Records Volume 58: Letters of William Allen and Richard Barret

CATHOLIC

RECORD SOCIETY PUBLICATIONS (RECORDS SERIES) VOLUME 58

Issued to Members for the year 1965-66

SOCIETY

LETTERS OF WILLIAM ALLEN AND RICHARD BARRET

1572-1598

Edited by P. RENOLD, M.A. , F.R. Hist. S.

CATHOLIC RECORD SOCIETY

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS

INDEX OF SOURCES INTRODUCTION

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Permission to print hitherto unpublished material is gratefully acknowledged, as follows: to the late Very Revd J. B. Janssens, General of the Society of Jesus, for original letters and contemporary copies of letters in Fondo Gesuitico 651, and for many extracts or notes of letters from Grene's Collectanea, Anglia 37 and 38.II, all in the General Archives of the Society in Rome , which together constitute over half the documents here printed ; to the Revd Rector of Stonyhurst College, for eleven original letters from the Anglia series, as well as several extracts or notes from Grene's Collectanea M and N; to the Archivist and Librarian at the Vatican , for eight documents from the Archives and one from the Library there; to the Director of the General Archives of Simancas , for eight papers from his collections; to the Conservateur en Chef ofthe Bibliothèque Nationale , Paris, forfour original letters from his collections; to his Eminence the CardinalArchbishopof Westminster,for three originalletters fromthe Main series of Westminster Cathedral Archives; to Mrs. Mockler, for republication from the originals of two letters of William Allen, nowin her MSS Collection at Milton House, Berkshire; to the Revd. Rectorofthe English College, Valladolid, the Conservateur, Rijksarchief , Gent, and the Librarian of the Caetani Archives in Rome, forone original document each from their collections. I would further like to express my thanks to the followingfor their help in bringingto my notice, obtaining microfilmsfor me, or contributingtranscripts of items otherwise unknown to me: Very Revd. Godfrey Anstruther, O.P., who also obtained the permission to print No. 105 from the Caetani MSS.; Revd. CharlesBurns, D.H.E. atthe Vatican Archives , Dr. D. M. Rogers, Dr. J. A. Bossy and Mr. J. M. Cleary, M.A. I am also especially grateful to the Revd L. Hicks, S.J., for invaluable assistance with all the translations, and for the use of his files connected with the Spanish documents in the volume.

P. RENOLD

CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX OF DOCUMENTS

*Denotes that only an incomplete text or a paraphrase

ALLEN & OTHER EXILES TO CARDINAL MORONE WITH MEMORIAL TO GREGORY XIII

ALLEN TO MERCURIAN

ALLEN TO POSSEVINO

MEMORIAL OF [ALLEN & ENGLEFIELD]

ALLEN TO MERCURIAN

ALLEN TO R. HOPKINS

ALLEN TO O. LEWIS

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

ALLEN TO CARDINAL MORONE

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO THE CARDINAL OF COMO

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

[ALLEN?] TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

ALLEN

ALLEN

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI BARRET

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET

BARRET TO PERSONS

BARRET'S SUPPORTING

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

BARRET TO PERSONS

BARRET TO [PERSONS?]

PRESIDENT & DOCTORS OF DOUAY TO THE PROTECTOR

BARRET TO THE PROTECTOR

THOMAS HESKETH TO JOHN MUSH

TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS

A Briefe Apologie.

A.R.S.J.

A.V.

Bib Vat Lat.

Cal. S.P.D.

C.R.S.

D.N.B.

Foley, Records

For. Cal.

HatfieldCal.

Knox, D.D.

Knox, Allen

Simancas , Est. Leg

S.P.D. Eliz

Stonyhurst Anglia

Stonyhurst Coll. M. or N.

R. Persons, A Briefe Apologie in Defence of the Catholicke Hierarchie, 1601.

Archivum Romanum Societatis Jesu. (Jesuit General Archives)

Archivio Segreto Vaticano

Biblioteca Vaticana Latina

Calendar of State Papers, Domestic

The publications of the Catholic Record Society.

Dictionary of National Biography.

H. Foley, S.J., Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus; 7 vols. , London , 1875-1883

Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series

Calendar of the Manuscripts of the Most Honourable the Marquess of Salisbury

T. F. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws.

IThe First and Second Diaries of the English College, Douay; London , 1878.

