 20, alia vice 30135 circiter aliasque sumas quas non recordor) partim vero a Domino Musheo Dudleo atque alijs a quibus tam pecuniasquam equos diversos accepi . Londini vero agebam praecipue cum Domino Charnoko alias Longo et cum Domino Medcalfo sacerdotibus [p. 7].

Quod vero attinet ad f[ratrem Gulielmum ... 2 words]36 quipost correptionem Romae ad carcerem ob vitae disso[lutionis .. . 1-2 words] auffugit in Angliam D[ ... 2 words] Londin [ ... 1-2 words] de eius in Angliamadventumde quo valde inratus sum in[time ?] quia cum discederem Romae illum relinquerem pr[aeci]puum quenda[m] actorem et adiutorem in causa scholarium contra patres, et pro nobisetiamquatuorcum[e]ssemus dimissi acriterintercessit , qui etiam cogatus (sic) era[t] et intimusDomino Nicolao fizharberto sine cuius consilio cum nihileum facereexistimarem husmodi (sic) casum vix posse incidere iudicabamus, rogavit tamen me Dominus Noritius ut quia ego tam haereticis, quam catholicis notus eram et poteram cum illis agere, me informarem de veritate, quod feci et intellexi verum esse illum advenisse , difficultas vero erat illum inveniendi atque alloquendi, quod ego tamen in me suscepi atque praestiti, quodam enim die ob[vium] illum habui dum tabernam quandam cum alio ad conbibendum [in]grederetur ego vero illum agnovi, sed ille non me agnovit, [soci]us autem eius erat quidam Paulinus, qui aliquando ex collegio Rhemensi ob furtum eiectus, 37 [tu]m agit exploratorem in Anglia, et multos curavit catholicos comprehendi. illis itaquetabernam ingressis ego cum duobus alijs subsequutus sum, et proprio illis loco subsedimusex s[ola ?] trabea diviso ita ut audire sermones eorum possemus . loquebantur autem et iocabantur de rebus religionis Paulino se haereticum profitente, alio vero partim arridente partim nonnulla interponente in favore religionis Catholicae licet frigide, et post potationem egressi sunt, et nos etiam post illos, et socijsmeispaulo post recedentibusquorum, unus erat schismaticus alter haereticus cum Paulinus fratris Gulielmi socius nonnihil in platea substitisset, ego adij fratrem Gulielmum, et eum salutavi, qui pro aspectunon me agnovit, audito tamen nomine laetatus est me videre, et questusest se nullumadhuc catholicum Londini vidisse aut reperire posse Subintulit etiam breviterde statu suo se nimirum fuisseapud Cecilium Thesaurarium et ita se gessisse ut liber evaderet, nominatim vero obtulisse ei Cecilium magna praemia si eis consentire vellet, se vero promisisse, eorum se religionis fore si bonis argumentis eum evincere possent . 38 se vero iam hospitari apud quendam dominum Slingherum39 sibi cognatum qui aliquando catholicus fuit, sed postea cecidissetmulta

THE WISBECH STIRS No. XXXV.

mala catholicis fecisse, et cum ista colloquuti fuissemusvidi adventantem Paulinum , ipsum etiam fratrem suspectum habui ne me proderet, unde facta ei spe atque promissione me catholicos aliquos ad eum dicturumrecessi ab eo , neque amplius eum alloquutus sum dum in Anglia essem, licet saepius illum viderim, et plerumque in commaedijsubi publice [p. 8] agn[nitusest] pro monachoetsacerdote nec tamen comprehendi timebat incedebat vero bene vesti[tus . et ense ?] cinctus Audivi vero ab alijs postea de illo non [1 word] quod nimirum Cecilio Thesaurario nimium esset familiaris, atque obsequens. In castro vero Visbicensi audivi Dominum Bagshoum et D. Bluettum de eo dicentes, quod licet mali sermones de rebus eius dissipati essent, tamen cupere se informationes de eo habere, et si non a fide apostatasset, se illum defenderevelle quia ipsorum factionisextitisse aliquando.

Circa haec tempora renunciatummihi fuit, Dominum Noritium alium aliquem Collegij Romani, qui paucis ante me diebus e Collegio Romano egressus fuerat, sed post me Angliam ingressus , sinistri nescio quid de me retulisset, et quod me suspectum haberet, qua re ego motus literas illas asperiores quas postea Romae visas esse intellixi ad illum scripsi, sed nunquam tamen eum postea vidi, vel alloquutus sum , licet eandem domum in qua esset adijssem,et de eo petijssem, sed ille me ad colloquium nunquam admisit, et quanquam ille dum Romae esset factionis contra patres esset , tamen audivi in Anglia patribus reconciliatum esse: Idem audivi [d]e Domino Richardo Ban[ks]io40 quem alloqui non potera[m] quod londino aberat, ut valde patribusfavere iam dicebatur , licet Romae contrario animo esse videretur. Inter alia quae mihi commisit Dominus Pagettus tractanda in Anglia ac proponenda ijs qui contra patres [er]ant hoc quoquefuit, quod cum confessariusSerenissimiCardinalis Archid[uci]s e familia esset Dominicana, videri sibi, atque ijs qui suarum [pa]rtium sunt in Belgio P. Thomam Fosterum Anglumeiusdemordinis Dominicani , quimodo Spoleti residet in flandriamadvocandum esse , et efficiendum , ut socius adiungeretur eidem SerenissimiCardinalis confessario. Alium vero eiusdem ordinis fratrem Paulum Anglum natione, qui modo in Hispanijs est in aula Hispanica constituendum , 41 alium vero eiusdemordinis Romam mittendumut sic Jesuitarum potentia minueretur, et nominatimut negotia quae modo in Belgio P. Holt tenebat ad hunc monachum deferentur. ego vero Visbici haec eadem Domino Bagshooalijsque harum partiumhominibus proposui, quae non improbantursed volebat insuper ut diversorum religionum homines in Angliam mitterentur ad partes eorum augendas et fovendas.42

ita est Robertus fisherus.

Die 12 eiusdem mensis continuatum est superius examen at Robertus fisherus sub eodem iuramento prosequutus est suam narrationem hoc modo. Interrogatus de controversijs et dissensione incarceratorum in castro Visbicensi quae sciverit vel audiverit, vel

iudicaverit Respondit Ego multa audivi et vidi dum praesens essem de hac dissensione , egi tamen cum una parte tantummodo cuinunc praesse videturD. Bagshous [p 9] contra patremEdmundum soc[ietatis Jes]u, et eos [qui ad eum ad]haerent, qui plures sunt numer[o 1 word]alia parsut [dixi]proptergratiam etfavorem ,quem habet apud carceris custodem haereticum potentior longe sit, et alios varijs modis vijsque affligat nimio contemptui habeat, et scommatibus saepe exagitat , quod ego praesens ipse vidi et audivi praesertim vero audivi D. Nordenum, D. Bagshoum, Bluettum et alios saepe irrisisse aliam partem et laetatos esse et iocatos cum aliquarelata aut divulgatacontra illos audirent quos, ut plurimum, Jesuitas et practicantes appellabant . 43

Interrogatus vero de causis horum tumultuum dixit se audivisse multa varie relata de primis initijs ante duos vel tres annos , sed tandem cum res essent compositae intercessione atque opera quorundam sacerdotum nominatim vero D. Mushaei et Dudlaei a patre Wallio Jesuitarum in Anglia superiore,44 eo missorum , et regulae nonnullae utriusque partis consensu constitutae atque admissae, ad mores dirigendos ac ad pacem conservandamfuissent harum regularum exemplum originale traditum esse omnium consensu duobussacerdotibus Mushoet Dudlaeo, duo vero tr[an]sumpta partibus dissentientibus, hoc est unum uni, aliud vero alteri exhibitum, temporis vero progressu cum partem eam quae contra Jesuitas est harum regularum taedere coepissent hoc artificio usi sunt ad easdelendas Inductaest controversia annomenD.Thomae Pondi nobilis viri, qui a plurimisannis in carcere propterreligionem fuit, et patrum partes sequitur, in utroque esset transumpto, eaque occasione cum patrum transumptum postulatum esset ut cum alio conferretur , Dominus Nordenus repente illud e manibus abripuit illius qui tenebat et recessit, nec amplius restituere voluit ; ut autem exemplar originale pariter deleretur me miserunt statim equitem adD. Mushum et Dudlaeum rogatum, ut illud vel comburerent, vel istius partis subscriptiones omnes delerem illi vero obliti ubi scriptum deposuissenttandem reperi apud D. Michellumsacerdotem in provincia Lancastrensi, [p. 10]hab[... 1? word e]um exposuissem horum hominum voluntatem ac desider[ium] ille neque comburendum autographum neque chirographa delenda iudicavit, sed renunciari D. Bagshoo iussit se taciturum, neque ulli scriptum indicaturum, si ipse suique silentium servent, quo accepto a me Bagshous responso laetatus est ac dixit nunc lex nostra in manibus nostris . 45

Post haec amotis regulis licentius coepit grassari discordia et ego ipse vidi et audivi indigna multa, sed multoimmodestius videbantur mihi se gerere et insolentius, tum verbis, tum etiam factis, qui erant a parte D. Bagshoi, quam alij, qui Jesuitis adhaerebant, quorum hocunum interalia vidiexemplum quodam die cumpostprandium una deambularent D. Nordenus sacerdos ac Medicinae Doctor alloquutus est secreto in auriculam alium quendam Sacerdotem

quem puto fuisse D. Suthwartumequitis aurati filium, et vocasse illum bis vel ter nebulonem, immo verum et nequam nebulonem ; cum autem alter quaereretur de contumelia et iniuria sibi illata et pernagabat iubens ut testes proferret, quod cum facere non posset nullum illi remedij genus remanebat nisi in eandemquoque linguae licentiam prorumpere voluisset Statim vero Nordenus ad me venit, et ridens confessus est factum cum me a partibus eorum staresciret, idem quoque factum postea D. Bagshoussocijque me praesente laudarunt atque risu excoeperunt Aliud est quod cum D. Nordenus totiusdomusoeconomus factus esset, profitebaturapud me se multa de industria facere ad aliam partem urendam ac mortificandam , omnia suis pro libito concedens, et alijs denegans, ut aliquando cum P. Edmundus non bene se haberet noluit ei cibum in cubiculum mittere, 46 et alia huiusmodi ex quibus ego facile animadvertimaxima odia inter partes nata esse ex eaque re valde dubius animi factus sum quid facerem aut sentirem cum ego hactenuscontra [p. 11] patres et eorum partes steti[ssem ... 1word]

Ro[ ... 2-3 words] in Anglia , isti vero mu[ ... 1-2 words] contra eos [2-3 words ... ]lissent, e contra vero [1-2 words] placebant quae in [istis ?] videbam

Interrogatus quid sentiret in conscientia et coram Deo et sub iuramento iam praestito de utriusque partis hominibus et rebu[s]. Respondit quod licet ego non permitterer ut iam dixi in castro Visbicensi agere cum parte adversa, nimirum cum ijs qui favent patribus societatis, tamen ex ijs quae observavi, vidi atque audivi dum ibi essem , valde monebar, ut crederem in conscientia et rei veritate illos esse meliores homines et causam meliorem habere . primum quia modestius se videbanturgerere, et magis esse mortificati, deinde quod alterius partis homines plurimum conviviis , compotationibus iocis et dicterijs videbanturdelectari,47 praeterea quia multa mihi retulerunt de adversaepartishominibus, quae ego posteareperi nonesse vera,48nominatimdixeruntJesuitam quendam nomine Holtbaeum infamasse quendam Sacerdotem saecularem Staferton[um]dictum de incontinentiavitae cum quadam muliere quodtamen D. Mushus Jesuitis alioquin parum amicus falsum esse se reperisse affirmabat. hoc tamen inter alia volebant Visbicsenses ut ego alijs referrem, et imprimis comiti Westmorlandiae in Belgio ad illum magis in Jesuitasincendendum, quia mulier illa comitierat sanguine coniuncta Dixerunt etiam mihi patrem Wallaeum Jesuitarum in Anglia superiorem interrogatumde Domino Thoma Tresamo equite aurato, qui propterreligionis confessionem a multis annis in custodia vixit quid sentiret, respondisse vere esse atheum , hocqueme iusserunt fratri eius Domino Gulielmo Tressamo in Belgio religionis causa quoque exulanti referre, 49 ut magis eum contra patres incitarem , cum ego tamen in Anglia intellexissem id falso fuisse patri Wallio ascriptum, et de huiusmodi rebus in Anglia feruntur infinita, sed de vita laxiori, aut morum dissolutione nihil unquam a quoquam contra patres obiectum audivi [p. 12] post

1-2 words . . .]ratio me valde monebat, ac monet, quomodo hanc par[tem Jesuitis ?] adversantium magis haereticis gratam perspexi, quod non solum in castro Visbicensi ex favore custodis haeretici in D. Bagshoum suosque animadverti , sed alibi etiam, et maxime Londini ubi cum ad carcerem quendam nomine Clincum aliquoties adirem ut convenirem Sacerdotem quendam qui vocatur Barras, et D. Bagshoi factionis est, nunquam a custode impeditus, captus, vel examinatus fui, licet ter quaterne in die nonnunquam ingrederer, cum tamen si alterius factionis homines adijssem non puto me sine periculo id facere potuisse; vidi etiam aliquando Doctorem quendam medicum nominatum Birbeccum50 catholicum quidem ut profitetur, sed facyionis Bagshoi sequacem cum diversorum carcerum custodes haereticosnimirum Visbicensis, Clinki ac aliorum familiariter apud se convivijs exciperet et ego etiam saepius interfui, et alij catholici , nominatimvero Dominus Noritius semel, qui verbis quibusdam se catholicum quasi prodebat, et tamen nihil a custodibus dictum est ob praesentiam medici, cui omnesadhaererepraesumebantur, et ego iam me puto tanto tutius per Angliam peragratum esse, quanto sciebarinfensior esse patribus

Societatis et eorum amicis.

Interrogatus An dum in Anglia esset alloquutus sit Cecilium

Thesaurarium, vel secretarium, vel aliquem ex consiliarijs vel officialibus reginae, vel cum eis habuerit per alios correspondentiam aliquam. Respondit se nullum ex consiliarijs aut alijs reginae ministris alloquutum esse , 51 nisi tantum cum famulis quibusdam, ac cognato Mareschalli, seu equitis quem vocant Martij, et cum quibusdam comitis Essexiae famulis nobilioribus , quibus tamen neque negotia sua, neque locum a quo venerat, neque alias conditionis suae circumstantias communicavit existimare tamen se sine periculo hoc facere potuisse si voluisset, neque ullum sibi damnum illatum fuisse, si detectus, aut captus fuisset, proptereas rationes quas antea allegavit , cum hoc negotium contra patres societatis et eorum sequaces, qui ferventiores [p. 13] caeteris, et statui praes[ertim . . .]ulosiores [2? words] reginae consiliarijs [2 words .Jisse gratum

Interrogatus deinde de quibusdam verbis ac relationibus contumeliosis per illum in Anglia contra patres societatis divulgatis , ut illinc scriptum apparet per literas 14 Maij, 1597° datas, 52 in quibus perscriptum est nominatim haec sparsisse, 1 ° Rectorem collegij caeterosque patres in culpa repertos esse, quod multi scholares eorum incuria, ac negligentia mortui sint, quod necessaria eis non praeberentur. 2° quod ijdem patres collegij redditus in suos usus averterint. 3° quod Hermaphroditum quendam famulum in domum introduxerint 4° quod scholares illi quatuor, qui viceregentis praecepto ex collegio dimissi fuerint mandato pontificis postea in Cardinalis curruin erroris compensationemreducti fuerint. 5° denique quod scholares per fas nefasque ad societatem ingrediendam pellicerent Ad haec omnia Respondit primum se adverso

patribusanimo in Angliam ingressum, et speciali proposito homines contra illos excitandi et ideo non esse mirandum si facile ea diceret, quae his vel alibi contra societatem obiecta audisset, praesertim cum eo tempore quo ipse Roma discessit nondum erat finita Illustrissimi Cardinalis Segae visitatio Collegij in qua quisque scholarium ea contra patres et eorum regimen obijciebant , quaesibi videbantur. Responsio vero patrum nondum erataudita cum ipse abscederet , nequecognitam tunc fuissedicti Cardinalissententiam , 53 qua patres a culpa liberavit, et scholarium accusationesvanas esse atque calumniosas pronunciavit.

Deinde dicit haec quae in Anglia ab ipso sparsa esse scribunt partim esse ab alijs aucta, partim esse a se relata eo animo quo dictum est se vero nullam aliam de rerum illarum veritate probationem, aut scientiam habere, quam scholarium Romanorum dum tumultuarenturvoces atque obiectiones ; nunc autem se valde dolere, quod accusationes [p. 14] ita [2? words ... Jam levi fundamento nixas contra viros relig[iosos at]que catholicoseis adhaerentes , ita temere effutierit, veniamque ex animo petere tam a Deo quam ab illis qui ullo modo offensi fuerint, hancque esse praecipuam causamhuius sui Roman adventus ut veritatem hanc profiteretur etanimi suimutationem ostenderet, et aliquam saltem satisfactionem hoc modo de malo a se dictis gestisqueexhiberet

Quod vero attinet ad 5 illas obiectionespraemissas ostensum est illi a Domino examinante quam falsae et vanae fuerint. 54 Prima nimirum quod impossibile sit aliquem perijsse infirmum patrum culpa, cum ordinaria collegij pro scholaribus tam sanis quam infirmis rerum necessariarum , proviso omnibus sit nota, nec ulli unquam negata, et quod Doctorimedicopermissumsit eapraescribere quaecunque ad infirmorum sanitatem pertinere iudicaverit , et infirmario ea deferre libere, et ex phamacapola (sic) accipere, ita ut si aliquid deesset non patrum, sed ministrorumesset ista culpa, sed nihil defuit, ut in examine inventumest.

Ad 2a. de redditibus ac bonis collegij aversis patet esseimpossibile commentum eo quod singulis annis expensi, acceptique rationes exactissime ab oeconomis protectorum examinatae atque ipsius protectoris autographo subsignataehabentur

Ad 3a de Hermaphrodito extat examen Doctoris medici Marsilij iussu Cardinalis Segae coram testibus factum, quo testatur Marsilius suo chirographo nihil tale repertum sed petulans esse convicium . ad

Ad 4a. de reductione scholarium eiectorum verum esse intercessione quorundam apud Suam Sanctitatem facta et emendatione promissa cessisse Suam Sanctitatem ut reverterentur ad Collegium, quia nonnulli Sanctitati Suae dixerant periculum esse ne haereticorum partes transirent si eo modo ac tempore dimissi fuissent, sed non remissos tamen ullius Cardinalis curru, sed viceregentemex humanitate curru suo eos reduxisseut Rectori commendare gentem ex humanitate curru suo eos reduxisse ut Rectori commendaret

Ad 5a. de scholaribusper fas nefas ad societatem alliciendis satis apparet quam sit falsum, cum patres Societatis ingressum petentes per multos annos differre soleant, ac [p 15] ingressumquoquequam [1-2 words] negare[2? words] et diuturnam esse, et ve [ ... 1? word] orationem in[ ... 1-2 words]. Cumque multi quotidie magnis talentis praediti ultro se offerentes non admittantur, qui utiliores societati futuri essent quam Angli hac tempestate improbabile videri alumnos Collegij anglicani a patribus tam importune ut dicitur per fas et nefas allici praesertim, cum multi etiam hodie existant in Anglia sacerdotes Collegij aliquando alumni qui testimonium ferre possunt negatum esse sibi Societatis ingressum licet diu, ac sollicite illud peterent tam dum Romae essent quam postea in Anglia nec hactenus admissi 55

Ad haec omnia Respondit examinatus se ista nunquam antea audivisse, neque perpendisse sed sequutum esse in ijs referendis quae in Anglia evulgaverat voces scholarium qui Romae contra patres tumuluabantur , et alterum, qui alibi tam in Belgio quam Anglia multa illi contra patres dixerant, ipse vero nesciebat quo fundamento veritatis niterentur; dicit insuper ea quae in Belgio ab Anglis quibusdam patribus adversis rebus eorum relata audivit magis ei credibiliareddebant ea quae Romae divulgabantur .

Interrogatus hac occasione de quibusdam literis perscriptis abeo ex Belgio ad P. Edwardum Tempestium Romae agentem anno Domini 1596 mense Augusto56 quibus affirmat se multa plura, et deteriora de patribus in Belgio audivisse quam Romae audierat, et nominatim quod multi qui magna observantia Societatem coluerant pessime ab eis tractati fuissent. Respondit Ego in Belgio has literas scripsi motus eorum relationibus, qui mihiistiusmodi multa narraverant , maxime vero et prae alijs Dominus Carolus Pagettus, D. Timotheus Mokettus, D. Robertus Tempestius senior , D. Clitherous , et alij quos modo non recordor. personae vero quae bene meritae de societate malo ab illis tractatae dicerentur , erant quantum recordor Morus quidam, Morganus, et nisi male recordor Adamsonus57 et alij. ita est Robertus fisherus. [p. 16].

Die [13 eiusde]m mensis sub eodem iuramento examinatus de causis reddi[tui] sui ex Anglia dixit sequentia primo quod licet ut iam dictum est non potuerint bene in Anglia convenire de informationibus contra patres Romam mittendis, voluerunt tamen me reverti, ut verbo referrem tam Romae, quam in Belgio quae in Anglia tractabanturvel desiderabantur,58 attuli quoquemecum literulas quasdamDoctoris Bagshoiad D. pagettum , et ad D. Giffordum59 quibus nescio bene quid continebatur , quia obscurius scribebantur. Ad D. Hugonem Griffidium nullas attuli quia non sciebatur àdhuc quod esset in Belgio,60 ad alios etiam nonnullos in Belgio commendationeset mandata quaedamferebam ore proferenda, quae tamen ut plurimumnon dedi quia iamtaedere me coepit horum tumultuum, atque seditionum, nimio forsan

abstinuissem me quoque a colloquio Domini Pagetti et reliquorum post redditum , nisi quod alius quidam qui famulus aliquando extiterat D. Elizaei qui Mussiponti est, 61 post me ex Anglia per D. Bagshoum emissus [nu]nciasset iam D. Giffordo et alijs me mandata et literas ad eos habere ,62 et hoc fortassis, quia aliquo modo me suspectum habebant Visbici antequam recesseram , eo quod valde instabam ut mihi dareturfacultas patrem Edmundum vel alios illius partisalloquendi, quae nunquam tamen concessa mihi fuit, sed diligenter potius cautum ne id facerem eaque de causa terni vel quaterni me ut plurimum exeuntem usque ad portam castri comitabantur Promittebant vero alios post me mittere , unum saltem vel alterum sacerdotem qui informationes pleniores Roman deferret, atque cum ego discederem cogitabatur de D. Charnoko etMichello vel altero istorumad hoc munus designando63 Tractabant etiam de quodam agente Romae constituendo pro causis eorum promovendis, cui salarium et omnia necessaria ad victum,vestitum,ornatum idoneumetcurrum sustentandumtanquam si praelatus esset se velle contribuere affirmabant . 64 timore autem se D. Bagshous significavit ne p personius Romam veniret et omnia haec consilia perturbaret

Summa autem eorum quae dicenda mihi erant Domino pagetto, D. Giffordo et alijs erant ut progrederentur in hac actione contra patres societatis, et eorum sequaces, quo si fieri posset ex Anglia amoverentur sin minus curandum esse ut saltem P. Wallius eorum

Superior officio suo privetur, et eius loco substituatur tanquam Provincialis p. Thomas Listerus tanquam alienior a multis suorum rebus quas improbat, 65 quod [p. 17] cum retulissem postea [4-5 words] D. Pizts66 literis [2? words . ..]llis commen[ ... 1 word] rem approbarunt ta[ ... 2 words] caeteris [1-2 words] dum Mussiponti essent cognovissent Attuli etia[m] literas D. Bagshoi ad scholares Roman[os quibus animabantur in causa suscepta , et ad eos magis incendendos informabantur quod aliqui in Anglia sparsissent nonnullos eorum virgis Romae publice fuisse caesos, quas literas p. deinde Troloppo reliquisque socijs quinque,67 quos a collegio dimissos Mediolani obvios habui mense novembri proxime praeterito, tradidi legendas Habui etiam euisdem argumenti literas ad eosdem scholaresa D. Bluetto sed eas in Anglia reliqui. Praeter amotionem vero Jesuitarum exAngliavolebant eosdem a collegiorum et seminariorum regimine amoveri quod valde necessariumexistimabant multis de causis,68 et si id Romae obtineri non posset saltem ut amoveretur pr Alphonsus Agazarius a Rectoris officio, quia valde contrarium , et incommodum existimabant , et priorum tumultuum non exiguam causam , et hoc praecipue urgebat D. Bagshous , qui illius tempore et per illum a collegio fuit amotus ob seditionis accusationem . 69

Interrogatusde quodam scripto quod multa habet contra patres societatis in Anglia alibique degentes , articulis tredecim contenta ; cuius titulus est (Brevis declaratio miserrimistatus catholicorum in

Anglia iam degentium), et incipit, (Qui unius familiae censentur etc.)70 ostensoque ei scripto ipso respondit, se illud scripsisse.

Cameraci in Belgio apud D. Hugonem Griffidium hac occasione. Ex Anglia, inquit Reversus primum appuli Coloniam, deinde Leodium, ubi cum sacerdoteBirbecco71 consilia contuli in universali quia ille mihi etiam videbatur aliquo modo rebus nostris favere

Deinde profectus sum Lovanium ubi cum nullo egi de his rebus. Hinc Bruxellis D. Pagettum adij, quem eundemplane inveni [p 18] atque [2 words] et valde bene informatum de rebus collegij [1-2 words]atque hoc uti conijeci per literas Domini Nicolai fizharb[erti]

Romae residentis, hilariter et amice me accepit ei summatim retuli negotiorum nostrorum rationes, sed eo brevius quod dicerem me ad eum reversurum esse, quod tamen non statueram ob causas superius relatas, nimirum quod hic modus agendi mihi coeperat displicere

Hinc me contuli Insulas ad D. Giffordum , apud quem parum moratus ea vice adivi Duacum nactus commoditatem socij, qui Duacum proficiscebatur Non erat Duaci eo tempore D. Barretus praeses, sed egi cum D. Yunghero, Westono, et Harrisono , 72 qui omnes rebus meis favere videbantur. Hinc vocatus a Domino Hugone literis scriptis ad D. Harleum 73 Cameracumprofectus sum , a quo acceptus fui valde bene , et cum retulissem ei nonnulla ex ijs quae in Anglia ferebantur contra patres Societatis dixit cupere D. Pagettum, D.Giffordumet se , ut literiscommitterem quaecumque dicebantur, atque ita confeci hoc scriptum, non quod ea noverim vera esse, sed tantummodo quod ea referri ac iactari ab hominibus audiveram, scriptum autem deposui apud eundem D. Hugonem, nequerecordor bene si transumptum aliquod apud me detinui , sed puto potius me detinuisselicet modo non recordor quiddeeofactum fuerit ;[2-6 words?] vero de [1-2 words] ad finem huius scripti seu memorialis habentiu[m ho]c titulo cop[ia liter]arum catholicorum in Anglia degentium etc. Respondit has literas fuisse scriptas a Domino Bagshoo tantummodo , quas tamen offerri volebat summo pontifici reliquorum quoque sacerdotum nomine sine ulla subscriptione ;75 deinde dixit saepe pecunias mihi dedit et transmisitD. Hugo, licet particulares summasmodo non recordor, sed aliquando tres, aliquando quatuoraureos una vice elargiebatur, aiebat quoque nihil mihi defuturumet plurimum me ad hanc causam animabat. Dixit etiam ut in Angliam ad nostrae partis homines in castro Visbicensi scriberem nihil esse omittendum propter pecuniarum expensas, se enim eas facturum libentissime, sive pro literis, sive pro nuncijs sive alijs rebus Hincredij Insulas, ubivalde humaniter a Domino Giffordo tractatussum , et auri nonnihil accepipro amoris pignore. Uterque etiam offerebant media idonea Romae curanda pro me sustendando favore aliquorum [p. 19] Cardinalium Reverendissimi Domini [4-6 words] omnia recusavi eo animo [2? words] eis non in[ ... 2-3 words] ut hoc medium amplecte[r]er [co]nversionis mea[e 2? words] et emendationis, et satisfactionis pro erratis

Pl ... 2? words]ut ea revelarem quae in conscientia mea [2? words] Deum revelanda videbantur, sicut iam si[gnificavi inque ex]amine revelavi, quae(sic) causas tumultuum, ac disse[nsion]um continerent , et remedia idonea ad tantum ac tam periculosum morbum depellendum ostenderent

Insulis fui diversis vicibus apud D. Doctorem Giffordum quia bis vel ter eo redij, 76 inde profectus sum Tornacum ubi pestecorreptus propositum confirmavi recipiendi me ab his tumultibus postea tamen cum per diversa loca Germaniae77 atque Italiae Romam versus progressus sim multa multis dixi tentandi causa, ut scirem quo animis propenderent ; et sic post septem menses in itinere consumptos Romam appuli Inter alios vero in itinere alloquutus sum diversos Anglos haereticos Venetijs qui omnia sciebant minutissime de his tumultibusRomanis, et mirifice laetabantur, et partibusscholarium contra patres favebant.

Alloquutus etiamsum nominatimDoctorem quendam Hawkins78 haereticum, quem in Anglia Venetijs exploratorem agere pro comite essexiae intellexeram ; hic me hilariter excepit, et audito nomine visus est me pro amico agnoscere, et petijt num essem unus e quatuor, qui ex collegio fuerant expulsi, ad quod ego erubui, sed ille me animavit, et dixit me ideo honoratiorem esse , 79 significavit etiam se commercium literarum habere cum quodam Roberto Markhamo Romae residenti qui unus e scholaribus tumultuantibus extitisset , sed iam extra collegium degebat, et tunc temporis mortuus fortasse erat, ut postea rescivi, sed iste illud ignorabat, et existimans me eodem animo esse quo antea petijt ut Markhamo renunciarem illum responsumMarkhami adduaspostremasepistolas suas nondum recepisse ; sed rogare ut rescribat Markhamus, vel si ille Roma forte absit ut ego loco eius ad ipsum scriberem. ego [p 20] ver[o] resp[ondi me co]nsideraturum cum Roman venirem quid fiere pos[se ve]l a me vel ab alijs scholaribus secundumoblatas occasiones quo ille responso contentus videbatur et convivio me excepit, pecunias autem nullas dedit neque obtulit

Hinc iter Romam versus coepi, sed paulatim; diversas enim civitates adij ut religiosos diversorum ordinum Anglicanae nationis inviserem, et viderem quo animo essent affecti Venetijs_enim invisi fratrem Gregorium Sayerum ordinis Benedictini, Patavi quaesivi P. Anselmum Becium eiusdem ordinis sed non inveni, postea tamen alio in loco eundem conveni Parmae alloquutus sum P. RaphaelemBifild, eiusdemquoquefamiliae. Bononiae vidi P. Gregorium Bayleum Dominicanum , Spoleti adij P. Thomam fosterum . 80 Hos omnes inveni varie dispositos, alios proniores et promptiores, alios tardiores ac alieniores, ut his se tumultibus immiscerent

Denique interrogatus , ac iussus sub iuramento iam praestito, ut vere, et coramDeo, et in conscientiadiceret quid inveneritvel quid sciat vel sentiat de tota hac controversia. Respondit ego primum sentio et puto me clare videre hanc divisionem ac contradictionem

tendere ad subversionem totiuscausae catholicorum si progrediatur. Deindetantum esse superbiae, ac contradicendi studium in aliquibus, et tantam amicitiam et conversationem cum haereticis, ut magnum periculum incursuri videantur decedendi a religione catholica si multum premerentur, quod ex plurimis signis animadverti , quod etiam mihi causa fuit serius de his rebus cogitandi, et citius ab ijsdem me recipiendi.81 Romae 13° die Martij Anno Domini 1598 .

Haec esse vera et in nullius odium aut gratiam prolata testor et iuro ego Robertus fisherus. [p 21]

Die 14 Martij voca[tus 4-5 words] coram supradicto Domino R[everendo Acarisio] et in pr[aesentia] Reverendo P. Roberti Personij collegij Anglicani R[ectoris ac] presente etiam me Henrico Tichburno sacer[dote scriba] deputato, eidemque Roberto fishero delato [2? words] et per eum tactis evangelijs et [? 1]ectis sibi a me supradicto scriba omnibus supradictis ipsius examinibus, responsionibus, et depositionibus, ac per ipsum bene ut dixit auditiset intellectis, omnia et singula supradicta examina et depositiones sub diebus8, 11 , 12 et 13° facta et factas, pro veritate dixisseet deposuisse prout in eas easque et ea sponte ratificavit, approbavit , et confirmavit in quorum fidem hic subscripsit, dicens nihil sibi addendum vel minuendum occurrere seu addere vel minuere velle . 82

Interrogatus super quibusdam verbis quibus fuit relatum ipsum contra patres dixisse quod scilicet non credant in Deum seu alia similia. Respondit se nunquam talia verba dixisse tanquam ex se , audivisse tamen haec et alia his peiora non ab haereticis quidem , sed a contrariae factionis hominibus Anglia prolata esse contra patres, et haec forte ipsum usurpasse vel retulisse. et sic fuit dimissum examen

ego Robertus fisherus ita dico iuro et ratifico et sicut supra deposui et ratificavi. Ego Acharisius Squarcionius fislis Visitois et Deprnis[?] apostolico et ad huius [?] examen recipere (sic) ab Illustrissimoet Reverendo D. meo Cardinale Caitano de ordine Sanctissimi D. N. Papae deputatus interfui, et ita descriptum deposuisse et ratificasse ut supra attestor.

Ego etiam interfui et idem attestor Robertus Personius . 83

Idem etiam attestor Henricus Tichburnus scriba deputat[us].

No endorsement.

Translation

FISHER'S CONFESSIONS 8-14 March 1598

The Examination of Robert Fisher begun 8th March by the ReverendSignorAcarisius, Procurator -Fiscal, in Apostolic Visitation on a commission appointed by our Most Holy Lord the Pope and the Most Illustrious Cardinal Cajetan, Protector of England, taken down by me, Henry Tichbourne, deputed to act as secretary by the Rev. Signor Acarisius.1

Summoned for examination by the Reverend Signor Acarisius 8 March 1598 and presented with the form of oath, whichhetook upon the Gospels, he was interrogated on the first article in the examination about his name, parentage, and birthplace , etc. He replied as follows : I am called Robert Fisher.2 I was born in England in the city of Carlisle. My father was called Hugh Fisher and my mother Joan. Both inclined to the Catholic faith, though they were not of those who had been reconciled to it, or made public professionof it, but ratherof those who outwardlyconcealed their convictions from fear of the heretics, and whom the English callschismatics I was latereducatedinthe county ofCumberland, whereIdidtherest of my studies under a schismatical schoolmaster , whose name was Hayes At length I became a Catholic, being reconciled bya priest Boste,3 who was afterwards a martyr Thence I passed into Scotland in the year 1588, when the Spanish fleet was on the way to England, and I remained there for about eight months . During this time I was thrown into prison at Edinburgh by the Calvinist ministers, and was detained there for about a month and a half. Some of the Spaniards from the Spanish fleet, who had been shipwrecked and for a time imprisoned, came to visit a Spaniard in prison with me and thus gave me the opportunity to get to know them Hence it was that when later I was able to break prison, I lay amongst them, until I got the chance intheir company to cross to Belgium, where Ilanded at the portofDunkirk After about a month I set out for Nieuport, where I sheltered for some months witha certain Captain calledLeogretta,whogenerously relieved all my necessities After a bout of sickness I made my way to Brussels, supplied by some Englishmen with letters of recommendation to Fr. William Holt, S.J. He in his turngave me letters and money to carry me on my way to Reims College and to help my admission there as a student by the Rev. Dr. Barrett, President of the College. There I remained for three years engaged in thestudies . When I departed thence, I betook myself once more to Fr. Holt , who gave me a letter of recommendation for Rome, at the same time offering me money if I needed it.4

AccordinglyI came to Romein 1593, where I remained for about three years. It was during this time that the discord gradually began between the students and the Fathers of the Society, with

the presentation of manymemorials to the SupremePontiff and to the Illustrious Cardinals Cajetan, Sega, Toleto and the Very Rev. Mgr. Mora.5 The agentsor primemovers therein were three orfour of the students resident in the College, joined to some other persons outside the College, of whom I will speak later. Here ended the first day of the examination .

Acknowledged by me, Robert Fisher

Three days later, that is on the 11th of the same month, thesame Robert touching his breast in token of his oath which he had before taken, made under examination the following deposition about the origin of the dissensions in this college He states that thefirst and main cause thereof was that certain students proposed after the death of Cardinal Allen that the Bishop of Cassano be promoted, and that to him should be granted the faculties which the Illustrious Allen had held for the English mission Three of the students, Robert Markham, Shephard, and Hatton, 8 had the chief part in bringing forward and advancing this proposal ... The Bishop was a patron also in secret, and afterwards very vehemently the nephew of the same Bishop, byholding convivial parties and always sponsoring proposals hostile to the Jesuits . I am afraid too that he invented many things to cause them to be hated, and this I can state with the more assurance , in that I was , and am , on most intimate terms with him I remember among other things that he affirmed in my presence, with other students also present, among whom as far as I can recall were Shephardand Fr. Bennett,10 that he had so thoroughly convicted Fr. Creswell, whilst he was Rector of this College, 11 of several misdeeds , and in particularof intercepting a letter, in so far as my memory serves , that Fr. Creswell himself, the General of the Society, and other Fathers were compelled to beg on bended knees his pardon. He also spoke about some other intercepted letter, written by a Jesuit or one ofthefavourers ofthe Jesuits, inwhichthe wish was expressed about the Bishop of Cassano that he might be carried off by death, or the devil, or the Turk. He said manythings of this kind, which I cannot now recall, but I knew him in this place as a most bitter enemy ofthe Fathers. I deem that he still retains the same frame of mind, as I learned from the way in whichhe spoke to me as I recentlypassed through Belgium, urging me to continue still inthis conflict against the Fathers and promising that in my endeavour I should not lack money and support

9

Touching the conduct of the commotions raised against the Fathers, all matters of importance were discussed with the Bishop and Mr. Hugh, his nephew, who acted as the principaldirectors of the whole business . Others here in Rome had a large, though lesser, sharein the direction , suchas Mr. Nicholas Fitzherbert , and Mr. John Smithson,12 though the dealings of these two were not with me, but with others. In addition letters were arriving continually from the English in Belgium to cause wonder and

resentment among the students . 13 Their chief author was Mr. Paget, 14 at whose instigation I think Dr. Gifford acted and wrote hither, who recently showed me in Flanders some copies of his letters, and of the replies which he had received to them Mr. Paget I know to be most opposed to the Fathers from indications to be rehearsed in due course .

Touching my departure for England, the proposal that I go thither was made to me suddenly on a Sunday morning, when any such thoughtwas far from my mind It was put to me by Messrs. Hill,15 Markham and Shephard, in the suggestion that it would be a most useful contribution to the common cause, if I would go to England The purpose of my journey was explained to be that I might publish in England against the Fathers of the Society the objections made against them here in Rome, and that I might procure informations to be sent thence against the Fathers from anythere who were in anyway opposed to them. It was suggested byHill and Marhkam that I should have money and letters patent to cover my return, 16 and that in all ways anyrequirement I cared to make would be met There was a certain Nicholas Morris,17 at that time in Rome and recently arrived from England but not yet a Catholic, a man who for that reason had fallen under suspicion of having come as a spy, and had been taken up by the Inquisition and then freed He offered me a letter to people in England, which would serve as a passport for my entry But I refused his offer , as I was afraid lest such a letter be found on my personby the Fathers or by one oftheir friends

On the fifth or fourth day after the making of this proposal to me, I hadcompletedmypreparations andleftwith generalapproval . 18 Beckwith, another student, 19 left with me, one who was very dear to the Bishop, and his reason for leaving Rome was the state of his health. When Beckwithwas delayed in his journeyand I had goneon my way, he met Thomas Hatton, one of the chief agitators among the students. Severalmonths before, Hatton had been sent to England by the rest ofthe students and by the Bishop of Cassano , for the same purposes as those for which I was being sent also. But because he had been so long away and because nothing had been heard about the results of his negotiations, 20 his sponsors decided to send me to replace him When he had been about to leave, Hatton had informed me that the Bishop was thegreat friend of the students, and that he had most liberally furnished him with money against his departure I am not quite sure about the sum mentioned, but thinkthat it was eighteen gold-pieces, and this in addition to the fifty which he received as viaticum from the Pope, the sum whichI in my turn also received from the Pope's bounty when I departed . 21 Further I had a letter of credit enabling me to draw in Belgium what further money I needed . This Hattontravellingfrom England and coming across Beckwith , as I explained, immediately asked him about me and my joruney,

as Beckwith later told me at Milan . He said that he had been instructed to confer with me, and it was a grief to him that he missed me. He said that if only he knew in what place to find me , he would have willingly caught up with me on horseback. From these remarks and from the way in which the opponents of the Fathers at Wisbech spoke of their long expectation of my arrival, I knew that my journey to England was an organised enterprise concerted by the minds and wills of many persons, some of whom were in England.22 on me

The principal person to whom I was instructed to report in Belgium was Mr. Charles Paget. I did not, however, carry on my person letters of recommendation to him, lest these be discovered

Such letters were sent ahead of me by the ordinarypost, with a device usually followed of employing code-names for the writers and the addressees . 23 My coming pleased Paget . . . who told me that he had already been advertised about it, and about all matters concerningmy employment He appointed a fixedtime for a daily visit by me to him. When I explained to him all about the business and purpose of my journey, he said thatIcould count on allthe helps and references I needed. He named three persons who would help me The first was Mr. Christopher Bagshaw in the Wisbech prison, and the others were Robert Dolman24 and John Collington, all priests. I was in no need of money and so he gave me none

After many discussions , in which he had much to say, partly from what he knew himself and partly from what he had heard from others, against the Fathers ofthe Society, he stated that not only at Rome but elsewhere, in England as well as in Spain and in Belgium, commotions were astir against them. Further, in additionto the directions he gave me for use in England, he referred me to whatDr. Giffordhad to sayor mightentrust to me in writing. I had previously met Dr. Giffordat Lille, and wasgiven hospitality byhim for several days I had carried letters to Mr. Paget from him, and he gave me also diminutive letters addressed to Mr. Bagshaw, giving me also verbal instructions whichI was to convey to him with confidence.

Before I came to Brussels, I had also passed through Douai , where I met Dr. Younger and Dr. Weston,25 who showedthatthey looked with favour on my enterprise Mr. Robert Tempest,26 however, listened to what I had to say, but seemed more timorous in his speech The rest in Belgium, who gave me most encouragement , wereMr.Timothy Mockett, Mr. Charles Brown, Mr . Clitheroe , 27 and others whose names I do not now recall From Brussels I betook myself to Liège, in order to obtain a better opportunityof entry into England, because at that time the Cardinal Archduke had put an embargo on the grant of passports to certain people wishing to pass into England.28 But Dr. Gifford, Dean of Lille, went with me, and it was withhis help and favour that I obtained

from Mr. Paron Darrey29 recommendations to some persons in London Through these my journey was readily arranged as far as Wisbech Castle When I arrivedthere and askedthe porterfor permission to speak to Dr. Bagshaw, a prisoner there, I was straightwayallowed in When I had given my true name to Dr. Bagshaw, he embraced me most heartily He said that it was a very good thing that I had asked for him, as I had done, because ifI had asked for leave to speakto Fr. Edmund, theJesuit,orany of his party, it was quite possiblethat I might have been arrested and carried offto London, as had recently happenedto someone.30

From which it was clear to me that he was on very good terms withthe Keeper, a heretic ... afterwards he more clearly explained to me, saying that the Catholics imprisoned there were divided into two parties, one following Fr. Edmund, whichI laterfound out to be the far larger party, and the other followingthis Bagshaw. It was to this last party that the Keeper gave his patronage, even to the point of discussing with Bagshaw the contents of letters received from Secretary Cecil. Such a conference took place once when I was at Wisbech and took my meal withthe party. There wasa swan servedup at the banquet, and the Keeper coming along said : "What ! Are so many of you Papists got together ?" He went off laughing, and Dr. Bagshaw was delayed in joining the festive board, because he was engaged with the Keeper in looking over a letter of Cecil's whichhad given the Keeper great pleasure When he rejoined the company, Dr. Bagshaw described what was in the letter . 31

The name of this Keeper is Mr. Medley and he is said to be a relative of Cecil, and indeed in this letter Cecil spoke of him as such 32 He is notoriously a most fierce heretic However I got to be on such friendly terms with him, that although he knew that I was a Catholic, and caught sight of me several times in London and even spoke with me , yet he never made any move which might bring me into peril. Once when I was arrested by chance , it was by means of a servant of his that my release was procured After all that I had been instructed to say had been imparted to Dr. Bagshaw and communicated to his party (he would not permit me to hold any communication whatever with the other party) it appearedtothemexpedient that complaints andresolutions against the Fathers oftheSociety should be sent out. Theywished , however, that first I should journey into Lancashire and other Northern parts, to meet several persons deemed likely to share their views on this resolve, namely Mr. John Mush, Mr. Richard Dudley, Mr. N. Michel and others When I had met them and explained to themthe business in hand , Mush and Dudleytook the viewthatitwasnot expedient to haveforwarded publiclyaccusations against the Fathers, party because it was difficult to support them withlegalproofs, and partly lest it mightappearthat the associations or fellowships which they were at that time seeking to promote

among the clergy were inspired, not by zeal for religion, but by jealousy ofthe Fathers 33 So it was that aftereight ornine months spent in negotiations of this kind, 34 during which I travelled back and forth eight or nine times from the Northernparts to Wisbech , Cambridge and London, no firm conclusions about the whole negotiation had been possible for general adoption Money had been abundantlyforthcoming for my expenses, whichI was given partly at Wisbech at the hands of Dr. Bagshaw and Mr. Bluet (from them I had once £40 in gold, another time £20, yet another time about £30,35 and other sums whichI forget) and partlyfrom Messrs. Mush and Dudleyand others, from whom I received horses several times as well as money. In London my dealings were mainly with Mr. Charnock, alias Long, and with Mr. Medcalf, priests. As for Friar William [Sacheverell]36. who after being punished for his corrupt morals, escaped from his prison to England and I heard of his arrivalin London. News of this caused me great anger, for when I left Rome, I had left him there as principal agent and helper on behalf of the students in their conflict with the Fathers . When four of us students were due to be dismissed, he was most active in procuring intercessionfor us. He was also related to and on terms ofintimacy with Mr. Nicholas Fitzherbert , without whose advice we judged such a thing could scarcely have happened, since he [Sacheverell] would do nothing alone . Mr. Norris, however , askedmesince I was known to thehereticsaswellas to the Catholics, and could have dealings with them , to find out what was the truth of the matter. This I did and found out that it was true that he had arrived . The difficulty was to find out where he was and how to speak with him. This I also undertook to do and succeeded . One dayI came across him when I went into a tavern to have a drinkwitha friend. I recognisedhim but he did not recogniseme. His companion was a certain Pawlin , who was formerly expelled from the College of Reims for theft, 37 and who then served as a spyin England, being responsiblefor the arrest of manyCatholics . After they had entered the tavern, I also entered with two companions, and we sat in a place adjoining the place where they were and separated by a mere wooden partition so that we could hear what they said. They spoke and joked about matters of religion. Pawlin professed himself to be a heretic and the other partly laughing about it and partly putting in a word or two in favour of theCatholic religion, but without any fire behind it. When they had finished drinking, they went out and we followed after them , I with my companions, one a schismatic and the other a heretic, a little waybehind When Pawlin, the companion of Friar William had haltedin an open space, I got near Friar William and greeted him. He did not at first sight recognise me, but on hearing my name , he expressed pleasure at seeing me, and complained that since coming to London he had not seen or been able to find a

single Catholic. About his state he gave me to understand briefly that he had been with the Treasurer Cecil, and had so conducted himself that he had come away free But Cecil had explicitly offered him great rewards if he were willing to join withthem , and that he had promised that he would become oftheir religion, ifthey could convincehim thereof withgoodarguments . 38 At the moment he was being entertained in the house of a certain Mr. Slinger, 39 arelativeof his, a man who was once a Catholic, butwho had fallen and then done much harm to the Catholics. As we were talking about these things, I saw Pawlin coming up, and I thought that either he or the friar might betray me Accordinglygiving him a hope and a promise that I would send some Catholics to talk with him, I withdrew from him, nor did I again talk with him during my stay in England. But I many times caught sight of him , and often at the playhouse, where he was publicly known for a religious and a priest, nor did he show any fear of arrest He went about well dressed and wearing a sword I heard, however, from others afterwards things to his discredit, namely that he was too familiar with and subservient to Cecil, the Treasurer But at Wisbech Castle I heard Dr. Bagshaw and Mr. Bluet say ofhim that though they had heard that evil report had been spread of his situation, they would like to have informationabout him and that if he had not apostatised from the faith, they were willing to stand by him , because he had once belonged to their faction . About this time I came to knowthat Mr. Norris , a fellow-student at the Collegein Rome, who had left the College a few days before me but had entered England after I had entered, had received an unfavourable report ofsome kind about meand held me in suspicion Hence moved by anger I wrote that too harsh letter to him, which I have come to understand was later shown in Rome But I never saw him again or spoke with him, though I visitedthe very house in whichhewas and enquired afterhim, but he wouldnever admit me to hold further speech with him. Though when at Rome he was one of the faction against the Fathers , I have heard that in England he has been reconciled to them The same I heard of Mr. Richard Bankes40 with whom I could have no opportunity of speaking, as hewas out of London, He is said to bea great favourer of the Fathers, though at Rome he appearedto hold opposite views. Among the business committed to me by Mr. Paget to be handled in England and to be placed before those who opposed the Fathers , was also the following suggestion: that since the confessor of His Serene Highness the Cardinal Archduke was a member of the Dominican Order, he thought with other membersofhis party in Belgium that it might be possible to summon to Flanders Fr. Thomas Foster ofthe same order ofSt. Dominic , at present resident at Spoleto, and bring it about that he be joined as assistant, alongside the confessor of His Serene Highness the Cardinal Another friar of the same order, an Englishman named Paul, who is now

in Spain,41 was to be introduced into the Court of Spain, whilst another member of the same order was to be sent to Rome, that by these means the power of the Jesuits might be diminished and especially that the conduct of business now held by Fr. Holt in Belgium should be diverted to this friar. At Wisbech I made these proposals to Dr. Bagshaw and others of his party, and they werenot rejected, but hewishedratherthatreligious of the different orders should be sent into England for the purpose of increasing and fostering their party. 42

Acknowledged by me, Robert Fisher .

On the 12th of the same month the above examination was continued and Robert Fisher under the same oath went on with his account as follows. Interrogated about the controversy and dissension among the prisoners at Wisbech and what he had heard or knew or thought of these matters he replied thus When Iwas at Wisbech, I both heard and saw much of the dissension there. But I only had dealings withthe one party of whichDr. Bagshaw appears now to be the leader, set up against Fr. Edmund of the Society of Jesus and those who adhere to him. This last party is larger in numbers, but the other party is, as I have said , far the more powerfulon account of the indulgence and support afforded to it by the Keeper of the prison, a heretic The party of Dr. Bagshawmaythus afflict theothers by a varietyofwaysand means , holding them in complete contempt and often provoking them with taunts, as I myself witnessedand heard at Wisbech In particular I heard that Dr. Norden, Dr. Bagshaw, Bluett and others had often madea mockery ofthe other party, making it matterforsatisfaction and raillery, whenever they heard anything related or spread to their disadvantage The usual name whichthey gavetothem was Jesuits and Practicants.43

Questioned about the causes of these stirs, he said that he had heard manythings, and often at variance, about the first beginnings two or three years before, but at length when peace was restored by theinterventionand industryofcertain priests, namely Mr. Mush and Mr. Dudley, sent to that end by Fr. Walley, Superior of the Jesuits in England ,44 some rules were drawn up and accepted by consent on both sides for the government of behaviour and the conservation of peace. The original document of these rules was handed by common consent to the two priests, Mush and Dudley, and two copies to the parties at variance, one to one party and the other to the other. As time went on and the party opposed to the Jesuits began to find these rules irksome, they employed this device to getrid of them utterly A debate was worked up about whether the name of Mr. Thomas Pound, a man of noble origin, who had been kept in prison for many years on account of his religion, and who belonged to the party of the Fathers , was set down in both copies An occasion wasthus madefor a requestthat a comparison be made between the copies held by either party.

Dr. Norden suddenly snatched the other copy from the hands of him who held it and made off with it, nor would he ever give it back totheother side Sothat theoriginal mightalsobedestroyed, they sent me off straightwayon horseback to ask Mr. Mush and Mr. Dudley either to burn the original or to allow me to obliterate all the signatures on it oftheir party But these two had forgotten where they had lodged the document. At lengthit was located in the possession of Mr. Michel, a priest in the county of Lancashire When I had explained to him the will and desire of these men at Wisbech, he decided that neither the original should be burnt nor the signatures cancelled He ordered me instead to take back to Dr.Bagshawthe messagethat he would keepsilent about thebusiness and showthe originalto nobody, ifhe and theyon their part would also keepsilent about it

When Dr. Bagshawgot this reply, which I brought back, he was overjoyed and said : "Now the law here is in our hands" 45

When theregulations had thus been got rid of, dissensionbeganto grow apace and run riot. I myself witnessed and heard many disgraceful happenings. It appearedto me, however, that theparty of Dr. Bagshaw behavedwith much more immodesty and insolence, both in words and deeds, than the party which adhered to the Jesuits . I give but one example out of many which I witnessed. Onedayafterdinner when the prisonerswerewalkingupanddown , Dr. Norden, a priest and doctor of medicine, whispered into the ear of another priest, who I think was Mr. Southworth , the son ofa knight, calling him twice or thrice a knave, and even a thoroughpaced and vile knave When Mr. Southworth complained of the insult and injury done to him and rebuttedthe charge calling for him to produce witnesses to it, which Dr. Norden was unableto do , remedy of any kind was unavailable to the injured party, exceptthat of indulging in languageofsimilar violence Immediately afterwards Norden came to me, and laughing confessed to me what he had done, for he knew that I was a sympather withtheir party. A little later Dr. Bagshaw and others in my presence praised Norden for doing what he had done , and laughed over it Another instance was what happened when Dr. Norden became steward of the whole household He himself admittedto me that he had done manythings of set purpose to provoke anger and pain in the other party, meanwhile granting his supporters everything they cared to ask for and denying all things to the others, so that once it happened, when Fr. Edmund was ill, that he refused to allowanyfood to be taken to his chamber . 46 From this and many other such incidents I could easily see that hatred of the greatest intensity had developed between the two parties, so that on that account I found myself getting into a state of doubt what to do or tothink, since hithertoI had takenmy stand against the Fathers and those who agreed with them. Questionedwhat he felt bound to thinkin conscience , inthesight

ofGod , and on the oath he had taken, about the merits ofthe case between the two parties, he answered in these terms Though, as I have already said, I was not allowed at Wisbech to have any dealings whatever with the opposite party, that is with those who supported the Fathers of the Society, nevertheless from what fell under myobservation, fromwhatI sawand heard when I was there, I was moved to believe that I was bound in conscience and truth to hold that the opposite partyembraced the better men and was devoted to the better cause I was led to think this first because theybehavedwithmoremodestyand led moreausterelives, whereas their opponents were obviously men who took inordinatepleasure in holding parties for eating and drinking and in making mirth and laughter . 47 Further they told me many things about the others, whichI later discovered to be untrue48 Theytold me , for instance, that a Jesuit called Holtby had defamed a certain secular priest called Stafferton for leading an incontinent life with a certain woman , but Mr. Mush, otherwise little disposed to friendly feeling for the Jesuits, stated that he had found this allegation against Holtby to be false. But when the men of Wisbech gave me my instructions about the things whichI was to reportto their friends abroad, this allegation against Holtby was included, and especially for conveyance to the Earl of Westmorland in Belgium, for the purposeofincreasing hisresentment againstthe Jesuits, for thelady alluded to in the story was related to him in blood. Similarly they told me that Fr. Walley, the Superior of the Jesuits in England, when asked what he thought of Sir Thomas Tresham, a knight, who had endured manyyears of imprisonment as a confessor of his religion, had replied that he regarded him as an atheist. This story I was instructedto retail to Mr. William Tresham, his brotherin Belgium, an exile on account of religion,49 to stir up his resentment against the Fathers. But whilst I was still in England I ascertained that the expression of any such opinion had been falsely ascribed to Fr. Walley. Stories of this kind are almost infinite in England, but I never at anytime heard anyone accuse the Fathers ofleading relaxed lives or of being loose in their morals.

Later I began to see clearly, as I now see , to what an extent this party of opponentsto the Jesuits was afforded more favourable treatment by the heretics. I saw evidence of this not only at Wisbech in the Keeper's favourto Dr. Bagshaw and his supporters, but elsewhere , and especially in London. When I went sometimes to the prison there called the Clink to visit a certain priest called Barwise, a follower of the faction of Dr. Bagshaw, I was never stopped, arrested, or examined by the Keeper, even if I went thither three or four times in the day, as I sometimes did But ifI had sought to see someone of the opposite faction, I doubt if I could have done it without danger to myself. On occasionIsawa doctor ofmedicine called Birbeck, 50 whoprofessed himselfa Catholic, and who was a follower of Dr. Bagshaw's faction entertaining

.

convivially and in most friendly fashion Keepers of the various prisons, and particularly of Wisbech and the Clink, as well as of other prisons I myself was frequently present at these parties, as well as other Catholics. At one of them was present Mr. Norris in particularwho in some words which he let slip gave away the fact that he was a Catholic, but the Keepers took no notice ofwhat he had said on account of the presence of the doctor , thinking that all present were adherents of his Certainly I think that I was the more able to travel all over England with security the more I was known to be hostile to the Fathers of the Society and their friends.

Questionedwhether duringhis stayin England he had conversed with the Treasurer Cecil, or the Secretary, or with one of the Councillors or any officialof the Queen, or whether he had had any communications with any of them through any third parties, he replied that hehad had no converseofanykind with the Councillors or ministers of the Queen 51 His only contacts had been with servants , witha relativeof the Marshal, whom men call the Knight Marshal, and with some of the better-born followers of the Earl of Essex . Butwith none of these had he spoken about the business with whichhewas charged, the place whence he came, or about any ofthecircumstancesin whichhe stood It washoweverhis opinion thathecould have doneso had hewished without dangertohimself, and that if it had become known what he was doing or if he had beenarrested, he would have come to no harm, for the reasons given above ... (The sense is clear that he thought Councillors would be glad to foster division among Catholics and the hostility of the less fervent against the more fervent).

He was then questioned about words and reports spread by him in England, hostile and injurious to the Fathers ofthe Society , as appeared from the evidence of a letter sent from England 14 May 1597.52 According to this, he had spread the following charges: (1) The Rector of the College and other Fathers were at fault, in that through their indifference and neglience many students had died, for lack of the necessities to maintain life (2) The Fathers had misappropriated and alienated theCollegefunds. (3) Theyhad taken into the College, as a servant, an Hermaphrodite (4) The four students dismissed from the College by command of the Vice-Regent were afterwards by command of the Pope sent back to the Collegein a Cardinal's carriage in token of a desire to repair theerrormade in their dismissal (5) Students are enticed toenter the Society by every means , fair and foul.

To these heads he made reply as follows. First he had entered England with hismindsetagainsttheFathers and withtheparticular design of stirring up resentment against them. It was then by no means surprising that he had easily said the things he had said there, as well as elsewhere, against the Society, and especially since at the time at which he left Rome, the visitation of the college

conductedbythe most IllustriousCardinal Sega wasnot yet finished , but was still at the stage in which each student was being given the opportunity to make what objections he thoughtfit against the Fathers and their government of the college When he departed, the defence of the Fathers had not yet been heard, nor was the judgment then known of the said Cardinal, 53 which freed the Fathers from fault and declared the accusations of the students to be groundless and calumniatory .

Further he declares that the charges which it is said that he spread in England, were partly exaggerated by others and partly alleged by him owing to the frame of mind whichhe has confessed that he then had Hehad no other proof in support ofthem orany other knowledge about them beyond what was commonly current as said or objected by the students at Rome whilst they were engaged in raising their stirs Now it was a matter ofdeep regret to himthathe had prated so rashlyabout so grave accusationswith suchlittle foundation , aimed at religious and Catholicswho adhered to them . Heheartily begged pardon of God and ofthosewhom he had in any way injured, and it was the chief motive of his return to Rome to make manifest the truth, to give proof of his change of mind , and to make in this way at least some partial satisfaction for the evil he had wrought in words and in deed.

As for the detail in the five objections above , he was taken through them by the examining prelate to show how false and empty they were . 54 For the first it was shown to be impossible that anysick man perishedthrough the fault of the Fathers, because the ordinary provision made in the College for all the students, whether healthyor sick , was known to everyone Nothinghad been denied to any student of this provision . No ban of any kind had been placed on theDoctorin his power to prescribe anythingwhich he deemed necessaryfor the healthof a student, or on theInfirmaarian's charge to bring it to him when ordered, or to procure itfor him, if not readily available, from the apothecary. If anything indeed had ever been wanting, the fault would have to be laid upon these subordinates and not on the Fathers But in fact nothing in them either had been found lacking, as had emerged from careful enquiry during the visitation. For the second head about alienation of the revenuesand goods of the College, this was shown to be a fabricationwhich could not possibly be true, because the accounts, both of receipts and expenditure, were carefullyaudited each year by the accountants of the Protector, who himself had countersigned the account booksto this effect. For the third head about the Hermaphrodite, the examination of Dr. Marsilius, taken before witnesses by order of Cardinal Sega is ready to hand, wherein Marsilius testifies under his own signature that nothing of the kind was ever found , but that the whole matter was but the creation of wanton clamour For the fourth head about the return of the dismissed students, it

wasshown to betruethat by the intercessionof certain peoplewith His Holiness, and after they had promised to reform, His Holiness had conceded that these students should return to the College, because some persons had said to him that there was some danger that they might go over to join the heretics if they were at this time and in this manner dismissed But they were not sent back in the coach of any Cardinal, though in his kindness the ViceRegent brought them back in his coach, that he might speak on their behalf to the Rector

For the fifth head about the use of fair and foul means to entice students to enter the Society, it is clear enough how false is this charge. The Fathers are accustomed to put off for many years those who seek to join them ... Daily many who are endowed with great talents and who freely offer themselvesare being denied admission to the Society, who are likely to be more useful to the Society than are Englishmen in these distressing times. It is improbable that mere students of the English College are being importuned to enter the Society by enticements, or as is alleged, byfairand foul means, for it is certain that there are at this moment manypriests educatedin the English College to be found in England, well able to testify that they have been denied admission to the Society although for a longtimetheyhaveearnestly soughtadmission both when they were at Rome, or afterwards in England, and yet have not so far secured it. 55

To the rehearsal of these facts the examinant made reply that beforehehadnever heardmention ofthem orgiven anyconsideration to them , but in the charges spread by him in England had followed the opinions of the students who had raised stirs in Rome against theFathers. Asfor thoseothers,who elsewhere, whether inBelgium or in England, made to him manyallegations against the Fathers , hehimselfhad noidea onwhatfoundation oftruththeyweresupposed to rest . Hefurther said that the things whichhe heard in Belgium from certain English to the discredit of the Fathers were made more easy of belief, because of the reports whichwerespreadabout in Rome

Questioned about a letter whichhe had written from Belgium to Fr. Edward Tempest, then at Rome, intheyear 1596 and themonth of August, 56 in which he stated that he had heard in Belgium much more and much worse of the Fathers than he had heard in Rome, and that many who had showngreat respectfor the Society, had been treated by its members in the worst possible fashion, he replied to the following effect. I wrote that letter in Belgium influenced by the stories of those there, who told me many tales of this kind especially, and more than any others, Mr. Charles Paget, Mr. Timothy Mockett, Dr. Robert Tempest the elder, Mr. Clitheroe, and others whose names now escape me. The persons well deserving ofthe Society who were allegedto have been treated

ill, were as far as I can recall, a certain More, Morgan, and unless I am mistaken Adamson, 57 and others.

Acknowledged by me, Robert Fisher

On the 13th of the same month examined under his oath about the causes of his return from England, he deposed, as follows First that though, as has been already said, they could not well agree in England about sending to Rome informations against the Fathers, they wished me to go back to carry word to Rome and to Belgium about what was being done and what it was hoped might be done in England 58 I carried withme diminutiveletters of Dr. Bagshaw to Mr. Paget, and to Dr. Gifford. 59 I do not know well what they contained for they were written in too veiled a manner . I carried no letters to Mr. Hugh Griffin, for it was not yet known that he was in Belgium . 60 I also was charged with verbal commendations and instructions to others in Belgium, most ofwhich I did not deliver, for I had already begun to grow weary of these dissensions and seditions I would probably also have avoided over much contact on my return journey with Mr. Paget and the rest, had not another man, who had once been servant to Dr. Ely, now at Pont-à-Mousson, 61 being sent out of England after me by Dr. Bagshaw, warned Dr. Gifford and the rest that I was a bearer of letters and messages to them 62 This was perhapsdone, because the Wisbech party had begun to hold me in some suspicion before my departure on the ground that I was strongly insisting that I be given leave to talk with Fr. Edmund and others of his party. Such a leave I could never procure, but greater care rather was taken lest I should do so . For this reason a group of three or four ofthem generally escortedme to the gate of the Castle They promised to send others after me out of England, one or other of them a priest, to carry fuller informations to Rome. When I left, they were thinking of sending Mr. Charnock or Mr. Michellor some other of the party, to do this office.63 They discussed also the appointment ofan agentto resideinRome to conduct their business , and said that they were ready to raise the means to provide a salary and to set him upin allthat was necessary forfood, clothing, a suitable establishment, the keeping of a coach, as if he were a prelate . 64 Dr. Bagshaw, however, displayed some anxiety lest Fr. Persons should come to Rome and disturb all these plans. The summary ofwhat I was to say to Mr. Paget, Dr. Giffordand the rest was that they should pursue their campaign against the Jesuits and their followers If the Jesuits could not be got out of England, then at least it was to be effected that Fr. Walley, their Superior, was removed from office, and in his place was to be substituted as Provincial Fr. Thomas Lister, as one who stood aloof from many of their doings, of which he disapproves.65. . . (The sense ofthe next portion is that Mr. Pitts66 approved of this plan and probablyDr. Ely, who had known Lister at Pont-à-Mousson) I carried a letter from Dr. Bagshaw to the students at Rome in S

If

which he encouragedthem to persevere in the conflict, and for the purpose of rousing their resentment informed them that somehad spread a rumour in England that some of the students had been publicly flogged in Rome. This letter I handed to be read to Fr. Trollope and his five companions, 67 whom I met at Milan last November, after they had been dismissedfrom the College. I was given a letter of the same tenor by Mr. Bluet addressed to the students, but I left it in England In addition to their designfor the removal of the Jesuits from England, they wanted also to secure their removal from any chargeinthe colleges and seminaries, which they deemed of prime importance for many reasons 68 they failed to achieve their object at Rome, at least they purposed to secure the removal of Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari from the postof Rector , for they deemed him to be much an opponent and obstacle in their way, and in no slight degree responsible for the earlier dissensions . This itemwas one of especial concernto Dr. Bagshaw , for he was expelled on a charge of sedition from the College, when Fr. Alphonsus was Rector and by his means . 69

Questioned about a certain document, which makes many allegations against the Fathers in England and elsewhere, contained in thirteen articles, bearing the title "A Brief Statement of the most wretched condition of the Catholics in England at this present time" , and beginning withthewords : "Thosewho are accountedas of onehousehold, etc" , 70 and being shownthetext of this document , hemade answerin the following terms He confessed that hewrote that document at Cambrai in Belgium in the house of Mr. Hugh Griffin on the occasion which he proceeded to describe. When I came out of England, he said, I first proceeded to Cologne, then to Liège, where I conferred with the priest Birbeck, 71 about the whole situation, for he seemed to me to some extent to look favourably upon our purposes. Thence I went to Louvain, where I had no dealings with anyone on these matters I went thence to Brussels to see Mr. Paget, whom I found wholly in the disposition in which I had left him, well-posted in all the happenings at the Collegein Rome, a fact which I attributed to a close correspondence kept with Mr. Nicholas Fitzherbert living in Rome. He received me cheerfully and in friendly fashion I gave him a summary report of the state of the negotiations involved in my mission, but not at great length, for I then spoke of coming back to confer further with him But I had not yet made up my mind on the subject for the reasons related above, namely because my course of action had begun to cause me to have qualms. Thence I betook myself to Lille to Dr. Gifford, with whom I stayed but for a short time on this occasion. I visited Douai as I had an opportunity of having a companion for thejourneyin one who went thither At that time Dr. Barrett was not at Douai, but I had dealings with Dr. Younger, Dr. Weston and Dr. Harrison, who all seemed to be in favour of these affairs of mine. I was 72

called thence by a letter written by Mr. Hugh to Mr. Harley . 73 I set out for Cambrai where I was received by Mr. Hugh with a hearty welcome . When I had related to him some of the things which were said in England against the Fathers, he said that Mr. Paget , Dr. Gifford and he all wished me to set down in writing whatever was said against them. So it was that I came to draw up this document, not because I knew that any of the things set down in it were true, but merely that I had heard these tales told and bandied about by others. I left what I had written in the hands of this same Mr. Hugh, but do not well remember whether I kept a copyfor myself, but on the whole I thinkthat Iprobably did so , thoughI do not remember what I did withit. 74

(The sense of the next two lines is that he was questioned about a paper or memorial which had the title "A copy of a letter of Catholics living in England, etc.") He answered in these terms. The letter in question was written by Dr. Bagshaw alone, but he wanted it to be presented to the Supreme Pontiffin the name of the rest of the priests as well, without any signatures . 75 He (Fisher) then went on to say: Mr. Hugh oftengave me or sent me sums of money, but I do not now remember the amounts, but on occasionhe gave me as much as three or four gold pieces at atime, saying that I should never go short, and he was greatly intent on encouraging me to stick to this cause He particularly wanted me to write to England to the members of the party at Wisbech to assure them that nothing should go undone for want of money to meet the costs, for, as he said, he was most ready to meet any expenses, whether for the carriageof letters, the dispatch ofmessengers, or any such purpose.

From Cambrai I returned to Lille, where I was most kindly entertained by Dr. Gifford, from whom I received some gold in token of his affection for me. Both of them offered me means whichthey would take care to provide by which I might suitably maintain myself in Rome through the patronage of some of the Cardinals ... All of these offers I refused ... [Sense is that he claimed thathe purposedto reform his life and reveal for conscience sakehis intrigues]... as I havealready revealedin thisexamination , what was to be said on the causes of these stirs and dissensions and what might reveal suitable remedies to cure so serious and so dangerous a disorder.

I visited Dr.Gifford several times at Lille, for I returned thither two or three times . 76 Thence I went to Tournai, whereaftersuffering an attack of the plague, I was confirmed in my resolution to withdraw from these intrigues. Afterwards I passed through different places in Germany77 and Italy, making my way towards Rome. On the way I said many things to many men to sound them and discover howthey were disposed So it was that after seven months spent on my travels I reachedRome Among others with whom I spoke on the way were several English heretics in

Venice, who were minutely informed about everything which had happened in these Roman stirs, who were marvellously pleased thereat, and who werepartisans of the students against the Fathers I spoke in particular with a certain Doctor Hawkins,78 a heretic, whom I was given to understand in England was a spy employed by the Earl of Essex . He was delighted to see me and when he heard my name, he did all he could to make it appear that he accepted me as a friend He enquired whether I was one of the four who had been expelled from the College, and when I blushed thereat he rather set about congratulating me on the fact , saying that it heightened his esteem for me . 79 He also let me knowthat he carried on a correspondence with a certain Robert Markham at Rome, who had been one of the turbulent students in the College, but whonowlived outside it. At the time perhapsMarkhamwas already dead, as I learned later that he was, but this Hawkins did not know, and thinking that I was still of the same mind as I had been, he asked me to let Markham knowthat his reply to the last two letters of Hawkins had not yet come to hand. He wanted Markham to let himhave his answer, and if Markham was perchance away from Rome, he asked me to write in his place. I answered that I would take thought, when I got back to Rome, as to what might be done , by myself or others among the students, as occasion might offer . Hawkins seemed satisfied with this assurance and invited me to dine with him, but he gave or offered me no money . From Venice I continued my journeytowards Rome , butbyslow stages. I visited different cities in order to talk with various religious of English birth belonging to different orders so that I might sound how their opinions stood At Venice I spoke with Fr. Gregory Sayer, O.S.B., I sought out Fr. Anselm Beech, O.S.B. at Padua, but did not find him there, thoughlater I did meet him in another place. I conversedwithFr. Raphael Bifield, O.S.B. , at Parma. At Bolonga I saw Fr. Gregory Bayley, O.P. and at Spoleto Fr. Thomas Foster 80 All these I found variously disposed about thequestion ofinvolvingthemselvesin thesedissensions , somemore inclined and more ready, others more loath and more disinclined to take any such step. Finally questioned and orderedunder his oathto say truly in the sight ofGod and on his conscience what he has found, what he knows and what he thinksabout this wholecontroversy, he answered as follows. First I think and am fully persuaded that it can be clearly seen that, if it goes on, this division and conflictofopinion will lead to the overthrowof the whole Catholic cause Further Ithinkthat thepride ofsome, their love ofopposition, theirfondness for gaining the favour and intimacy of the heretics, has gone to such great lengths that they seem bound to run into great danger of giving up adhesion to the Catholic faith, if subjected to any considerable pressure . Very many signs are there to show that this situation exists It was the realisation of this fact which led

me , thoughtoo slowly, to reflect on this drift and the more quickly to withdraw myself from it. 81

Rome 13 March A.D. 1598.

I testify and swear that the statements madeaboveare true and not made out of hatred for any person or from hope of any favour Signed Robert Fisher.

On the 14th March, Robert Fisher was called beforethe aforesaid Reverend Signor Acarisius, and in the presence of the Reverend Father Robert Persons, Rector of the English College, and of me Henry Tichbourne, priest and appointed notary, and afterpresentation to the said Robert Fisher, who having touched the Gospels, had heard read to him by me, the aforesaid notary, all these his examinations, answers and depositions, and the same had been , as he admitted, wellheard and understood by him, he stated that each and all oftheseexaminations and depositionsmadeon the8th, 11th , 12th and 13th were true and deposed by him as therein stated, and that of his own free will he ratified, approved and confirmed them , and in testimonythereof here affixedhis signature, avowing that he was aware of nothing which should be added to or subtracted from them, nor did he wish that any such addition or subtraction be made . 82

Questioned about some words whichhe was allegedto have used against the Fathers, namely that they did not believe in God and other similar statements, he replied that he had never of himself made such statements, but he had heard statements such as these uttered, and worse statements, and not by the heretics, but uttered bymen oftheopposition party in England against the Fathers, and that he had perhaps used these expressions and related them to others. And here the examination was brought to an end I, Robert Fisher, so avow, swear, and confirm, and as stated above have deposed and ratified

I, Acarisius Squarcioni, Fiscal for the Apostolic Visitation and Inquisition [?] and deputed by the Illustrious and Reverend Lord Cardinal to conduct this examination by the order of His Holiness the Pope, have been present and I testify that the depositions have been madeas written down, and thatthey have been ratified as above stated.

I also was present and make the same testimony, Robert Persons . 83

I also make the same testimony , Henry Tichbourne , deputed to act as Secretary

NOTES

1 This same Papal examining officer had, in the early autumn of 1597 , conductedan officialenquiry into the state of the English College in Rome , following the discovery in Septemberthat various of the unruly students had been frequenting taverns and worse places, (cf. note 15 below). For an account of the earlier history of events at the College, cf. No. XXX, Introductory Note, and No. XXXII, note 7. The deputed Secretary, Henry Tichbourne, had entered the Societyin 1587, and had come to Rome , before 1597 , from the English College at Seville, (Foley, Records VII , p 778) This document is entirely in his hand, except for the various attestations with which it is interspersed The examination took several days, and each section is signed in Robert Fisher's own hand .

2 The Liber Ruber of the English College confirms that Fisher came from the diocese of Carlisle, where he was born in April 1572. He entered the College at Reims on 28 March 1590, receivedminor ordersin 1592, and left there on 7 May 1593. He entered the English College in Rome on 8 July 1593. (Knox, D.D. pp 229, 243, 250 ; Liber Ruber , C.R.S.Vol 37, p. 92).

3 John Boste, secular priest, was executed at Durham, 24 July 1594 , after working in the Northof England since 1581. For an account of his death , cf. The Martyrdom ofthe Ven John Boste, C.R.S. Vol 1 , pp 85-92

4 This is an odd statement. The Douay Diary simply records thatheleft (discessit), no reason beinggiven, whereas it wastheusualcustom to record the sending of students to other seminaries . Though it is quite likely that Fisher was originally received at Reims on a recommendation from Fr. Holt, S.J. , who had been working in Flanders among the exiles since 1588, it is unlikelythat, livingfarfrom Reimsandhaving no part in College affairs, Holt would ever have given a recommendation to a student leaving Reims for Rome in the normal way Though no proof is available, it seems very probable that Fisher was one of those students dismissed from Reimsas unsuitable, who madetheirown way to Rome and managed in some way to obtain admittance to the College there Dr. Barrett, when visiting Rome in 1596, expressed surprise at finding there several such students whom he had himself dismissed from the College at Reims, (cf. Barrett to Persons, Rome, 10 April 1596, Westm V, n 48, printed in Tierney-Dodd III, pp. lxxiii-v).

5 Cardinal Enrico Caietano was Protector of England Cardinal Filippo Sega had conducted a Papal visitation of the English College in August 1585 , after the troubles in the College in which Bagshaw hadfigured. The report ofthe visitationis printed in A. O. Meyer, England andthe CatholicChurchunder Queen Elizabeth, translated 1916, pp. 492-519. Ten years later he conductedthe second Papal visitation , which had been ordered on account of the stirs in the College caused by the intrigues following Cardinal Allen's death The report, dated 14 March 1596 , is printed in translation in Foley, Records VI, pp 1-66 The Introduction to that volume also contains a note about Sega's career, p. xiii. Cardinal Toledo was appointed Vice-Protector, c April 1596, on the departure of the Protector on a mission to Poland For an account of his dealingswith the rebelliousstudents, cf. No. XXXII, note 7. Shortlyafter his death in September 1596, Cardinal Camillo Borghese was appointed Vice-Protector of the College, (Foley, Records VI, p. 119).

For Monsignor Mora, cf. No. XXXII, note 6.

For an outline of the intrigues in question, cf. in this present volume No. XV, Introductory Note ; No. XXX, Introductory Note; and No. XXXII, note 7

7 Cardinal Allendied on 16 October 1594. Owen Lewis was consecrated Bishop ofCassano on 3 February 1588. For details of his career, cf. Letters of Fr. Persons, C.R.S. Vol 39, p 8, note 6. Though after Allen's death he worked for promotion to the latter's position ofauthoritymostly through his supporters, Thomas Throgmorton, Nicholas Fitzherbert, and his nephew Hugh Griffin, the Bishop lost no time in making an early move himself. Within a week of Allen's death he sawAquaviva , toaskhim that Persons should take no steps against him, (cf. Aquaviva to Persons , 24 October 1594, A.R.S.J. Cartell, 6. p 191) Lewis's position with regard to disturbancesin the English College inRomesince itsfoundation, is shown in Cardinal Sega's Visitation Report, ut supra, pp 3-19 He died in Rome on 14 October 1595

8 Robert Markham entered the English College on 1 August 1593 , aged 23 years, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37 , p 92) His elder brother, SirGriffin Markham, who was in 1603 involved in the Main Plot, followed him to Italy in 1594 , and during his stay espoused the cause of the rebellious students At the same time Griffin was in communication with Sir R. Cecil and with an English spy, Dr. Hawkins, at Venice, (cf. A. O. Meyer, op. cit (note 5), p 391 ; Hatfield Cal V, p 214, and VI, p 482 ; Birch I, p 453 , and II, pp 11 , 22) According to the Liber Ruber Robert left the College for health reasons in May 1596, but on seeking re-entry later was not re-admitted Fisher later mentions this student's correspondence with thespy Hawkins, and also his death, which appears to have occurred about the end of 1597. Persons recorded that he repented of his actions beforehedied, (Persons, Certayne Aparent Iudgments, C.R.S. Vol 2, p . 211 ) Robert Shephard entered the English College on 24 February 1593 , aged 24 years, (Liber Ruber , C.R.S. Vol 37, p 88) One alias which he used is there given as Ralph Youard His brother, William Youard, an intelligencer of the English Government, came to Rome in December1594 , and concealing the fact that Robert was his brother attempted, though unsuccessfully, to enter the College under the name of John Forster , (cf. Samuel Wharton to E. Harewood, S.J. and R. Cowling, S.J. , Madrid, 15 March 1596, Westm V, n 44) Shephardleft the College on the plea that he wished to finish his studies in Lorraine away from the turmoils in the English College This was probably to cover the suspicions which his contact with another spy, ThomasNorth, had aroused, (cf. S. Wharton , ut supra. Wharton had tried unsuccessfullyto enter the College a short whilebefore, and was himself a spy, cf. Westm. V, n. 45 and Hatfield Cal V, pp 203, 220)

Thomas Hatton entered the English Collegeon 27 September 1591 , aged 22 years, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p. 82). By the quiet students he was always consideredto be a spy and a heretic, (cf. Mgr. Peña's Papers, Bibl Vat Lat 6227, f. 77) As Fisher records on a later page, hewas sent by the rebellious students in the autumn of 1595 , to spread reports against the Jesuitsin FlandersandEngland (see note 20 below) On his returnto Rome early in 1596, Hatton was not re-admitted to the College These three students are all in Cardinal Sega's list of those taking part in the College disturbances, (Foley, Records VI, p 3).

This nephew of the Bishop of Cassano was Hugh Griffin or Griffiths. Born in Anglesey about 1556, he was a student in the English College at Romefrom its foundation until 1582, whenhe was dismissed as unpromising and refractory , by the Cardinal Protector, after a vain attempt to persuade his uncle to withdraw him, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 11 ; Knox , Allen, p. 112). He was abletopursuea clericalcareerthrough thepatronage of his uncle , who on obtaining his bishopric, arrangedfor Griffinto succeed him asProvost ofthe CathedralChapterof Cambrai, (cf. Persons, Domesticall Difficulties , C.R.S. Vol 2, p 88) Griffin, who lived permanently in Rome

for some years, was considered a principal author of the College troubles, and was at first so confident of the success of the intrigues for his uncle's promotion, that he bought Allen's cardinalitial robes, after the latter's death, in readiness , (cf. R. Chambers , Brevis relatio eorum .. . quae gesta sunt in Collegio Anglicano tempore tumultuantium , 1598, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 45) Griffin continued to occupy himself in Rome as an agitator after his uncle's death, until his implication in a sordid scandal necessitated a hurried withdrawal to his benefice in the late summer of 1596, (cf. English Benedictine Papers, C.R.S. Vol 33, p 49 ; Agazzari to Persons, 25 September 1596, Knox, D.D. p 388 ; Persons to Idiaquez, Rome, 22 May 1597 , Westm VI, n 36) He died in Flanders shortly before August 1600, (cf. Nuncio to Cardinal Aldobrandino, Brussels, 5 August 1600, Vat Arch Borghese III, 98. c. 1 , f 165)

10 This was Edward Bennett, alias Farrington He entered the English College from Reims on 28 June 1591 , aged 22 years, alreadyin minor orders, and was ordained priest on 12 March 1594, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p. 80 ; Knox, D.D. , p 239) He dealt with Cardinal Toledo as leader of the rebellious students, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 14 May 1597, No. XXXII, note 7). Dr. Barrett , President of Douay, denouncedhim for his role in the stirs, (cf. Barrett to Creswell , 28 July 1596, Westm V, n 63, and to Agazzari, 14 January 1597, Westm VI, n 6) After Persons' arrivalin Rome in early 1597 , he was won over for a time, (cf. E. Bennett to Hugh Griffin, Rome, 16 May 1597, Tierney-Dodd III, p lxxx) He was sent to England in December 1597, (C.R.S. Vol 37, p 80), and later became one of the most active of the Appellants

11 Joseph Creswell enteredthe Society in 1583, and was Rector of the English Čollege in Rome from c April 1589 to April 1592, (cf. Stonyhurst, Coll M.f. 156R). He was not verysuccessful in this position and was replaced at the instance of Cardinal Allen, but there is no evidenceto support the stories given here

12 Nicholas Fitzherbert , gentleman, was born c 1550, and belonged to the Padley branch of the family His father, John, and two uncles died in prison for the faith His elder brother, Thomas apostatised, and joined with Topcliffe in a plot to gain the family estates Nicholas studied at Exeter College, Oxford, Douay, and canon law at Bologna, and had lived in Romefor many years as a Papal pensioner , (D. N.B.; Knox, D.D. pp. 275, 302) He served in the household of Cardinal Allen from 1587 to 1594, and in 1608 wrote a memoir of his patron At the same time he maintained contact with Thomas Throgmorton, close supporter of the Bishop of Cassano, (Knox, Allen, pp 3-20, 375 ; Cal S.P.D. 1581-1590 , p 630), and had been known for many years as sympathiser from outside the College of the dissidents within, (Persons, Domesticall Difficulties, C.R.S.Vol 2, p 88 ; Sega's Report, Foley, Records VI, pp 8, 18 ; Knox, D.D. p 389). After Allen's death he lived in the household of Cardinal Palavicino, and maintained contact with his brother Thomas in England, (Peña's Papers, Bibl Vat Lat 6227) He died in 1612 . Mr. Smithson wasanotherlayman andPapalpensioner , and knownsupporter of theCollege dissidents, (Knox, D.D. pp 302, 389)

13 Many such defamatory letters still survive (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 10 December 1596, No. XXX, Introductory Note)

14 Charles Paget, fourth son of William, first Baron Paget, retired abroad in 1581 because of his dissatisfaction with the religiouschanges, but apparently also on account of certain quarrels in which he was involved , (cf.