T. F. Knox, Records of the English Catholics under the Penal Laws IlThe Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen; London, 1882.

Archivo General de Simancas, Seccion de Estado, Legajo (volume).

State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth.

Historical MSS preserved at Stonyhurst College, in the 7 vols of the Anglia series

Christopher Grene, S.J., Collectanea preserved at Stonyhurst College Late 17th century.

Tierney-Dodd II or III. M. A. Tierney, Dodd's Church History of England, 5 vols , London, 1839-43 .

X

Vicariate Register.

Westm

Ordination books in the archives of the Vicariato di Roma (cf. Recusant History, Vol 4, n.3)

Westminster Cathedral Archives

NOTE .Dates of martyrdoms are taken from the list Martyrs of England and Wales 1535-1680 , republished in 1960 by the Catholic Truth Society (H . 163)

INDEX OF SOURCES

GHENT , STATE ARCHIVES

Fonds Jésuites , 74: No. 91.

LONDON , PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE S.P. 85 (Italian States):

LONDON , WESTMINSTER CATHEDRAL ARCHIVES

MILTON HOUSE MSS

NAPLES , STATE ARCHIVES

Nos 97, 100. Main Series, Vol III: Nos 25-31 . Ibid , Vol. V: Nos 106-8 . Ibid , Vol. VI: Nos. 109-10. Section 1 : Nos 4, 5. Carte Farnesiane (now destroyed): Nos 9, 85.

PARIS, BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE Fonds Anglais: Addenda 3, 4. Fonds Clairambault: No. 94. Fonds Dupuy:

ROME , CAETANI ARCHIVES

No. 80. 8127 : No. 105.

ROME , JESUIT GENERALARCHIVES Anglia 37: (A.R.S.J.)

Nos 53, 57, 65, 71-4, 76 Anglia 38 , II: Nos 8, 10-5, 17-24, 49, 55-6 , 60, 62, 66, 75, 82 , 114 Fondo Gesuitico 651 : Nos 1-3, 32, 34, 37-9, 45-7, 50, 52, 54 (a) & (b), 58-9 , 61, 63-4, 68, 78, 98 .

ROME, VATICAN ARCHIVES

A.A.Arm . I-XVIII: Appendix A.

A.V.Arm LXII, Vol 33 : Addenda 1 . Francia, Varia I: Addenda 6. Gregorii XIII, Brevia etc.: Addenda 5. Inghilterra I: No. 48.

ROME, VATICAN LIBRARY

SIMANCAS , GENERAL ARCHIVES

STONYHURST COLLEGE ARCHIVES

VALLADOLID , ENGLISH COLLEGE

PRINTED BOOKS

Instr Misc 6744 : No. 86. Misc Arm II.84: No. 81

Nunz. di Fiandra, 3.II: Nos 103, 104 , Appendix B.

Lat 6227 : No. 112

Legajos de Estado (various): Nos 88-9, 90 (a) & (b), 93, 95, 99, 101, Addenda 2.

Anglia I:

Nos 36, 41, 70, 77.

Anglia VI:

Nos 33, 35, 40, 42-4, 67 .

Collectanea M:

Nos 6, 16, 51, 87, 96, 102 .

Collectanea N.I: No. 7.

Serie II, Leg. 1 : No. 92.

R. Persons : A Briefe Apologie, etc. 1601: Nos 111 , 113 .

R. Persons : Appendix ad Apologiam , etc. 1602: Appendix C.

T. Worthington : Relation of Sixteen Martyrs, 1601: No. 79.

INTRODUCTION

The letters and other papers of Dr. William Allen printed in this volume supplement the large collection assembled by T. F. Knox in his Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen, London, 1882, and the much smaller group of Correspondenceof Cardinal Allen, edited by P. Ryan, S.J., in C.R.S. Vol 9, 1911 . The new letters, most of them neverbefore printed, include all that the present editor has been able to collect up to the date of going to press, including six documents which came to light too late to be placed in their correct positions in the main body of thebook . These havehad to be placed together in a section headed Addenda , after No. 114. It seems very probable that yet other letters or memorials emanating from Allen's pen still awaitdiscovery.