Examination of the Earl of Arundel, 24 December 1583, C.R.S. Vol 21 , p 48 ; Persons, Responsis ad praecipuas Caroli Pagetti calumnias de Patribus Societatis Jesu, 22 August 1598 , Vat Arch Nunz Diverse 264 , f. 239 ; A Catholic at Brussels to his friend at Liège, 14 July 1599 , S.P.D. Eliz Vol 271 , n 74 ; Persons, Domesticall Difficulties , 1600, C.R.S. , Vol 2, p. 183) His career of intrigue and fosterer with ThomasMorgan and the clerical malcontents around Owen Lewis of division among the Catholic exiles, and of his several treacherous dealings with the English Government is outlined in the Dictionary of National Biography Much confirmatory evidenceis available in Knox, Allen, passim , and the State Papers, Domestic and Foreign After Allen's death, the membersof his party became identified, for varying reasons, with the Scottish exiles who favoured James VI's claim to the English succession, (Knox , D.D. pp 401-8). After years in France , Pagethad moved to Flandersin March 1588, but seems to have received a Spanishpensionfor most of the period spent abroad, (cf. Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, No. XXXVI, note 10). From 1597 to 1599 there is extensive evidence of bis correspondence with Sir R. Cecil, Thomas Barnesand others, to secure a pardon and permission to return to England

One of the "services" he offered in 1598 to obtain his end, was the sending over of a paper full of calumnies against the Jesuits, entitled A Proposition of Charles Paget for calling the Jesuits out of England by means of the French King during the Treaty [i.e. the negotiations for the Treaty of Vervins, 1598] (Cf. Cal. S.P.D. 1598-1601, pp 68-9 ; Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 93 , note 14) His treacherousdealings became known tothe Spanish authorities in Flanders at the end of 1598, and early in 1599 Pagetfound it expedient to retire to Paris, where he afterwards lived, (Cal S.P.D. 1598-1601 , pp 124-5, 187) His negotiations with the Government, however, dragged on, and his attainder was not reversed until after the accession of James I. He died, probably in England, in February 1612. A revealing general description of Paget's character and activities until mid-1599 , by someone who evidently knew him well, will be found in Cal S.P.D. 1598-1601 , Pp. 234-37 .

15 Thomas Hillwas admitted to the English College on 23 March 1593 , aged 28years, andwasordainedin March 1594. HeleftforEnglandinSeptember 1597, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 92) After Persons' firstpacification of the College in May 1597 , (see IntroductoryNote), Hill was one of the leadersof those students who took to visiting taverns and other places of ill-repute secretly This conduct came to light in September, after his departure for England, and investigations and arrestsfollowed A detailed enquirywas orderedby the Pope, to cover the whole period of the College troubles, and information was taken on oath, (cf. A. Brief Ragguaglioof the Stirs, Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, ff 352, 307 ; A Further Declaration of the matters fallen out in the College in Rome, West VI, n 68) Grave moral offences were revealed , involving especially Hill and two other student priests, Edward Tempest and Robert Benson, who had left with him Orders were sent to the FlandersNuncio to withdrawtheirfaculties and prevent their crossing to England, until such time as they shewed signs of amendment, (cf. Caietan to the Nuncio, 12 October 1597 , Westm VI, n 66 and Stonyhurst, Coll P. II f 361 ; Acaritius to the Nuncio, 30 October 1597, Westm VI, n 65; Persons to Garnet, 12 July 1598 , printed in Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 21-38) Although their faculties were restoredin 1599, (cf. Caietanto Blackwell, 12 January 1599 , Law, op cit I, pp. 106-9), subsequentsworn evidence shows that Hill's immoral conduct had continued in England, whither the Nuncio had not prevented his journey, (cf. Testimony of Edward Leveson , 1 February 1599. Westm VI, n 51)

16 On this point Garnet reported : " ... Fisher adds that when he has dispatched his business [in England], it is his intention to returnto Rome , as he had been given permission to re-enter and complete his courseof studiesin the College " (Garnet to Aquaviva, 14 May 1597 , No. XXXII, note 9) If, however, his departure from the College at the behest of the unruly students forestalled or disguised an expulsion by the authorities, (seenote 18 below), he can hardly have had any real hope of re-admisssion.

17 And then dyed one NicholasMorrise a secondarie agente, that was suspectedto be sente owte bythe Councellof Englandetofurtherthatfactioun and seditioun in the College." Persons, Certayne Aparent Iudgments , C.R.S. Vol 2, p 208) This death would appear to have happenedin late 1596 (cf. Dr. Barrett to Agazzari, 14 January 1597, Westm VI, n 6)

18 Laterin these Confessions Fishermentionsthat he was one ofthoseexpelled fromthe College, (see note 79 below) His meaning here is thus probably best explained by Persons' description : " . .. the foresayd Fisher , who having bene one of the most exorbitant disorderly fellowes in the Romane stirres , was dismissed thenceor rather sentaway cunningly by thetroublesome , as by his and other confessions appeareth ; partly to be ridde of him, but especially to raise up rumors in England, of whose proceedings and slanderous tales divulged there against the Iesuits (Briefe Apologie, f 93). His departure evidently suited both the authorities and the seditious students. He probably left Rome in early February 1596 , (see note 53 below) Fisherappears amongthe unruly students in Cardinal Sega's Visitation Report, (cf. Foley, Records VI, pp 3, 38.)

19 Arthur Beckwithentered the English College in 1592, aged 22 years, but does not appearto have reached ordination He left for reasons of health to go to Douay, but died at Milan, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 84) His nameappears in the list ofthose taking partin theCollege disturbances , (Foley, Records VI, p 3)

20 No other account but Fisher's of Thomas Hatton's doings in England on his sponsors' business has survived He was probably there during the last few months of 1595. He met Beckwith at Leghorn on his own way back to Rome , and after this meeting apparently made good his omission to report to his fellow students there, though his letter has not survived. (Cf. Peña's Papers , Bibl Vat Lat 6227 , f. 77).

21 It was the custom to pr vide a viaticum from Papal funds, not only for thosestudentswho departedin the normal way for England or other places, but also for many of those who were expelled or dismissed In January 1585 Bagshaw himself was an example of this generosity, (Persons , Notes concerning the English Mission, C.R.S. Vol 4, p. 119)

22 Fisher's description of his reception both in Flanders and in England amply confirm his words that his journey was part of an organisedplan. The earlier journeyof Thomas Hatton belonged to the same enterprise, (see notes 8 and 20 above).

23 The useof aliases was, of course, very general among Catholics, especially priests, whether in England or abroad, during these years of persecution, to provide some measure of security The practice was, however , not confined to them, and the code-names used by many government agents and spies may be found in the State Papers, domesticand foreign

24 This is an error for Alban Dolman

25 James Younger arrived at Reims in November 1581 , and was later sent to Rome where he entered the English College on 28 April 1583 , aged 20 years. He was ordained in 1587 , was then sent to the English College at Valladolid in October 1589, leaving for England in November 1590, (Knox, D.D. pp 183, 193 ; (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 41 ; Valladolid Registers, C.R.S. Vol 30, p 7). He was imprisoned some time prior to August 1592, and his collapse thereafter may be traced in the series of confessions and informations made to various members of the Council, underthenameofGeorge Dingley, (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1591-1594) Heescaped from England late in 1593 , and went to Douay, wherehe became Provost ofstudiesatthe College there, accordingto the report of anotherinforming priest, Robert Barwis (or Barrowes) in March 1594 , (cf. Ibid, p 469) He had taken his doctorateinTheology before 1596, (Knox, D.D. p. 374) Edward Weston was sent, aged 20 years, to the English College in Rome from Reims in March 1585, and was ordained in 1589. He was sent to England, but the entry in theLiberRuberbears thenote "Hesit in itinere" , and, in fact, he arrived back at Reims in June 1592, having in the interval acquired his doctorate in Theology at some continental University He began toteachat Reimsin Novemberofthatyear, migrating withthe College when it wasremoved to Douay in 1593, (cf. Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 56; Knox, D,D, pp 204, 245 , 248 , 250).

26 From Fisher's vague reference it is impossible to be certain whether he was referring it Robert Tempest, the Elder, or to his nephewof thesame name From another mention later in this document (p 15 of the MS) it seems more likely that he meant the former. Robert Tempest, the Elder, Licentiate in Canon and Civil Laws, was ordained from Reims in 1584. He appears in a list of Douay professors in 1596. His nephew Robert Tempest, the Younger, a student at Romefrom 1586 to 1589 , was ordained from Reims in 1591, and as a Doctor of Theology, appears with his uncle in the same list of Douay staff (Knox, D.D. pp 12, 200, 227 , 241, 374 ; Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 60). Thereareseveral mentions of Robert Tempest, as a supporter of the Scottish faction among the Catholic exiles in 1598 and 1599 (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1598-1601), but it is not clear which manis meant Another relative was Edward Tempest, student at the English College in Rome, (see note 56 below).

27 Timothy Mockett was an exile living at Brussels since at least 1575 , where he had married His nameappears in a list of Spanishpersioners of 1575 , (Knox, D.D. p 299)

Charles Brown, gentleman, also resided in Brussels, and was in 1594 accounted well-affected to the King of Spain, (Ibid p 403)

William Clitheroe, secular priest, was a son of Bl Margaret Clitheroe, who had been pressed to deathat Yorkon25 March 1586. Williamwas ordained from Reims in June 1582, and was living at this time in Belgium. With Mockett and sixteen others, including Paget, Gifford andWilliamTresham , he signed a letter to the Pope after Cardinal Allen's death in favourofthe Bishop of Cassano, (cf. Knox, D.D. p. 188 ; Vat Arch Borghese II, 448 ab, ff. 403-4). Four letters written by him to the English Government agent, Thomas Phelippes , containing anti-Spanish information , survivein the Flanders Correspondence, S.P. 77, Bundle 5. As a member of the Scottish faction, Clitheroe wrote an answer to the Book of Succession , which was printed after his death by Paget, (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1598-1601 , p 456, 460). For a detailed account of the Book of Succession and its Catholic opponents, cf. Father Robert Persons and the Book of Succession , by L. Hicks, S.J., RecusantHistory, Vol 4, No. 3, 1957. Theabovethree men , with eleven others, refused in 1596, to subscribe the testimonial sent by nearly all the other exiles in Flanders, in favour oftheEnglish Jesuits, (Knox, D.D. p. 408)

28 Two other unruly students of the English College, the priests Sylvester Norris and Richard Button, who had left shortly before Fisher, were also caught by the Archduke's refusal to grant passportsto use his ports, for their intentions to act against the English Jesuits had been reported to him by the SpanishAmbassadorin Rome Gifford and Paget wereforced to arrange for their passage to England by another route As Fisher mentions later, (see p. 8 of this MS .) they reached the countryafter his own arrival , (cf. Peña's Relacion, Bibl Vat Lat 6227, f 77 ; Literae Calumniosae D. Giffordii, 19 September 1596, Westm V. n. 71 ; also Fisher to Bagshaw, 16 May [1597], No. XXXIII, note 13). Norris and Button may have been in England by late November 1596, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw , 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, note 19)

29 This man cannot be identified.

30 This description of Fisher's easy entrance into Wisbech Castle to visit Bagshaw providesan instructive commenton the working oftherestrictions orderedto be observedregarding access to the prisoners in January 1596 , (cf. Mush to Bagshaw , etc. 10 May 1596, No. XXVII, IntroductoryNote). Fisher later speaks oflikefavour granted him to visit theClinkin London , because he was a supporter of Bagshaw'sparty.

31 Fisher's descriptions in this document leave no doubt of the closeness of Bagshaw'srelations with the Keeper, nor were Bagshaw'sfellow prisoners in doubt of the fact, (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII. note 6) Cf. also Mush to Bagshaw , Norden and Bluet, 10 May 1596 , No. XXVII, note 10.

32 There is no record of William Medeley's appointment as Keeper of the Wisbechprisoners, owing to a gap in the Privy Council records The last mention ofthe previous Keeper, ThomasGray, occurs in November 1592 , (Dasent XXIII, pp 302-8), whilst the first mention of Medeley in the position occurs in a letter with which he sent a present to Sir R. Cecil from the Castle, 8 May 1594 (Hatfield Cal IV, p 526) Heremained in sole charge until August 1597, (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao , No. XXXVIII, note 20)

33 Mush made a reference in lateNovember 1596 to what was probably this particular journey, made by Fisherinto Northern England to ascertain the opinions ofMush himself and othersabout the anti-Jesuit plans mentioned in this section, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw , 24 November 1596, No. XXIX, note 24). For details of the secular clergy Associationsreferred to here, cf. Dolman to Bagshaw, 16 January [1597], No. XXXI, IntroductoryNote.

34Fisher arrived in England in September 1596, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 14 May 1597 , No. XXXII, note 2), and as he had left Rome probably in early February, his interviews in Flanders and elsewhere had occupied considerable time, (see note 53 below) On his own reckoning in this present document, Fisher's wanderingsabout England must haveoccupied him until about June 1597, and Mush, indeed, reported to Bagshawearly in that month that he had heard that he had not yet departed, (cf. Mush to Bagshaw, 8 June 1597], Law , Archpriest Controversy I, p 2). He probably returned to Flanders in the first halfof July, (cf. note 58 below).

35 When Bagshaw was removed to London in October 1598, (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII, note 16), he caused much resentment among those left behind by sendingfor his portion of the common money. Many denied his right to it, "and by Master Archer especially, who said he could need no moneythat had 40 crownes togive unto Fisher" . Persons

was quoting from a letter received from Wisbech of 15 April 1599 , (cf. Briefe Apologie, f 149v) Many of Bagshaw's associates in London evidently thought that Fisher misused the large sums he received , (cf. Fisher to Bagshaw, 16 May 1597 , No. XXXIII, note 8) There are many other mentions in this presentdocument of moneyreceivedby Fisher , but it may be noted that the £90 mentioned here equalled the total receipts in alms reachingGarnet in a year, (cf. Garnet's Reply to Fisher'sMemorial, No. XXXVI, note 11)

36 i.e.JohnSacheverell , or FriarWilliam exDominican, (cf. GarnettoAquaviva, 14 May 1597, No. XXXII, note 4 ; also note 38 below). The "Mr. Norris" mentioned in this present section was the priest Sylvester Norris (see note 28 above)

37 Thomas Pawlin entered the College at Reims in April 1588 and left in January 1591, (Knox, D.D. pp 219, 238) Though the Diary does not mention the cause of his departure, Fisher himself was studying there at that time

38 About Easter 1597, writing to Bagshaw from London, Fisher gave a somewhatdifferent account of these incidents, (cf. Fisher to Bagshaw , [c Easter 1597], printed in C.R.S. Vol 25, pp 243-6 In that volume 'Friar William' is incorrectly identified with a certain William Lister or Lisle , who left the English College in Rome to become a Dominican in April 1585). According to that letter Sacheverelldefended his faith to Pawlin , and then told Fisher that he had been apprehendedand taken beforethe Archbishop of Canterbury, to whom he had offered disputation, and there is no mention of the interview with Cecil This does not, however, agree well with Sir R. Fiennes letter about Sacheverell of 1 March 1596/7 , (cf. No. XXXII, ut supra, note 4) As Fisher remarks at the end ofthispresent paragraph, Bagshawand Bluet were anxious to defend Sacheverellas an old supporter, provided he had not actually apostatised , and Fisher's report in the letter above was probably designed to please them , though even there he made it clear that many priests believed that Sacheverell was a spy and an apostate.

39 This is an error for Mr. Stringer, Sacheverell'sbrother-in-law, (cf. Sir R. Fiennes to Sir R. Cecil, 1 March 1596/7 , Hatfield Cal VII, p 87) No details of this man's activities have yet cometo light.

40 Richard Bankes was probably a son of the London man who, as Deputy to Alderman Martin, (S.P.D. Eliz. Vol 172, n 102), was a searcher out of Papists in 1584. He was born in 1568/9 , entered the English College in Romefrom Reimson 17 November 1587 , and was ordained inNovember 1592. He was sent on the mission on 10 March 1594, (cf. Knox, D.D. p 217; Liber Ruber , C.R.S. Vol 37, p 64) On 7 May 1597 Garnet wrote to Aquaviva : "As for Mr. Banks, I am thinkingof sendinghim to your Reverence , as it will be a cause of edification that the malcontents should see it, as it is said that he favours them, but that is quite false , for he is very well affectedandquiet Also Mr. Robert Jones [S.J.] greatly commends him for all the time he has been here" . (Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 27). Garnet evidently received permission to admit him into the Society in England, for on 30 October 1598 he signed a letter withall the Jesuits in England, concerningthe appointment of the Archpriest, (cf. Vat Arch. Borghese II, 448 ab, f 415).

41 George Foster enteredthe English College, Rome, from Reimson 20 October 1584 , aged 22 years. In September 1585 he left to become a Dominican , wherehe tookthe name of Thomas, (cf. Knox, D.D. p 202; Liber Ruber ,

C.R.S.Vol 37, p 51) Fisher visited him at Spoletoon his return journey to Rome

In Father Paul, the English Dominican in Spain, cannot be identified. Briefe Apologie , f. 96, a marginal note says of him: "This is a quiet man living at S. Lucars, and willnot be drawen to any such faction" .

42 Bagshaw'sdemand was in line with a method long used by the English government,in creating division in the Catholic ranks bymeans ofitsagents or by encouraging malcontents, in fostering dissensions between other religiousandthe Jesuits, or bythe actual employmentofmisguidedreligious The chief aim was to bring about the dissolution of the seminaries . Such policyunderlay in 1584 the intrigues oftheagent SolomonAldred, inwhich the services ofthe young Jesuit (later dismissed fromthe Society), Richard Batson, were used without reference to the General , (cf. An Elizabethan Propagandist , by L. Hicks, S.J. , The Month, May-June, 1945; Persons , Certayne Aparent Iudgments , C.R.S. Vol 2, p 206) In 1585 Cardinal Sega, the Papal Visitor, encountereddemandsfrom some students in the English College for the establishment of a new seminary under other religious, and failed to discovera plan fora mass migration totheDominicans which tookplace soon after his departure, (cf. Sega's Report, August 1585 , A. O. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth , 1916, p 507 ; Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, (students 139 and 159 are two of thoseconcerned ) ; Certayne Aparent Iudgments , ut supra, p 209) Use wasmade of Carthusiansin the intrigues of malcontentsin 1591 and 1592 , to discredit Cardinal Allen's leadership, (cf. Knox, Allen, p 322 ; Certayne Aparent Iudgments , ut supra, p 206 ; Scottish Cal X, pp 229, 237) In 1595 a secret movementwas beingfosteredin the English College in Rome for a migration of many students to the Benedictines , (cf. English Bendictine papers, C.R.S. Vol 33, pp 168, 185-9) In 1596 it came to light that the priest AnthonyMartin, sent to England in 1593, who had returned at once to become a Benedictine, with a recommendation from Allen which he took much trouble to obtain and publicize, had in fact been sent back by Heneage, the Vice-Chamberlain, (cf. C.R.S. Vol 33, p 164 ; Knox, Allen, p. 354 ; Creswell to the Pope, 26 April 1596, Westm V, n. 50). Cardinal Sega, inhissecond visitation ofthe English College fromNovember 1595, encountereda demand that the College should be transferred to the Oratorians, (cf. Sega's Report, March 1596, Foley Records VI, p 26) The list is not exhaustive, and the practice continued in lateryears

43 For other descriptions of the behaviour of Bagshaw and his supporters atWisbech in late 1596 and 1597, cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, and Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, [1602], No. XXXVIII

44 Fisher's words here confirm Garnet's own account of his initiative in the sendingof Mush and Dudley to make efforts for a peace at Wisbechin the autumn of 1595, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 15 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 16). "Whalley" was Garnet's most commonly used alias .

45 This description of the abrogation of the Rules supplementsWeston'sbrief reference to it, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva , 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, note 24). When Mush wrote to Bagshaw on 24 November 1596, these Rules were still in force, in spite of the many exceptions taken against them, (cf. No. XXIX, notes 6 and 7) The abrogation describedby Fisher probably occurred sometimeearly in 1597 .

46 Persons wrote of this incident : " ... which is not discrepant from the complaint of another priest, written from Wisbech the same yeere, who testifieth that the Reverend and worshipfull priest [i.e. Southworth] was called knave, and Montebancke , by one of the sayde two Doctours in the

presence of twopriestes come from abroade , for that hee had given good and spirituallcounsellwhich was derided. And the likelivery [i.e. distinctive badge] of knave was given to another priest by one of the Doctours followers, as an ordinarie livery used to bee given to them. " (Briefe Apologie , ff. 81v-2). A marginal note "M.I.G." suggests that the writer referred to was Master John Green . His letter dated 14 July 1598 , does not survive . In speakingof these events it is curious that Fisher never referredto the illness of Norden, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, note 26), of which the first mention occurs in Mush'sletter to Bagshaw, 8 June 1597], (Law, Archpriests Controversy I, p 1) This absence of referencesuggests that he had not been at Wisbech for some little time, an impression confirmed by his letter to Bagshaw, 16 May [1597], (No. XXXIII) The difficulties mentioned in that letter of obtaining a passage back to Flanders, as well as his financial embarrassments, seem to have continued for some weeks, during which time he had little contact with others of Bagshaw'sassociates, (cf. Fisher to Bagshaw , [c June 1597], InnerTemple, Petyt Mss 538 , Vol 38, ff 374-5). Norden was buried on 13 July,butit seemscertain that Fisher had left the country beforethat date, (see note 58 below).

47In support of this description of conviviality, cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII , note 5. Earlier in this presentdocumentFisher had spoken ofone feast at which he himself attended, (see p 6 ofthisMS .).

48This policyof spreading stories, though they were known to be false , in order to arouse hatred against the Jesuits, is revealing evidenceof the character of members of this faction. This present document contains several instances ofthe employmentofthis weapon Thecalumniousletters written by Gifford to the students in Rome in 1596 and 1597 , (cf. Garnet toAquaviva, 10December 1596, No. XXX, IntroductoryNote), and Fisher's Memorial of September 1597, (see note 70 below), belong to the same pattern Paget's "reports" of dissension between Garnet and Weston in England, are a further example of the same thing, (cf. Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, No. XXXVI, note 26) Fisher's second story in this section, about Sir T. Tresham, had already been repeatedin ignorance, in a letter of 2 February 1598 , by Henry Tichbourne, secretary at this Examination, (cf. Law's ed of True Relation , Appendix C , p. 143)

49 William Tresham, brother of Sir Thomas Tresham, left England for. religiousreasons, early in 1582, (cf. Cal S.P.D. Addenda 1580-1625 , p 51) After living in Francefor some years, he moved to Flanders. Though at first an opponent of schemes to cause division among the exiles, he was known to belong to Paget's faction in Flanders in 1594, (cf. Knox Allen, pp 391-4 ; Knox, D.D. pp 401-8). With Paget, Gifford, and certain others, he signed a letter to the Pope in favour of Cassano after Allen's death, and refused to subscribe to the testimonial of Flanders exiles in favour of the English Jesuits in 1596, (references as in note 27 above). As a close supporter of Paget, he found it expedient to leave Flanders early in 1599, where he had long receiveda Spanishpension, (Cal S.P.D. 1598-1601, p 221 , and note 14 above) Treshamthen had correspondence with persons in England, including Sir R. Cecil, the Earl of Essex , Thomas Barnesand others, to procure for him the Queen's favour and permission to return. This correspondence , covering the next few years, maybe seen in the Calendars of State Papers, Domestic and in the Hatfield Calendars, Though his suitwas backedwith betrayals ofmilitary information affecting his former benefactors , (cf. Hatfield Cal, XI, pp 279-80), a letterto Cecil of August 1601, shows that he had not then met with success , (cf. Ibid. XII, p 330)

50 This is an error for Dr. William Firbeck (Farbeck or Ferbeck) For an outline of his career, cf. No. XIII, note 11). For other activities in which he participated in support of Bagshaw's party, cf. Mush to Bagshaw, etc. 10 May 1596, No. XXVII, note 6. Concerningthe priest Barwis, mentioned in thissection , cf. Fisherto Bagshaw , 16 May [1597], No. XXXIII, note 6.

51 Fisher appears to have deliberately concealed what would be considered the most damaging side of his activities, for a different report about his contacts had already reached Persons in August 1597. Dr. Barrett, President of Douay, having mentioned some of Fisher's many journeyings about Flanders on his return from England, continued: "I marvaile he escaped at Bruxels, seeing they [i.e. the civil authorities] are advertised out of England of his secret conference with a chiefe man of the councel of England, and with Sacheverell the Apostata in the sayd counsellors house" . (Barrett to Persons, 10 August 1597, Westm VI, n 49 , and another copy in Bibl Vat Lat 6227, f 29 ; also Briefe Apologie , f 93v)

52 This is Garnet's letter to Aquaviva, 14 May 1597 , No. XXXII The fourth chargegiven here does not appearin that letter, but Garnet'sletter survives onlyin an abstract, and the original was probably longer

53Cardinal Sega's second Visitation of the English College in Rome, (see note 5 above), began on 30 November 1595, (cf. Chambers ' Account of the Roman College disturbances, 1594-1597, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n. 45). His report is dated 14 March 1596, (Foley, Records VI, pp 1-66) If, as he says here, Fisher departed before the defence of the Fathers had been heard, he cannot have left much later than early February 1596. The Liber Ruber , (C.R.S. Vol 37, p 92), gives his date of departure as May 1596, but Fisher's own account is to be preferred, since he describedthe attendant circumstances At this period a number of the dates in the Liber Ruber appear to have been added later and are not always exact. Fisher remarks in another place in this present document (see note 28 above) that the priest Sylvester Norris had left the College a few days before himself, the date 'May 1596' , therefore, against Norris's name and that of his companion Richard Button, is alsoincorrect

54The matters dealt with herein the answers to the five objections, together with many others, will be found in the Report ofCardinal Sega's Visitation ofthe English College, dated 14 March 1596, (Foley, Records VI, pp 1-66) It is very detailed, dealing first with students' objections, and secondly with the Fathers' defence, and finally gives his own shrewd summary and suggestions The onlymatternot to be found in the aboveEnglish translation of the report is that of the Hermaphrodite, which Foley omitted altogether It is, however, dealt with in the manuscript from which he published his translation.

55 For a detailed discussion of the question of religious vocations and the students of the English College in Rome, cf. " The English College, Rome and Vocations to the Society of Jesus" , L. Hicks, S.J., Archivum Historicum S.J., Vol.3 (1934), pp 1-36 On the mission itself men who desired to join the Society had often to wait some time before they were admitted, and Garnet's letters to the Generalcontain some recommendationsrepeated more than once In particular , in the case of Ralph Bickley, seminary priest and Weston's fellow prisoner for many years, requestswere made over a period of twelve years , (cf. Garnet to Persons, 15 April 1597 , Stony- hurst, Coll P. II. f. 537). The circumstancesofhis imprisonment doubtless accounted for the very long delay in this case, for Garnet recommended him highly. He had been admitted beforethe sending of the lettersigned by all the Jesuits in England of 30 October 1598, in which he figured as

one of thosein prison, (see note 40 above) In an undated note belonging, probably tothe early 1590s Garnet wrote : "There are many who desire , the same thing, and some of them are amongst the principal priests" Christopher Southworth is one of those named, but he never became a Jesuit (cf. A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, no folio ref ) The accusation of enticing men to become Jesuits occurs in Fisher'sMemorial, (cf. Garnet's Reply, March 1598, No. XXXVI, note 20).

56 The letter referred to has not survived There was at least one earlier letter from Fisher to the students at Rome, dated 22 July 1596. One sentence of this survives in a list of calumnies extracted, at the order of the highest authorities in Rome late in 1597 , from the welter of such material which had been sent to Rome from Flanders during 1596 and 1597. A translation of the extract reads : "That the Jesuits in Flanders are so cruel that they have not only brought many excellent men to a miserable end but have defamed them after their death" (Concerning the List of calumnies , see note 74 below). Edward Tempest, relative ofthe two Robert Tempests , (see note 26 above), entered the English College on 8 May 1590 , from Reims, aged 22 years He was ordained in March 1594 and left for England in September1597 , (cf. Knox, D.D. p 229 ; Liber Ruber , C.R.S. Vol 37, p 72). His name appears in the list of those taking part in the College disturbances , (cf. Foley, Records VI, p 3), and he was involved with the priests Hill and Benson, and other unruly students, in the Taverns scandal of 1597 , (see note 15 above). In England he appears to have gravitated to Bagshaw's partyagainst the Archpriest, (cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 84-5), though he did not signthe AppealofNovember1600 againsttheArchpriest

57More may be the John Moorementionedin a list of English exilesofabout 1575, cf. Knox, D.D. p 298) It is unlikely that the next very vague reference relates to Thomas Morgan, who had been widely known for many years as leaderwith Paget of the faction opposed to Cardinal Allen, and who was at the time of Fisher's visit no longer living in Flanders, having been banished from the Spanish dominions some yearsbefore. Itis possible that themanreferredto is the Colonel Morganwhois mentioned in one of HenryWalpole's confessions in the Tower in 1594 , (cf. Documents relating to the English Martyrs, C.R.S. Vol 5, p 258). Adamson cannot be identified

58Fisherwas back in Romeby the beginningofMarch, when his examinations took place, and had perhapsarrived a week or two before. He was still in England in June 1597, and having considerable difficulty finding a passage to Flanders, (see note 46 above) By his own account later in this present document, his return journeytook him seven months, and it is thus likely that he reached Flanders sometimein the first half of July Dr. Barrett's letter to Persons of 10 August 1597 , (see note 51 above), with its description of Fisher's travels in Flanders before the date ofthe letter confirms this probability: " ... this I write at Liège, where I am in my way homeward, there passed by this towne one Fisher , that was sentby the seditiousschollers into England, from hence he went to Bruxels , thence to Lisle, and so to Doway, and thence to Cambray" .

59These letters to Paget and to Gifford are not extant. Gifford later wrote to Bagshawto acknowledgehis, and proposea new plan of campaign, cf. W. Gifford to Bagshaw, 20 September 1597 , No. XXXIV)

60 Hugh Griffin was still residentin Rome during Fisher's sojourn in Flanders on his way to England in 1596 , but owing to a scandal in which he was involved, he had been obliged to retire to his benefice in Flanders in the

late summer of 1596, (see note 9 above) Fisher wrote his Memorial in Griffin's house at Cambray, (see note 70 below)

61 Humphrey Ely, Doctor of Laws, had resided at Pont-à-Mousson in Lorraine since his appointment to the chair in his facultyat the Jesuit University therein July 1586, (Knox, D.D.p 211) It appears froma letterof Fisher , about Easter 1597, that he had visited Dr. Ely on his journeyto England "When I was with Doctour Elie I hard the said Doctour tell me meany thinges, which I rememberwell" From the context these were evidently things against the Jesuits (Cf. Fisher to Bagshaw , [c Easter 1597] printed in C.R.S.Vol 25, pp 243-6). He was a supporter ofthe Appellants in England from the time of their first embassy to Rome in 1588/9 , (cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 160, and II, pp 195-201) In 1602 he was responsiblefor the production of the book called Certaine Briefe Notes upon a Briefe Apologie Fisher wrote of the imprisonment of Ely's servant, whose name is not given, in his letter to Bagshawof about Easter, (ut supra). A Catholic visitingthe man learned that he brought messages urging Ely'snephew , the apostatepriest Anthony Major, to retire abroad , whereEly would find him a living. Evidentlysome suspicionwas aroused , and Fisherincontinently accused the Jesuits oftryingto discredit Ely. The man had evidently been freed within a short time, as he had been sent after Fisher to Flanders.

62 Dr. Barrett described part at least of what Fisher had to tell them in Flanders: "Here he [Fisher] told one in great secret that he was to speak to Paget in Brussels andto Gifford in Lille, and to Hugh GriffininCambray about matters of importance He said also to the same personthat they had great hope of obtaining liberty of conscience for the Catholics of England if the Jesuits were ejected from the Country This was without doubt an important part of his negotiations" (Barrett to Persons , 10 August 1597, references as in note 51 above) From at least 1596 the aim to have the Jesuits expelledfrom or called out of England, had played a prominent part in the schemes of this faction in Flanders, Rome and England, and after the appointment of the Archpriest in 1598 , it had a largepart in the plans ofthe Appellants For a discussion of this question, Cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 93, note 14 .

63 Charnockseems to have been the man who was sent , for the 17th Century copyist Christopher Grene, S.J. , noted a comment in Persons' hand from the back of a letter from Garnet, 10 September 1597 : "F. Garnet of Charnock's coming towards Rome . (Cf. Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f 596). Grene did not, however, copy the passage itself. No further details are available, but it is unlikelythat Charnockwent very far on this occasion , since the reception of Fisher's Memorial in Rome was so unpropitious to those sending it, (see note 74 below)

64 "Fisher hath bene with Mr. Doctor Thornell a very honest and discreet man and offered him (if he would take against the Jesuits) that he should be assisted from England and that they priests did oppose themselves to them universally, and were desirous to send one to Rometo dealefor them and in conference had in England upon the matter, he or Mr. Dr. Turner , who liveth in Germany, were thought the fittest men, wherefore he sayd if he would be the man, the Catholique Recusantsin England would send him yerelye a thousand poundeto mayntayne him in authoritye at Rome" This is an extract from a letter of 2 December 1597 , of which the writer is not recorded, (cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 16) From the context, however, it was probably taken from another letter about Fisher's movements sent to Rome, (as that of Dr. Barrett, see note 51 above)

The extract appears at the end of the list of calumnies against the Jesuits , (see note 74 below)

Dr. Edmund Thornell or Thornhill was a student at the English College in Rome from May 1581 until after his ordination in 1587, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 27). He became a Canon of Vicenza, and it was probably there that Fisher visited him on his way back to Rome Anaccount of his career, and of his attempts in 1604 to act as an intelligencer for the English Governmentagainstthe Jesuits, will be found in Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 72, note 4. In a note to the above quotation T. G. Law incorrectly gives him the name of John Dr. Robert Turner was ordained priest at Douay in 1574, and had lived in Germany from 1576, where he taught theology at Ingolstadt He died in 1600, (Knox, D.D. pp 6, 25, 213 ; also D. N.B.) Owing to the distances involved it is very unlikelythat Fisher actuallyvisited him

65 For some account ofThomasLister's career, cf. Mushand Dudley to Garnet , 8 November, 1595, cf. No.XXII, note 8. No letter ofGarnetor ofAquaviva in 1597 gives any exact indication of the nature of the anxiety which his behaviour in that year was causing them after his return to England without permission, though the state of his health was still poor. Fisher's words here suggest that he had been approachedby membersof Bagshaw's partyMush at least had known him for many years at the English College in Rometo enlist his support for some plan, of which the real object was to cause division amongst the Jesuits in England He left England again at the beginning of 1598, on instructions from the General, but was captured in Holland, (cf. Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, No. XXXVI, note 8) Lister had studied and taught at Pont-à-Mousson for severalyearsafter Ely'sappointment there as professor , (see note 61 above).

66 Arthur Pitts studied at Reims and Rome, was ordained about 1581 , and sent on the mission in April 1581. He was captured early the nextyear and banished in January 1585, (cf. Knox, D.D. pp 127 , 178 ; Liber Ruber' C.R.S. Vol 37, p 9; C.R.S. Vol 5, p 103 ) He then entered theservice of the Cardinal of Vaudement, and later that of the Cardinal of Lorraine , becominghis chancellorand Dean of Liverdun in Lorraine Like Ely, he had connections with the Appellant party from the time of their first embassyto Rome in 1598/9, (cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p. 160 , and II, pp 200-1)

67 Cuthbert Trollopeand his five companions , George Woolley, John Jackson, Francis Forster, George Askew and Gaspar Lobery, were sent away from the College in Rome, on the orders of the Cardinal Protector, on 18 October 1597 , after the end of the investigations following the Taverns scandal , (see note 15 above). They were to complete their studies at Douay, and later go on the mission if they gave satisfaction Two days later three students were also sent to Spain, and in another two days, four more to Douay. (To the references given in note 15 abovemay beadded: Persons to Creswell , 12 November 1597, English College, Valladolid , Ser II Leg. 1 ; Persons to J. Bennett, 18 October 1597 , Milton House Mss). Of the six students in question here, the ordination of the first two onlyappearsin the Liber Ruber , (C.R.S. Vol 37) Trollope, Forster and Lobery appear in the listofsignatoriesofthat versionoftheAppeal againstthe Archpriest of November 1600, which is printed in Tierney-Dodd III, p. cxliv.

68A plan to have the Jesuits removed fromthe College had an early place in the stirs in Rome after Cardinal Allen's death in October 1594 , (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, notes 5-8, 11) Cardinal Toledo, Vice -Protector of the College for some months in 1596, gave the unruly students his support in this matter, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 14

May 1597 , No. XXXII, note 7). In his visitation report of 14 March 1596 CardinalSega had stated, however , that in his opinion itwould be disastrous and intollerable ifthis agitation were to succeed , for among other considerations he saw a much wider issue to be at stake : "It were to my mind a mistake to deem that the interests of England, and that the welfare of itspeoplearehere the sole pointsatissue, important as these unquestionably are; what is really at stakeis the fate of the numerousColleges which the Holy See has confided to the government of the Fathers Whatever Your Holiness may at presentdeterminecannot fail to be taken as a precedent" . (Sega's Report, Foley, Records VI, p. 53).

69 Bagshaw was dismissed from the English College in January 1585 at the order of the Cardinal Protector, (cf. Cardinal Sega's Report, August 1585 , A. O. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth , 1916 , p. 504. Cf. also in this present volume No. III, note 1 , and No. XXIX , note 23. Father AlphonsusAgazzari, S.J., was Rector of the College from 1579 to 1586 , and later, for about a year, fromMay 1596 , (cf. Stonyhurst, Coll M. f. 156R).

70 This is the documentreferred to in many contemporary papersas Fisher's Memorial The wordsquoted by Fisher'squestionerscompriseits titleand opening phrase Only one copy of the complete document is at present known to exist, in Westm VI, n 57. Thereare three copies of an Abstract, dated September 1597 , comprising excerpts so arranged as to constitute a connected , though considerablyshortenedversion of the Memorial One of these is in Westm VI, n 58. and its main interest lies in a number of marginal comments in Persons' hand The other two are in the Inner Temple, Petyt Mss 538, Vol 38, ff 344, 345-6 One copy of an English rendering of the Abstract is in Ibid ff 342-3. This last was printed in the Appellant tract, the True Relation, Law's ed , pp 97-110 Extractsfrom its contents will be found in the notes to Garnet's Reply, [March 1598], No. XXXVI Though not written until Fisher's return to Flanders, the idea of compiling some such paper was certainly conceived earlier , for in two letters to Bagshawwhilst he was trying to obtain a passage out of England (see note 46 above), Fisher asked for information on some matters which are mentioned in the Memorial, (cf. Fisher to Bagshaw , 16 May [1597], No. XXXIII, note 15) Concerning the Memorial's reception in Rome, cf. note 74 below .

71 No certain identification can be madeof this man A Birbecke of Canterburyarrived at Reims in August 1581 , and it may be his ordination which is recorded in December1581, (Knox, D.D. pp 180, 184). Another general list shows the ordination of a William Birkbeck of Durham in 1581 , (Ibid. p 10) This second man went to England in April 1583, and wasbanished from prison in 1585 , (Ibid. p. 195; C.R.S. Vol. 5, p 194).

72William Harrison, aged 26 years and already a priest, was studying at the English College in Rome in 1579 , (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol. 37, p 9) He went on the mission in the early months of 1581 and his capture was reported in September 1582. There is no further evidence relating to his career in England He appears as a Doctor of Theology, in a list of the professors at Douay of 1596, (cf. Knox, D.D. pp 261, 297, 374 ; Knox, Allen, p 163) Years later he became the third Archpriest, in succession to George Birkhead, and died in 1623

73 Thomas Harley, Provost of the Collegiate Church of St. Géry, Cambray, had been ordainedfrom Reimsin June 1582, and sent to England in 1583 He was arrested and banished , though the dates are not known He was a chaplain to Cardinal Allen for a short time before the latter'sdeath, and

through the influence of Owen Lewis held at some time a small benefice in the diocese of Milan He was a friend of Hugh Griffin and his circle , (cf. Knox, D.D. pp 188, 294, 390 ; Knox, Allen, p. 376).

74 Fisher's Memorial (see note 70 above) was taken by Paget and Giffordto Mgr Frangipani, the Nuncio, in Brussels, with the earnestentreaty that he would not onlyforward it to the Cardinal Secretary of State in Rome, but would add his own recommendationthat the Pope should be informed of it. Frangipani did not even read it before dispatching it, though he did notaddhisowncommendation, (cf. Frangipani to CardinalAldobrandino Brussels , 19 September 1597 , Correspondance d'Ottavio Mirto Frangipani, II, p 229). În Rome itself the Memorial came to a Papal Court now better informed, both of English affairs and of the doings in Flanders, after the various upheavals in the English College had brought much evidence tolight ofwhat had been going on (see IntroductoryNote above). The time was, indeed, past for such violent documents , and the result of the reception of this Memorial was an instruction from the Pope, the Cardinals and the General of the Society that a list of calumnies should be extracted fromthe mass of letters and memorialsthen in official hands , and be sent to Flanders in an attempt to stop the flow of such material by confronting the authors with their handiwork, (cf. Persons to Richard Gibbons, S.J., 21 March 1598, Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f 362 ; Aquaviva to O. Manare, S.J., 29 April 1598 , A.R.S.J. Fland Belg 1. 11. f 673) The list in question gives references to the various letters, etc. from which theextracts wer taken, many ofwhich still survive, (cf. Garnet toAquaviva, 10 December 1596, No. XXX, IntroductoryNote). A Latin version of itis printed from a copy in the PetytMss in Law. Archpriest Controversy I, pp 7-15 . Another copy is in Westm V, n 78, and a draft of some ofthe articles, Ibid. n. 79. A further copy is in A.R.S.J. Anglia 30. 11. ff. 369371v . For an account of the action taken by the Nuncio in Flanders on instructions from Rome after receipt of this List, cf. Fitzherbert Letters , C.R.S. Vol 41, p 130, note 40

The Memorial was evidently circulated in England, for early the next yearGarnetwrote a letter toallthe secular clergy, askingfortheirtestimony, as far as their individual knowledge went, about assertions made in the memorial, and asked that no copy of it should be kept, as it might fall into heretical hands, or be the occasion of more strife amongst priests, (cf. Garnet's circular letter , 1 March 1598 , Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 17-20) Nearly 200 secular priests signed testimoniescondemningthe Memorial, (cf. Bavant to Birkhead, 26 November 1608, printed in Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 81, and note 11 on that page). For an individual condemnation of the Memorial, cf. Parker to Bagshaw , 10 May [1598], Law, op cit I, pp 20-1 GarnetandWestoneach wrote refutations of sections of the Memorial, in March 1598, (cf. Nos XXXVI andXXXVII in this present volume)

75 This letter has not survived Concerning the claim of Bagshaw'sparty to representthewhole of the secular clergy of England, cf. Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, [March 1598], No. XXXVI, note 2

76 In a long defence of aspects of his conduct during 1596 and 1597 , Gifford acknowledged that he had helped Fisher with advice to cross over to England, had given him recommendations , and on his return hospitality for six weeks , (cf. Responsum R.D. Guilielmi Giffordii , Decani Insulensis, Illustrissimo D. Nuncio Apostolico Belgii exhibitum , April 1598 , Westm. VI, n 87). It is not clear from Fisher's account when this long stay occurred, and it seems more probable that the time was divided between various visits to Lille.

77"Germany" here probably means the lands borderingthe Rhine, or possibly even the Swiss Cantons , depending on Fisher's route to Milan .

78 Dr. Henry Hawkins, nephewof Christopher Yelverton, (serjeant at arms , and Speaker of the House of Commons in 1597), was sent to Italy as intelligencer by the Earl of Essex in 1595. (Birch, Memoirs ofthe Reign of Queen Elizabeth , I, p 312) He had contact with Sir Griffin Markham, brother ofthe English College student Robert Markham, in March and May 1596, (Ibid I, p 453, and II, pp 11, 22) As a follower of the Earl of Essex Dr. Hawkins was one of the lesser figures taken into custody in February 1601 at the time of the trial of his patron, (cf. Hatfield Cal. XI, p 34 ; Cal S.P.D. 1598-1601, p. 590)

79 In his last letter to Bagshaw before leaving England, Fisher referred to the fact of his expulsion from the English College : "I trust that god will helpe his servants in all their needs the same song which I song when I was expelled the colledge, I sing now with the same hope" (cf. Fisher to Bagshaw , [c . June 1597], InnerTemple, Petyt Mss 538, Vol 38 , ff 374-5)

On the question of Fisher's expulsion, cf. also note 18 above

80 Robert Sayer or Sayers entered the English College in November 1582, and was ordained in 1585 , (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 37). He became a Benedictine, with the name of Gregory, at Monte Cassino in 1588 , and taught theology there for some time He died at St. George's, Venice on 30 October 1602, (Foley, Records VI, pp 155-6)

Robert Beech entered the English College from Reims in October 1590 , aged 25 years (C.R.S. Vol 37, p 74). He joined the Cassinese Congregation of the Benedictinesin 1594, taking the name of Anselm, and was professed at St. Justin's, Padua (For biographical details, cf. C.R.S. Vol 33). He was one of the first Benedictinesof this Congregationto go to England in December 1602. For an account of the early years of the congregationin England, cf. Thomas Preston, alias Roger Widdrington, by W. K. L.Webb, S.J., Biographical Studies, Vol II, No. 3, 1954

The name Raphael given here by Fisher enables us to identify the Don Raphael, who acted as the first agent to the English Benedictinesin Italy and as liaisonwith the Appellants, as William Bifield, student attheEnglish College, Rome , ordained in 1594, (C.R.S. Vol 37, p 94) The Appellant envoys in 1602, fearful of arrest by the Pope, left their baggage at St. Pauls, with two English monks, one of whom was probably Bifield, until assured ofthe French Ambassador'ssupport, (Law, Archpriest Controversy II, pp 32, 41). Baker makes references to him, (English Benedictine Papers, C.R.S. Vol 33, pp 164 , 211)

Andrew Bayley enteredthe English College in June 1591 , and left in 1592 to become a Dominican, (C.R.S. Vol 37, p 81), taking the nameofGregory In Certayne Aparent IudgmentsPersons recorded his flight fromhisorder in 1598 , and his journey to England, (C.R.S. Vol 2, p 208) Hehad some rather obscure dealings with John Sacheverell in England in November 1602, (Cal S.P.D. 1601-1603, pp 263, 266-8) Though his name appears in a list of apostates of about 1610 or 1611 , a note says that hediedpenitent, (cf. Westm . IX, n 115)

For George Foster, see note 41 above.

81 Itwill have been noted that in this presentdocument Fisher several times stressed his change of heart, the chief motive, he says (p. 14 of MS.), "of his returnto Rome to make manifest the truth" It was natural enough that heshouldthus trytoimpresshis questioners, thoughitmaybeadmitted that in the story he revealed, groundsfor a change of heart were notlacking; but it should alsobe noted that, by his own account, he continued to serve his old employersuntil the very end of his journey , by the series of visits

to English religiousin Italyto "soundhow theiropinionsstood" . Persons' laconic description of his return probably covers official scepticism : "And some moneths after that againe, went to Rome Robert Fisher himselfe more then halfe converted (as hee sayd) upon the experience hee had had of the bad and unconscionabledealing ofthe factions everywhere Whereupon his Holiness being informed by the Protector that hee was arived and had willingly offered himselfe at the English College, gave order to hisforesayd officerSigneurAcaritius toexaminehim ... " (Briefe Apologie , f. 94). A likely explanation of his appearance at the College seems to be , that he may havefailed to realise before reaching Rome how completely changed was the situation in that erstwhile centreof the faction's activity. The troublesin the College were finallyat an end, andthe turbulent students had either left (see notes 8, 10 , 15), or been sentaway (see note 67) Hugh Griffin had retired to Flanders (see notes 9 and 60), and the Roman Court had given a most unfavourable reception to his Memorial (see note 74). Whether he realised the import of these changes or not, however , Fisher was probably by then very short of money, and as a person of no means or eminence , and a tool which his employerswould not scrupleto discard when no longer useful to them, his readiness to betray his old associates was perhaps more than anything an attempt to procure some livelihood Whatever his hopes, however, though kindlytreated, he was notreadmitted to theCollege as a student Bagshaw later averred that he had been sent to the galleys at Naples as a punishment for his actions , "or otherwise made awaye" ,(cf. Bagshaw's answers to the Articles ofEnquiry , 1601 , Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 240) Versions of this story, withadditions about tortures, later appeared in various of the Appellant tracts, (cf. for exampleW. Watson, Quodlibets, p. 96, and H. Ely, Briefe Notes , p. 165). Persons relpied : "Page 31 [of A Sparing Discovery ] says that Robert Fisher (who spread theirinfamous libel against the Society) was sentfrom Rome to the gallyes of Naples and remayneth there a galley slave (others ad he was slayne) wheras the contrary appeareth by his owne letters wryttento Romefrom Viterbo (a quite contrary way to Naples) after his departurefrom thence, and this doth testifie the whole companyofEnglish schollers then in Rome, who both sawhis goodtreaty there, and his letters afterward" . (Persons, Manifestation ofthe Great Folly, etc. 1602, ff 93-3v) The letter in question has not survived In 1602 an intelligencer reported that Fisher had accused Persons of a design to kill him , but had later confessed that he had done thisat the instigation of the Appellant priests, and had complained that the English in Italy did not relieve his wants , (Cal S.P.D. Addenda 1580-1625, p 413) He seems to have crossed to England c September 1602, for Bagshaw wrote to Bancroft about him on 29 September , (cf. Law, op cit II, p 204) He apostatised in 1603 , (cf. Fisher's Adhesion to the Prayer Book and Articles, 12 May 1603 , Westm VII, n 85) It may be remarked that Law's interpretation of a certain document printed in his second volume, (ut supra, p. 190) is incorrect The Appellant petition to the Pope, in question in that document, relatesnot to Robert Fisher but to John Fixer, who had had treacherous dealings with the government in 1591 , (under the alias of ThomasWilson, cf. Cal S.P.D. 1591-1594), and who was at that time in some measure of restraint in Spain, (cf. Hatfield Cal VI, p 382 , where Fixer's name appears as "Fizer").

82 Persons remarksof these confessions : "And albeit we wil not affirme all to be true which he said, yet many things are such as they could not be well fained and are confirmed otherwise, and the speakingvoluntarilyupon his oath must be presumed to have had some care also of his conscience" (Briefe Apologie , f 94v). As can be seen from the notes to this document, confirmatory evidence exists to support much that Fisher said at his

examination Cf. also Note 51 above, concerning Fisher's concealmentof some part of his activities

83 Robert Persons, S.J., had become Rector of the English College in Rome on 13 December 1597, and so remaineduntil his deathin 1610, (cf. A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f 345) Detailed information about Fr. Persons' lifebefore 1597 , will be found in the Introductionto Letters and Memorials of Father Robert Persons, S.J., I, C.R.S. Vol 39, and in six articles on Father Persons , S.J. and the Seminaries in Spain, by Fr. L. Hicks, S.J., in The Month, March-Sept 1931 .

No. XXXVI.

GARNET'S REPLY TO FISHER'S MEMORIAL

. [March 1598].

A.R.S.J. Anglia 30. II ff 364-6 . Copy.

Introductory Note to No. XXXVI As well as other measures taken to deal with Fisher's Memorial of September 1597, (cf. Fisher's Confessions , 8-14 March 1598 , No. XXXV, Note 74), Garnet, probably on instructions to do so , wrote this detailed defence of his brethren working in England, in the form of answers to various charges made in the Memorial The charges are indicated in the notes below, quotations being taken from the English version of the Abstract published by the Appellants in the True Relation , (cf. Ibid note 70) No date appears on the sole surviving copy of this paper, but in a letter to Persons of 18 March 1598, Garnet mentions having sentit the previousweek, (Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f 597) Westonalsowrote two defences at this same time, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, andto O.ManareS.J. in Flanders, ofthe same date, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 34)

Responsio ad ea quae contra Societatem in Anglia obiecta sunt in Memoriali quodam ex Belgio ad S.D.N. mense Septembri 1597 transmissum.

De ipsa Memorialis inscriptione id in universum affirmari potest : miserrimum sane Catholicorum in Angliastatum¹ si hic esset Clerus Anglicanus, cuius nomine Memoriale istud proponi dicitur. Verum non est iste Clerus Anglicanus : seditiosus, mendacijs atque invidia plenus Illi clerum Anglicanum constiterunt quorum modestia , gravitas , doctrina , aetas, virtus toti orbi praelucet, quorum est in Anglia maximus numerus, nosque summo amore semper complexi sunt. Neque refert quicquid in tenebris pauci de nobis inquieti scribant aut dicant Veniant ad lucem, ut arguantur opera eorum . Ego plane mihi persuadeo in universi Angliavix decem repertum iri qui contra nos quicquam scribere velint ; ista autem tam absurda, tam immania, ne a tribus quidem vel quatuor profecto existimo, qui forte aliorum simplicitateabusi illorum suffragia dari inconsiderate curaverint indifferenter omnibus quaecumque ipsi postea excogitarunt.3 Hoc enim narravit pius quidam sacerdos a se fuisse per nonnullos postulatum sed iam ad singula veniamus. Ad primum Praelatio in alios presbyteros iugum esset nobis intollerabile. Cum in hoc onus Patres nostri alijs in locis aegre portent, quanta inde nobis hoc in regno molestia oriretur ? Neque nos in eorumactionesintromittimus, nisi abijsdem rogati Honestos quosque ac pios interdum invisimus, et ipsi vicissim ad nostra hospitia divertunt, magna et nostri et ipsorum consolatione . Qui parum benevoli sunt, eos permittimus agere res suas, summique

No. XXXVI

beneficij loco habemus si cum ijs nihil nobis negotij intercedat ; quamvis eos quoque libentissime iuvare, ac promereri studeamus Nostra sane commendatione, plurimi hospitia certa incolunt , ubi interdum nostris consumptibus aluntur, sine tamen ulla a nobis dependentia, nisi quod consilio eos iuvare (si petant) parati simus: et ipsivicissim suo in nos amoreex gratitudinisofficijs (quae ubique indicent ) aliorum fortasse in nos invidiam procurant.4 Catholici quoque laici (nostro iudicio) nos summe amant, ac_colunt: neque id facere desistunt, dum nos virtutem colemus Ignoscant nobis calumniatores isti Nam nequenos boni esse cessabimus (quantum possumus) ne ipsi invideant, nequebonorum amorem promereri, ne ipsi nobis detrahant , aut calumnientur . Virtutis semperinvidia est comes calumniae eadem invidia est Mater : quae hic suum virus effudit,et convitiaPolycarpis, atque Arnaldis quam catholico homine digniora. neque hic me ipsum commendo, sed meos : quibus laus erit aliquando a Domino

Ad 2m multi sacerdotes facultates solent longe maiores quam nostri, ita ut sibi persuadeant posse se in irregularitateomni, etiam ex homicidio ac bigamia notorijs dispensare Et habeant sane quantas cupiunt Nobis gratissimum est, ut nostra opera hac in re minime indigeant Indoctos , indevotos, irreligiosos, seditiosos sacerdotes nos in Anglia non novimus, nisi forte illos, qui has informationes dederunt Neque hoc tempore opus est ut per nos facultates ullas obtineant , cum Illustrissimus Protector satis liberaliter omnibus ompertiat , quo nomine ubi pro sua in alijs rebus pro gente nostra solicitudine boni omnes se plurimum illi debere fatentur

Ad 3m. de Eleemosynis optime norunt Catholici omnes suam paupertatem, norunt et presbyteri omnes non hic esse aureos montes, et flumina Publicas collectiones semper evitavimus , ut nobis periculosaset odio, et suspicioni aliorum expositas Pecunias rarissime petimus, nec nisi in necessitate oblatas [p 2.] ac sponte datas (quarum exigua est summa) in pios usus expendimus, praecipue in presbyteros huc adventantes, quod ipsi testabuntur6 : quorum etiam praecipua est nobis cura : neque illis mea viscera quicquam deesse permittant, quamvis initio paucos ad eos transmittam nummos, ne alios in eis iuvandis reddam negligentiores. Tamen hoc nomine singulis dare soleo 8 scuta : plerique 12, nonnullis 20, imo et 30 aut 40 ubi necesse sit At unde hae pecuniae?

Certe e marsupio pauperum : non ex eleemosynis ordinarijs sed ex nostrorum praecipue patrimonijs: qui si omnia abligurijssent, modo nihilad nostrasmanusinde pervenisset: aut si nobis non suppeteret inde, unde honeste viveremus ? summum esset silentium Illud demum est istis calumniatoribus molestum in se ipsos omnia non esse expensa: vendantur omnia, et ipsis dentur bene est Vendantur omnia , et dentur ijs qui melius norunt expendere, nec sibi reservare. Insuper et ingrediatur aliquis in Religionem summum nefas est. Nam quod calumniantur isti nos de Angliae conversione

mercaturam facere, id ego in illos retorqueo Non esse necesse , ut nos ipsi in crastinum soliciti simus, aut obfuturum exiliumpecunias comparemus. Viderintergo alijutrumdeAngliae conversionemercaturam faciant. Cedo omnibus bonis Societatis in Anglia, modo vel unius presbyteri(quem ego ex multis sorte elegerim) bonanobiscum commutentur Atque ut ista omnia certius confirmentur , sincere affirmo nos hoc tempore obaeratos esse ultra quingentos scutatos italicos, praeter illam summam quae ad redemptionem duorum e nostris in Hollandia a nobis exigetur.8 Ignorant calumniatores quid de nostris pecunijs fiat. Et vero ignorant etiam unde illas accepimus, ne vel voluntarie vel imprudenter (utrumque impie) nostros benefactores prodant.9 Non est necesse illis rationem reddere, ipsi viderint ne Deo rationem reddant pro pecunijs illis, quas vel EcclesiaeCatholicae pietas, vel RegisCatholici indignis illis suppeditat 10 Summa est nos plura in catholicos praesertim sacerdotes impendere, quam ex eleemosinis accipiamus (excipio nostrorum patrimonia iam consumpta) Addo etiam me plura impendere in sacerdotes seculares quotannis quam in omnes nostros Accipio autem singulis annis ex piorum benevolentia nobis libere donatas 90 libras omnium nostrorum (ut dixi) patrimonijsiam exhaustis Et maximam partem Patrimoniorum e nostris (quae summam bis mille librarum expleret) in usus pios, praesertim sacerdotum, insumpsi. Stulta fortasse compassione , cum nonnulli paupertatem praetendant, qui ditiores nobis postea comperiuntur : alij etiam modis omnibus impedire conentur ne nobis eleemosinae donentur. Sed non retardant istam caritatem nostram (donet Deus ut vera caritas sit) quin viscera nostra aperire cogamur. Insuper et hocaddendum videtur, nullumesse de quoaudiamuspresbyterum, quin in primo suo adventu pecuniam ad illum transmittamus . sin autem e nostris aliqui advenerunt ne obulum quidem illis subministrari ab ijs sacerdotibuspenes quos pecunia omnis est. quod autem de itineribus nostris obijciunt, plerique e nostris soli equitant,nullus cum pluribus imo, famulos non ultra duos nos omnes habere: ornatum sericum tantum duplicem in tota Societate reperiri, certissimum est . 12 De pauperum tabernis : nunquam profecto eas negleximus¹³ : sed nollent isti fortasse nos divitum turres invisere. Neque hoc (ut illis satisfaciamus) omnino facimus, nisi ubi spes fructus, ac divinae gloriae apparent [p. 3.] quod si spirituale lucrum ibi consequipossimus , ipsisrelinquemus temporale Longior in hac tertia obiectione fui quam putarem sed quoniam hic multa complexsus sum, ero in reliquis brevior.

Ad 4m. Utinam calumniatores isti liberi tandem sint a massa perditionis . Nam massa pecuniarum nostrarum non tanta est, quantam ipsi existimant , vel saltem esse mentiuntur Ridiculum esset si iam ego profiterer nos nihil ultra mare transmittere in Societatis commodum, cum constet et nos ipsos, et Anglos quoslibet non sine magnis sumptibus a Societate iuvari ubique . 14

Ad 5% . O mali coniectores. Convertatur sane Anglia per

No. XXXVI. quoscumque. sed et vos convertiminiad DominumDeum nostrum Nullos cooperatores refugimus, imo et nos sumus cooperatores eorum qui ante nos hic laborarunt . Ars illa sancta est homines ad religionem solo intuito divinae gloriae ingrediendam, alliciendi Ars illa mala est per summam calumniam innocentes traducendi . Haec vestra est : illa priore (quamvis licita) nobis tamen uti non expedit . 15

Ad 6m. Nos vero quotidie mittimus et mittemus ad Collegium Duacense libentissime quotquot venire volent aut transfretare poterunt. Et si Collegium illud non diligeremus nunquam profecto tantam pecuniam eo transmisissemus . 16

Ad 7m de carcere Wisbicensi Vetus querela est , et ad nos nihil attinet. Nam exviginti quibus dissoluta domusillius disciplina placere non potuit, unus tantum e Societate fuit¹7 : atque illa separatio pie ac sancte instituta fuit: et sine aliquali reliquorum reformatione, nunquam (me autore)18 unio facta fuisset. Neque enim aequum ullo modo existimari debet ut catholicae Ecclesiaein Anglialumina in quotidianis rixis ac tumultibus, atque interhomines fluxae ac laxae disciplinae inviti viverent. sed de hac re, et de P. Gulielmi Vestoni iusta defensione plura alias scripsi, et alia pro- pediem plura audientur Satis est affirmare , nihil inquietis hanc unionem profuisse: adhuc enim antiquum obtinet, Deus autem sua iudicia ostendit ; primumin quodam turbulenti homine qui in ipsis tumultibus, quos ipse post Fisheri discessum excitarat paralysi correptus, amisso paene omni iudicio (nisi quod compotorem quemdam haereticum amice in memoriam revocavit antiquae compotationis) post aliquot dies excessit e vita nullo relicto post se caritatis christianae indicio Alter deinde, apostatans ad Episcopi Londinensis curiam accitus est, ubi hilariter vivit . 19

Ad 8m . Ex viginti fere qui misimus ad Moniales lovanienses vix duae aliquid nobis donarunt . Cum tam nos quotannis in illam domum decem libras insumamus, ut P. Holtus novit : ita ut nos multo plus illis donaverimus, quam ipsae nobis, praeter ordinarias impensas in illis ipsis, et earum pecunijs transmittendis , et liberis ultro alioque mittendis, quo iure nonnullorum auxilio ac labore opus est. Veritas haec est nonnullos illarum bonis invidisse, et exigua summa conati eas transmittere , reliqua portione sua in pios (ut dicebant) usus reservata Id vero a me impeditum fuisse: idque merito quod illa domus magnis egeat subsidijs Sed examinentur illae moniales, quanta portio illis debebatur , et quantam ego per P. Holtum illis transmisi De alijsqui Societatem ingressisuntiam dixi illorum pecunias hic esseabsumptas . 20 Sed vellent fortenostri accusatores se illis donatos fuisse. Ridiculum illud est : homines catholicosvirgines retinere velle a Deovocatas, ut in seculo augmententur Ex testamentis, sicut nequeex dispensationibus nunquam aliquid accepimus Multis dispensationibus ex Urbe curavimus non sine aliqua impensa in mittendis et accipiendis literis, et in nonnullorum ad hunc finem Ministerio . Nunquam hactenus inde

obolus nobis refusus est. Pauperum tabernas plures visitavimus quam ipsi, quod ex numero pauperum quos convertimus appareat.

Ad 9m Plane sanctorum derisores, non solum mendaces estis vos. Vossanctum Christi Martyrem P. Robertum Sotuellum : quem contumeliose (ne videlicet Reginam offendatis) quendam Jesuitam Sothuellum nominatis , nulla facta sui martyrij [p. 4.] mentione : hunc, inquam, virum beatum calumniamini , qui nihil praeter receptam catholicorum Doctorum doctrinam acute defendebat de aequivocatione, ut in alijs literis de eius Martyrio ostendi21 Neque vero eotempore ullae literae illius legebantur, tantummodo Meretrix quaedam (cuius frontem vos haberevidemini) testimonium deditde vera ac solida huius quaestionis veritate. Scripsit ille quidem hac de re nonnihil, quod tamen haeretici nunquam viderunt: proferam si voletis Vos doctorem aliquem si potestis conducite, qui naevum aliquem in eius doctrina inveniat Sed vobis cordi est rumores spargere, et novitates nescio quas auribus catholicorum suggerere etc. Nostis enim quae sequuntur Addam hoc de [opinione (?) word omittedbycopyist] Doctoris Cusini haeretici iurisconsulti , atque in spirituali foro iudicis testimonium . 22 Is antequam moreretur, mirari se dixit Advocati Reginae ignorantiam, cum P. Sothuelli doctrina (ut ipse aiebat) certissima esset. Sed vos sane vestram theologiam ab illo Advocato didicistis.

Ad Xm. Catholicos Academicos nos iure, quantum par est honoramus. Sed neque de istiusmodi titulis litigamus Sed qui in Academijs haereticis laurea aliqua sunt insigniti eorum gradus irritos esse didicimus : et non tam lauream illos consequutosesse doctrinae, quam notas infamiae, ob iuramentum quod contra Romanum Pontificem praestant 23 De catholicorum gradibus optime sentimus, modo ij sine praesumptione et cum sufficienti doctrinasuscipiantur, alioqui dicimus id quod IllustrissimusAlanus olim scripsit ad Patrem Nostrum Collegij Anglicani de quodam (cuius gratia fortasse haec obiectio facta est) Non mihi placent isti doctores indocti qui neque docere sciunt, et discere erubescant. Sednos gaudereprofecto patimurillos suistitulis. Illialijssecularibus presbyteris doctioribus atque antiquioribus dominari , atque eos extraetiamscholas praecedere nimis ambitiose quaerunt. 24 sedhoc nihil ad nos . Illud plane ridiculumfuit ; aliumdoctoremdefunctum dequo anteamentionem feci, quamvis medicinaedoctor tantummodo esset, gravissime per literas mihi comminatum esse (iam tum enim illi istas calumnias meditabantur ) quod P. Vestoni pupilus quidam (ita enim vocabat sacerdotem quendam) asseruerat, Doctoratum suum esse Ens rationis.

Ad XIm. Denique ut alia omittamus (quae sane plurima sunt) eo deventum est ut magistimeant boni Catholici Politicos (sic) quam haereticos25 Si qui presbyteri a Catholicis reijciuntur, non nostra culpa est : hoc faciunt illorummali mores , ac suspecta fidesquorum certum fere iudiciumhabetur in Jesuitasodium. Hincetiam evenit, ut vobis testibus pauci audeant publice sese nobis opponere. Et

iam detecta vestra fraude certissime expecto nonnullos, qui sibi male conscij sint, statim se liberaturos ab omni suspicione, et veritatem quae omnia vincit, praevalituram . De P. Vestono ut de alijs nostris, hoc sincere affirmo, ne minimam unquam fuisse inter nos dissentionem: insuper eum in omnibus semper parere fuisse promptissimum . In dissidio Wisbicensi nihil ei imperavi , nisi ut pro sua conscientiaomnia faceret ad Dei gloriam Itaque effecit id quod pro tempore optimum fuit : nam spe alicuius reformationis cessit aliorum importunitati ac clamoribus . 26 quod et alij nostri Patres alijs in locis frustra faciunt R. P. Nostrum Generalem obnixe rogamus: ut (quod facit) nihil huiusmodi hominibus credat Si quid peccemus , et nos primi nos ipsos accusemus , misericordiam ostendat : nisi hoc faciamus, rigorose castiget. Endorsed: 1598. Responsio P. Garnetti ad Articulos Fischeri missos per Pagettum et Giffordum in Septembri 1598 (sic). P. Coffinus habet apud se literas eiusdem P.Garnettide Martyribus an. 1600 et 1601. suo tempore ab illo precamur.

Translation

GARNET'S REPLY TO FISHER'S MEMORIAL

[March 1598].

A Reply to those things which are objected against the Society in England, in a certain Memorial sent from Belgium to ourholy Lord the Pope in September 1597 .

For a description of this memorial as a whole we may borrow from its title the word "wretched"¹ and say that wretched indeed would be the state of the Catholics in England, if here in this Memorial we were confronted withthe Clergy of England, in whose name it claims to be considered. But in truth this clergy behind the Memorial , full of faction and abounding in lies and envyis one thing, and the Clergy of England quite another thing. The men whomake up the Clergy of Englandare men whosemodesty, solid worth, learning, maturity and devotion shine forth for the whole world to see . The number of such men in England is very great and withthem we have at all times been unitedin the closest bonds of affection. Little need we reck of what a handful of disturbers of the peace write or say of us in dark corners. Let them come out into the light and attempt to show their powers.

It is my soberconviction that in all England will be found hardly ten persons who would be willing to write against us . I do not think that allegations as absurd and as monstrous as are found in this screed can have proceeded frommore thanthree orfourof even these, who takingadvantage perhaps of the simplicityof the others, got them without taking any thought to pledge their supportto whatever these leaders might afterwards think out. One good priest has related how he was approached by some of them witha requestalongthese lines. But let us come to the heads indetail.

1. Any prelacy over the other priests would be an unbearable yoke on us Since our Fathers could ill suffer such a burden anywhere else , how insufferable would be our condition in a place like England, if we had to bear any such responsibility. It is just not true that we meddle in the affairs of other priests, without being requested so to do by them From time to time we do pay visits to worthy and devout priests and they in their turn come to see us in our stations, to our and their great consolation Where priests are little disposed to show us good will we leave them to their own affairs, holding it a very great boon if no business crops up to disturb the situation, thoughin their regard we would wish to be ready to help them also to the best of our ability, and to deservewell of them. Verymanypriests take up residence on our recommendation, it is true, at fixed stations in which nowand then they are maintained at our expense, but without any dependence on us , except forthe advice we may be willing to give them if they

seek it. It may very well be that the affection for us returned from a sense of gratitude , which these priests everywhere show, has procured for us the jealousy of others.4

The Catholic laity (I would judge) have a very great affection for us and hold us in honour, nor will they cease to do so, as long as westriveto be men ofvirtue. The calumniators in this memorial will have to show us indulgence for this offence. We certainly cannot desist from an effort to be as good men as possible to spare themoccasions for envy, nor can we hold back in strivingto deserve wellofgood men, to removefromtheir path occasions for disparagement and slander Envy ever travels inthecompany ofVirtue and again Envy breeds Calumny. In this screed calumny pours out its noisome slime with violent abuse worthier of a Polycarp or an Arnauld than of Christian men When I thus retort , seek in nowise to commend myself, but the men under my charge, for whom God reserves His praise in due time

2. Many priests use faculties very much greater than ours , as is shown by their conviction that they may dispense from every form of irregularity, even notorious homicide and bigamy It is none of our business what is the extent of their faculties It can giveusnothingbut the utmost satisfaction that in thismatterthey should stand in no smallest need of any assistance from us. We know of no priests in England wanting in learning and in piety, prone to irreligion and rebellion, except perhaps such men as are behind these charges.5 But in thesedaysthere is no need whatever for priests to have recourse through us for any faculties, as the Illustrious Protector has imparted them to all alike with sufficient generosity. On this account, as well as for his sollicitude for our nationshown in manyother ways, all good Catholics are wellaware of a great debt owed to him

3. Concerning Alms, all Catholics knowonly too well how poor they themselves are, and all the priests know that in England there are no rivers and mountains of gold We have always avoided takingup publiccollections as dangerousto us and exposed to the hatred and suspicion of others. Very rarelydo we beg for money and then only when driven by necessity. What is offered or freelygiven (which in fact amounts to little) wespend as we get on the serviceof religion, but especiallyon the priests as they arrive inthecountry, as theythemselveswill bearwitness.6 Care of them we make a first consideration, nor will my heart suffer that they go in need of anything, althoughat the beginning I limit the money given to them to small amounts, lest I should be a party in making others too negligent in helping them On this head, however, I am accustomed to give to each eight scudi, often twelve, and to some twenty and even thirty orforty, wherethere is need Andwhence comes this money ? Assuredly fromthewalletofthepoor, andnot from ordinary alms, for it comes mainly from the patrimonies of our Fathers . If they had willed away elsewhere all their effects ,

nothing would now have come into our handsfrom this source , and if we ourselves derived nothing from it, how could we live at all with any decency? Had we had nothing from this source , then perhaps nobody would have had anythingto say. At bottomthe complaint of these men against us would seem to be that we do not expend all our resources on them. They would have us sell all we have and give it to them. Let us suppose that we so acted. Sale and gift alike would be devoted to such as know better how to spend than to save, even for their own benefit When all is said thesemen would ban entry into religion to anyone as ifit were the greatest crime

As for their calumny against us that we make of the conversion of England a trading matter in the manner of merchants , Iwould retort upon them this argument We are under no necessityto be sollicitous about the morrow or to put away money to provide against a possible risk of exile There are others who might well look into the question of making the conversion of England into a trading matter " I would willingly give up the total resources of the Society in England, provided that I could get in exchange the resources ofone priest, whom I might drawby lot of a considerable number known to me In order to put thesefacts beyond all controversy, I state in all sincerity that we have at the moment incurred a debt of more than five hundred Italian scudi, besides the sum which we have had to raise to ransom two of ours in Holland. These calumniators complain that they do not know what we dowith our money But I am afraid that they will have to remain in their ignorance, also about whence it comes , lest knowinglyor throughimprudence, in either case with blame , they betray our benefactors We are in no way bound to render an account tothem ofour economy. Let them rather looktothemselves tothe account they mayhave to render to God for the monieswith whichthe piety of the Catholic Church and the Catholic King has supplied them , when they have failed to prove themselvesworthy of such generosity . 10

In effect , we are in a position to state that we spendmoreonthe Catholics, and especially on the priests among them , than we receive from alms, if we leave out the patrimonies given by our Fathers , now nearly exhausted. I can add that I spend more each year on secular priests than on all our Fathers. My receipts are each year about ninety pounds from the free offerings of the faithfull, the patrimonies of our Fathers being by now used up, as I have said . I have spent the greatest part of these patrimonies, amountingto two thousand pounds, for religious purposes, and especially on priests In some cases my pity has perhaps been misplaced, when some have pretended to be poor who later proved to be better off than we were . There are others who strive by every means to stop alms being given to us, but actions such as these will not make sluggish our charity, or prevent our sense of U

pity from being stirred to action, though we pray God that therein our charitymay beguided bytruth Itwould appearto the purpose to add further that in no case where we have heard of the arrival ofa priestforthefirst time into the mission have wefailedto send him money. But it must be said on the other hand that someof ours have so arrivedand not a penny has been forthcoming for their needs from some of these priests well enough off to have all the money they want.

To deal now with what they object to about our journeyings. Generally our Fathers ride out alone, and certainly never with a large escort of attendants None of us has more than two servants. It is verycertain that silk adornment double only, is found throughout the whole Society . 12 As for the cottagesof the poor, assuredly we have never neglectedthem,13 but the real concernof our critics is perhaps that we should not visit the towers of the rich. Such visits we never pay (to meet them on this charge too) unless hope offruit, and this to the divineglory, appears possible If we may on such occasions win spiritual gain, we will gladly leave to them the temporal gain. I have spent a longer time over this third objection than I thought would be needed, but as I have covered therein many points, I will be briefer for the rest.

4. I can but devoutlyhope that men who utter calumniessuch asthesemaythemselvesatthelast go freefrom the mass ofperdition. The mass of money whichthey would have that we have gathered, is not anything like so great as they think, or at least in theirlies pretend to think. It would be ridiculous if I wasted time here denying that we ever send money overseas for the benefit of the Society, when it is plain that we English Jesuits and Englishmen of every kind are helped by the Society everywhere abroad, and not without great expense to it. 14

5. O bad soothsayers that you are! Indeed may England be converted and by any who can convert her, but it would be well ifyou calumniators were converted also to the Lord our God We shun none who would cooperate with us, but rather are we cooperators with those who before us have laboured in this field. There is a holy art of drawing men to enter religion from the pure motiveofpromotingGod's glory There is a wicked art of exposing the innocent to disgrace by using calumny to the highest degree. This lastisyours The first we could lawfully practise, but we find it expedient to forego the use ofit. 15

6. We, nevertheless, regularly do send and will go on sending to Douai College as freely as possible all those who may wish to go or who are able to cross the seas If this Collegedid not hold a high place in our affection, we certainly would never have sent thither the great amount of money which we have sent . 16

7. About Wisbech prison, this is an old dispute, and one that has nothing to dowithus . This is clear because ofthetwentywho found the lax discipline of the place so irksome, but one was a

Jesuit . 17 The separation there was established for motives to be accepted as good and holy, and unless the rest had gonesomeway towards reforming themselves, the healing of the breach (of which healing I was the author)18 would never have been effected. It could never be thought right or necessary that men who were the lights of the Church in England should have to pass their time forced to live against their wills amidst daily quarrels and brawls and among men of dissolute and lax manners. But on this subject and in just defence of Father William Weston I have elsewhere written much , and shortly more will be forthcomingfor them to hear. Suffice it to say that the union profited the restlessparty little, for as ofold was thecase ,GodrevealsHimself in Hisjudgments, and first on a turbulent priest who had a stroke inthemidstofthe very commotions which he was engaged in stirring up after the departure of Fisher Having lost his mental powers, except for a momentary recall for friendship's sake of the memory of an old drinking-companion, a heretic, for the good times they had together, he passed from this life without leaving anysign behind him ofChristian charity Yet another, apostatising, wassummonedinto the houseofthe Bishop of London, wherehe leads a pleasant life. 19 8. Out of about twenty postulants, whom we have sent to the Louvain Nuns, two, if that, have made any donation to us As we expend yearlyupon that house ten pounds, as Fr. Holt knows , it so comes about that we have given them much more than they have given us. Apart from the ordinarysums sent to them , there is the cost of transferring their money to them and of sending children across to them or to other places, and for all needs such as these they must find somebody to lend them a helping hand. Thetruth is that some persons have cast longing eyes upon their capital, and after trying to transfer to them a too modest sum , proposedto retainthe rest to be invested (as they said) for religious purposes. But this proposal was hindered by me, and I think rightly, because that house is in great need offunds But let those nuns be examined by all means, as to what is owing to them and what I have transferred to them through Fr. Holt. As for those who enteredthe Society, as I have said, suchmoney as theybrought has already been used up in England . 20 But perhaps the idea of these men who accuse us is that all funds of this sort should be handed over to them We would then have a ridiculous state of affairs, with Catholic men wanting to hold back virgins called by God, so that they might be better off in this world. From wills, as well as for dispensations, we never receive anything We have charged ourselves with obtaining many dispensations from Rome , not without expensein sending thither and back letters, and in the services ofothers employed in thesetransactions. Up to now never has a pennybeen paid backto us on this score We have visited morecottagesofthepoor then have any ofour critics , as thenumber among the poor whom we have converted wouldgo to show .

9. Truly must you be said to be mockers of the saints andnot merely liars. You calumniate the holy martyr of Christ, Fr. Robert Southwell, whom, suppressingall mention of the factthat he suffered martyrdom, you insolently (lest you offend the Queen) describe as a certain Jesuit Southwell : this blessed man , I say, you slander because he stood with resourcefulness in the defence of the doctrine about equivocation received among the Catholic doctors , as I have shown in another letter about his martyrdom . 21 What you say about another letter of his being read at that time is not true, for the subject merely arose from the testimonyofan abandonedwoman, whose effronterywe seem to see again flaunted byyou. Hedid write something on the exact and solid truthabout this question of equivocation, and what he wrotethe heretics have never seen . I could show it to you, should you wish. You may produce any doctor you may be able to find to try and point to any blemish in his doctrine. But your real interest is inthe spread of the rumour that we set out to corrupt manners in whispering every kind ofnoveltyinto the ears of Catholics Here is something however, for your information. I am able to add this testimony ofthe opinion of Doctor Cosin , a heretic and skilled in thelaw, and a judge in the spiritual courts . 22 This man, before he died, said that he was astounded at the ignorance of the Attorney-General , since the doctrine of Fr. Southwell was, as he said, most certainly sound But you, beyond any doubt, have been sitting under this attorney to get your theology.

10. Those holding degrees of Catholic Academieswe hold in the honour whichis rightly due to them, nor can there be any ground for controversy about the titles whichthey carrywith them. But we have learnt to regard the degrees of any kind won in heretical academies as void and the holders of them as not awarded marks of honour on account of their learning so much as marks of infamy fortheoath whichtheytake against the Roman Pontiff.23 Wehold the degrees awarded by Catholics in the highest esteem, wherethey are taken without presumption and with sufficient learning, but where these conditions are lacking we say what the Illustrious Cardinal Allen said when he wrote to the Rector of the English Collegeabout a certain person (in whose regard this objection about degrees was perhaps first mooted) "I can give no approval to such men as these who are unlearned doctors, who know not how to teach and whofeel too ashamedto learn. " But we willingly suffer them to take pleasurein their titles. They doubtless seek withtoo much ambitionto take a high hand over other secular priests more learned than and senior to themselvesand to take precedence over them, though all are now outside the schools 24 But all this is no business of ours. There was, however, one sufficiently ridiculous happening That doctor, now dead, whom I mentioned above , though his doctorate was but one for medicine, wrote me a letter threatening me with the direst consequences (for these men were

already at work thinking out these calumnies) because a certain pupil of Fr. Weston, such was his name for a fellow-priest, had asserted that his doctorate was an "ens rationis" .

11. Finally to pass over other things, which indeed are many, we come to the assertion that good Catholics fear what they call "thepoliticians" , morethantheyfear theheretics . 25 Ifsomepriests are rejected by the Catholics, this is in no way due to any fault in us, but ratherthe effect of bad morals and suspect faith in them, of which one almost certain sign is judged to be hatred of the Jesuits. Hence it comes about, as you too make evident in this screed , thatfew of thesemen dare come out into the opentooppose us But now that your fraud is laid bare, I expect withcomplete confidence that some individuals will be forthcoming , who being aware that they are in bad conscience, will straightway set about freeing themselvesfrom all suspicion Truth, being unconquerable, will then prevail.

About Father Weston, and what I am going to say holds forthe rest of our Fathers, I declare in all sincerity that he has always been most prompt in his obedience on every occasion without exception. In the Wisbech stirs except for the one injunction which I laid upon him that according to his own conscience he should do all things for the glory of God, I gave him no orders whatever. Accordinglyhe did what it appeared to him was the best thing for him to do, for he yielded in the hope ofpromoting some measure of reformation , at one time to the importunate entreaties ofsome and at another to thenoisy objections of others . 26 I take it that it is not unknown elsewhere for one or other of our Fathers both to act and to fail as he has done.

We earnestly beg our FatherGeneral that, whatever he does , he should not give the slightest credence to anything which men of this sort say. Should we do wrong, we will accuse ourselves to him beforeothers mayaccuse us, and hemayshowmercy. Should we ever fail so to do, let him severely punish us.