One of these late items is a letter sent by Allen and twelve others, from Louvain in August 1572, to Cardinal Morone, the Protector of England, in which they included a memorial for the new pope, Gregory XIII (1) These two documents reveal an active interest, common to so many of the leading exiles of the period, in obtaining some kind ofPapal intervention in English affairs. Though the memorialto the Pope , here in question, did not propose any particularplan, and apparently had no practical effect at this time, it does reveal Allen's interest in political affairs much earlier than has hitherto been realised . This fact is of some importance when considering the other main facet of Allen's activities at this period : his foundationand runningof the College at Douay. Bythe date ofthe nexttwo letters in this volume Allen, then aged about forty- three,(1(1A) had brought this College, which he had started in 1568 from very small beginnings, to a position of some eminence . The venture had not originally been intended to be a training ground for missionaries, since the restoration of England to its ancientfaith was, at first, held to be hopeless whilst the then government was in power Religious upheavals and political changes had , however , occurred so often since Henry VIII's break with Rome in the 1530s, and in addition Henry's own successors had so far been short-lived, thatfor many years after the accession of Elizabeth hopes persisted that further changes would soon offer a propitious opportunityto restore the Church The College at Douay was thus founded to prepare learned men in readiness forthis moment Such men ,after following a long course of study, would naturally become priests, but the College also afforded an opportunityof learning the rudiments oftheir faith to a large number of others who passed through or stayed there for shorter periods. Its members soon came to include notonly those already in exile, but young men from schools

INTRODUCTION

and universities in England, and events thus overtook expectations. None ofthe desired changes occurred in England, and in 1573 and 1574 two small groups of studentswere ordained and some of them had to leave the College to make room for newcomers. Lacking both livelihoodand work,four priests were sent to trytheirfortunes in England, though unsure of their welcome: thus, primarily as a solution to a practical problem, these men began the missionary movement, which was to last without intermission throughout the penal period. Its unlooked-for success and consequent rapid expansion quickly followed(2)

In April 1575, in response to Allen's urgent appeal, the Pope endowed the College with its first regular monthly subsidy; and in Augustofthe same year he followedthis with a Brief granting to Allen very wide spiritual and disciplinaryfaculties for dealing with all English penitents, inside and outside the kingdom, and for dispensing and absolving priests, as necessary, from ecclesiastical censures or irregularities He was given authority to delegate his new powers as he saw fit (3) He thus attained a unique position of leadershipamong English Catholics. His public, or more exactly his personal political, career dated from this time, and not many months later he was summoned to Rome, as also was Sir Francis Englefield, to give views and advice concerning the practicability of ideas for the invasion of England, then being discussed . Their joint memorial on the subject, containing definite proposals and remarks , wassentto Spain by the Cardinalof Como, forthe Nuncio in Madrid to show to Philip II.(3A) This particular plan appears to have been more favourably considered in Rome than others which had been canvassed there before the arrival of these two men The ostensible pretext for invasion was to have been the excommunication of Elizabeth by Pius V, though one of its main objectives was the liberation from imprisonment of the Queen of Scots and the restoration of her rights

For various reasons, however, nothing came of any of the plans at that time, and the main practical result of Allen's visit to Rome was the decision, taken by several important persons, to put in hand an earlier scheme to turn the English Hospice into a College to train priests The first students left Douay for Rome shortly after Allen's return to Douay at the end of July 1576. The project, however, had a very troubled beginning, due in large measureto the fundamental differences of intentions amongst those interested in it, as well as to the personal rivalries betweenEnglish and Welsh in the new institution, and to animosities among the exiles residing in Rome.(4)

Allen next visited Rome in the autumn of 1579, some months after the initial disturbances in the College there had been ended

INTRODUCTION

by its being committed to the care of the Jesuits Before returning the following spring to Rheims, whither his first College had been removed in 1578, he had establisheda system of close co-ordination between the two seminaries which lasted for several years ,(5) and to which his numerous letters to the English College Rector, Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J., together with those of Dr. Richard Barret , at that time Prefect of Studies , from late 1582, bearwitness. In this respect Allen's letters in this volume help to fill some of the gaps in the earlier collections Considerable new, though fragmentary, material for the year 1581 is now added to the extracts for that year printed in C.R.S. 9; but in particular, there is a most valuable new collection of complete letters for 1585 , covering the nine months before Allen's final departure for Rome in the autumn of that year. These reveal the financial straits of the College at Rheims, and the last few in the group give a clear glimpse ofthe extreme state of crisis affecting the seminaries in the months after the death of Gregory XIII, when the inexperienced and parsimonious Sixtus V took his place Allen's own severe illness in July and August 1585 was an added hazard (6)