NOTES

1 The title ofthe Memorial was Brevis declaratio miserrimi status Catholicorum in Anglia iam degentium

2 It had early been one of the intentions of those writing from Flanders against the Jesuits to create the impression that the clergy and laity of England as a whole sympathisedwith the rebellious students' attitudeand activities in Rome, (cf. in this present volume, No. XXX, Introductory Note, and No. XXXII, note 7) A certain measure ofsuccess was certainly achievedwith theauthorities in Rome, (cf. Dr. Barrett toPersons or Creswell, 26 September 1596, Westm V, n 70, printed in Knox, D.D. pp 384-6) The necessity , however, to produce some proof of wider support for their views was clearly recognised : "Howbeit because one private man's testimony, though he be fidei dignissimus , is not sufficient for the Pope and Protector to rely upon, they expect more full information" . Thus wrote the student Thomas Hill to Flandersin 1596, and he urgedthatmany signatures of priests and prominent lay Catholics in England be gathered, since their plans to get rid of the Jesuits from the English College, and to have them called out of England were deferred for want of such support The letter was forwarded to England, with a postscript from William Giffordurging speed and secrecy (Cf. Hill's Seditious Letter, 7 November 1596, Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 17). This plan, however, miscarried , but in spiteofthelackof signatures, Fisher's Memorial was neverthelessarbitrarily attributedto the whole clergy of England, though composed in Flandersat the behest ofGriffin, PagetandGifford, (cf. Fisher'sConfessions, No. XXXV , p 18 of the MS .) Bagshawsought to strengthen the impressionbya letter for the Pope, writtenby himself, butwhich purported to come fromthewhole clergy, (cf. Ibid note 75) The lack of signatureswas (explained thus , in the last paragraph of the Memorial : "We would have signed our names to these articles, did not the greatest danger threaten us thereby . (Fisher'sMemorial, September1597, Westm. VI, n 57) On the other hand Garnet had already writtenofthe close union betweenthe Jesuitsand most ofthe secular priests working in England For example, cf. his letter to Aquaviva , 16 April 1596 , A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651 , ff 143-6, ofwhich part is printed in this volume as No. XXVI, and of 10 December1596 , No. XXX. The rapid response of the secular clergy to his circular letter of 1 March 1598 concerning the Memorial, (cf. Fisher's Confessions , No. XXXV, note 74), was a decisive rejection of the Memorialists' claim to represent them Blackwell, later appointed Archpriest, wrote to the Protector, 12 March 1598 : "I have seen to my exceeding sorrowthis huge heap of lies and calumnies piled upon the most humble, most blameless , and most peaceable Fathers of the Society of Jesus who live amongst us I know not who laboured to make it, and I can hardlybring myself to suspect thatanyone of my brethren has fallen to sucha depth of monstrous wickedness , that he would so impudentlychargethese followers ofhumility with ambition, and so maliciously accuse those who, above all others, are free from faction, and are most detachedfromall care and concern for the things of this world, of spreading discord and soiling themselves with avarice" . (A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651 , f. 160. Another copy is in Westm. VI, n. 71 ,wherethe contemporary copyist gave the date incorrectly as 10 December1597) Blackwell had written an earlier letteron the same subject. (Cf. Blackwell to the Protector, 10 January 1597 , which is printed in an English version, as Appendix B, to T. G. Law's edition of the True Relation, pp 137-9)

33

3 Less thana year later the Appellant deputiesRobert Charnockand William Bishop confessed in Rome that the number of their faction was very small, (cf. W. Gifford to Bagshaw , 20 September 1597 , No. XXXIV , note 4)

* The accusation answered in this section ran : "The Jesuites that are in England desirous either to bringunder bondage, or utterly to beare downe the Cleargie of the Church of England, have dared to attempt it by a wonderfull stratagem First, their will is , that in every Catholicks house , either they themselves may be the Pastor, or othersdeputedbythem in their roomes And if happilie there be any, that doe deny the faculties graunted bythem ... such shalbe censured either asApostataes , or Hereticks , etc." (True Relation , pp. 97-8). Garnet enlarged upon the provisions he made for incoming seminary priests in the section on Alms below , (see note 6)

5 The charge was : "And that they may the better set this theirdevise [i.e. to domineer] abroch, they cause to be made knowne to all men the faculties graunted unto them by his holynes the Bishop of Rome; and they give it out, that the most unlearned Jesuite doth farre excell the most learned secular Priest, both in faculties, and priviledges. And it is noysed about ... that they have power from his holynes to graunt to all, and every one, all and singular their faculties ; insomuch as it shall not be lawfull and safefor any to use their priviledges thoughgrauntedthem many yeres before from his holynes, but with the leave, and consentof these Fathers of the Societie And when they do give out theirfaculties, theydonotbestowthem on learned, godly, or holy men ; buton unlearned, ungodly, and irreligious ... "etc. (True Relation , pp 99-100) Earlyin 1595, the powers, exercised until his death by Cardinal Allen, of granting faculties to English priests had been given to the Cardinal Protector , though the supporters of the Bishop of Cassano had made great efforts to secure these powers for their patron, (cf. Bagshaw to Garnet, 28 August 1595, No. XV, Introductory Note) All faculties, whether of secular priests or Jesuits came from the Protector, so that it is difficult tosee what purposethe abovewild statementswere expectedto serve. The Memorial itself, indeed , in that portion not included in the True Relation , contains a contradiction of part of the above assertions , for, speakingof Bluet it says that Cardinal Allen had given him "power to delegate faculties and ecclesiastical privileges larger than have as yet been conceded to any Jesuit" ! (Cf. Fisher's Memorial, September 1597, Westm. VI, n 57)

6 "Further they endevor, that by all meanes possible , both those almes which are given for the reliefe of them that are in prison, or any other pooreafflicted whatsoever; as alsowhatsoeveris paid in casesof dispensation, may come totheirhands Heretofore (when Priestshadthe collection of these almes) prisons were therewith maintayned ; the want in Colledges was supplyed; the banished Catholicks ... were yerely succoured ; but now what is done with them we know not . .. And yet so great a masse of monies cannot be consumed , with so small charges, and expenses, but that the Fathers also bestowmuch upon themselves , etc." (True Relation, pp 100-1). The case against the Jesuitsconcerningalms in thisMemorial , as in other such writings before and after this time, was based on the false assumption that they werecollectorsand distributors ofthe common alms They had, however, from theirfirst coming on the Missionrefused to be associated with that business , and laymen had performed the work Those making this accusation, as well as Catholics who had any money to give, would have been well aware of this. The receipts from alms mentioned by Garnet, which were at his disposal , probably came from small amounts given to individual Jesuits in places where theyworked , the total sum in a year being only £90 . One constant benefactress was Anne, Countess of Arundel and Surrey, but much that she gave went abroad and was handled through other channels , being used for the upkeep of Colleges and English religious houses on the continent (Cf. The Lives of Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel, and of Anne Dacres, his wife. Edited

bytheDuke ofNorfolk , London 1861). Individualsecular priestsdoubtless received small sums in alms to meet their needs from the householders who sheltered them, though some of them, as Garnet says, had, in fact, considerablepersonalresources Garnet had also thepatrimonies of various of the Fathers, assigned for use on the Mission by the General , but current needs quickly exhausted these By their organisation the Jesuits were , at this time, alonein a position to make a generaluse ofany sums received , and Garnet gives some ideaofthe ends thus served The functions fulfilled for many years by Garnet in looking after seminary priests on arrival, in prison or in other circumstances , became Blackwell's responsibility after his appointment as Archpriest Meanwhile Garnet had sometimes in this respect other difficulties to contend with besides the persecutions: "We maintain (he wrote) as far as we can priests when they have first arrived from the seminaries As opportunity offers itself we provide most ofthem with fixed stations, although, however, there are not lacking many priests who obstinately preserve for themselves several families, like so many benefices, and who take it very ill if others even set foot there, eventhough these places could be sufficient to maintain 10 or 12 priests to go out and workmost usefully in neighbouring areas" . (Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651 , f 144 ) For a full discussionof the question of alms, cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p. 131 , note 41

7 Having declaredthat the Jesuits inveigled rich men and women to enter religion, if they would leave them their goods, when such money might be better used to maintain secular priests, the Memorial continued : "But the Jesuits consider not, that these, and such things may be done But inthis manner do they makemerchandiseofthe conversionof England Alwayes takingthat course , with all men, that something happen to their share , having mindeindeedofnothing, but their ownegaine" . (True Relation, p 105) To Garnet's words here should be added those in Section 8 below .

8 The two ransomedwere ThomasLister, who had very shortlybefore been sent outof England on the General'sinstructions, and Edward Coffin, only admitted to the Society on 13 January 1598, who was on his way to the Novitiate Fr. Tesimond , S.J. , refers to their capture at Middleburg on the Friday after Ash Wednesday , (=6 February, n.s.) He was able to arrange for their ransom through a Catholic merchant living in the town. Though this was effected , the business was mismanaged and they were taken again and sent over to England (cf. Tesimond's Landing in England, in Morris's Troubles, series I, pp 166-170) The sum to which Garnet here refers was doubtless for the repayment of the Middleburg merchant.

In the list of demands for satisfaction made upon Weston at Wisbech by Bagshaw's party on 11 August 1595 , (No. XII, note 1), was one for information concerning such private money as was sent to him . For Garnet's description of the hostile reaction of Catholics to such a demand , cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1595 , No. XXVI That Catholics had reason to fear the betrayal of such information is indicated by Bagshaw's behaviour towards a layman in 1601. (Cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao. [1602], No. XXXVIII, note 21).

10Such words , for example, might with justice have been applied to Charles Paget in Flanders, who whilst in receipt of a Spanishpension, was intriguing with the English Government : "Yt is well knowenthat ofthe K.ofSpayne he hath had large entetayment in maner ever since his first commynge over into Fraunce : and yet hath theare bene very vehement suspicion

that he hath bene unfaythfull in his service by sendinge advertisements into England" . (A Catholic at Brussels to his friend, 14 July 1599, S.P.D. Eliz Vol 271 , n. 74).

11 Robert Fisher acquired a similar amount from three only of all the sums of money paid to him by Bagshaw , Bluet and others, for the conduct of his campaignin England (Cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV, note 35).

12 "For they go indeed in great gallantrie ; no Jesuite goeth but to visit anyone , ortravellethfrom one place to another, but he is richlyapparrelled, he is attended on with a great trayne of servants, as if he were a Baron, or an Earle ; which is not necessary, but playnely ridiculous and absurd They wrangle ; and reprove the Priests garments, and spendings, whereas theexpences ofone Jesuite were ableto mayntayne twentie Priests plentifully, and richly " (True Relation , pp 101-2) In the circumstances of persecution prevailing in those years, it is curious that it wasnot seen that anaccusationthatJesuitsrodeout ingreatstatelackedeven elementary probability Garnet's reference to "silk adornment double only" must be a reference to the ornamentation of ecclesiasticalvestments, though the context is obscure

13"They (the Jesuits) skorne to come to any one, but where they may be daintily, and costly entertayned: they looke not after the cottagesofthe poore, nor minister their help to them, be there never so much need . " (True Relation , pp 105-6) Garnet makes anothermention ofthe "cottages of the poor" at the end of section 8 below . "

14 .. . much treasure is conveyed beyondthe seas , but to what purpose we know not, unless it be bestowed upon their bodie, their corporation, or societie " (True Relation , p 102) Some idea ofthe amounts of money at Garnet's own disposal have already been given, (see notes 6 and 11 above). Healsoactedon many occasions as a remittance agentfor nuns or students abroad, transmitting sums of which he had no free disposition, (see note 16 below). Whatwasprobably reallybehind these words in the Memorial was the unknown amount of the benefactions made abroad by such persons as the Countess of Arundel (see note 6), from which the Jesuits benefitedtogetherwith other organisations.

15 "Besides they desire (as some conceive ) that England should be converted of none but Jesuites only For they will admit no fellow-labourers: and they use the same meanes they heretoforeused in the Colledges, to diswade many from the order oftheircalling [i.e. the secularpriesthood], counselling them by all meanes to enter into their societie; and thus they dayly attemptbyflatterie, bygifts, and rewards, and sometimes bythreatenings. " (True Relation, pp 102-3) The first seminary priestscame on theMission from Douay in 1574, (Knox, D.D. p 24). The first Jesuit party, composed of Persons and Campion arrived in June 1580, (Persons' Letters, C.R.S. Vol 39 , pp xv-xvi) For the allegedenticement of students to enter the Society, see the answers made to Fisher at his examination (Fisher's Confessions , No. XXXV, pp 14 and 15 of the MS and note 55).

16 "They never send one scholler out of England to the Colledgeat Doway to studie there , but hinder what they may them that are going thither They care not for that Colledge, because they cannot draw it into their societie nay they have laboured by all means utterly to dissolve it " (True Relation , p 103) These wordsare contradicted by complaintsa few years later from the same party, that the President of Douay (from 1599 Dr. Worthington ) was entirely under Jesuit influence, or with their plea that the Archpriest as well as the Jesuits might be allowed to recommend

THE WISBECH STIRS No. XXXVI

students for the seminary, and they accused the Jesuits of having got control of the College as soon as Allen died Editor's italics (Cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, pp 124-133, notes 29, 32-4, 37 , 38, 45) Dr. Barrett, President of Douay until 1599, testified that he had received more money from Garnet and Robert Southwell, than fromall the secular priests (Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, ff 143-4) An interesting business letter of Garnet to Persons , dated 21 July 1599, gives details of various remittances he had made or would shortly be making on behalf of a boy destined for Douay and of others for Rome, of sums for two nuns at the Convent of St. Ursula in Louvain, and forthelivingexpenses oftwo womenabroad (InnerTemple, PetytMss 538, Vol 47, f 199) Another such letter to Persons, withsimilardetails , dated 30 June 1599, is in S.P.D. Eliz Vol 271, n. 31.

17 The reference is to Weston, the only Jesuit priest at Wisbech The section dealing with Wisbech affairs in the Memorial is fairly long, only part of which appears in the abstract printed in the True Relation The section begins : "Moreover, they challenge unto themselves a spiritual Monarchie over all England, as it may appeare by a certain contention in theprison at Wisbich ... (p. 103). The whole sectiongivesa version of the events there, designed to prove that Weston pursued with cunning his one object of achieving a "primacy" , and in this plan Garnet supported him, as follows : Weston pickedgratuitous quarrelswith Bluet over the distribution of alms; he made his supporterssign some articles to bind them to him ; he strove for the leadershipwhilst others strove to withhold it; devotion diminished etc.; Garnet endorsed his plans; at length two priests came to Wisbech and these threw all the blame on Weston, etc. etc. assertions , with different embellishments , formed the basis of the versions of the Wisbech story which later appeared in the Appellant tracts , DeclaratioMotuum, pp 18-20, and the True Relation , pp 51-60 Regarding the contradictions between the abovestatementsand the documentsof the period, cf. Mush and Dudley to Garnet, 8 November 1595 , No. XXII, note 1 , and Bagshaw to Garnet, 8 November 1595, No. XXIII, notes 3 and 4 Such

18 Garnet described his initiative in the second effort to end the Wisbech quarrels in autumn 1595 , in his letter to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI

19 The turbulent priest referred to in this section was John Norden, of the circumstances of whose illness and death in July 1597 , Weston gives a dramatic account. (Cf. Westonto Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII) Though Fisher probably did not leaveEngland until about mid-July 1597 , he does not seem to have been at Wisbech for some weeks before that, and it is to his leaving there which Garnet here refers (Cf. Fisher's Confessions, No.XXXV, note46) Westongives the name ofthe priest who apostatiseda short while after Norden's death : Ralph Ithell, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, ut supra, note 27)

20"They use to fawne upon men of noble birth, especially if they be rich , and inveigle them by all faire meanes to sell all that they have, and enter their Societie. Women also are induced by them to become Nunnes , and to leave such goods as they have, to them ... (True Relation, p 105) A remittance of 10 to one nun at the Convent at Louvain , and a legacy of 20 due shortlyto another, are mentioned in Garnet's business letter to Persons , (see note 16 above) The children referred to were probably being sent to receive some education Father William Holt, S.J., had residedin Flanderssince 1588 , when he hadfirst been sentthere at Cardinal Allen's request to be in readiness for the Armada, (Persons' Letters , C.R.S.

Vol 39, p 313, note) He was, until 1598, chief agent in Flandersof the English Jesuit mission,andwould thus, amongother business, be responsible for the handling of any remittances sent by Garnet from England For some outline of his career , cf. Foley, Addenda, pp. 1231-46. Concerning the Fathers'patrimonies, cf. note 6 above For information aboutvocations to the Society, cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV , note 55 .

21

"Moreover they are so delighted with equivocation, or a subtile and dissembling kind of speech, as that to the scandall of others they are not ashamed to defend it in their publick writings There were read before theIudges on the bench in open court, and in the hearing ofall thepeople the letters ofa certain JesuitenamedSouthwell, wherein equivocationswere most absurdly defended , which gave cause of laughter to the hereticks, and occasion of scandall to the Catholicks. They take pleasure also to scatter rumors , and to suggest certaine novelties in the eares ofCatholicks , yea to forge and invent things that are not . . . etc." (True Relation, pp 107-8) Robert Southwell was captured on 26 June 1592 , but only brought to trial on 20 February 1595, being as a result hanged , drawn and quartered at Tyburn the following day His last twenty-four hoursare well documented, and amongstthe sources are three letters from Garnet to Aquaviva, of22 February, 7 March and 1 May 1595. (The originals ofall three are in A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, ff. 112, 116-120, 121-2). The various primarysources have been combinedinto a single narrative of the trial, (The Life of Robert Southwell , by C. Devlin, Chapter 21 , Longmans, 1956) The account which emerges demonstratesthe accuracyofGarnet's defence in this presentparagraph. The abandoned woman referred to was Anne Bellamy, debauched in prison in 1592 by Topcliffe, and latermarried to Nicholas Jones, (Ibid pp 275, 311) A discussion of the moral issues involved in the question of equivocation will be found in the Note to Chapter XX of The Life of Father John Gerard, byJ. Morris, 1881. Garnet himself wrote A Treatise of Equivocation after Southwell's death in defence ofthe martyr'sassertions This wasused laterbyPersons in his A Treatise tendingto Mitigation towards Catholicke Subiectes in England, 1607. (Cf. The Writings of Fr. Henry Garnet, S.J., by A. F. Allison, Biographical Studies , Vol I, no 1 , 1951 , pp 15-6) Persons had earlier quoted a letter from the secular priest Thomas Benstead, who told Garnet how he had had occasion to point out to Bagshaw the obvious practical relevanceof equivocationin circumstanceswherehis ownor other people's safety wasat stake (Cf. Briefe Apologie , ff 201v-2) Benstead's letter, dated 28 April 1600 , still survives, (Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 57).

22 Dr. Richard Cosin, LL.D. He was one ofthemost eminent civil lawyers ofhis day, Deanofthe Arches , Vicar Generalofthe ProvinceofCanterbury, and member of the High CommissionCourt for causes ecclesiastical He died on 30 November 1597. (Cooper , Athenae Cantabrigenses II, pp. 230-232 ; D.N.B.).

23"All Universitie men, and suchas have taken any degree in schooles (and such in our countrey aremost regarded) they hate most, despise, contemne , and reproch. " (True Relation , p 108) Garnet had already mentioned the heretical oathnecessitated in the taking of degrees at English Universities, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 28)

24 Because of certain abuses, in particular thefacility with which doctorates could be obtained at some Universities on the continent, Clement VIII issued a Brief, dated 19 September 1597, prohibiting English Seminary students from taking such degrees without an adequate course of study beyond the usual pre-ordination course Leave must also be sought from the Protector, and a recommendationof fitness obtained from the Rector

of the Seminary. The Brief is printed in Tierney-Dodd III, p. cii-iv For a full discussion of various aspects of this question, cf. Fitzherbert Letters, C.R.S. Vol 41, p 53, note 5, and pp. 120-1, notes 15-18, 21) Thisletterof Cardinal Allen mentioned by Garnet does not appearto have survived . It is very probable, however, that the "certain person" referred to was Bagshaw . After his expulsion from the English College in Rome about mid-January 1585, Bagshaw paused for a few weeks at Padua on his way to Reims, "ut pilio donaretur doctorati" , (in order that he might begiven theDoctor's hat). (Cf. Allen to Agazzari, 22 March 1585 , A.R.S.J. FondoGesuitico, 651 , f 21 ) Hewas backin Reimson 2 April "iam doctor ut aiunt" , (Allen to Agazzari, 3 April 1585, Ibid, f 23). A few months later Allen had occasion to record that John Cecil was also staying in Padua, in the Dominican house, bent on acquiring a doctorate accordingto Bagshaw'smethod, who had first attempted it, ("propter factum Bagshawi qui primus hoc tentaverat"), and he was of the opinion that sucha manner of proceedingshould be stopped, as being neither to the College's honour nor tothatofthe persons concerned , ("sed sentioplane hoc ostiumoccludendum neque diu est collegio aut ipsis honorificum"), (Allen to Agazzari, 3 July [1585], Ibid ff 31-2). Bagshawhad, indeed, onlystudied at Reims from July 1582 to August 1583, (Knox, D.D. pp 189, 197), and at Rome from October 1583 to January 1585, (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. Vol 37, p 43) Allen's complaint was certainly justified, and he would not allow him to remain at Reims, sending him on the mission on 27 May 1585 , (Knox, D.D.p 206), having a fewmonthsbeforeexpressed the hope thathemightdo better therethan he had in collegelife, ("qui Bagshaw illi loco[in England] erit forsan aptior quam collegiali vita"), (Allen to Agazzari, 28 February 1585, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, f 20) Bagshaw's fellow-prisoner at Wisbech, John Green, who had been at Reims when Bagshawreturned from Rome , said of this matter : "I will say nothing of your obtaining yourdoctor's degree, nor howyou shouldhave regretted takingthisdignity when you had arrived at Reims, where certainly little difference could be detected betweenyour and our situation, so that all wonderedat this so sudden transformation inyou" (John Green to Bagshaw , 1 October 1596 , Westm V, n 72) Bagshaw's attitude concerning his doctorate can be clearly seen from his letter to a Norfolk Gentleman, [c late May 1595], No. III

25""To conclude , omittingall other things (which are very many) I wil only rehearse one , whichI have heard of many; that it is come to passe now , thattheCatholicks standin morefeareofthe Jesuites , then ofthehereticks For the hereticks (say they) can but chasten the bodie only ; but the Jesuites wound both their bodies, and their good name, etc." (True Relation , pp 109-110) What really lay behind such an accusation can be seen from Fisher's own description of the stories about various Jesuits which he was instructed to report in Flanders, although he had discovered beforeleavingthat they were untrue, (Cf. Fisher'sConfessions, No.XXXV, note48). Cf. also Fisherto Bagshaw , 16 May [1597],No. XXXIII, note 10. and W.Gifford to Bagshaw, 20 September , 1597 , No. XXXIV, forother versions of this same accusation

26 In this sectionGarnet was dealingwith a rumour beingspread, that Weston had failed in obedience to himself as Superior, and that there was open dissension betweenthem. This does not appearin the Memorial,forthat alleges that Garnet was in league with Weston, (see note 17 above), but is to be found in a malicious report first made by Paget at the time when he and Gifford tookFisher'sMemorial to the Nuncio on 19 September1597 , (cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV, note 74). The Nuncio informed the Belgian Jesuits of the whole matter, and asked them to obtain further information from Paget on some points. Nicholas Bonnard, S.J., later

wrote a report of his interview. Among other things, Paget had said this of the attempts to settle the Wisbechquarrels: "Father Garnet, Superior of the English Mission, had written to Fr. Edmund [i.e. in October 1595] and ordered him to repair this breach and work for peace and concord Fr. Edmund had replied that he would do no such thing, that he was senior to Fr. Garnet, that Fr. Garnet had no business to tell him what to do" . (Nicholas Bonnard to Persons, 27 September 1597, Westm VI, n 59) Paget had also alleged that there were 16 heads of dissension betweenthe twoJesuits Against the above shouldbe set: "Ido congratulate untoyou our F. Edmund, who in composingthis business hathbehaved himself both obediently towards you, and lovingly towards his brethren, and prudently towards them that lived abroad" . (Bagshaw to Garnet, 8 November 1595, No. XXIII) Paget's story is an instructive instance ofthe methodspursuedin the campaignagainst the Jesuits, for one of his and Gifford's main sources of information in England was this same Bagshaw. For Aquaviva's reactions to these rumours, cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, notes 4 and 8. Garnet's words in this present letter, concerningthe injunctions laid upon Weston at the time ofthe Wisbechstirs in 1595, can be confirmedfrom his letter to Mush , 22 November 1595, (No. XX) In that letter Garnet also made conditional proposalsconcerningWeston'sdisposal of alms given to him forprivateuse Cf. also Garnet to Bagshaw , 22 October 1595, No. XIX, note 9

No. XXXVII.

WESTON TO THE GENERAL. 27

March 1598

A.R.S.J. Fondo Jesuitico, 651, fascic 661, n.2

Autograph. Letter hand very similarto John Green's. Copy, withomissions , in the hand of Christopher Grene, S.J. , A.R.S.J.Angl. 37, ff.50-4 .

Introductory Note to No. XXXVII This letter gives Weston's defence againstslanders containedin Fisher'sMemorial ofSeptember1597. It seems to have been written on instructions from his superiors abroad It deals withthatsection ofthe Memorial concerned with Wisbechmatters, and with the personalremarks against himself (For an account of this partofthe Memorial, cf. Garnet's Reply, No. XXXVI, note 17) Weston also wrote tothe BelgianJesuit, Oliver Manare, whowasfora short time ViceProvincial oftheBelgianProvince This second letter covers much ofthe sameground, and often in similar phrases, (cf. Weston to O. Manare, 27 March 1598 , Stonyhurst Anglia II, n. 34).

Hic iam mihi agitur Reverende Pater decimus quartus annus ex quo per mandatum PaternitatisVestrae ego et Rodolphus a Sancto nostro Patre et martyreEdmundo Campiano homulus dictus in hanc Angliae messem destinati fuimus Illestatiminprimoagri ingressu ad carcerem raptus est in quo etiamnumdetinetur¹: ego biennio malus et inutilis operarius in messe tamen steti et occupatus fui, quo tempore binas ni fallor epistolas misi ad Vestram Paternitatem , unam ab insidiatoribus interceptam fuisse probe scio, aliam nescio an pervenerit Deinde et ego etiam capior et in custodiam coniectus in qua nunc ago duodecimum annum² quo toto spacio partim impeditus angustijs partim metu suspensus ne in hostium manus quas ad Vestram Paternitatem literas scriberem (multis namque circumvenimur exploratoribus ) inciderent, scribendi officium intermisi. Nunc semotis aliqua ex parte impedimentis necessitas audaciam quoque addit depulso metu. Nam ego pene dormiebam et incautum undique me vinculis quasi constrictum expergefactus cernebam, securus eram et nocte surgens inimicus homo in agro nostro plurima seminavit zizania Vestra Paternitas Paterfamilius meus mecum expostulat unde nobis nata tanta zizania, an a me qui bonum acceperim semen sparsa et seminata, an vero inimicus homo id fecerit. Nunc igitur Deo iuvante a somno ad sensus rediens atque periculum animadvertens, facile hos Philistinorumdissolvam funeset purgabo agrum nostrum ab hocadulterino semine, observata tamen ea qua possibile est narrandi brevitate pro tam multorum annorum tot rebusgestis Vidi catalogum multarumaccusationum , quae cum contra me tum contra alios nostrae Societatis homines ab inimico illataesunt.3 Contra me quod geram controversias cum patre Henrico ; quod non recte tractem communes eleemosynas ; quod fabulis et blanditijs hominum mentes praeoccupem; quod

ab unitate ad partes avocem. His breviter et ordine respondere necessum est: Ac imprimis quod de controversijs accusant inter patrem Henricum et me falsissimum est, et miror unde id sagaces isti odoratores et seduli venatores rerum actorumque nostrorum id obfecerint. Non enim ignoro non eundem semper me omnibus referre odorem (Nam et ipsi sancti domini Apostoli alijs quidem erant odor mortis ad mortem alijs autem vitae ad vitam) nisi ergo isti odoratores odorentur pro odore vitae odorem mortis, bonum vocando malum, summam consensionem et amorem controversias et odium, nescio unde nos aut controversi aut dissideredidicerint.4

Quo pacto enim inimicitiasaut controversiasexerceremusnos quos idem tempus peperit Jesu nomini , qui in eadem urbe eadem domo

S. Andreae, eodem magistro tam sancte instituti tyrocinium primaque elementa accepimus?5 Deinde cum ipse mihi socius una cum Patre Roberto Sancto Christi martyre in hanc messem advenerat, eundemmet Patrum Henricum appello, quanto gaudio et gratulatione eum susceperim , quanto invicem amore et consolatione plures dies simul in precibus et Dei cultu agitavimus et negotia tractavimus. Ille si quid novi mandati attulerat, ego vicissim ostendendo et exponendo singula quae hactenus evenerant , sicque post tractata negotia in pace et amplexibus ad labores discedentes ad hanc usquehoram hoc inter amoris foedus et societatis nunquam est violatum Ego non verba verbis sed verbis oppono facta verba namque tantum sunt sine probationis pondere, proinde inania et venti sunt Nam cum ego paucis post diebus comprehensusessem et carceri traditus nullum ille tempus ad me mittendi scribendique tum Londini nunc vero Wisbici intermisit. Bis enim ille me visitavit si non saepius , nec sine omni suo periculo et meo metu,? omnia diligenterubique suppeditavit si quae mihi necessitas fuisset. At nequeego hac ex parte officio meo defui sed occurri omni muneri sive scribendi aliquod opus fuerat sive mittendi, sive ex mea abundantia eius inopiam supplendi Munuscula etiam plurima invicem donata atque recepta non praesentis modo testes amoris sed et augendi et conservandi non parva media Deinde quis non merito Pater Henricum culpasset, si me tam sibi rebellem habuisset quod officij et debiti me non admonuisset ? vel si nihilominus repugnassemquod Vestrae Paternitati me non detulisset, ut paterna correptus virga vel supplex accurrerem veniam deprecans , vel ut protervus castigatus, aut denique pro adulterino reiectus filio si in audacia contumax perseverassem ? At nihil tale mihi unquam innotuit, nulla vel a Patre Henrico admonitio vel a Vestra Paternitate correptio . Facessantergo in rebus tanti ponderis tam nugaces et et verbales accusationes, [p. 2] vel si aliquid habent solidius sive literas meas sive testes inobedientiae meae, proferant si possunt, si non possunt, iudicet Deus inter me et illos et discernat causam Decem et sex esse capita audio recensita dissensionum nostrarum, quindecim quae fuerint nescio, decimum sextam illud obijciunt quod Patri Henrico commendanti pacemego respondissem meam .

non pariturum. At si unum hoc probare possunt hic mihi finis erit omnis iudicij nam reliqua omnia pro commissis facile concedam.⁹

Sed quam verum hoc fuerit quod accusant res ipsa declarat Pax namque ea quam hic praedicant iniquissima sane fuerat quomodo postulabaturnec unquam concedenda aut ab alijs aut a meipso, nisi Patris Henrici non dico mandatum sed voluntas nobis in precio fuisset et honore ; imo et hoc quoque addo, quod licet plurimum valuit apud amicos nostros Patris Henrici Authoritas, tamen nisi ego summo cum labore simul cum eius literis contendissempro hac quam nominant pace ad hunc credo diem infecta fuisset,10 facta tamen fuit moderatis quibusdam rebus atque compositis quae principio quidem quando petebatur videbatur iniqua . Sed hic novae cuiusdam narrationis exordium mihi nascitur, at quoniam prolixior est dicam prius de eleemosynis male tractatis, quarum reus agor tanquaminiquus dispensator Caeterumhuius calumniae facilis est purgatio Nam ego publicae eleemosynae nunquam fui receptor custos aut dispensator, invidiosum hoc genus officij semper ut omnes norunt plurimum aversabar, quamvis a multis saepius, ne dicam ab omnibus et obnixius rogatus nunquam tamen persuadere poterant ut eas curarem. Si ergo aliquiddepecunijs se fraudari sentiant sciunt ubi possunt et debent exigere Quid ergo contrame proferunt ex illo atro mendaciorum per annoset tempora servato indice, eius officij crimina cum officiumnunquam attigerim. At fortassis hoc est quod sentiunt ut rationem reddam propriae annonae. 12 Respondeo ut primum se probent dominos meos et exigendi ius, et ego quod servi est praestabo officium sin minus in carceremme trudant donec solvam novissimum quadrantem, vel si placet agemus aequo iure: reddant illi primum et ego sequar: vel si hoc non placet sequantur ipsi et ego primo reddam Dico ergo quod verum est quodqueDeum novitetmea conscientia, menunquam depublica pecunia vel obolum divertisse Deinde affirmoeam pecuniam quae mihi propria fuerat cuiusque libera facultas erat dispensandi sic possedisse ac si mea non fuisset, sed eius qui primo indiguisset, sicque eam parvi fecisse ut aliquando etiam infra extremum obolum me redigerem, ut cum egenis communicarem , saepius ipsein necessitatepositus pro mea necessitateabalijs accepi mutuo, accepi etiam ut alijs mutuarem cum non haberem ipse Qui ergo propria sic negligit quomodo rapiet aliena ? velut insipiens dico ipsi me cogunt insipientem esse , ut veritatem dicam. Pacis me esse affirmant inimicum et disturbatorem . De hac pace nunc tempus commodum mihi est aliquid dicendi Fundamentum huius accusationis illud ponunt quod ego blanditijs et fabulis hominum mentes deliniam et neglecta unitate ad partes revocem. Nescio sane quorsum ista commemorare affectant, nisi ut iacto a se hoc sermonis incaute initio tota rei series Deo sic iubenti (sic) se prodat luci, quae sane ut mihi et alijs tum fuerat molestissima ita neque illis evenire poterat aliquando ad bonum Blanditijs et fabulis abalienare me dicunt homines a studio pacis ad partes viz.

nostri homines adeo pueruli sunt ut capiantur modo blanditijs, et fabulis opus fuerit ad decipiendum ubi ipsae res gestae omnium obversantes oculis integerrimam faciunt fidem . 13 Mirum est ergo cur in meis blanditijs et fabulis pacis, perturbationem constituant , cum propinquis sibi habeant sua quotidiana facta quae bonorum oculos offendere solent et mentem Si ergo a me quaerunt occasionesviolatae unitatis, Dico plane (nequeme modo culpent quandoquidem ipsi exigunt) fuisse quorundam, ne graviori utar vocabulo, offensae quae intus maerorem et gemitum, foris scandalum pepererunt. Has autem post multos annos quia nulla privata monitio, nulla publica correptio, curare poterat, saltem ut puderet facti et incussorubore ad se redirent, visum fuit nobis ne paucorum malefacta ad omnium pertinerent infamiam , 14 si non corruptelam, ponere fundamentum novae societatis quo tum incolumitati nostrae providere possemus tumetiamaliorumperperam factis nos non consentire declararemus Postquam igitur nulla nobis spes melioris conditionis appareret, reliquimus quidem, imo vero (cum deliberationem nostram cognovissent) eijcimur de communi prandendi loco et in cubiculum quoddam communiter nos recipimus ut separasse verius illi dicendi sunt [p. 3] qui de communi aula nos expulerunt, quam nos qui separationis Authores nunc dicimur . 15 Haec ergo dum patimur (pulsi viz eis locis quibus ad necessaria victus ministeria utebamur patula namque haec domus est, utpote quondam Episcopalis, quamvis ruina et vetustate collapsa, et multas habet ad officia necessaria aediculas harum alias annua pensione ad nostrosusus a carceriscustodeconduximus16 ) haec inquam passi, deliberamuscommuni consiliodemedijs quibus sublata scandalorum occasione magis ad Dei gloriam et animarum nostrarum profectum hanc incarcerationem toleremus Omnibus visum est utile consilium , vivendiquandam normam non tam necessitatiscausa quam retinendi ordinis bono (sic) excogitare Fit igitur quod decernabatur et levissimasimul et brevissimaproposita regula omnes assentiuntur (sic) et manu subscribunt nemo in universum excludebatur , admissi sunt qui vellent, non indicabantur qui nollent, sed sua unicuique libertate permissa nemo constrictus fuit, aut impulsus, aut praeiudicatus . 17 Atque hoc illud unitatis ruptae crimen meum quod obijciunt, quod suaserim ad eam vitae ratione redire quam decet eos qui pro fide dimicant contra infideles, id moribus et exemplo praebere, quod verbo praedicant ne paucorum crimen in omnium castigetur infamiam , quod sane tum fieri coeperat et coeptum profecerat ad omnium notam et pene sibilum dum nec quidam committendo desinerent et nos nihil agendo commissis favere et participare crederemur. Non est credo haec unitatis diremptio sed conciliatio, magis vero illi violatores dicendi sunt qui luci tenebras inferunt, et iniquitatem iustitiae miscent, et Belial sociare volunt cum Christo , quique Idola collocare nituntur in templo dei, quam qui haec omnia invicem separare student. Hinc sane inter nos et illos nata implacabilis hostilitas et saevissimum bellum, dum grave

videreturillis nobiscum pro luce contra tenebras pugnare, et pulsis procul Idolis vitiorum, integritate vitae Christum in templo suo conservare Hinc illae quotidianae minae, terrores, exclamationes, utvix in cubucilis tuti vel quieti esse poteramus, infamiaeperliteras, perque praecones ad omnes oras excurrentes, divulgantur, omnium contra nos animi et studia solicitantur , cumque veras et legitimas causas pigeret dicere, haereses, schisma ,ambitionem, et cupiditatem, denique nihil non praetexant quod infamandi libido, odio et livore inflammata , suggerere poterat nullorum parcunt auribus , nullius modestiae, nullius stultitiae, non praetermissi laici, non haeretici, non mulieres et pueri, et nescio sane, an puellae ab hacmaledicendi flamma intacta , 18 quasiiamexsibilandus omnium calculoet in orbis fines merito exsufflandus, viderer atque haec sane quotidiana erant Cum autem vidissent his assultibus nihil nos perculsos (putabant namque fieri non posse quin pro ipsa hominum admiratione, et sermonibus vel rei taedio vel concepta pericundia (?) ad priorem confusamillam et sineordine unitatem rediremus) accersunt arbitros causae cognitores, qui postquam venissent et de causis inquirere coepissent , 19 mirumquem lapidem non movent ut examen impediant et iudicium avertant Taceo reliqua, nam annus foret omnia recensere Quodam illorum congressu cum uno ex istis arbitris (alter namquetotus ad illos factus fuerat) tam maleexcipiunt hominem, sic contumelijs vexant et verbis provocant ut prae admiratione in caelum manus saepe sustulerit dicens : Jesu hi ne sacerdotes ? Jesu Jesu hi ne sacerdotes ? cum tamen is vir esset qui et canitie simul venerandus et praeter egregiam doctrinam etiam doctoratus titulo insignitus Cumque nullum in verbis modum agnoscerent non antea cessatum fuit, quam per unum e nostris abreptus atque extra portas constitutus fuerat, ex quo die iterum intrare non est ausus, et sic infecto negotio componendae unitatis, discedit . 20 Haud diu post alios accersunt Iudices, viros quoque suae disignationis, sed neque hi subire examen rerum vel quaerelarum causas audire voluerunt , quin his praetermissiseo toti incumbebant ut sub nova quadam a se descripta regula, in quam omnes consentirent, partes inter se componerent21 Hoc affirmo vestrae Paternitati opinionem et cogitationem istam nostri cum illis coniungendi tantum cuidam Domino Guilielmo Chaddoco, viro modestissimo et innocenti terrorem et horrorem incussisse , ut a stabilitatementis plane decideret, nihilque ei tam frequens fuit in cogitatione et ore : Iterumne coniungemur ? An simul redibimus iterum ad mensam? et alia his similia Caeterum hos Iudices , neque modo recusamus Nunquam enim unitatem aspernabamur sed unitatem sine ordine, et confusionem in multitudine. Illi ergo id est isti Iudices, novam decernunt vivendiregulam, nostri assentiuntur ac tandem etiam illi, post longam altercationem consensum adhibent, 22 ab omnibus subscriptum est et fides data Nunc putabamus omnia finem habitura et post tam diram tempestatem optabilem redijsse malaciam, [p 4] maerorem nostrum conversum

esse in cytharam, et luctum in gaudium Literis undique missis , paci congratulantur amici, sed pax longe fuit e quorundam cordibus et cum his qui oderunt pacem eramuspacifici vix namquemensis nobis effluxerat quando novaesine causa gignuntur suspiciones23 et mens conscia malimeditaturmalum, sicquepaulatimvorax invidiae succrescens flamma erumpit supra tectum omnibus conspicua . Iterum confligitur, iterum controvertitur, dum regulis et metis illis contineri nolunt quibus ipsi fidem pridie dederant et chirographis signarant Ac tandem eo res proficit ut abrepto nobis Autographo, fidem et manusomnium continente (nostri namque unum habuerunt illi aliud, ut si quae pars tergiversari vellet contra propriam fidem egisse convici posset) sese iam extra, ut rebantur, constrictionem constitutos in pristinamvindicant libertatem . 24 Hinc nobis in dies calumniandi captatis ansis iuxta antiquam cantilenam haeresis infamamur et omnis pene criminis Neque etiam dictis defuerunt scripta ; bis namque provocatus fui a quodam TheologiaeDoctore, ut me heareticum non esse defenderem quamvis res quae tum agebatur omnium minimae ad me pertineret Illi tamen placuit me unum pro omnibus seligere quem dialectico suo ac philosophico acumine peteret bis aut ter recusavi provinciam , nolens miscere menonnecessarijs et alienis negocijs, praecipueveroquodidexordium mihi fore providebam maioris molestiae. Is tamen instabat , missoquescripto ad responsionemprovocavit Nec mora respondi eius voto, quamvis invitus et duabus Apologijs satisfeci scriptis quae contra me ediderat. Neque tamen hic cessatumest, quamvis copiose a me satisfactum fuerat, nec res ipsa ullius difficultatis omnibusque qui vel oculis liberis et mente uti possent satis perspicua,25 quin haereticus iterum vocor et distributisin mensa per singula fercula accusationum libellis, de plurimis infamabar . Deinceps vero vocibus et sublatis clamoribus omnem cientibus ad spectaculum circum viciniam, agitabar, additis etiam minis et terroribus, quodque in promptu illis esset integra manus papyri quae contra me contraque socios meos publice omnium notitiae funderetur . Atquesane verba implessent factis, nisi Deus conatum avertisset . Habuit namque vir iste qui haec minabatur(Joannes Norden Medicinae Doctor) omnia iam parata ac describenda tradideratut iam proxime in publicum proferret , sed Deus, ut dixi, haud expetenda morte praevenit eventum . Nam cum his contra nos excitandis tragaedijs vehememter occupatus esset, in media actionis serie dum strenue partes suas peragere et spectaculum exhibere conaretur, factus est ipse nobis miserabile spectaculum. Integra enim paulo ante valetudine cum esset, mentem cum voce simul perdidit, huncque in modum paucis diebusmorbi gravitatem dissimulans per domum tamen incedit, unum aut alterum verbum proloquens interdum, reliqua vero omnia, balbutienti similis, confunditet frangit, tandem in lectum morbo gravescente , decidit. Haud ita diu post misere vitam sine sensu et voce bruto similior aut trunco finivit, cum religiosi omnis auxilij omnino incapax, tum

etiam destitutus viatico longum iter et periculosum profectus est , 26 faxit ut meliores Deus muto iniecerit cogitationes quam conceperat ille loquens Sed neque multo felicius Rodolpho Ithel, illius tragaediaeactori et consorti contigit, qui post egregiam contra nos navatam operam, ad haereticosnulloterrente metu aut periculo propria voluntate defecit, Calvinianaecommunionisfactus minister.27 Duo etiam alij ex eodem numero occasione fugae captata diversis temporibus de carcere evaserunt, quorum alter suorum indicio (ut fere evidenter constat) ab heareticis iterum captus et reductus est , quodque multo videtur incredibilius ab ijsdem suis socijs et confaederatis, omnis pene criminis publice accusatus et infamia mulctatus est (causas ipsi norunt) cum tamen paulo ante intimus et in consilijs adiutoret rebus gerendis haudimpigerfueratminister . 28 Porro duo alij ad nos transierunt paulatim ad se redeuntes , 29 reliqui vero modo relicti sunt septem, qui se separantes (quod crimen nobis vel potius schisma maximum prius obiecerant) in quatuor partes divisi sunt 30 Haec pauca pro multitudine et varietate earum rerum quae duobus hisce vel tribus superioribus annis contigerunt breviter descripsi, nihil dubitans quinaliqua iam ex parte Vestra Paternitas audiverit quo pacto haec importuna et iniucunda negotiasuccesserint Posthactamen omnia tolerabiliora fore speramus. 31 Postquam enim Deus sic diviserit concinnatores huius tragaediae et totam pene dissolverit fabulam, [p 5] non dubitamus quin paucorum exemplum plurimorumfuerit remedium . Sic Deum precor ut lapsos pro sua misericordia erigat, erectos confirmet, nosque cum illis erectoset confirmatos sempersalvetet beatos efficiat . Reliquum nunc est ut vestra Paternitas suis orationibus et sacrificijs nos adiuvet et benedictione corroboret , ut a Deo quoque adiuti et benedicti inter tot difficultatespositi a dextris et sinistris et undique prudenter et strenui occurrentes, accincti semper stemus et invigilemus operi, opus fructus multiplices proferat fructus denique omnis et opus ad dei gloriam et honorem cedat.

Mart 27. An Dni 98

Vestrae Paternitatis indignus filius

Date and ending in Weston's hand]

Guilielmus Westonius.

Addressed (probably Weston's hand):

Admodum Reverendo in Christo Patri Claudio Aquavivae

Societatis Jesu Preposito.

Seal mark.

Endorsed ex Anglia P. Gulielmus Westonus vi Maij 98

Translation

WESTON TO AQUAVIVA. 27 March 1598 .

I am now , Reverend Father, in my fourteenth year here since bythe command of Your Paternity, I and Ralph, whom our holy fatherand martyr, Edmund Campion, used to call"the little man" , weresent into this harvest of England He was straightway athis veryentry carried offto prison, wherehe still lies confined.¹ Itook upmy placeand workin thefieldfor two yearsas a poor and useless servant, and during this time,ifI mistake not, I wrote two letters to Your Paternity. One of them I knowfullwell was intercepted bythosewho lay in wait for me, and whether the other reachedyou I know not. Then I, in my turn, was captured and thrown into prison, where I am passing my twelfth year.2 In all this time I have foregonethe duty ofwriting to you, partly because the straits ofmy situation put difficultiesin my way, and partly because fear held me back lest letters I should write to Your Paternity might fall into the hands of the enemy, for here we live surrounded by spies on every side. But now a sense of need having done its workin reducing obstacles and removing fears has atthesametime given me a greater measure of boldness . For I, like a man verging on the edge of slumber and quite off his guard, roused myself up to discover that I was, as it were, completely bound in fetters, that when I thoughtthat all was well, an enemyrising in the night had sown muchcocklein our field Well might Your Paternity, as the head of the household to which I belong, question me whence came ourso great crop of cockle, whether I who wasentrusted with good seed , in its stead scattered and sowed quite other seed, or whether it has been the handiworkof some enemy Now therefore, acting like a man restored to possession of his senses and alertto danger, I will with God's help easily burst the bonds of these Philistines asunder and cleanse our field of this seed intrudedby others,in so far as maybepossiblein the compass of a briefaccount which has to cover the multitude of things done in so long a span of time . I have had under my eyes this catalogue of the many misdeeds urged by an enemy both against me and against other members of our Society.3 Against me it is said that I carry on disputes with Father Henry, that I have wrongfully handled commonfunds, that I seek byfables and blandishments to establish an undue advantage in the minds of other men, that Idrawaway others from union into faction. There can be no escape for me from dealing with these charges, briefly and in order. In the first place it is an utter falsehood that there has been strife between me and Father Henry, and I marvel that these pryers into the affairs and deeds of others, with their keen scent and laborious stalking of their quarry, have so stood in their own light. I am, of course, not unaware that I may not

expect to be always the object of the same savour to all men (for eventhose saints oftheLord, theApostles, wereto some the savour of death, bringingdeath, and to others the savour of life, bringing life), yet unless these good seekers after savour have mistaken the savour of death for the savour of life, calling good evil, highest concord and love dissension and hatred, I am at a loss to know how they ever came to learn that Father Henry and I were at odds and in strife with one another.4 What ground for enmity and strife could there be between him and me, seeing that we both of us were at the same time brought forth to the name of Jesus ,that together we passed through our training in holiness according to our Institute and learnt ourfirst lessons in the same city, the same house ofSant' Andrea under the same master of novices?5 Then when later he arrived to be my companion in this harvest together with Father Robert, theholy martyr of Christ,6 I appeal to Father Henryhimself to say, with how greatjoyand satisfaction Iwelcomed him, what was the abundance of love and consolation which we stirred in one another in the several days we spent togetherin prayer joined to the worship of God and in conference about our affairs If he for his part had brought some further instructions to add to my commission, Iin my turn had much to say in showing and explaining the detail of all which had hitherto happened From that day on whichwe concluded our business in peaceand on whichafter embracing one another went our ways to take up ourtasks tothis hour ofmy writing, the bondsof love and comradeship between us has never been once broken . Ido not match words withwords, but I set against words things which have really happened, for words which are unbacked by factcanbut bereckonedmerestfolly andwind. After I was arrested and thrown into prison but a few days from our parting, this supposed adversary of mine has lost no opportunity of sending messages and letters to me, both in London and here in Wisbech Twice has he paid me visits, ifnot more often, and notwithout clear peril to himself and anxietyon my part Wherever I was he has been careful in supplying my every need For my part I have not been wantingin my duty to him, acknowledgingallthe services coming from him by letters, or by messages, or by supplies from whatI had in excess of my needs to meet his needs. The exchange of small presents between us on many occasions has served as a means of no small avail not only of testifying to our affection for one another at the moment of exchange, but of keeping up and increasing our friendship. But then who could have failed to blame Father Henry, and very rightly, if, having found in me such a rebellious subject, he had not admonished me of the duty and the debt which I owed to him ? And yet again, if I really had still spurned his authority, how comes it that he did not report my behaviour to Your Paternity, so that under threat of a father's chastisement I might be brought to my knees to sue for pardon,

or punished as a wanton offender, or at lengthdisowned as a son and castout on the ground ofmyobstinacy inshameless misconduct? But at no time has a slightest rumour with any bearing on such suppositionscome my way, nor anyadmonition from Father Henry, nor any correction from Your Paternity.8 Seeing that matters of the gravest concern are at stake, let then my criticsputan end to accusations, which are made up of triflings and words, or if they claim to possess anythingof more substance, let them produce it if they can , in the form of letters of mine or witnesses to testify that I have been wanting in obedience If they are unable to produce such evidence, let God judge between me and them , and let God determine my cause .

I gather thatsixteen heads are set forth under whichto rehearse the grievances between us. About fifteen of these , I am wholly ignorant, but the sixteenth head alleges, I know , that when Father Henry recommended an effort to make peace, I replied that I was unwilling to obey him. But if ever they can advance any proof on thisone head , the whole cause may be brought toanendabruptly, for I for my part would willingly then give them their case on all the other heads.⁹

Yet bare fact will serve to show what truth lies behind this allegation of theirs For this peace, of which they make such a song, was indeed a pact most unholy if the circumstanceswhich led to the demand for it be regarded, nor would it ever have been agreed to by others as well as by myself, if we had not attached great importance and the highest respect to what Father Henry might wish to be done, leaving aside what he might order to be done. And I would go so far as to add further that though Fr. Henry's judgment had thegreatest weight amongour friends, unless I had with great pains and with the support of his letter striven to bring about this so-called peace, I believe that it would have remained unmade even to this very day . 10 It was indeed only brought about by yielding and compromising on matters, about which when it was first mooted any concession savoured of evil But at this point I find myself opening up the beginning ofa fresh line of narration and because it may extend itself to some length , I will first deal with the matter of the misappropriation ofalms , or default in their honest distribution.

Here disproof of calumny is even more easy, for never was Ia receiver, treasurer, or distributor of anysuch alms . 11 As allknow , Ihaveat all timeshad a strong aversionforanyform ofresponsibility ofthiskind , with itsliabilityto arouse ill-feelingin others . Though I have been often and by many, not to say all, earnestly begged to undertake some suchposition oftrust, I never could be prevailed upon to assume such a charge. If then these men wish to lay complaints about losses through mishandling of monies , they know where they can and ought to lodge them. Howthen does it come about that drawing on this blackregister of lies, whichthey have

so long kept through the years, they accuse me of crimes in the dischargeof an office which I have at no timeheld ? But perhaps this is what they are after, to get from me an account of money of my own. 12 My reply must be that they must first give proof that they are set over me as masters with a right to exact such a reckoning, and I will then do my dutyas a servant under penalty of liability to be thrust into prison until I pay the last farthing. But should they prefer to deal with me on equal terms, let them state theiraccountsand I willfollow, and if this course pleases them not, they may follow me and I will lead with my statement . I therefore assert as true, as God and my conscience knows , that I have never misappropriated any money, not one penny, from a common fund I next state that the money regarded as my own , which I had permission to spend at my discretion , I have so kept as ifit werenot mine, but ratherto beheld atthedisposalofthefirst comer who should be in need of it. So little have I cared for it, that sometimes I was down below my last penny in serving someone in need. Often I have been reduced to such straits to meet my own needs that I have had to borrow from others, and on occasion I have sought a loan for others, when I lacked money myself. Is it likely that a man who in this fasion devotesso little care to guarding his own belongings, has been ready to seize upon the belongingsof others ? But I find myself babbling likeafoolso do these men drive me to follyin my effort to assertthe truth. Next they allege that I am an enemy to and disturberofthe peace. On this question of peace, now is a good time for me to enlarge on it. As a basis of this charge, they say that I besmear with blandishments and fables the minds of men, and that I draw themaway from union to followfaction I know not to whatthey pretend to refer when they use these expressions , and can only think that sayings of this kind, having been flungout without due thought at the start, in the process of their repetitionmay bring by the end some sense in them to light, if God should so order. At any rate to have thesethings said has been a cause of greatest embarrassment to me and others, without evermaking possibleany benefit to my critics They allege that I distractothers from zeal for peace and draw them to pursuitof faction, but totalk like this is to say that the grown men on our side behave so much like boys as to succumbat theirage to blandishments . 13 Strange indeed it is that these opponents of mine should attribute the disturbance of the peace to blandishments and fables coming from me , when they stand so close to the things they daily do, whichare wontto offend the minds and eyes of good men If then they seek to knowfromme what have been the occasions of our breach ofunion , I say clearly (and let no offence be taken, since they want an answer) that they have themselves been the offences , to use no stronger word, whichhave given cause for pain and griefinternally and to the world at large cause for scandal.

As over many years no remedy could be found for these things, not any private warning, nor any public correction, and to the end that these men should at least feel some shame at their doings, and should return to themselves by being overcome by confusion , we thought good to set on footthe making of a new formof association among ourselves, lest the misdeeds of a few should involve all of us in shame , 14 and a source of corruption be settled in our midst Our purpose was to preserve our own immunity and to make manifest our disapproval of the ill done by these others After no ground for hope remained of any improvement in our situation , we quitted, I was going to say, but really (once they gotwindofwhat weproposedto do) we were ejectedfrom the hall wherewe tookour meals in common and took refuge together in another chamber. Ifthere is to be talkof separation, they should withmore truth be said to have separated from us in that they expelled us from the common hall, ratherthan that we, who are nowcalled the authors of the separation, should be held responsible . 15

Whilst wewere subjectedto this hardship (our expulsion, namely, in thatwe were driven to use for our victuallingneeds some empty offices, for this buildingis laid out to hold in residence a household, being once episcopal property , thoughnowa ruin and much dilapidated, and has many outbuildings to serve as offices, and one of these we took on a yearly lease for our use from the Keeper of the prison), 16 having suffered this treatment , I say, we held a meeting and debated about the means whereby we might the better bear our imprisonment forthegloryofGodandthe profit ofour ownsouls , now that occasion for scandal was removed."

To all of us it seemed a wise counsel to think out some ruleof life, not so much from a sense of our need of it, as for the end of securing the advantage of order A draft was made of a proposed rule, as light and brief as possible, with the assent ofall, towhich allofour group subscribed. There was to beno exclusionforanyone at all. Admission was open to anyone who wished to join, and no notice takenof anyone, who did not wish to do so . To each man his freedom was conceded, so that no one was constrained, driven or subjected to argument about it. 17 Here then is to beplacedthe crime of causing disunion, with which I am charged, that I should have exerted influence in favour of a return to a manner of life befitting those who fight for the faith against those who lack it. Itwere fault in me to say that what men preach they mustuphold by their words and example, lest failure in a few should bring the punishment of infamy on all : which, indeed, had already begun to happen, and once begun,progressed to become commonknowledge and a cause of murmuringto all, whilst these men continued todo such things, and we by doing nothing, were believed to favourand to join in the faults committed . In my belief there is here no breaking of union but rather its maintenance Much more are they to be considered the breakers of union, who bring darkness

over light, who confuse justice and wickedness , who wish to keep Belial in the company of Christ, who strive to set up idols in the temple of God, than thosewho seek to hold these oppositesasunder. Here then must be sought the origin of the bitter enmity and most savage warfare between us and them, and all the while it seemed to us a heavy burden to be locked with themin battlefor thelight against darkness , to keep Christ in His temple bypromoting the pursuit of holiness , after drivingfar away the idols ofthe vices. Hence came the daily threats, the attempts to cause terror, the outcries against us, so that hardly in our chambers could we find security and quiet Calumnies to discredit us were spread abroad through letters and messengers sent in every directionto solicit sympathy and support. As they were loath to speak of the true and solid reasons for this strife, namely, heresy, schism, ambition and greed, there was in fact nothing else they were not prepared tobringforward, whichtheir passion forindulging calumny inflamed by hatred and spite could suggest The ears of none were spared, nor anyone'smodesty or slowness of wit, nor wereanypassed over, whether laymen, heretics, women and boys, and I do not rightly know whether young girls escaped being scorched in this blaze of slander 18 To all of these I was to appear as a man to be hissed at, a buttfor anyone's stone, and a man to be blown away to the ends of the earth . All this was a daily experience. When they perceived that we were in nowise shaken by these attacks (for they reckoned that what with the wonder caused abroad, their speeches, weariness of our ordeal, and a sense of shame created byour plight, it would not be possible for us to avoid being drawn back to that former state of so-called union with its confusion and disorder), they summonedumpires to inform themselves about the cause . 19 After these had arrived and had begun their enquiry into the questions at issue, it was a wonder to see what stonesthey did not upturn to hinder the investigation and prevent judgment being given I need not go further with an account of these devices , which might take a year to tell fully. At an interviewwhichthese men held with one of the arbiters (the other had entirely identified himself with their faction), they gave him such a bad reception, so harassed him with their abuse and were so provocative in whattheysaid, that heinastonishment often lifted his hands to heaven exclaiming : "Jesu, Jesu, are these men priests ? Jesu, Jesu, are these men priests?" Yethe who spoke thus was a man to whom respect was due for his white hair and repute for learning, being also a doctor of theology. Since the discussion could not be reduced within the bounds of moderation, no respite came for him until he was caught hold of by one ofour group and escorted safely past the gates Fromthat day forthhe never dared to make an attempt to re-enter, but went off, leaving the negotiation about making peace unfinished 20 Not so long afterwards they summonedothers to judge the cause, but thesemen

were not willing to make any examination of the affair or to go into thecauses of the dissension , but leaving aside any suchpurpose they applied themselveswholly to an attempt to closethedivision by a new form of rule written by them, to which all might yield consent. 21

This I can state to Your Paternity that the mere suggestionand the thought of our joining with them struck suchfear and horror into one named Mr. William Chaddock, a man of greatest modesty and innocence, that he whollylost his balanceof mind, with nothing more often occurring to his mind or expressed upon his lips than the question : "Must we again join with them?" , "Are we all going to sit at table together again?" , and similar sayings. Meanwhile we did not refuse to deal also with these judges. For never did we entertain the least contempt for unity, but only for a unity unaccompanied by order, or represented by a confusedmob. These men then, the judges that is, settled on a new rule of life which our side accepted , and which at length the other side after a long altercation also agreed to accept . 22 All set their signatures to it, and undertook to observeits terms We then hoped that an end had been put to the business, and that after a terrifying gale, we had entered upon the calm of our desires, that our grief had turned to song , our mourninginto gladness Letters were dispatched into every quarter, and friends poured in their congratulations about the peace . But peace was far from the hearts of some , and with themthat hated peace we were peaceful. Hardly had a month gone byfor us , when new suspicions arose upon no good ground, 23 and a mind given to evil meditated evil So gradually the hungry flame of jealousy gathering strength beneath the surface broke out and flared above our roof top for all to see . Strife raged once more , argument was again renewed, whilst our opponents cast aside the restraints in those rules and bounds which they had yesterday pledged themselves to keep and to which they had subscribed in theirown hands Things went sofar that at length, having snatched from us the copy of the Rules containing our engagementsigned to by all (for our side had one copy and our opponents another copy, sothat ifeither sidewent back on its pledgedword, thebreach could be proved), they laid claim to a resumption of their former freedom, as now being released from any restrictions of a rule.24

Thenceforward as opportunity of calumniating us offered from day to day, we were defamed as hereticsand on the score of almost everyformof crime to thetune of the old, old song The campaign was not confined to words only, but writings were brought into play. Twice was I provoked by a certain doctor of theology to defend myself against a charge of heresy, although the subject at issuewas one whichleastof all was anyconcernof mine However it suited him to pitch on me as a champion of all the rest, as a target whereat to display his power in argument and learning in

philosophy. Twice or thrice I refused to play this part, unwilling as I was to involve myself without necessity in the concerns of others, but chieflybecause I foresaw that compliance would but be a beginning of yet more troublefor me. He however pressedhis challenge, and sendingme a document in writing provoked me into replying. I did not delay in meeting his demand, though I was reluctant to do so , and in two apologies I met the case which he had produced in writing against me. But the matter did not stop here, though I had amplycountered whathe had to say, and though the point at issue presented no difficulty, being clear enough to anywho couldbringto it anunprejudiced eye as wellasintelligence . 25 Yet wasI once again decriedas a heretic, and defamedon numerous heads,afterpaperswith accusationsagainst me had beendistributed with the courses as we sat at table.

StraightwayI was tossed about in the midst of cries andshouts suchas areused to advertisea playtoalland sundry in theneighbourhood, with menaces and threats thrown in, and all this becausea whole handful of papers, held in readiness was produced, which were to be scattered abroad, to the discredit of myself and my companions, for the general informationof the public It can be taken for certain that they would have carried out this threat, if God had not put an obstacle in their path. The man who wasthe leading spirit in this campaign of threats (John Norden, a doctor of medicine), had completed his preparations and had his bills written out and delivered for copying in readiness for immediate publication , when, as I have said, God intervened to cut off his project with an unlooked-for death When he was thus thoroughly busying himself in enacting this tragedy to bring hurt upon us , in the middleof his action, whilst he was playingto the extentof his powersthe part of principal and exerting himself to put across the show , he was in his own person before our eyes transformed into another show , a show of wretchedness . Though but a short time beforehe had appearedto be in full health, of a suddenhelostboth his mind and power of speech So stricken, and endeavouring for some days to disguise the seriousness of his affliction, he wandered through the house, uttering sometimes one or another odd word , but for the rest an unintelligibleand broken mumble in the manner of a stutterer At length he took to his bed with the progress of his illness Soon afterwards he died in wretched case, like an animal, being unable to receive any form of spiritual comfort , and unhouselled he set out upon his long and perilous journey . 26 Itis devoutlyto be hoped that as he lay there mute, God furnished his mind with better thoughts than he formed in the time when he could speak

Nor did Ralph Ithell, his partnerand accomplicein this tragedy, fall in much better case, for after he had done them great service in opposing us, he went over to the heretics of his own free will, unharried byanyfear orperil, and became a ministeroftheCalvinist

communion . 27 Two others from the group of our opponentstaking opportunitiesof escape, made their way out of prison at different times. Oneofthem, betrayed byhisownassociates (asissufficiently evident), was recaptured and brought back by the heretics, and more incredible, as it may seem, was publicly accused of almost every crime and punished with disgrace (why this should have happened is best known to them) ; and yet but a short time before hehad been in intimaterelations with them , a sharerintheircouncils, and byno means a laggard, when to came to their taking action . 28 Then still later two others fromtheir ranks, graduallyreturningto themselves , came over to our side . 29 This brings the remnantof their factiondown to seven at this moment, but theseseven splitting up, have broken into four sets (the kind of action whichearlier they objected to violently in us as being a crime and schism30).

I have briefly described these few things out of the multitude and variety of things which have happened in these last two or three years, not doubtingthat Your Paternity has been furnished with some knowledge of our experience of trouble and distressin the course ofour affairs here 31 But now afterwhat has happened we hope that we may have much less to bear. Now that God . has so divided the contrivers of this tragedy and from its plot has well-nigh withdrawnall its substance , we have confidencethat the example made of some will be a remedy for many. I then pray to God that He may in His mercy raise the fallen, and that when they stand to their feet with strengthrenewed , He may ever keep both them and us together in security and peace. There but remains that Your Paternity too should help us with your prayers and sacrifices, and fortify us withyour blessing, so that aided and blessed by God in our station in the midst of so manydifficulties to the left and to the right, and turning with prudence and valour to show a bold front to every quarter whence they come , we may ever stand girded and on watch over our work Then may this work produce its manifold fruit and may all the fruit with thework yield to God glory and honour . 27 March 1598

Your Paternity's unworthy son , William Weston

NOTES

1 William Weston arrived in England in September 1584, accompanied by Brother Ralph Emerson who was arrested almost at once He did not regain his liberty until April 1603, (C.R.S. Vol 10, p 50) Emersonhad first come on the mission in 1580 with Persons and Campion. For an account of Emerson's life, cf. Foley, Records III, pp 17-37 Weston's ownmissionary laboursare recountedin his Autobiography, translated and annotatedbyJ.Morris, Troubles, Series II, 1875 , and byP. Caraman, 1955

2 Westonwas arrestedon 3 August 1586 outside Bishopsgate He was first imprisoned in a private house opposite the common gaol (probably near the Clink). He was moved to the Clink in September 1586. (Cf. The Autobiography , ut supra) He left London for Wisbech on 21 January 1588 , with eleven other priests, in the chargeof ThomasGray, the Keeper, and two Queen's messengers. (Cf. R. Southwell to Aquaviva, 22 January 1588, A.R.S.J. FondoGesuitico , 651 ) He remainedthereuntiltransferred again to the Tower in December 1598. (Dasent XXIX, p 373 ; and Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII, note 17). No letter from Weston to Aquaviva before his capture appears to have survived One, dated 10 May 1587 , from the Clink, gives a report of the conditions of Catholics in England, and is in A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651. This may possibly be one of those referred to here .

3 This "catalogue" is Fisher's Memorial of September , (Cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV, notes 70 and 74) Numerous extracts from it will be found in the notes to Garnet's Reply, [March 1598], No. XXXVI.

4 The report of strife betweenWeston and Garnet wasfirst spread by Paget when he and Gifford handed Fisher's Memorial to the Nuncio for transmission to Rome, (cf. Garnet's Reply, No. XXXVI, note 26). The story of such strife could not even be supported from the Memorial itself, in which the two were represented as working together for nefarious ends , (Ibid note 17). Speakingofthe rumours of dissensions amonghis English subjects, Aquaviva wrote : "But since by God's grace I am certain that there is nothing of the kind, but rather that there has been hithertoand is the greatestunion and agreement amongthem, Ihavethought itmyduty to beseech you to give credence to me in this matter as to one who is by no means ill-informed of the state of our mission , and to reject the falsehoods of those who spread the rumour of such dissension ; for I have no doubt it comes from those same men and at the instigation of that same person from whom we see other intrigues to proceed for the overthrow of that mission. " (Aquaviva to the Flanders Nuncio, Frangipani, 17 January 1598 , A.R.S.J. Fland Belg . I. II p 663)

5 Henry Garnet enteredthe Novitiate ofSt. Andreain Romeon 11 September 1575, (Foley, Records IV, p. 37) Weston entered on 5 November 1575 , (Ibid VII, p 830)

6 Garnet and Robert Southwell, the future martyr, landed in England on 7 July 1586 , (Foley, Records IV, p. 38). In his Autobiography Weston described at greater length his first meeting with them and their few days together before dispersing. (Cf. J. Morris, Troubles, Series II, p. 138 et seq ; the Autobiography of William Weston, translated by P. Caraman, 1955, pp 69-72)

7 No record has survived of any visits paid by Garnet to Weston before the latter's transfer to Wisbech, though he was able to visit Emersonin the Clink after Weston's departure (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva , 9 June 1588 ,

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, f 65) As far as is known he only went once to Wisbech In a letter to Aquaviva, dated 12 November 1593 , Garnet spoke of a visit there "last week" (Ibid. f. 103).

8 Weston here used, of course, a very strongargument, and it is certainly true that not the faintest hint of any dissension between himself and Garnet can be found in any of Garnet's letters. The letter to the Nuncio in Flanders, quoted in note 4 above, was followed a few dayslater byanother: "First, therefore, as to what concerns the men oftheSociety [in England] of whose dissensions these men [i.e. certain Englishmenin Flanders] have spoken to you, I can absolutely assure your most Reverent Lordship, that by God's grace to this very moment we have heard of no such thing, not the least discord, nor spark of dissension or quarrel amongthem : neither , indeed , by virtue of my office, would I have tolerated such a thing, had it occurred" . (Cf. [Aquaviva] to [the Nuncio], Rome, 23 January 1598 , A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico, 651, f 159). Editor's italics

This question of the alleged 16 heads of dissension between Weston and Garnet, arose from the report spread by Paget For further information, see Garnet's Reply, No. XXXVI, note 26

10 Weston's difficulties in achieving a peace were considerable , for his companions were very reluctant to jeopardise the measure of peace which the confraterinty's rules had brought, as the following extract illustrates : "Once and once only did you [Bagshaw ] impose upon me [John Green], but that wasrather due tothepersuasion of othersthan that I everformed the slightest hope that you were improving in yourbehaviour. Certainly, if the choice I then made were nowmine to make once more, you would never get anyfaithfrommein yourfeigned tears, and I would sooner have my poor body torn apart by wild horses, than ever enter into any kind of fellowship with you They who were the promoters of that unhappy union [i.e. the Pacification of6 November 1595, No. XXI ], after separation made on the best of good grounds, know well what hope I had of your sincerity, and certainly, events have since proved that your impietyis a hundred times greater than I could reasonably have suspected when I silently acquiesced in that decision" . (John Green to Bagshaw, 1 October 1596, Westm V, n 72) Weston's own description, later in this present letter, of William Chaddock's reaction to the proposal to re-unite with Bagshaw'spartyillustrates the same point. TheletterofGarnetmentioned here by Weston has not survived : it must have been one of the three sent with Mush and Dudley on their return to Wisbech in late October 1595, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 20)

11 Bluet was for long the sole custodian of the common alms at Wisbech. For further information about these monies , cf. The Requests to Weston , 11 August 1595, No. XII, note 1 ; Mush's First Articles, 26 September 1595, No. XVII, note 1 .

12 A demand for an account of money receivedprivatelyby Weston was one ofthosemadeon him by Bagshaw'sparty, on 11 August 1595, (cf. No. XII) They had no right to such knowledge , and the move aroused anger and fear amongCatholic benefactors , (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI ; Garnet's Reply to the Memorial, No. XXXVI, note 9) The Pacification Rules , 6 November 1595, re-affirmed the old custom that prisoners had free disposal of alms sent to them for their own use , (cf. No. XXI, note 3).

13 In Fisher's Memorial the accusation ran : "Many yeeres lived they [i.e. the prisoners at Wisbech] in this godly, holy, and devout kind of life, until a Iesuite, one Edmonds by name ... so insinuated himselfe with falsedemeanorand falsedevises into the heartsofmany, as that hedevided thePriestsintotwo parts, whereofthe one part drew to him, and the other stood against him ' (True Relation , pp 104-5).

14Details illustratingWeston's words may be seen in note 1 to The Rules , [7 February 1595], No. II. Garnet's first long report of Wisbech affairs to the General contains a detailed account of the beginnings, very early in 1595 , ofthe plan for a fixed body ofrulesto endthe disorderly conditions among the prisoners (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, No. VIII)

15Weston's words here and soon following show that the ejectionofhimself and his companionsfrom the common refectory took place very early in the proceedings to secure some system ofinternal order amongthe prisoners in 1595, i.e. before any definite schedule of rules had been devised. On this point, cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595], No. IV, note 4 The consequences of this ejection was the main reason for Pound's complaints to Calverley on 25 June 1595 , No. VII Pound mentions that Weston and his companions were forced to use Bramston's room as a kitchen and Weston's in whichto eat Garnet also refers to this ejection oftheTwenty, (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI, note 22).

16 Thereferencehere is probably to the use of an old ruined chapelin Wisbech Castle as a storehouse, to which the Twentywere forced to resort by their exclusion from all the public rooms in the Castle by Bagshaw'sfollowers (see note 15above) Theuse ofthis oldchapelled to repeated reprehensions from Dolman. The matter is mentioned three separatetimes in the True Relation, (pp 24, 43, 64) An undated letter from Weston to Dolman survives, belonging probably to the period shortly after the pacification ofNovember 1595, in which he replies to an affirmationthat the Twenty had been "sacrilegious , excommunicated, irregular, scandalos" fortheir use of the ruined building . (Cf. Weston to Dolman, [after November 1595], Westm. V, n 31)

17 For the proposed confraternity Rules, cf. No. II This document wassent to Garnet with the letter of the 18 Priests, of [7 February 1595], No. I. For Garnet's account, cf. his letter to Aquaviva , 12 July 1595 , No. VIII

18Evidentlyin an attempt to obscure his own party'sactivity in spreading reports outside Wisbech, such as are here referred to by Weston, Bagshaw early accused theconfraternity ofspreadingcalumniesagainst his followers. There is, however, no evidence to support his contentions (Cf. Bagshaw to Dr. Windham, [c late June 1595], No. VI, note 6) Cf. also Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595 , No. VIII, note 4.

19The arbiters here in question were Alban Dolman and Dr. John Bavant. Weston's short account here confirms that given by Garnet to Aquaviva, 12 July 1595, (cf. No. VIII, note 12) . That of Southworth shows in more detail how Bagshaw'sparty managed to avoid any judgments being given during several days of attempted arbitration, (cf. Southworth to Dolman , [c. early June 1595], No. IV).

20 John Green thus described the treatment accorded to Bavantby Bagshaw: "I will not go over again your treatment of Dr. Bavant, truly a man of learning, piety and prudence, to whom you behaved like one of those shameless street-bullies, causinghimnot only to blush for shame , but even to shed tears, as has always been reported, for you acted in a way which

even a most abandonedheretic with a spark of humility left in him , would have felt shame in doing" (John Green to Bagshaw, 1 October 1596 , Westm V, n 72).

21Weston is here referring to the second attempt at arbitration made by John Mush and Richard Dudley between Septemberand early November 1595. For an account of this, and of Garnet's part in promoting it, cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 16 April 1596, No. XXVI. The new Rules were signed by all at the pacification on 6 November 1595, (cf. No. XXI).

22A year later Mush wrote of the agreementreached : "First (theysay) I added to, and altered the rules contrarie to manye severall promises. I confess I altered them thus & so I knowe not howe, above twenti times. but your selves can testifie for me, that after all : what I had done , you all approved, consented , & subscribed therto which was your owne dede , & not myne" (Cf. Mush to all the Fathers at Wisbech, 20 November 1596, Westm V, n. 87).

23Though no exact evidence survives to show when strife began again at Wisbech , it does not appear to have been very long after the Pacification On this point, cf. Bagshaw to Garnet, 4 December1595, No. XXV,note 3.

24 Fisher, who was involved in the incident, gives a detailed description of the abrogation ofthe Pacification Rules by Bagshaw's party (Cf. Fisher's Confessions, 8-14 March 1598, No. XXXV, note 45)

25Onequarrel at this periodwhich made endless contentionswas the so-called 'Stewes controversy' For information , cf. Giles Archer to Norden, [late 1596], No. XXVIII An undated example of Norden's letters accusing Weston of heresy , survives in Westm V , n 116. There is also one from Weston to [Bagshaw], undated, concerningthe Apologias he was forced to write, (cf. Westm V, n 118). Fisher's Confessions, (No. XXXV), contain further details of quarrels at Wisbech, at the time of his visits Theabovemay havebeen the quarrel still inprogress atthe timeofNorden's death (see Note 26 below).

26 Garnet wrote to Persons, 20 August 1597 : "D. Norden is strangely dead being in ye beginning of a new tragedy at Wisbech (wherein he only was ye speaker with impudent immodesty molesting everywhere his quiet neighbours so yt ye Keeper himself was ashamed thereat) suddenly as many men terme it, toung-tyed, a dead lethargy surprising him , and taking from him almost his memory also, whereof after many daies he dyed" . (Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, ff 548-9) The first extant referenceto Norden's illness appears in a letter from Mush to Bagshaw, 8 J[une 1597], Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 1. He was buried on 13 July 1597 , (WisbechBurialRegister) In view ofthe publicitygiven to the controversies in which Norden was engaged, his sudden death seems to have been regardedbypersons outsideWisbechas a judgment D.V. [perhaps Dominic Vaughan, priest] wrote to Bagshaw , 23 July: "Ipraye lett meunderstand some particulers of his [Norden's] deathe, for stopping of fowle mowthes and sclanderous persons, for that I feare (butyf I sayd I ame sure Ithincke I should not lye) that some accompted this sicknes as a ponishment of allmightie God, for falling owt or contention withe some of hisfellowe prisoners" . (Inner Temple, Petyt Mss , 538, Vol 38, f 373).

27A Privy Council warrant of 26 September 1597 required the Keepersto deliver Ralph Ithell into the bearer's hands, "whome for certaine speciall causes wee would have to be brought up before our verie goodLord the Lord Bishope of London" (Dasent XXVIII, pp 17-8) He later held W

two livings in the giftofthe Bishop ofLondon, (Cf. No. IV, note 11) Ithell betrayed to Wade the hiding place of Bagshaw'sletters at Wisbech , when the latter was sent for in October 1598. (Hatfield Cal VIII, p 384). His apostasyis mentioned in Garnet's Reply to the Memorial, March 1598 , No. XXXVI, note 19 ; in Martin Array's letterfrom Rome as one of the Archpriest's proctors, 22 February 1599, Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 122; and appears in a list of fallen priests of 1610 or 1611 , Westm . IX, n. 115 .

28George Potter's escape, (as also that ofWilliam Parry), was reported by Medeley to Sir R. Cecil, 17 February 1597. (Cal S.P.D. 1595-1597 , pp. 361-2). The second man referred to here by Weston is Francis Tilletson. For information about his escape early in 1596, and his betrayal and recapture, cf. Mushto Bagshaw , Norden and Bluet, 10 May 1596, No. XXVII, passim and notes 4, 6 and 7. Soonafter this betrayal Tilletson was transferred to the Gatehouse (Ibid, Note 2)..

29 One of these two was probably William Wigges , (cf. Archer's Relatio de Bagshao, No. XXXVIII, note 12) The other may have been William Clerioneth, of whom no later connections with Bagshaw's party can be traced

30 When he wrote that he had heard of Norden's illness (see note 26 above) Mush's letter to Bagshaw continued: "I heare .. . that you with v or vi mo ar at table aparte from the rest in Mr Blu[et's] chamber Yf peace wyll be had so you have done verie well in my opinion, yf yt wyll not, youknowehow to havepatience& makea merittofyt" (Law, Archpriest Controversy I, p 1) This is a curious comment when the outcryagainst the "breach of commons " of early 1595 is recalled! (Cf. Southworth to Dolman, [c early June 1595], No. IV). Cf. also Thomas PoundtoCalverley, 25 June 1595 , No. VII, note 16 .

31 Garnet had sent the General two long accounts of Wisbech affairs : 12 July 1595, No. VIII, and 16 April 1596 , No. XXVI Briefreferences occur alsoin his letterof 10 December 1596, No.XXX, and in hisreplyto Fisher's Memorial, [March 1598], No. XXXVI

No. XXXVIII.

ARCHER'S RELATIO DE BAGSHAO . [1602].

Archives of the Venerable English College, Rome, Scritture 55 , n. 39. Copy in Archer's hand.

Introductory Note to No. XXXVIII. This paper was compiled in Rome in 1602 by Giles Archer, when he was acting as one of the Archpriest's proctors in the Appellant case of that year It comprises about half of a document in which there are paragraphs on Bluet, and shorter mentions of George Potter, Jonas Meredith and others Archer was for many years a fellow prisoner of Bagshaw, and his information , together with that of other secular priests, formedthe basis ofa longofficial report entitled De Moribus Appellantium, (one copy of this is in the English College Archives, Scitture 55, n 40), which was presented to the Cardinals appointed to hear the case account of Bagshaw gives a picture extending over a longer period than is the case with the other persons mentioned above, and is thus of more general interest Various extracts and references will be found, however , to the paragraphson Bluet in the notes below, as also in No. XII, note 1 , and No. XXVII, note 6. Corroboration of much said in this present document is provided byanotherprisoner, JohnGreen , in his longLatinletterto Bagshaw 1 October 1596, ofwhich the original survivesin Westm V, n. 72. Extracts are given in the notes below in translation Green's letter is very severe , butheseems , nevertheless , to havebeen a long-suffering man,foras hepointed out to Bagshaw in the letter, there had previously been no open quarrel betweenthem, though he had sufferedfrom Bagshaw'sbehaviour at Wisbech since 1588.

This

A. Iste Bagshaus a plurimis hinc annis male apud omnesaudivit eo quod ex turri Londinensi suspectis medijs liberatus est favore nimirum Francisci Valsinghami Reginae secretarij et persecutoris acerrimi, procurante hanc suam liberationem exploratore notissimo unde intantamLondiniinfamiam incurrit ut nisirumoribus undique sparsis occurrissetP. Edmundus, defama eius penitus actum esset.¹ B. Anno 1588° Wisbicum missus est eo consilio ut putatur a reginae consiliarijs praesertim Lecestriae comite ut quietum illius carceris statum everterit, quod plane postea contigit. Dum ibi degeret, continuas lites et jurgia fovit, melioribus et doctioribus invidit eosdemque varie exagitavit iuniores contempsit, omnibus negocium molestiamque facessivit.2 nihil illo magis superciliosum omnes, prae se contempsit a modestissimo quodam et maxime pio sacerdote Philippo Stranguisio coram omnibus captivis, ut mendaciorum omnium architectus, et rumorum sparsor publice accusabatur, qui quidem sacerdos humilibus precibus tam ab ipso Bagshao quam a reliquis fratribuslicentiam petebat ut hoc probaret quod asseverat , quam quidem postulationem ipse Bagshaus maxime non concedi summopere laborabat.3

C. Intercessit aliquando inter ipsum et quendam Rodolphum Ithellum controversia quaedamde pecunijs non bona fide reddit is 325

THE WISBECH STIRS No. XXXVIII

omnibus iuramentis confirmavitiste Ithellus se fraudatum essenon minus undecim libris Anglicanis, ab ispo Bagshao, quas illi in custodiam admiserat, quam accusationem Bagshaus nullo modo abstergere valuit, quaestus est praeterea Ithellus se ipsius culpa argenteum calicem amisisse.4

D. Convivijs , spectaculis, chartarum ludis, commesationibus rebusque ridiculis totus addictus erat.5

E. intimus praeterea erat carceris custodibus omnia arcana incarceratorum ipsismanifestavit , omnium imperfectorum sacerdotum patrocinium suscepit, adeo ut non liceret quenquam male se gerentem fraterne admonere multo minus reprehendere

F. Dominum Brampstonum eo quodin quosdamcarcerisWisbicensis abusus per concionem inveheretur, quasi ad palinodiam et veniam petendam adegit

G. Infamis quaedam femina Wentworth nomine quam cognatam suam esse affirmavit, sepissime ipsius cubiculum adijt et frequentavit.8

H. Cum aliquando quidam Franciscus Tilletsonus sacerdos e castro Wisbicensi elapsus esset huius et Bluetti opera adiuncto sibi quodam doctore medico firbeck nomine, cum summa iniuria et vi reductus est et in manus custodis rursus traditus. unde praedictus Tilletsonus sacerdos in carcerem traductus est et in arctissima conietus vincula.9 Optime etiam se facturum esse asserebat si ipsius opera Ithellus ad tribunalia iudicum necemque traderetur cumque Dominus Grineus respondissetse existimare hoc non licere, intulit iste illum qui hoc negaret ignorare prorsus quid diceret. 10 Notissimum est ipsum maxime impedivisse omnia quae a patre Edmundo, et ceteris excogitata et capta fuere ad maiorem dei gloriam, catholicorum aedificationem, et incarceratorum emolumentum.

I. cum instituissemus Litanias quotidie a prandio recitandas ad misericordiam divinam impetrandam in hoc miserrimo Angliae statu, ipse hoc nihil aliud esse affirmabat quam ausam quendam ad coniurationem inducendam, introductam , si qui sacerdotes , modestius et sanctius vitam instituebant hos protinus solebat , Puritanos, praecesianos , Genevenses, etSynedricosfratresnominare . 11 K. Cum Bluettus alterum presbyterum usque ad sanguinis effusionemverberassetiste doctor publice defendit eundem Bluettum ne venialiter quidem peccasse, multo minus excommunicationem maiorem incurrisse 12 Nordeno quodam in reliquos quietores sacerdotes furore minio debachante, usus est familiarissime, eundemquenon modo non compescuit sed ad furorem magis indies irritavit, ac palpando armavit . 13

L. Intercessit ipsi cum ministro quodam Calviniano, cui nomen Champianus, summa quaedam familiaritas, cui plurima nostra consilia et arcana aperuit, et ut plurimi existimant per hunc insinuavit se in notitiam, quorundam optimatum, unde coepit exordium rerum omnium quas cumWado et alijs molitus est, 14 cum

hoc ministro bis vel ter in hebdomada plurimas consumpsit horas, privatim colloquendo, cum interim de rebus theologicis et ad fidem pertinentibus, nullus prorsus haberetur sermo . Processu temporis apud plurimos catholicos, male audire coepit ac domi quotidie sequacium numerus minuebitur,15 tandem subito, ad londinum suiipsius ut putatur procuratione, transfertur, in ipsius museo multae chartae et literae deprehenduntur, dum multi exitum rei avide et anxie expectant.

M. tandem compertum est ipsum bellissime ab hereticis tractare cum Wado consiliariorum scriba, quotidie fere sermones et consilia conferre . 16

N. donec ipsius et Bluetti opera quattuor captivi, quos maxime Wisbici oderat londinum, in arctissimam custodiam vitaeque periculum, translati sunt. hoc autem quod postremo affirmari manifestissimis testibus indicijs ac rationibus conscisci et demonstrari poterit. Dum Pater Edmundus et reliqui stipati custodibus iter londinum versus ageret, quidam famulus Reginae , quem pursuivantum solemus appellare, eidem patrinunciavit se comitesque eius a suis fratribus proditos esse . 17 Imo aliquando contigit post reditum ipsiusBagshaiWisbicum18et (dum de re quapiam Dominum Calverleum reprehenderet, vel moneret) ipse Calverleus iratus in hunc modum , audientibus alijs responderet, Tu bene nosti, mecerte novisse te nebulonem esse Haec ipsissima Domini Calverlei sunt verba, qui ipsi ex omnibus ut plurimum intimus erat. Aestate proxime elapsa cum e castro Framinghamiensi ipse cum duobus comitibus Barnabeyo et Champneio, e carcere liberarentur , 19 Bruisterus carceriscustos20 ipsi Bagshao audientibus plurimis dixit, Abeaslicet, Ego autem, uxor mea, meique liberi, causam iustam habemustibimaledicendiquoadusquevixerimus,tu enim nos omnes perdidisti Cum autem postea a quibusdam qui audierant huiusce modi sermonem , Brusterus interrogarentur , quo ratione ductus tam duriter in ipso profecto hominem tractasset respondit se ipsius consilijs, et promissis inductum, ut P. Edmundum ac socios Wisbico Londinum transferret, multo tempore maximis impensis Londini moratum esse multaque alia dispendia sustinuisse, nequea Bagshao secundam promissa eius, quicquam in compensationemrecepisse. Cum autem postea Londinum accessisset, non ita multo post, enim modam adeptus est libertatem, ut quocumque vellet se conferret, hic adeo sumpsitspiritus ut quendamoptimum catholicum adortus sit, satis imperiose ipsum interrogavit quas pecuniae summasin suamet haberet custodia, multaque praetereaindigna ac ultimo homini minatus est multa acerba, quae postea idem ipse expertus est nam non ita multo post in carcerem coniectus est, et plurima interrogatus a pseudoepiscopo londinensi, quae ipsum in vitaepericulum conijcerepoterant , et inter alia plurima, ipsa capita Bagshai magnopereurgebantur, etc.21

Tandem ipse cum sociis libere dimissi in omnes fere regni partes se conferunt, a catholicis pecunias corradunt hoc nimirum praetextu

ut sese in partes transmarinas conferrent, publicae Anglicanae ecclesiae utilitatis procurandae causa, unde maximam nacti sunt pecuniarum summam . 22 Et ut non miretur aliquis frequentes istorum appellationes a sententia et decretis Archipresbyteri , sciendum est ipsum Bagshaum olim Wisbici hanc habuisse sententiam ac defendisse , videlicet si in ipsum a summo pontifice efferetur sententiam excommunicationis, se a pontifice male informato ad eundem pontificem melius informandum appellaturum . 23

No endorsement.

Translation

ARCHER'S RELATION CONCERNING BAGSHAW [1602]

A. This Bagshaw has now for many years been held by all in ill repute, because he was freedfromtheTower ofLondon bysuspicious means, namely by the favour of Francis Walsingham, the Queen's Secretary and a most bitter persecutor. He obtained this release bythe meditation of a most notorious spy, and on this account he sufferedin London so great a loss of reputation , that it would have been complete, if Fr. Edmund had not spread reports on every side to bolster it up.¹

B. In the year 1588 he was sent to Wisbech by the Councillors of the Queen , and especially the Earl of Leicester to the end, as is thought, that he mightoverturnthetranquil state of that prison, an effect which was wholly realised During his stay there he fostered endless disputes and quarrels, showed jealousy of those better or more learned than himself, stirring them up in divers ways. He also showed contempt for those junior to him and was an occasion of trouble and annoyance to all.2 No one showed greater disdain and contempt for others without exception. One ofthe most modest and at the same timemost devout of the priests, Philip Stranguis, accused him publicly before all the prisoners, of being the maker of all the lies, and spreaderof the rumours which went about . The priest humbly begged leave from Bagshaw , as well as the other priests, to make good his charge. But Bagshaw exertedhimself to the utmost to secure that this leavewas withheld.3

C. A dispute broke out once between him and a certain Ralph Ithell, about want of faith touching a debt of money. Ithell testified and with oaths to all points, that he had been defrauded byBagshawofnot less than eleven pounds, whichhe had entrusted to him. Bagshawwas wholly ineffective in clearing himselfofthis charge. Ithell also complained that by his fault, a loss to him of a silver chalice had occurred.4

D. He was wholly given up to feastings, shows , cardplaying, conviviality and frivolities.5

E. Besides, he cultivated intimate relations with the keepers of the prison, and revealed to them all the secrets of the prisoners.6 He set himself up as patron of all the less zealous priests, so that it became impossible for anyone to give a fraternalwarning to a brother about misbehaviour, much less to give him a reprehension.

F. He forced Mr. Bramston to a kind of recantation and apology because he once in a sermon declaimed against some ofthe abuses in Wisbech prison.

G. A certain woman of ill-repute, called Wentworth , whom he claimed was a cousin, very often made her way to him and visited his chamber.8

H. When Francis Tillotson, a priest, had escaped from Wisbech,

he was haled back and handed over again to the keeper with greatest contumely and violence, through the instrumentality of Bagshawand Bluet, helpedbya doctor of medicine, called Ferbeck. As a consequence, this Tillotson was cast into a cell and heavily fettered. Bagshawonce ventured to assert that it would be avery good deed , if by his means Ithell were brought before the judges of assize , and so to execution When Mr. Green expressed the view that such a deed was not lawful, Bagshaw said that a man who said thisdid not knowwhat he was talking about . 10 It is notorious that Bagshaw had the greatest part in frustratingeverythingwhich Fr. Edmund and the rest of the priests thought of or carried out to procure God's glory, the edification of Catholics , or the profit of the prisoners.

I.

When we had instituted the daily recitation of the litanies after dinner to beg God's mercy upon England in her most pitiable state, Bagshawmaintained that this practice wasnothing morethan a device introduced to cover some plot If any priests sought to procure greater modesty or holiness in their lives, he was then wont to speakof them as Puritans , Precisians, Genevans , Brethren of the Synedrus . 11

K. On an occasion when Bluet had assaulted a fellow priest, to the point of drawing blood, this Doctor publicly defended Bluet, saying that he had in nowise sinned, even venially, and still less had incurred majorexcommunication . 12 When Norden raged, deep red with anger, against the more quiet priests, Bagshaw stood by him as a close ally. He not only did nothingto restrain him, but egged him on to greater fury, and provoked him to offensiveness by flattering him . 13

L. Bagshawformed a very close friendship with a certain Calvinist minister, called Champion. To him he revealed many of our private and secret affairs, and many think that it was through this man's means that Bagshaw worked himself into the notice of someamong the men in publicpositions. This intimacyis thought to be the beginning of all the intrigues whichhe entered upon with Wade and others . 14

Twice or thrice a week Bagshawpassed several hours in private conversation with this minister, withnever a word said of theology or matters pertaining to the faith As time went on, he began to lose standing in the eyes of most Catholics, and thenumber ofhisfollowers inthat placedailyfell away.15 At length, suddenly, and as is suspected with his own connivance, he was carried offto London. Many papers and letters were seized in his chamber , whilst the rest were agog and anxious about what would be the outcome of it all

M. The upshot was a discovery that he was being handsomely treated by the heretics, that hewasalmost daily in close conference and consultation with Wade, the Secretary of the Council . 16

N. Meanwhile by his means and that ofBluet,fourof the prisoners, whom hehad most hated at Wisbech, were transferred to London

in closestcustody, and to the peril of their lives Theselastpoints of evidence can be shown and proved by most manifest witnesses , indications and reasons . When Fr. Edmund and the rest were on their wayto London, in the custody of the guards set around them , a certain servant of the Queen, whom we call a pursuivant in England, told the Father that he and his companions had been betrayed bytheirown brethren . 17 Further, at a timewhenBagshaw had returned to Wisbeach, 18 and when he was giving to Calverley a rebuke or warning about something or other, Calverley getting angry, in the hearing of others spokethus to him, "You know very well, whatI too know for certain, that you area scroundel" . These are theverywords of Mr. Calverley, who in generalwashis greatest intimate. Last summer when he and two of his companions, Barneby and Champney, at Framlingham Castle, were released fromimprisonment,19 Brewster, the keeper,20 said to Bagshawhimself , in the hearing of many, "You are free to go. But I, my wife, and my children have good cause to curse you as long as we live, for you have been the ruin of all ofus" . When later Brewster was questioned by those who had heard what he said, about his reasons for speakingso harshly about Bagshawwhen hewas on the point of departure, he replied that he had been induced by Bagshaw's advice and promises to transfer Fr. Edmund and his companions from Wisbeach to London He had spent much time, at heavy expense, waiting about in London, and had been put to many other disbursements, but he had been repaid nothing whatever , in compensation, by Bagshaw, despite his promises. Not very long after he had arrivedin London, Bagshawobtained his freedom to go anywhere he wished. He then took it into his head to approach an excellent Catholic, and subject him to a very overbearing interrogation , about certain sums of money confided to his care . After treating him with much disrespect, he held out threats thatmanyevils would befall him. Nor did this man have towait long to experiencethese evils, for shortlyafterwards hewas thrownintoprison He was then examined bytheBishop ofLondon in many things which could have brought his life into peril, and among them the matters upon whichBagshaw had been concerned to press him . 21

At length, when he and his companions had been set free , they went far and wide throughoutthe country, to rake together money from the Catholics Theirpretext was a purpose of going overseas to promote the welfare of the Church in England. In thiswaythey raised a very large sum of money . 22 There is scant needforwonder on anyone's part that these men lodge an appeal against the decisions and decrees of the Archpriest It is well known that Bagshaw in his time at Wisbech proposed and defended the view that, if sentence of excommunication were passed on him by the Pope, he would appeal from the Popeill-informed, to the same Pope better informed . 23

NOTES

1 Bagshaw left Reims for the mission on 27 May 1585, n.s. (Knox, D.D. p 206). He must have been captured almost at once, for he was already in the Tower by 2 June, o.s. (Tower Bills, C.R.S.Vol III, p 20). In two letters to the Council and to Walsingham, of 4 September1585 , he begged for his release , as one "free from all practises agaynste her Majesty" , (S.P.D. Eliz Vol 182, nos 3 and 4) These letters are endorsed "to be released" , but accordingto Tower Bills and prison lists, (C.R.S. Vol III, pp . 20-4 , and Vol II, p 277), he seems to have remained in prison without apparent break until about July 1587. If Weston's efforts saved his reputation whilst the former was at liberty, as here stated, however , he may have been freefor a short time beforeWeston'sown capturein August 1586. Another period ofliberty seems to haveoccurred duringthemonths after July 1587, for there is a gapin mentions ofhim in prison lists . A letter from the Dean of Lichfield to Walsingham, 3 January 1588 , describes an examination before himself of a man claiming unusual healing powers, at which Bagshaw, with his brother John, a Protestant preacher , was present and gave his opinion on the matter (S.P.D. Eliz. Vol 208 , n. 3). He then appears in a prison list, probably of c March 1588 as at Wisbech (C.R.S. Vol 2, p 280). His appealaboveto Walsingham seems notto have passed unnoticed in other ways, also, for on 24 April 1586, thegovernment agent, SolomonAldred, wrote toWalsingham : "Itoldhim [i.e. Gratley, atreacherous priest and governmentspy] what a good opinion you hadofDr. Bagshaw, and that he should be delivered, which he [Gratley]was gladof, and saidifhe joined them in this action [i.e.in writinga booktojustifythe Queen's religious proceedings ] they would be marvellously strong, as he has an excellent wit, and knowstheproceedings ofthe Jesuits. " Gratley himself, underthe aliasof John Foxley, wrote to Walsingham, on 18 June 1586 : "I never knew Dr. Bagshaw, now imprisoned with others, yet for the ability ofthe man , and many injuries he received ofcompanions , he may be commodiouslyemployed and must be removedfrom the placewherehe is altogether" (Cal S.P.D. Addenda 1580-1625, pp. 175, 179). The notorious spy mentioned by Archer may havebeen NicholasBerden ,alias Thomas Rogers,whose activities can be traced about this time in Cal S.P.D. 1581-1590 . John Green , describing this period of Bagshaw's career, evidently had misgivings on thewisdom of Weston'sefforts to save his reputation ; "I willleaveburied in deep silence that setting forth ofyours,for Cambridge, to hold dispute, or should I rather say, to hold private conferences, which you undertook when in the Tower of London, without consulting your brethren . With itIleavetheoverthrow whichyouwouldhavewellmerited, ifFather Edmund (may God not hold it against him) had not come to yourrescue by letters, sentatyour request, ifI mistakenot" (John Green to Bagshaw , 1 October 1596, Westm V, n 72)

2 Evidence is lacking to confirm this account of the cause of Bagshaw's transfer to Wisbechin 1588, though it does not initselfseem atallunlikely: "All these stirs at home have had original from Wisbeach, andtheQueen herself is said to have been the first motive of this division, remembering how Walsingham though to set a faction amongstthe Cardinals, and afterwards to have nourished the like in the Seminaries " , wrote the usually well-informed Anthony Rivers in 1602. (Foley Records I, p 45). John Green's letter says : "I omit the almost ceaseless quarrels you had with Mr. Metham, of happy memory, and with many others" (John Green to Bagshaw, ut supra). The whole of Green's letter provides illustrations , running to six and a half closely written pages, of Bagshaw's quarrelsome and jealous conduct. Reference may also be made to Briefe Apologie , ff 70v-71, where Persons wrote of these events from a Relation sent to him by several priests in 1601. This Relation was forwarded to him by

Garnet : " ... I send you alsoe a relation of Wisbich affaires, which will help, though you have also many others" (Garnet to Persons, 30 June 1601 , Stonyhurst, Coll. P. II, f 539).

3This may be a reference to the incident involving Stranguise , which is mentioned by Mush (Cf. Mush to Bagshaw, 24 November 1596 , No. XXIX, note 22)

4 Archer gave another instance of money quarrels involving Ithell, in his paragraphs on Bluet (see Introductory Note) : "Many quarrels and disagreements took place between Bagshawand Ithell, from which Ithell conceivedthe greatest hatred and indignation against the said Bagshaw. On a certain occasion, therefore, it happened that Bagshaw, excited and inflamed with a great angeragainst Ithell, went so far as to persuade Bluet to keep back from the said Ithell his part of the money which was owing to him in the commondistribution , and Bluet forthwithfollowing this plan retained themoney and dismissed the wrathfulIthell" . Ithell complained bitterly of this treatment, and many were sorry for him, and condemned Bluet, but Bagshaw and he told them that anyone taking his part would suffer the same loss

5 Bluet's room seems to have been the focus for such activities "The chamber of this man [Bluet] was like a public tavern, where these men and their companionsused to hold banquets with splendidprovision, and feastedsumptuously each day" (Archer's de Bluetto, ut supra). Archer went on to speak of the habitual drunkennesswhich gave Blueta bad reputation throughout England Fisher's description provides general confirmation of Archer's words, (Cf. Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV , note 47) John Green wrote on this point: "Accursed be, and many times over , the intimacies, the drinking cups and delicacies, which begot in you such impiety" . (John Green to Bagshaw , ut supra). Cf. alsoThe Rules, [7 February 1595], No. II, note 1 .

John Green remarked on this question : "I will not say a word about your being charged publicly, and on very good grounds, of betraying our secrets to our Keeper" (John Green to Bagshaw, ut supra) Other paragraphs in this present document showwhy his fellow prisonersbelieved Bagshaw to be guilty of this crime against them Fisher's account of his visitsto Wisbech provide confirmatory evidence , (cf. Fisher's Confessions , No. XXXV, note 31). Calverley was another of this party who betrayed secrets to the Keeper, (Cf. The Rules, [7 February 1595], No. II, note 1). When writing of Tilletson's betrayal, Mush was not slow to express condemnation of the dealingswith heretics,thus implied: "and is ytnot a foule shame (besides the synne) that any ofyourcompanyeshould be so inteire withanhereticke ... " (Mush's letter, 10 May 1596, No. XXVII, note 10)

7"But nowe lett me tell you yt which grevethe me most, those felowes (unworthyto be called preasts) patronaisethem selves under to leaned and revernt fathers mr d[octo]r Bagshawe and mr Bluett (J. Palmer to Bagshaw , 1 August 1595 , No. XI)

8 No details survive with which to expand paragraphsF or G.

9 For Archer's fuller account of this betrayal, cf. Mush's letter, 10 May 1596, No. XXVII, note 6. For John Green's condemnation of this deed, cf. Ibid note 7. That letter itself contains Mush's own condemnation , though he was unaware of the persons concerned Weston also refers to the betrayal, (cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII , note 28)

10 This may be the incident referredto by J. Palmer in his letterto Bagshaw , (cf. Note 7 above ) Green adds the detailthat Bagshaw wishedto procure that Ithell should be haled to Ely assizes for givinga boy a blow (John Green to Bagshaw , ut supra).

11 Terms such as these appear in Bagshaw'sletter to a NorfolkGentleman , [c late May 1595], No. III

12 This incident and its defence is mentioned by Persons, Briefe Apologie, f. 68 and f. 72v , from the Relation sent to him in 1601 (see note 2 above). The beatenpriest's name is given as Wigges , and in one placehe is called "a priest of the other side" . This places the incident after 1595 , for at the Pacification in November ofthat year, (No. XXI) WilliamWiggeswas one of the thirteen members of Bagshaw'sparty In his paragraphs on Bluet (see IntroductoryNote), Archer gave further details Wigges was one of thosewho made a strong protest against Bluet's retention of Ithell's sharein the alms, (see note 4 above), and he attempted to take it out of Bluet's hands Ontwooccasions Bluet struck him because ofthis,andfinally at table seized a heavy stonemug and would have brought itcrashingdown on Wigges' head had not Weston and Robert Nutter stopped him

13The details of this particularincident are not known, but other evidence of Norden's behaviour can be seen in Fisher's Confessions, No. XXXV, p. 10 of the MS , and in Weston's letter to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII

14 This man was Mathew Champion, incumbent of Wisbech parish from 1586-7 to 1613. No details now survive to illustrate his connectionswith men in public positions

15 Weston described how the number of Bagshaw's followers diminished : Tilletson escaped in 1596, Norden died, Ithell apostatised , Potterescaped, and two came to join the Twenty , of whom one was probably Wigges. (Cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598 , No. XXXVII, notes 26-29).

16 A short while before 7 October 1598, orders were sent for Bagshaw to be brought up to London from Wisbech, (Hatfield Cal VIII, p. 384), and it was later alleged that he was there charged with and had clearedhimself of complicity in the Squire Plot Though this plot has been dealt with byseveral writers, a full collation is still wanting ofdates, andthe statements of the chief actors, many of which were known at the time to be lies, (cf. Ibid. p 396) The contradictions and intrinsicunlikelihood of the alleged plot do not concern us here, except to remark that convenient cover was incidentally provided to explain, for the benefit of his co-religionists, Bagshaw'spresence in London, for on 19 October, the very day on which Squire was transferred to the Tower forexamination , Bagshawwas dealing with Government officials not about the details of hypothetical plots against the Queen and Essex, but ofvarioussubversiveactivities against his fellow Catholics On this dayhe communicated a paper, mostly in hisown hand, which containsa copy of Fisher'sInstructions , a listoftheArchpriest's Assistants, and other matters, toWade, Clerk ofthe Council, in the presence ofthe Lieutenant of theTowerand the Bishop ofLondon, accordingto Bancroft'sownendorsement , (cf. Law, Archpriest Controversy I, pp 205-8), and hewas immediately after this transferred to the Gatehouse . Garnet reported that though Bagshawhad been hardly used, in words, by the pursuivant whenbrought toLondon on 7 October, "now he is wel used in ye Gatehouse This maketh great musing what should be ye cause" . He also reported that there had been great stirs in London prisons, and many wonderedif they had any relation to the like at Wisbech In searches for papers the

Archpriest's letters of appointment had been seized (Garnet to Persons , 21 October 1598, Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f. 545) The hiding place of Bagshaw'spapers at Wisbech had been betrayed to Wade byIthell. (Cf. Weston to Aquaviva, 27 March 1598, No. XXXVII, note 27).

17 ThethreeotherstransferredwithWestonto Londonwere Archer, Southworth and Pound . In his autobiography Weston described , in some detail, the sudden seizure of himself and the three others at Wisbech, the search made of their possessions, and his journey to London He was told by the pursuivants of the accusationsto be made against him , and the names of his chief accusers. They told him, he said, many things which could never have reached heretical ears unless certain persons had betrayed him (Cf. Weston's Autobiography , translated by P. Caraman, 1955, pp 194-203). Weston and Archer were committed to the Tower, Southworth to the Gatehouse , and Pound to the Counter, Wood Street, (Dasent XXIX, pp 373 , 374). Though they lacked definitive proof, the Wisbech prisoners certainly believed that Bagshaw had caused the removal of these four to London (Cf. The letter of a Wisbech priest, dated 15 April 1599, quotedatlength in Briefe Apologie, ff 149-9v. The letter, from Alexander Gerard(alias William Ashton) to his brother Gilbert survives in Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 50) This opinion against Bagshaw evidently had wide currency, cf. W. Clerke (Appellant) to [E. Oldcorne , S.J.], 27 March [1599], PetytMss 538, Vol 47, f 280

18 Thedate of Bagshaw'sreturn to Wisbechdoes notappearin official records, but he was backbeforeWhitsun, (27 May) 1599, wherehe was describedas "King in M. Pounds chamber, accordingto his former plots and designements" , when Mush and Colleton came to persuade him to submit, at last, to the Archpriest These details are from the letter of another Wisbech priest, whose name is not recorded , dated 28 May 1599. (Cf. Briefe Apologie , f. 151).

19 Baghsaw was released with Francis Barneby and Anthony Champney , Appellants, and at that time also prisoners at Framlingham, about July 1601, to prepare for their proposedjourney to Rome "The priests will behereto-day or to-morrow, as I suppose, fromFramingham Ofnecessity they must have three weeks or a month to go amongst their kindred and friends to get some money for their charges For the world is not with them as it has been" . (Bancroft to Sir R. Cecil, July 1601 , Hatfield Cal. XI, p 311) This coming to London was the result of a plan, worked outbetweenBluet and Bancroft, that four principal Appellants should "be banished, after a sort, to follow the appeal" . Bluet himself had been in London "in free custody" from Framingham since the beginning of Lent (25 February) 1601. (Cf. Declaration of Thomas Bluet shown to the Cardinals, March 1602, Cal S.P.D. 1601-1603, pp 167-171 ; BluettoMush, July 1601, printed in Briefe Apologie , f 210. Reprinted in Tierney-Dodd III, p cxlvi).

20 William Brewster was joined in office with William Medeley, as Keepers of Wisbech Castle on 15 August 1597 (Dasent XXVII, p. 335). A letter from the Council of 15 October 1598, shows that by that date he was in sole charge of the prisoners , (cf. Dasent XXIX, p 228).

21 This layman cannot be identified. His fate provides an illustrationofthe realityofthe fearin which Catholicsstood ifknowledgeoftheirbenefactions became known (Cf. Garnet's Reply to Fisher's Memorial, March 1598 , No. XXXVI, note 9) Blackwell wrote about this time : " ... inflamed both with unbelieveableaudacity and puffed up with arrogance from his doctorate, he [Bagshaw] piles up much trouble for his fellow priests, and

brings danger upon our lay Catholics" . (Blackwell to the Cardinal Protector, 1 October 1601 , Scriptum Secundum , pro Archipresbytero, etc. One copy in A.R.S.J. Anglia, 36. ff 169-98).

22 A certain layman wrote to the Archpriest informing him that the Appellants were about to depart for Rome, and of financial affairs said : "They are very well moneyed, as I hear to the value of almost 1,000 , whereof well near400 ofthe moneywas made ofgold chains and otherjewelsexchanged. This I learn of one, through whose hands much of it did pass" . to Blackwell , 16 September1601 , printed in Tierney-Dodd, III, p, cxlvii). Only a copy of the letter survives, which gives no sender's name . Garnet noted on it that he was "a gentleman" To havecollectedthis astonishing amount ofmoney when their cause was not popular (see Bancroft's letter in note 19 above), suggests that the instanceofintimidation , recorded afew lines before in this present document, was probably not the only one.

23Garnetspokeof the spiritanimating the Appellants at this time : "Customer [i.e. Blackwell] writeth thus to me . Mr Bluet is in towne and lodged with CollintonBluet sayth yt he respectethneither Nuntionor Protector but againe and againe he wil appeale immediately to his Holiness . It seemed theyare resolvednot to obey any censure, for upon Sundaylast Collinton heard confessions, celebrated etc. (Garnet to Persons , 21 March 1601 , Stonyhurst, Coll P. II, f 546) Colleton (or Collington, had been suspended and had his faculties withdrawn on 21 February 1601 , for flouting the Archpriest's authority (Cf. Tierney-Dodd III, p cxliv) Blackwell's lay correspondent (see note 22 above) said of the party just leaving for Rome: "They are fullybent to uphold the matters they have printed [i.e. in the first Appellant tracts] and to prosecutethe coursethey have begun, by all means and friends they can make, and will aggravate all things to the uttermost"

INDEX

INDEX

* denotes more than one reference on the pages indicated

Acaritius, see Squarcioni

Adamson, 241 , 259 , 275

Agazzari, Alphonsus, S.J. , xxiv, 217 , 226,242,260,266,268,278,302

Aldobrandino, Cardinal, 266, 279

Aldred, Solomon, 226, 272, 332

Allen, Cardinal William, his death the signal for disorders, xvi, xvii, xxvi, 1 , 41, 55, 64, 165, 175, 193 , 231, 247, 264-5* , 277 ; anddoctorates 287, 294, 302 (see also Doctorates) ; head of English mission, 105, 210; intrigues against his authority, 44, 105, 207, 267, 272, 275 ; letter to Mush mentioned, 17, 21 , 85, 174* , 194, 198 ; miscellaneous , xiii, 6, 31 , 43, 55, 59, 164, 169, 175, 195 , 200, 203, 206, 217, 226, 229, 266, 269, 278 , 297, 300

Alms, demands made to Weston for information about Wisbechalms, 86, 88, 108, 167-8, 172, 298, 321 ; distinction between private and commonalms in prison, 10 , 112 , 115 , 139-40* , 142, 145, 177, 297-8, 303, 306, 314, 321 ; keepers of the common purse at Wisbech, xii, xxi, 9-10 , 88, 112, 115,142,144-5 * , 198,306, 313 , 321 , 333-4* ; Papal viaticum, 268 ; patrimoniesof Jesuits, 201, 203, 206, 284-6, 290-1, 293 ; sources and uses of, by Garnet, 284-6, 290-3, 297-9* , 300 ; miscellaneous , 270-1 , 299, 304, 311, 327-8, 331, 335-6* Appellants, dealings with the government, xviii, xx-xxi, xxviii, 32, 218, 335 (see also underBagshaw , Bancroft, Bluet, Wisbech) ; first Appeal to Rome, 222, 228, 296 ; opposition to Archpriest,xvi, xxvi, 19-20* , 31, 117 , 188, 206, 211 , 222, 266, 336 ; against the Jesuits, xxi, 19-20* , 226, 228, 276 ; miscellaneous , xvi, xix , xxviiviii*, 12, 30, 52, 89, 116, 118, 132, 147, 151-2*, 176 , 185,211,217,277-8* 280-1* , 283, 300, 336 ; see also under individuals : Bagshaw , Barneby, Bluet, Calverley, J. Cecil, Champney, Charnock, W. Clerke, Colleton, Hebburn, Mush, Potter, W. Watson, etc. Aquaviva, Claudius , S.J., General of theSocietyof Jesus, his papers,xxiii;

general references, xxiv-xxvi*, 1 , 6-7* , 9, 12, 21-2 * , 30,32,34-5* 44-5*, 52 , 54, 64-6*, 80* , 83, 88-90 * , 96-7* , 99, 102* , 105 108*, 111-2*, 115, 117 , 129-30* , 132, 137-8* , 140-1* , 146-7* , 150-1* , 155, 160* , 163-4* , 169 , 174, 176-7*, 179 ,184-5 * , 188,195* , 197-9 *, 202, 205-6* , 212, 214, 216-7* , 224 , 230, 232, 247, 265-6*, 268, 270-4* , 277* , 279* , 283, 288, 295-6*, 298* , 300-1* , 303-4* , 311 , 320-4* , 333-5*

Archer, Giles , biographical, 188 ; letter to Norden, 185-7, 111 , 188* , 198, 323-4* ; his Relatio de Bagshao, 325-331 , xxv, 6, 19-20* , 30-2* , 52* , 54, 64, 85, 98, 130-1* , 183-4* , 270* , 272-3* , 298, 320, 324 ; miscellaneous , xiv, xxv, 2, 7, 12, 64, 88, 142 , 157 , 183, 270, 332-5*

Archpriest (George Blackwell), appellants' opposition to and first Appeal, see under Appellants ; appointment of, xvii-xviii*, 195-6* , 206, 210 , 227 , 271, 276 ; his assistants , 211, 218, 222, 234 ; mentioned, xix, xxvii, 12 , 20, 52, 118, 150, 205, 224, 275, 277 , 296, 298-9* , 324-5* , 328, 331, 335-6* Array, Martin, 216, 228, 324

Arundel, Anne, Countess of, 297, 299 Arundell, Henry, Lord, xxix Askew, George, 277 Associations of Secular Priests, planned by Mush and Colleton, 19 , 129, 207, 210* , 222, 270 ; opposition to, 118, 196, 198, 208-9, 211, 234, 250 Atkinson, William , 218 Audley, see Tichburne, T.

Bagshaw, Dr. Christopher,

Biographical, xiii, xxv, 19 , 66, 116, 130, 198, 264, 268, 278, 302, 332* and doctorates, see under Doctorates; preoccupationsof his party with Canon Law, 13 , 14-8 , 20-1 , 27-9, 34-5* , 48, 53-4 * , 58, 62, 65, 75, 94, 97-8 * , 100-03* , 106-8 * 129 ; beforearbitrationat Wisbech, xiii-xv, 1 , 12, 19, 36, 44-5* , 52, 55, 64* , 81, 140, 145 , 322 ; first arbitration, 23-6, 30* , 32, 33-4 * , 53, 71, 802* , 96-8 * , 102-4* , 145, 322 ; second

INDEX

arbitration , 138, 140-1* , 150 , 160 , 320, 321 ; after Nov. 1595 pacification, xvi-xvii, xxvi, 183, 195* , 198, 218, 223, 227-8 * , 233-8* , 241-3* , 249-54 * , 259-61 * , 270, 296, 299, 323 (For these events, see also under Wisbech) ; dealings with government servants, xviii-xxi* , xxiv-v* , 98, 131 , 184, 196, 234 , 239 , 250, 255, 270, 281* , 325-7, 329-31 , 332-5* (see also under Appellants, Bancroft, Bluet) ; Letters of to a Norfolk gent 14-8 ; to Windham , 41-3; "Requests" to Weston, see under Weston; to Bavant, 99-101 ; to Garnet, 105-7 , 152-4, 161-2 ; mentioned (various), xxv-vi,

1 , 6, 12, 14, 21, 32, 36, 39, 44,

53-4 * , 55, 64-6* , 82* , 88, 89, 96-8* , 103* , 108* , 112, 115-6* , 129-30* , 141,147,150* 155 * , 160,163,176-7 * 196,199,210 , 227, 297, 300, 303, 322-3* , 334

Letters to from Dolman, 67-8 , 207-9 ; from Palmer, 83-4 ; from Bavant, 90-5; from Garnet , 119-28, 132-6 ; from Mush , 179-82, 189-94 ; from Fisher, 219-21 ; from Gifford, 225 ; mentioned (various), xxv-vi* , xxix, 6-7* , 19 * , 21, 31, 33-4* , 45, 53, 55, 64-6* , 70* , 80-1* , 85* , 89* 102-4* 108-9* , 111,118

129-30* , 137, 140-1* , 145, 147 , 150 * , 160, 163-4* , 174-7* 183-4* , 195-8* 205,211* 216,218 , 222-4* , 228, 270-6*, 278-80* , 296, 302-3* , 321, 323-4* , 332-4* ;

Relatio de Bagshao, see under Archer; miscellaneous , 9, 13, 30-1 , 39, 69-70 * , 79, 88-9* , 108, 111 * , 114 , 116-7* 129 , 131,151,163 185* , 226, 229, 272, 275, 277 , 279, 298, 301, 324, 334-5*

Bagshaw, John , 332

Baker, Fr. Augustine, O.S.B., 216, 280

Baldwin, William , S.J., 57, 61 , 65

Bancroft, Richard, Bsp. of London , his "Dossier",xviii-xxii, xxvi, xxviii; his clerks , xix, xxvii, 43, 106 , 145 ; his "Collaborator" , xix, 11 , 18 , 29, 38, 43, 79, 84, 95, 101 , 123, 131 , 134, 137, 139, 144, 182, 187, 194, 197 , 209 , 221, 225 ; dealings with the Appellants , xviii-xxi, xxvii, xxviii, 32, 196 , 218, 281, 327, 331, 334-6* ; endorsements in his hand, 18, 74, 76-8* , 87 , 106, 108, 114 , 118, 209 ; and Ithell, 32 , 286, 293

Bankes , Richard (Later S.J.), 236, 252, 271 (biog)

Barcroft, Thomas, 205

Barlow, Lewis, 2, 7 (biog ), 142 , 157

Barneby, Francis, 327, 331 , 335

Barnes, Thomas, 267, 273

Barrett, Dr. Richard, President of Douay, 217, 226, 231, 243, 246, 260 , 264, 266, 268, 274-6* , 296, 300

Barwis (or Barras, Barrowes), Robert (alias Walgrave or Waldegrave), 211, 219, 223 (biog ), 239, 255, 269, 274

Batson, Richard, 272

Bavant, Dr. John, biographical, 31 ; and first arbitrationat Wisbech , xv, 21, 22-9, 31, 35, 53, 58, 62, 66, 70-6, 79,80,96-8* , 99-101,130,140,308 , 316, 322* (see also under Wisbech) ; his "Notes" on the arbitration , 28-9, 33, 87, 89, 90* , 93-6* , 99* , 102-3* , 111 ; letter to Bagshaw , 90-5, xxvi, 21, 32-5* , 66, 80-2* , 102-4*,; mentioned, 30, 86, 98* , 108, 111 , 116, 279

Bayley, Andrew , Fr. Gregory, O.P. , 178, 216, 244, 262, 280 (biog)

Beckwith, Arthur, 232-3 * , 248-9* ,

268*

Beech, Robert, Fr. Anselm, O.S.B. , 116, 244, 262, 280 (biog.)

Bell, Thomas, 85, 177, 181-2* , 184 (biog), 205-6

Bellamy, Anne, 301

Bennett, Edward (alias Farrington), xxviii, 229 , 232, 247, 266 (biog.), 277

Benson, Robert, 267 , 275

Benstead, Thomas, 301

Berden, Nicholas (alias Thomas Rogers), 332

Berrington, Joseph, xxii

Bickley, Ralph (Later S.J.), 3, 7 (biog.), 142 , 157 , 274

Bifield, William, Fr. Raphael, O.S.B., 244, 262, 280 (biog)

Birkbeck, 243, 260 , 278

Birkhead, George, 278-9*

Bishop, Dr. William, xxi, xxviii, 222 , 227-8, 296

Blackwell, George, see under Archpriest

Bluet, Thomas ,Biographical, xi, xii, xxiv, 31 ; at Wisbech, xiii, xvii, 23-6, 32, 70-1, 80* , 83, 91, 96, 183, 227, 236-7* , 252-3 * , 271,324, 326 , 330, 333-4 * ; dealings with government, xxi, 32, 218, 327, 335 (see also under Appellants, Bagshaw, Bancroft) ; his financial office, xxiv, 86-8* , 96, 115-6, 141-2* , 198, 300, 321

INDEX

Mush's letter to, 179-82, 19 , 97 , 196* , 270, 324 ; "Requests" to Weston, see underWeston ; support of Fisher, xvi, 223, 235, 251 , 299 ; mentioned, 12, 13, 97, 114 , 197 , 225,227,229, 242,260 , 325,336 Bolton, John, 3, 7 (biog.), 142, 157 Bonnard, Nicholas, S.J. , 302-3

Books: Appellants' : Just Defence (J. Colleton), 322 ; Certaine Briefe Notes (H. Eley), 276, 281 ; Quodlibets (W. Watson), xxv , 281 ; A Replie to Parsons (W.C.), xxv ; Anonymous:- Declaratio Motuum, xxv, 20, 150, 155* , 176* , 217, 300 ; Important Considerations , xxviii, Sparing Discovery , 211 , 281 ; True Relation, xviii, xix, xxv , xxvii, 20, 31 , 34, 36, 39, 40, 88-9 * , 145, 150-1* , 155* , 163, 176, 185, 205,273,278,283,296-302 * , 322*

Burghley, Ld Executionof Justice in England, xxviii

Persons , R.: Briefe Apologie , xxiv, xxv, 1 , 4, 6 , 7, 13-4* , 19-21* , 31-2* , 44-5* , 52, 64 , 105, 108, 119, 124, 147, 150, 152, 154-5*, 158,160* , 174 , 198,211, 217 * , 222 , 228*, 268,271,273-4* 281* , 301, 332, 334-5*; Manifestation of the great folly, 281 ; A Treatise tendingto Mitigation, 1607

, 301 Modern FitzherbertLetters, C.R.S Vol. 41 , xxvi, xxviii, 19, 31 , 117 , 164, 197, 217-8* , 224, 226, 228, 267,276-7 * , 279, 298 , 300, 302 ; Persons' Letters (C.R.S. Vol 39), 19, 117, 175, 210, 265, 282, 299, 300 ; Archpriest Controversy, T. G. Law , xix, xxvi-xxviii * , 20 , 30, 32, 52 , 105,117-8 * , 196-8* 211, 216, 218* , 222-3* , 228, 230, 267* , 270, 273, 275-7* , 279-81* , 323-4* , 334

Borghese, Cardinal Camillo, 264

Boste, John, 231 , 246, 264

Braddock, Edmund, 2, 7 (biog), 112 , 142, 157

Bramston (or Brampston), Thomas , 2, 7 (biog ), 49, 52, 142* , 157 , 322 , 326, 329

William , Brewster (or Bruister), Keeper, 323, 327, 331, 335

Brown, Charles, 234, 249, 269

Buckley, Robert, Fr. Sigebert, O.S.B. , 114, 116 (biog ), 141

341

Button, Richard, 174-5, 197, 224-5* , 270, 274

Caietan , Cardinal Enrico, see under Protector

Calverley, Edmund, biographical, 52 ; at Wisbech, 12, 98, 327, 331, 333 ; earlier separation of commons , 47 , 53 ; Pound's letter to, 46-51 , 13 , 45, 53, 66, 81, 83, 89, 98, 102* , 129 , 137 , 322, 324 ; miscellaneous , 1 , 9,41, 112 , 114 , 116 , 142

Campion , Edmund, S.J., 222, 299, 304 , 311 , 320

Cary, Mr., 13, 39, 53-4* , 83, 88, 111 * , 137 , 176, 183

Catholics:

In England; dealingsofsome with the government, see under Appellants, Bagshaw , Bancroft, Bluet, Waad, Sir R. Cecil , Wisbech; miscellaneous , xi-xii, 65, 85, 177,179, 200, 203, 205-6 , 208-9, 210-11* , 222, 268-9* , 335-6*; wider background to the Wisbech quarrels, xvi-xvii, xxvi, 44, 55, 105, 141, 161 , 164, 175, 178, 199, 217, 226, 230, 267* , 272, 277-8, 296

Cecil:

Lord Burghley,xi, xxiv,207 ,235-6* , 239, 252, 256

Sir Robert, 89, 179, 183, 216, 218 , 223, 234, 239, 250, 256, 265, 267, 270-1* , 273, 324, 335 ; other references to this family, 88, 168 , 172-3*

John, alias Snowden , Priest, xvii, 207, 302

Chaddock , William 2 , 7 (biog), 114 , 142, 157, 160, 308, 317, 321

Chambers, Robert, 216-7* , 266, 274

Champion , Mathew, 98, 326, 330, 334

Champney, Anthony, 327 , 331 , 335

Charnock, Robert (alias Mr. Long), 31 , 219, 222 (biog.), 227-8, 235 , 241 , 251 , 259, 276, 296

Charnock, Robert, alias Manley, see

Manley

Clarke (or Clerke ), Mr., alias of Dr. Bavant , q.v.

Clarke , Thomas, 85, 181 , 184 (biog)

Clenock, Dr. Maurice, 31, 175

Clerionett (or Clargenett), William , 114 , 116 (biog.), 142, 324

Clerke, William (Appellant), xxi, 335

Clitheroe, William, 234, 241, 249 , 258 , 269 (biog.)

Coffin, Edward, S.J., 288, 298

INDEX

Colleton (or Collington), John, biographical, xxviii, 222 ; and Associations for secular priests, see under Associations; mentioned, xvii, 219 , 277, 233, 249, 335-6*

Confraternity of Twenty, see under Wisbech

Cowling, Richard , S.J. , 265

Cox, Richard, Bp of Ely, xi

Cresswell, Joseph, S.J., 217, 232 , 247, 266* , 272, 277, 296

Darrey, Mr. Parone, 234, 250

Doctorates of Bagshaw, xiii, 19, 20, 302 ; English academic degrees, 168 , 173, 177 ; of medicine, 97, 177 , 287 , 295 ; obtained without adequate study, 224, 287, 294, 301-2

Dodd, Charles (vere Hugh Tootell), xix, xxii, xxvii* , xxix

Dolman, Alban

Biographical, xv, 30 ; beforefirst arbitration at Wisbech, xv, 22-3, 30-2* , 35-6* , 39-42* , 44-5* , 54, 81, 88, 111 , 322 ; at first arbitration , 21, 22-9, 30, 32-4* , 53, 66, 70-9, 80-2* , 90-5, 96-8* , 99-103* , 130 ; after the first arbitration , 67, 69, 86, 109-111* , 207-9, 211, 322 (see also under Wisbech) ; Letters of: to Bagshaw, 67-8 , 207-9 ; to Southworth, 70-9 ; mentioned(various), 19,21, 30-1* , 33* , 69, 86* , 97-8* , 109, 111 * , 118, 129, 196, 198, 222, 270 ; Letters to fromSouthworth, 22-9 , 109-110 mentioned (various), xxv-vi* , 7, 39, 45* , 53-5* , 65-6* , 69* , 80-2* , 88* , 96-7* , 103-4* , 129 , 140, 145 , 177 , 322* , 324 ; mentioned, 131 , 192, 197,210*, 225,233, 249,268 Driland, Christopher (Later S.J.), 2, 7 (biog.), 142, 157

Dudley, Richard, biographical, 118 , 150 ; and second arbitration at Wisbech, xi, 105, 112, 114, 132, 137* , 140-1*, 144-5* 147-9,150,160 , 164 176* , 195, 237, 253, 272, 323 ; after theNovember pacification, xii, 163* , 189 * , 192* , 195,197-8 * , 211,235,237 , 251, 254 ; mentioned, 130, 151-2* , 155*, 177, 196 , 234, 250,277,300,321

Edmund(s), vere Weston, q.v. Ely, Dr, Humphrey, 184, 242, 259 , 276 (biog.), 277*

Emerson , Ralph, S.J., 304, 311 , 320* Englefield, Sir Francis, 226

EnglishCollege,Rome, seeunderRome Errington, Mr., 220

Essex, Earl of, 223, 239, 244, 256, 262, 273, 280, 334

Faculties for Priests, 105, 189, 195, 231 , 247, 267, 284, 290, 297* , 336 Farbeck(orFerbeck , Firbeck)William , M.D., biographical, 97 ; his Discourse mentioned, 39, 53-4* , 83, 88, 111 * , 137, 176, 183, supporter of Bagshaw , 13, 81 , 93, 100 , 105 , 183* 196,239 255, 274, 326, 330 ; mentioned, 131 , 177, 191 , 197, 219 , 222 Feckenham , John, Abbot, O.S.B. , xi, xxiv, 116 Fiennes, Sir Richard, 216, 271* Fisher, Robert to of Biographical, 216, 230-1, 246, 264*; Confessions : the document, 330-363 , 264-282 ; mentioned, xvii,xxvi-vii* , 55, 97 , 105* , 111 , 118, 141 , 150-1* , 161, 175-6* , 178-9* , 184, 195-6* , 198, 205* , 212, 216 , 218-9* , 223-7* , 296* , 299-302 * , 320, 323,333-4 * ; expenses of his journey, xvi, xxvix, 220, 223, 231, 233, 235, 243-4* , 246, 248-9* , 251, 261-2* , 268, 270-1, 273 ; letter Bagshaw , 219-21 ; letters mentioned, 174, 197, 211, 222-3* , 270-1 *; memorial : quotations from, 227, 296-302* , 322 ; attendant circumstances , xvii* , 242-3 , 260-1, 276* , 278-9 * , 296, 302 ; mentioned, 20, 88, 115, 150, 176, 218, 224-6 *, 273, 275,281,283 , 289, 304, 320*; Garnet's Reply, see under Garnet ; Weston's Reply, see under Weston ; Miscellaneous , xvi*, xxviii, 189* , 197 , 212* , 214* , 217, 270, 286, 288, 293, 334

Fitzherbert, Nicholas, xvi, 205, 232, 235, 243, 247, 251, 260, 265, 266 (biog)

Fitzherbert, Thomas (brother of Nicholas), 266

Fixer, John (alias Thomas Wilson), 281

Flanders , faction in, see underGifford, Griffin, Paget

Forster, Francis, 277

Foster, George, Fr. Thomas, O.P., 236, 244 , 252, 262, 271-2 (biog), 280 Frangipani, Mgr Ottavio Mirto ,

INDEX

Nuncio in Flanders from 1596 , xvii, 211, 266-7* , 279* , 302, 320-1 * , 336

Gard (or Garth), Mr., 220, 223

Garnet , Henry S.J. (alias Mr.Whalley): Biographical, 6, 130, 301 (writings), 320*; initiativein second arbitrationatWisbech, xv, 66, 105, 112 , 137, 140, 147 , 150, 166, 170, 176, 237 , 253, 272, 286, 293 , 300, 323 ; refusal to interfere at Wisbech, 1 , 6, 12, 55-7 , 59-61, 64, 120-2, 125-7, 130, 137-8* , 140, 167, 171 , 176-7 ; threats against him, 105 , 107-8* , 119-20, 124-5, 137, 167-8 , 171-2, 176; visits to Wisbech , xxiv, 2, 5, 7, 130, 150, 152, 154-5* , 305, 312, 320-1 ; letters of: to Aquaviva, 55-63, 164-73 , 199204, 212-5; to Bagshaw , 119-128 , 132-6 ; to Mush, 138-9 ; mentioned, xxiii, xxiv-v* , 6* , 9, 19* , 31-2* , 34, 36, 44-5* , 52-3* , 64-6* , 80-1* , 83, 86, 88-90* , 96-7* , 102-3*, 108* , 111-2* , 115,117 , 129-30* , 137* 140-1* , 145, 150-1* , 155* , 160* , 174 * , 176-7* , 195 * , 197-8* 205-7 * , 211,216-8* 224,227,230,266 * 268,270-4* 276-7* , 279, 320-4* , 333, 335 ; letters to from 18 Priests, 1-5 , 156-9 ; from Bagshaw , 105-7 , 152-4, 161-2 ; from Mush and Dudley, 147-9 ; mentioned (various), xxiv-v* , 19* , 82, 103, 129* , 141 , 145, 150* , 155* , 160* , 163* , 175-7* , 223,230,255,259,267, 322-3* 336 ; reply to Fisher's Memorial, 283-95, 296-303 ; mentioned, xxv-xxvi*, 19-20* , 65, 88 137, 150 164 199, 205-6*, 218, 223* , 225, 227 , 267, 271, 273, 275, 277-9 * , 304, 320-1* , 324* , 335 ; other refs , xiv ,xv, 11 , 14, 18, 32, 36, 39, 45, 86, 88 , 105, 108, 118, 129-31* , 205, 218 , 238, 242, 304-6 , 311-3, 334 , 336 ; see also Jesuits and Wisbech

Gerrard, Alexander (alias William Ashton), 2, 8 (biog ), 141 , 157 , 335

Gerrard , Gilbert (brother ofAlexander) 335

Gerrard, John, S.J., 213, 215-6* , 218, 301

Gibbons, Richard, S.J., 279

Gifford, Gilbert, 205

Gifford, Dr. William, biographical, 226 ; faction in Flanders, xvi, xxvi, 105, 161 , 174, 195, 199* , 217* , 225,

343

227, 229, 232-4 * , 241-4* , 248-9* , 259-61 * , 269-70* , 273, 276, 279* , 288, 296, 302-3* , 320 (see underFlanders) ; letter to Bagshaw , 225 , xvii, xxvi, 228, 275, 296, 302

Good, William , S.J. , 175 Gratley, Edward (alias John Foxley), 205, 226, 232

Graye, Thomas , Keeper, vii* , 87, 89, 270, 320

Green, John, biographical, 8, 198 ; letter to Bagshaw mentioned , xxv , 64, 80, 184, 196, 198, 302, 321 , 323 , 325, 332-4* ; miscellaneous , x, 3 , 142 , 156-7 * , 160,273,304,322,326,330

Grene, Christopher , S.J., xxii, xxiii, xxix* , 55, 119, 161 , 164, 199 , 201, 276, 304

Griffin (or Griffiths ) Hugh, biographical, 265-6* , 275, 281 ; anti-Jesuit activities in Rome and Flanders, xvi-xvii, xxvi, 105, 205, 231-2* , 241 , 243,247,259-61 * , 265,276,279,296 (see under Flanders)

Haburley, Thomas , 3 , 8 (biog.), 114, 142, 157

Hale, Sir Mathew, xx, xxviii

Hall, Edward, Wisbech Porter, 30 , 97 , 179

Hardestie , William ,85, 181 , 184 (biog)

Harewood , Edmund, S.J., 265

Harley, Thomas , 243, 261, 278 (biog.)

Harrison, Dr. William, 243, 260, 278

Hatton, Thomas, 161 , 178, 231-3* , 247-8* , 265 (biog.), 268*

Hawkins, Dr. Henry, 244, 261, 265, 280 (biog.)

Hebburn, Anthony (alias Metcalf), 219, 220, 222 (biog.), 235, 251

Heneage, Sir Thomas , 272

Heywood , Jasper, S.J., 208, 210-11*

Hide, Leonard, 2, 8 (biog ), 114 , 142 , 157

Higgins, Isaac , 205

Hill, Thomas , 229, 232, 248 , 267 (biog), 275, 296

Holt, William, S.J., opposition to, 199, 212, 214, 217, 236, 253 ; mentioned, 164, 230-1 * , 246* , 264, 286* , 293* , 300

Holtby, Richard, S.J., 238, 255

Hunter, Thomas, S.J., xxii, xxix

Idiaquez, Juan de, 266

Ithell, Ralph, biographical, 32 , 116 , 300, 310, 318, 323-4* , 334 ; at Wisbech, 24, 54, 85, 88, 114, 141 , 325-6* , 329-30* , 333-4*

INDEX

Jackesley , Mr. (or Yaxley), 179 , 183 , Jackson, John, 277

Jesuits: Attempts to excludefrom England or the English College, xvi, xxi, xxviii, 217 , 226, 267, 272, 276, 277-8, 320 ; union of, withsecular priests, xxvi, 174, 200, 202, 205-6*,213-4* , 218, 283-4, 289-90 , 296 ; use of false information against, 20* , 55, 57-8, 61 , 65-6* , 86, 105, 130, 150, 155, 163, 164 , 166, 168-9* , 172, 198-9* , 217, 226, 230-3* , 238-41* , 243 , 245 , 247-9* , 255-9 * , 261,263,273 275, 277, 279, 283, 287-9* , 295 , 296-303* , 304-6, 311-3, 320-1* ; see under Rome , English College; and under Garnet, Holt, Lister, Metham, Persons, Pound, Weston, etc.

Jones, Nicholas , 301

Jones, Robert, S.J., 57, 61 , 65, 271

Langdale , Thomas , 205

Langley, Richard, 196

Leveson, Edward, 267

Lewis, Owen, Bsp of Cassano , biographical, 265*; opposition to Allen, 44, 105, 266-7* ; after Allen's death, 55, 105, 141 , 175, 199, 226, 231-3* , 247-8* , 269, 273, 297 ; mentioned, 205, 279

Lister, Thomas , S.J., 148, 151 (biog.), 176,242,259,277,298

Lister, William (or Lisle), O.P. , 271 Lobery, Gaspar, 277

Major, Anthony, 85, 181 , 184 (biog.), 276

Malvasia, Mgr , Nuncio in Flanders until 1595, 226

Manare, Oliver, S.J., 115, 185, 279 , 283 , 304

Manley, Robert (alias Charnock), xxi, xxviii

Markham , Sir Griffin, 2€3, 280

Markham, Robert (brother of Sir G.), 178, 231-2 * , 244, 247-8* , 262, 265 (biog.)

Marsilio, Dr., 240, 257

Martin, Anthony, O.S.B. , 272

Medeley, William, Keeper, 46-9, 52-3* , 58,62,81, 86, 89*, 179, 183-4*, 234, 239, 250, 255, 270* , 323-4* , 335

Meredyth, Jonas, 114, 116 (biog), 142 , 325

Metham, Thomas , S.J. , xi , xiii, xxiv, 13, 31 , 52, 88, 112, 115, 160, 332

Michel, John, 190, 196 (biog), 211 , 225 , 229,234,237,242,250,254,259

Mockett, Timothy, 234, 241, 249 , 258, 269

Moore, John, 241, 259, 275

Mora (or Morra), Mgr , 176, 212, 214 , 217 (biog), 231, 247 , 264

Morgan, Colonel, 241, 259, 275

Morgan,Rowland(brotherofThomas), 205

Morgan, Thomas, 30, 32, 44, 267 , 275

Morris, Nicholas , 205, 232, 248, 268

Mush , John ,

Biographical, 117, 150, 174-6* , 196, 277 ; Allen's letter to, see Allen ; associations for secular priests, see under Associations; his first Articles at Wisbech , 112-4, 12, 65, 88, 98, 104, 115 , 130, 132, 137* , 140-1* , 145* , 160, 167, 171 , 176-7* , 195, 321 ; second arbitration at Wisbech , xv-xvi, 105, 108, 112, 118, 132 , 140* , 144* , 150, 164, 166-7 , 170-1, 176* , 237, 253, 272 , 308 , 316-7, 321, 323 (see under First Articles, above, and under Wisbech) ; Letters of, to Garnet, 147-9 , of 15 March 1596, 165-6 ; to Bag- shaw , Norden, etc., 179-82 ; to mentioned Bagshaw , 189-94 ; (various), xxv-vi*, 85, 97, 141 , 145, 150, 152, 155* , 160, 163 , 175-6* , 184* , 188, 195-8* , 207, 211, 216-7 * 227,270 * 272-4 * 277, 300, 323-4* , 333*; Letters to, from Garnet, 138-9 ; mentioned (various), 115, 132* , 137* , 140-1* , 150, 177* , 197 , 303, 335 ; miscellaneous , xxi, 151* , 155 , 163, 164-5, 169, 184* , 195* , 197-8* , 205, 227-8, 234-5* , 238, 250-1 * , 254-5* , 335

Newton, vere Dolman, q.v. Norden, John, M.D. and priest, biographical, xxv, 111 , 117 , 273, 300 ; arrivalat Wisbech, xiii, 65, 166, 160, 176 ; behaviour there, xii, 69, 109 , 151,237-8* 253-4* , 309,318,323, 326, 330, 334* ; letters to: 179-82 (Mush), 185-7 (Archer), 97, 191 , 196* , 270, 323-4*; miscellaneous , 87, 114 , 122, 128, 130-1* , 141-2* , 148 , 150 , 184 , 188 , 192, 197

INDEX

Norris, Sylvester (later S.J.), 174-5 , 197, 221, 224 (biog.), 225, 235-6* , 239 , 251-2* , 256, 270-1* , 274

North, Thomas , 265

Nuncio, in Flanders, see under Malvasia and Frangipani

Nutter, Robert, O.P., 3, 8 (biog), 141 , 157 , 334

Oldcorne , Edward, S.J., 151, 335

Paget, Charles, biographical, xxvi, 266-7, 298; factionin Flanders, xvi, 30, 44, 105, 161 , 227, 232* , 248* , 270, 273* , 275* , 302-3, 320-1* (see also under Flanders) ; dealings with Fisher, xvii, 195, 225, 233* , 236 , 241-3* , 249* , 252, 258-61* , 276; miscellaneous , 19, 32, 174, 176 , 269 , 288

Palavicino, Cardinal, 266

Palmer, J., biographical, 85 ; letter to Bagshaw , 83-4, xxi, 64, 85-6* , 130 , 140-1 , 160, 333-4*

Parker, Richard, 218 , 279

Parry, William (Priest), 2, 8 (biog.), 141 , 157, 324

Paul, Fr. O.P., 236, 252, 272

Pawlin, Thomas, 235-6, 251-2, 271*

Pena, Mgr , 265-6* , 268, 270

Perne, Dr. Andrew, 97

Persons, Robert, S.J.:

Biographical, 19, 282, 299, 320 ; Book of Succession, 269 ; endorsements in his hand, 3, 58 , 149, 157, 161 , 201, 213, 276 , 278 ; letters of, referredto,xxiv, 216,223,230 , 266-7* , 274,277*, 279 ; Garnet's letters to, mentioned, 44* , 195* , 207, 216, 218* , 223,227,230 , 274, 283,300, 329, 335-6* ; other letters to, mentioned, 217* , 223, 264-6* , 275-6* , 296, 303 ; in Rome, xxiii, 230, 242, 245 * , 259, 263* , 266-7* , 281 ;

Writings :

Briefe Apologie , see underBooks Certayne Aparent Iudgments, 216, 218, 265, 268, 272* , 280

Domesticall Difficulties , 265-7*

Notes Concerning the English Mission , xxv, 210, 226, 268 ; Miscellaneous, xxv, 126, 150, 152,165,175 *, 208,210-2* 214, 228-30* , 270, 272

Petyt, Sir William, xix, xx, xxviii

Phelippes , Thomas, 269

345

Pitts, Arthur, 242, 259, 277 (biog) Plowden , Charles, S.J., xxii, xxix

Pope, Clement VIII, xiii, 105, 199200*, 202-3* , 212,214,216-7* 230-1* , 233, 240* , 243, 246-7* , 256, 258* , 261 , 267, 269, 272-3* , 278-81* , 283, 289, 296* , 328, 331, 336 ; Briefs mentioned, xxviii, 210, 301 ; miscellaneous , xviii, xxviii, 39, 122, 128, 205, 228, 245, 263-4* , 266* , 287, 294, 297 Potter, George (vere Stransham), 12, 98, 114 , 117 (biog ), 142, 324-5* , 334 Pound, Thomas , S.J., biographical, xxv, 52, 188 , 335* ; at Wisbech, xi, xiv, 8 , 19 , 52-4* , 57, 60, 141 , 237 , 253 ; letter to Calverley, 46-51, 13, 45, 66, 81 , 83 89, 98,102* 129, 137 , 322 , 324 , Powell, James, 3, 8 (biog.), 141 , 157 Preston, Thomas , O.S.B. (alias Roger Widdrington), 116, 280 Protector: Cardinal Boncompagni , xiii, 19 , 117, 265, 278 ; Cardinal Enrico Caietan, 105, 205, 217, 228, 230-1 * , 240, 245-7* ,257, 263-4* , 267* , 277, 281 284 290, 296-7* 301,336* . Cardinal Farnese, 197

Raphael, Fr., O.S.B., see Bifield , W Ratcliffe, vere Mush, q.v. Read, Mr., 189 , 192 Reive, 68, 69 Rivers, Anthony, 223, 332 Robinson, Christopher, 221, 224 Rome, English College at, troublesin , xiii, xv-xvi, 117, 164-5* , 168-70* , 172-3,174-6*, 178,197-9* 205* , 212, 214, 216-8* , 222, 224, 226* , 229-33* , 239-41,246-8,256-8,264-8 , *272-4* , 277-8* , 296 ; Sega's reports on, see underSega; miscellaneous , xviii,xxiii, xxiii (archives), 58, 63, 66, 116-8* , 151,163 , 193,195* , 199,236,239, 264, 269* , 271* , 278, 280* , 282, 287 , 294, 302* , 325

Sacheverell , John, 178, 212, 214 , 216 (biog.), 218, 235-6, 251-2, 271* , 274, 280

Sayer(s), Robert, Fr. Gregory, O.S.B. , 244, 262, 280 (biog.)

Sega, Cardinal Filippo, reports on English College, xxvi, 175, 216-7* , 224, 265-6* , 268, 272, 274*; miscellaneous , 217 , 231, 240, 247, 257 , 264

Selden, John, xx , xxviii* Shephard, Robert (alias Ralph Youard), 178, 231-2* , 247-8* , 265 (biog.)

INDEX

Sherwin , Ralph, 222

Slinger, vere Stringer, q.v.

Slingesby , Thomas, 183

Smithson, John, 205, 232, 247 , 266

Southwell,Robert, S.J.,xxv, 117 , 196 , 222,287* , 294 * , 300,305,312,320*

Southworth, Christopher: biographical, xxiv, 8, 30 ; letters of, to Dolman, 22-9, 109-110 ; mentioned xxv-vi, 7 , 21, 36, 39 , 45* , 53-5* , 65, 69* , 80-2* , 88* ,

90,96-7 * 103-4*, 109,129 140-1*, 145,177,322 * 324* ; letter from Dolman, 70-9 ; mentioned, 33-4* , 69* , 86, 90, 97-8* , 103*; miscellaneous , xiv, 3, 30* , 33-4* , 53* , 67* , 81, 86-7* , 89, 93, 95, 111 * , 157, 188, 238 , 254 , 272 , 275, 335

Spain, King of, 212, 214, 269, 285 , 291 ,

298 ; seminaries in, 65, 218, 264 , 269 , 277, 282 ; miscellaneous , 58, 61 , 175 , 223, 230-1 * , 233, 236, 246* , 249, 253 , 265, 267* , 269-70* , 272-3 * , 275, 281

Squarcioni, Mgr. Acaritius, Papal

Fiscal, 230, 240, 246, 263-4* , 267 , 281

Squire Plot, 334

Stafferton, William, 238, 255

Standish , James, 6, 117, 222

Stranguis (or Strangwaies), Philip, 2, 8 (biog.), 114-5* , 142* , 157 , 193 , 198, 325, 329, 333

Stringer, Mr., 235, 252 , 271

Taylor, James, 114, 117 (biog), 141

Tedder, William , 205

Tempest, Edward, 175, 199, 216-7* , 229, 241, 258, 267, 269, 275 (biog)

Tempest, Dr. Robert, 233, 241 , 249 , 258, 269, 275

Tesimond , Oswald, S.J., 298

Thornell (or Thornhill), Dr. Edmund , 276-7

Thorpe, John, S.J. , xxix

Throgmorton, Thomas , 226, 265-6*

Thules, Christopher , 114* , 117 (biog), 142

Tichburne, Henry, S.J., 230, 245-6* , 263-4* , 273

Tichburne, Thomas (alias Audley), xxvi, 64, 83, 85* , 130, 218

Tilletson, Francis, biographical, 117, 183 ; his betrayal, 54, 179-82, 183-4* , 189-91 , 193-4* , 196* , 324, 326, 329-30 , 333*

Toledo, Cardinal, 199, 217, 231 , 247, 264, 266, 277

Topcliffe, Richard, xii, xxiv, 12 , 65, 88, 116, 168, 172, 179, 266, 301

Tresham , Sir Thomas , 238, 255, 273*

Tresham , William (brother ofSirT.), 238, 255, 269, 273 (biog.)

Trollope, Cuthbert, 242, 260, 277

Turner, Dr. Robert, 276-7* Tyrell, Anthony, 205

V , D. Dominic Vaughan, 211, 219 , 323

Waad, William, 196, 218, 223, 324, 326-7* , 330, 334

Walpole, Henry, S.J., 275

Walsingham, Sir Francis, 226, 325, 329,332*

Watson, Thomas , Bp , xi-xii, xxiv, 115, 210

Watson , William, xvii, 218, 281

Weston , Dr. Edward, 233, 243, 249 , 260, 269 (biog)

Weston, William, S.J. biographical, xi-xii, xxiv-v* , 6* , 320, 335 ; before arbitration at Wisbech, xiii-xv, 1-2, 4-5, 11 , 14 , 18-20* , 31 , 36, 41 , 43-4 * , 49,53, 56-7, 59-61, 64-5* , 120-1, 125-6 , 129* , 140, 161 , 166, 170 ; first arbitration , 22-9, 33-4* , 54, 58, 62, 64,70-4,76-9,80-2 * 92-3* 95 97, 103, 308, 316, 322* ; second arbitration , 133-5* , 137 , 139-42* , 145, 150* , 152, 154-5* , 157 , 15960* , 167* , 171 * , 286, 293, 308, 316-7, 321 ; after the Nov. 1595 pacification, 185, 193, 234, 237-8* , 242, 250, 253-4* , 259, 309-10, 317-9 , 323 (for these events , see under Wisbech) ; limited authority at Wisbech, see under Wisbech, confraternity letter to Aquaviva, 304-19 , xxiv-v*, 6, 21* , 30, 32, 35 , 44-5 *, 52, 64, 66,80,83 , 88-90* , 99, 111 * , 115 * , 129 * , 132, 137,141 146, 151 , 160, 163, 177, 179, 1845* , 188, 198, 205, 272-3* , 279, 283, 300, 303, 333-5* ; "Requests" to, 86-7, 20, 52, 96, 105, 108* , 115* , 129, 177 , 298, 321 *; miscellaneous , 8, 39, 55, 69, 83, 106-7, 119, 122-3 , 127, 130, 133-5, 137, 168, 171-2 , 176-7,188,273,287-8,295*, 300, 302-3, 325, 329-31, 332* , 334-5*

Whalley, Mr. vere Garnet, q.v. Wharton, vere Mush , q.v. Wharton, Samuel , 265 Whitgift, John, Abp of Canterbury, xxi

Wigges , William, 54, 114 , 117 (biog ), 141 , 324, 334* ,

Wilson, Mr., 67, 69

INDEX

Windham, Dr. Edmund, biographical, xi, xxiv, 39 , 45 ; Dolman's visitto, xv, 22, 39-40* , 45, 67, 111 ; letterof, 36-8, xxv*,22, 32, 45* , 54, 69 , 111 , 130; Bagshaw's letter to, 41-3, xxiv-xxvi, 1 * , 6,14,20-1 * , 39, 64, 82,89,130, 322

Wisbech:

Confraternity of 20 prisoners at: rules of, 9-13, xiv, xxiv-xxvi* , 7, 15-16, 19, 50, 57, 60, 112, 129 , 286, 307, 315, 322* ; accusations of secrecy against, 14, 19, 36 , 41 , 44, 64, 106-7* , 120, 125, 129 ; ejection of the 20 from common hall, xiv, 20, 30-1* , 36, 46, 52, 64-5, 102, 115, 167, 171, 177 , 307 , 315, 322 ; orderly peace desired by, 50, 53-4* , 94, 97, 120, 125 , 129, 133, 136-40* , 166-7, 170-1, 200, 203, 308, 317, 321 ; Weston's limited authorityin, xiv, 7, 12 , 20*, 31 , 44, 57, 61 , 65* , 86, 108, 120-1, 125-6, 129-30* ; general, xiv-xv , xxiv-vi*, 1-5, 7-8, 14-8 , 19, 41, 53, 56-8, 60-2, 66 , 69 , 81 , 89, 102, 105-7, 108* , 119-22 , 124-8, 129* , 131 , 166, 170, 177 , 200, 202-3, 207, 292-3, 307, 315 , 322

Disorders at: general , xiii-xiv, 1 , 4 , 6, 12, 15 , 20, 41 , 44* , 46-51,56,59,64 * , 80,83,85 * , 102 , 129,166,170 , 307-8,315-6 325-7, 329-30 , 332-4*; broadcastingofinformation about, xiv-xv, xxv, 1 , 14 , 30, 41 , 44-5,50-1,55-7 * , 59, 61, 64, 67, 69-70* , 78,82-3* , 85, 88*, 109, 111 , 116, 120, 122, 125, 127 130,166,170,176,188,197-8, * 307-8, 316, 322 ; not known to Catholics before 1595, xii, 1 , 6 , 41 , 44, 160 .

Events at: beforearbitration , xiii-xv, 1 , 19 , 22-3, 30-2, 35-45, 52, 55-7, 59-61, 64-5, 81, 88, 129, 307-8, 315-6 322 ; first arbitration, May 1595' xv, 18, 21, 23-9, 30, 32-5, 48' 53-4, 58, 61-2, 66, 70-9 , 80-2'

90-104 * , 130,308,316,322 * ; second arbitration , Sept.-Nov 1595 , xv-xvi, 54, 105, 108 , 112-6, 118, 130, 132-46* , 150 * , 152, 164, 166-7 , 170-1, 176 , 200 , 203 , 216, 237, 253, 272, 286, 293, 300 , 308-9, 317, 321, 323 ; congratu- lations for Nov. Pacification , 147-9 (Mush and Dudley), 150 , 152-4 (Bagshaw), 155* , 156-9 (18Priests), 160 , 161-2 (Bagshaw), 163 ; after the Pacification, xvi, 145-6, 150, 163, 179-88* , 189-98* , 205, 233-5, 237-9, 249-51, 253-5 , 270,272-3 * , 286,293,309-10, 317-9, 323-4* ; see also under Bagshaw , Bavant, Bluet, Calverley, Dolman, Dudley, Fisher, Garnet, Mush, Weston, etc.

Miscellaneous: dealings with the Keepers , 12, 46-9, 53, 58, 62, 81, 113, 143 , 180-2,184* 190,234,237,239 , 250,253,255-6 , 270* , 310,319, 324, 333 ; Garnet's refusal to interfere, see under Garnet ; keepers of common purse, see underAlms ; means ofexecuting rules, 10, 12, 14-8, 57, 60-1, 112-6, 133, 136-8* , 143-5, 189-90 , 195* sitting at table, 15, 17 , 20,57,61,112 , 115,142 ; stewards , 10-11* , 56, 60, 113, 115, 142-5* ; suppers , 10, 13, 50 , 54 , 122 , 127

Wiseman Family, xxiv, 88

Woodruff , Robert, 3, 8 (biog), 142 , 157

Woolley, George, 277

Worthington, Dr. Thomas , President of Douay, 299

Yaxley, see Jackesley

Yelverton, Christopher , 280

Youard, Ralph, see Shephard, R. Youard,William (alias John Forster), 265

Young, Richard, 88

Younger, Dr. James (alias George Dingley), 233, 243, 249, 260 , 269 (biog)

TheCatholic Record Society

FOUNDED JUNE 10th, 1904

PATRONS

HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF WESTMINSTER

HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF BIRMINGHAM

HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOPOF LIVERPOOL

HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CARDIFF

PRESIDENT

THE MOST REVEREND JOHN HENRY KING , D.D., Ph.D., ARCHBISHOPBISHOP OF PORTSMOUTH

VICE-PRESIDENTS

MOST REV . DAVID MATHEW , M.A., Litt.D. , F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S.

BRIGADIER THOMAS BYRNAND TRAPPES-LOMAX , C.B.E., D.L., J.P.

W. A. PANTIN, M.A., F.S.A.

CANON R. E. SCANTLEBURY , V.F.

COUNCIL (Elected)

FR GODFREY ANSTRUTHER , O.P., B. ès Sc Hist

A. C. F. BEALES , M.A.

FR. HUGH BOWLER, O.S.B., B.A.

FR . HOWARD DOCHERTY , O.F.M. , M.A.

FR. BERNARD FISHER , M.A.

FR. BASIL FITZGIBBON , S.J., M.A.

A. E. J. HOLLAENDER, Ph.D., F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S.

FR . ANTHONY KENNY

MISS PENELOPE RENOLD, B.A.

E. E. REYNOLDS, General Editor

DAVID ROGERS , M.A., D . Phil

A. C. SOUTHERN , Ph.D., B.A.

TRUSTEES

REV . GORDON ALBION, D.Sc.Hist , B.A., F.R.Hist.S.

F. W. CHAMBERS , K.S.G., M.A.

REV. JOSEPH A. CALLANAN, M.A.

Honorary Officers (On Council ex officio)

Hon Bursar and Secretary

REV . JOSEPH A. CALLANAN, M.A. 32 Orchard Road, Bromley, Kent.

Hon Recorder

MISS N. McNEILL O'FARRELL

Hon Legal Adviser

GEORGE BELLORD

Hon Librarian

ANTONY FRANCIS ALLISON , B.A.

Bankers

MESSRS . COUTTS & Co., 440 STRAND , W.C.2 .

Constitutions

I. NAME The name of the Society is THE CATHOLIC RECORDSOCIETY .

2. OBJECT The object ofthe Society is the advancement of education in connection withthe history of Roman Catholicism in England and Wales since the Reformation (which history is hereinafter referred to as the special subject)

3. ACTIVITIES . The object of the Society may be given effect to by allor any ofthe following means so far as the same arecharitable namely―

(

a) The provision and preservation for the use ofstudents of books manuscripts and other documents relating to the special subject or some aspect thereofand the provisionof facilities for studying the same

(

b) The provision of public lectures on the special subject or some aspect thereof

(

c) The collection editing and publication of documents relating to the special subject or some aspect thereofand

(d) Any other lawful charitable means

4.

MANAGEMENT . The affairs of the Society shall be managed by a Council consisting when complete of twelve elected members three trustees and five honorary officers viz the Recorder Bursar Legal Adviser Librarian and Secretaryfour members ofthe Councilforming a quorum and the Council being entitled to act notwithstanding vacancies in its number The Council shall have power to appoint a President and Vice-Presidents The Council shall also have power to elect members to the Society by a bare majority of the members of the Council present at a meeting and power to terminate the membership of any member without assigning any reason by a majority ofnot less than three quarters ofallthe membersofthe Council.

5. APPOINTMENT OF COUNCIL Officers shall be appointed by the Society in General Meeting. They shall hold office for one year and be eligible for re-election. One third of the twelve elected members of the Council shall retire each year by rotation and shall be eligible for re-election Elected members of the Council shall be elected by the Society in General Meeting. Nominations for appointment as elected members of the Council shall be sent to the Secretary fourteen days before the Annual General Meeting. Only Roman Catholics shall be eligiblefor membership of the Council TheCouncil shall have power to fill a casual vacancy either among the officers or among the elected membersand any person appointed to fill a casualvacancyshall hold office for the period for which the person whose vacancy he fills would have held office.

6. TRUSTEES The Trustees shall be appointed and may be removed by the Society in General Meeting It shall be their duty to hold the invested funds and property of the Society.

7. MEMBERSHIP . Membership shall be open to individuals learned societies libraries religious communities and other bodies whether corporate or incorporated Such bodies shall be entitled to exercise voting powers vested in members by their Librarian or Assistant Librarian or any other person nominated by such body for the purpose .

8. SUBSCRIPTION The annual subscription for each member is Two Guineas or such sum as the Society in General Meeting may from time to time determine payable in advance on June 1st in each year. Every member whose subscription is not in arrear shall be entitled to receive one copy of each publication which may be issued by the Society during the year without further payment but the Society shall not issue free to members publications whose cost to non-members is substantially in excess ofthe annual subscription for the year or years in respect of which the publication is issued so as to confer a benefit on any member greater than is common in the case of agreements to purchase books prior to publication A member wishing to resign from the Society must inform the Bursar or the Secretary before June 1st otherwise he will be liable for his subscription due on that date for the ensuing year. A member whose subscription is two years in arrear shall cease to be a member and shall not be re-admitted until all arrears have been paid.

9. GENERAL MEETINGS An annual meeting of the Society shall be held of which at least seven days notice shall be sent to all members who have supplied the Secretary with an address in the United Kingdom Members who have not supplied such an address shall not be entitled to receiveany notice ofmeetings An extraordinary general meeting may be called at any time by the Council. At least seven days notice stating the object ofthe meeting shall be given to all members who have supplied the Secretary withan address in the United Kingdom. Voting at any general meeting of the Society shall be exercisableonly by members present in person or by the bodies referred to in Rule 7 by their representative in person.

IO II. AUDIT The Bursar's accounts shall be audited by a member of the Society or by a professional accountant appointed by the Council at the close of the financial year which expires on May 31st

PROPERTY . The propertyand income ofthe Society shall be applied solely to the object of the Society and no part thereof shall at any time be applied for any purpose which is not a lawful charitable purpose Provided that this rule shall not prevent the payment to any officer orservant ofthe Society ofreasonable remuneration for services actually performed by him on behalf ofthe Society. Ifthe Society shall be dissolved it shall before dissolution and after discharging or providing for its liabilities if any procure that its surplus assets if any are effectively settled upon a charitable trust for the advancement of the Roman Catholic religion.

THE FIFTY-SECOND AND FIFTY-THIRD ANNUAL REPORTS

The Council has pleasure in presenting to the membersofthe Catholic Record Society the followingAnnual Reports and Statements of Accounts

Since the last Report, dated January 1956 , the Society has issuedVolume 50, TheMawhoodDiary, edited byMr. E. E.Reynolds. Thenext volumewill be The WisbechStirs (1595-1598), edited by Miss P. Renold, B.A., and is due to appear this year

The AnnualGeneral Meeting for the year 1955-56 was heldon February20th, 1957 at 114 Mount Street, W.1. The Rev. Hugh Aveling, O.S.B. , B.A., gave a lecture on "Yorkshire Catholic Recusancy" .

The Annual General Meeting for the year 1956-57 was held at the same address on December4th, 1957 and Carson I. A. Ritchie, Esq., M.A., PH.D., lectured on "The Leyburn Papers" .

Since the last Report, owing to pressure of otherwork , Canon R. E. Scantlebury and Father Alphonsus Bonnar, O.F.M., D.D., M.SC. , have had toresignfromthe Council and the latter would like to take this opportunity to express their gratitudefor the valued services which these twomembersrenderedtotheSociety Father Bonnar's many years of service on our Council call for special mention Dr. David Rogers of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, and FatherA. Kenny were elected to fill the vacancies .

In 1957 , the Gillow Library was moved to 114 Mount Street and the Council wish to put on record their gratitude to the Very Reverend Father Provincial of the Society of Jesus for providing this room as a home for the Library and as a meeting place for the Council.

In response to requestsfrom members, a series of talkswasbegun in October 1956 at which speakers explained the methods and sources for specific pieces of historical research covering the 16th , 17th and 18th centuries. The talks werefollowed byquestions and opendiscussionand wereso successful that asecond series wasbegun in October 1957. The followingis a list of the subjects and the speakers:

"Leyburn's Visitation 1687" , by Brigadier T. B. TrappesLomax, C.B.E., J.P., D.L., on October 16th, 1956

"Researchwork necessaryfor editing the Mawhood Diary" , by Mr. E. E. Reynolds, on January 15th, 1957 .

"On tackling the Recusant Rolls" , by Fr. Hugh Bowler, O.S.B. , B.A., on March 19th, 1957

"Documents concerned with the Archpriest Controversy" , by Miss Penelope Renold, B.A., on May 21st, 1957. 4

ANNUAL REPORT 5

"The 'Spanish Treason' 1602-1605" , by Fr.A. J. Loomie, S.J. , on October 16th , 1957.

"Hampshire Recusants; some recent research" , by Mr. John E. Paul, PH.D. , on January 15th , 1958 .

"The English Martyrs; the history of their cause" , by Fr. Basil FitzGibbon , S.J. , M.A., on March 19th, 1958

"Catholics in England at the beginning of the 17th century.

The letters of William Udall, government informer , " by Mr. A. F. Allison, B.A., on May 21st, 1958.

All the meetings are held at 114 Mount Street,W.1,and begin at 7.0 p.m. They are open to the Public.

At the date of writing, the Membership Roll numbers 438 , an increase of 9 since our last Report

April 20th, 1958

A JOURNAL OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH

RECUSANT HISTORY , A JOURNAL OF RESEARCH IN POSTREFORMATION CATHOLIC HISTORY IN THE BRITISH ISLES , is published fortheCatholic RecordSociety three times ayear,in January, April andOctober It includesarticles ofgeneralinterest onvarious aspects ofCatholic History,aswell as detailed studies and notesof a biographical and bibliographicalnature. The subscription for the three issues is 12/6d (U.S.A. $2.00).

Subscriptions should be sent direct to the publishers: The Arundel Press, Sussex Road, Bognor Regis, England.

May 31

To Life Subscriptions-

34 @ 10 10s Od

2 @ £10

15 @ £21

1 @ £25

1 @ £26 5s Od

Subscriptions received in advance

Legacies-James A. Britten , K.C.S.G.

H. I. Anderton

Mrs. Leachfor J. H. Woolan

H. S. Threlfall

L. C. C. Lindsay

NewdigateLegacy

Agnes Mott

W. de Geijer

1956 May 31

INCOME

AND EXPENDITURE

RECEIPTS

To Subscriptionsreceivedduring the year-

For year 1952-53 For year 1953-54

year 1954-55

year 1955-56

I have examined the above Balance Sheet and Income and properly kept by the Society. I have obtained all the information and explanations necessary and Expenditure Account give a true and fair view respectively of the JOSEPH A. CALLANAN , Hon Bursar and Secretary

Dr.

To Life Subscriptions34 @ £10 10s Od

2 @ £10

15 @ £21

1 @ £25

1 @ £26 5s Od .

Subscriptionsreceivedin advance LegaciesJames A. Britten , K.C.S.G.

H. I. Anderton

Mrs. Leachfor J.H. Woolan

H.S. Threlfall

L. C. C. Lindsay

NewdigateLegacy

Agnes Mott

W. deGeijer

INCOME AND EXPENDITURE ACCOUNT

I have examined the above Balance Sheet and Income and properlykept by the Society. I have obtained all the information and explanations necessary and Expenditure Account give a true and fair view respectively of the JOSEPH A. CALLANAN, Hon Bursar and Secretary.

31st May, 1957 1957 May 31

By Investments—

£2,227 17s 1s 31% War Loan Stock

£5002 % ConsolidatedStock

Note Thevalueofthe above investments asat 31stMay, 1957, was £1,7858s Od Cash at Bank