Nothing new has been discovered dealing with his political activities in 1582-4, and the relevant material for the various plans atthis period for another enterprise against England must be sought elsewhere.(7)

The last nine years of Allen's life were spent in Rome , and from August 1587 as a Cardinal (8) The documents indicate that in the Papal court he led a hard-workingand penuriouslife,though papers dealing with this late period are, as in T. F. Knox's volume, rather sparse, since much of his business was conducted in person. This present collection presents a new feature, however, in seven letters ormemorials from Allen to Philip II, and to his ambassador in Rome, the Duke of Sesa, for the years 1591 to 1593. These show something of Allen's thoughts and preoccupations, and, in particular, how closely bound he was to the Spanish interest, by affection and gratitude for Philip's many, if erratic, benefactionsto Collegesand individuals , as well as byhis conviction that a favourable turn in thefortunes of English Catholics depended, to a large extent, on Spanish help in one form or another (9)

The remaining letters of Allen supplement those in the other two collections, the most noteworthycontribution being the few new ones written to the Jesuit General Taken with those already published, these serve to underline afresh Allen's very close relations with the Jesuits throughout his career, and in particularwith Fr. Robert Persons The whole of his correspondence , indeed, shows these characteristics. If, as has been alleged, he drew away from them towards the end of his life, nothing in this volume lends

INTRODUCTION

any support to such a view. The one possible reason for it, the proposed marriage in 1594 betweenThomas Throgmortonand one of Allen's nieces, presents , on examination , no such grounds For Allen himself did his best to prevent the marriage, only agreeing to the proposal under pressure , and he wrote to Dr. Worthington desiring him to assure "his old fast friends" , Stanley, Holt, Owen and others , that they "should nothing at all fear that Mr. Tho. Throgmortonor other men linked with him in familiarity should make him to run or follow any other course than that which he had always kept . . . " (10)

II

As indicated above, Allen was for nearly twenty years a public figure, and even without his own letters, many traces of his career survive in documents of the period Dr. Richard Barret is, on the other hand, in general almost unknown, except for the fact that he succeeded Allen as second President of Douay College. He held this office for nearly eleven years, during a time of unprecedented difficulty, with the French religious wars filling nearly half the period. The consequentmiseries and devastation interrupted communications and played havoc with the already precarious finances of the College, which Barret had inherited from his predecessor , and which , in turn, were the cause of other troubles.

A native of Warwickshire , Barret was born about 1544, and had a distinguished career at Oxford University. As a member of Brasenose College he proceeded B.A. on 21 November 1565, and M.A. on 26 June 1570. He then became a fellow of Oriel College some time before 1572, and was a Proctor of the University in 1574.(11) After his conversion to the Catholicfaith he left England, and was first receivedat Douay College on 28 January 1576, "and with him three other gentlemen's sons" . He matriculated at Douay Universitysoon afterwards During the following three years he lived partly at the College and partly in Paris, paying a visit to England some time in 1577. In common with two of the youngmen with whom he had first arrived, he appears to have been studying law, and not theology Because of his age and academic attainments, he may also have been acting as tutor or supervisor of the studies of the other two, with whom his name continued to be linked in the Diary On 16 February 1579 a party of nine, including Barret, left Rheims for Rome, some to study, some for devotion Seven of these , Barret amongst them, entered the English College, probably just after the Jesuits had been put in charge of it in March 1579. He took the new College oath with the first group to do so on 23 April 1579.(12)

INTRODUCTION

xix

Barret now entered upon theological studies , and did so well in these , and behaved in such an exemplary manner , that about September 1582 the College privilege of awarding a doctorate in theology was exercised in his favour. (13) His return to Rheims had been sought by Allen from early in 1582, and he was at length joyfully received on his return in November of that year. Though his own desire was to be sent to England, Allen retained him at Rheims to fill the post of Prefect of studies , left vacant by the recent death of Dr. Gregory Martin.(14)

Barret's letters to Agazzari from the end of 1582 to February 1586 , most of them now published for the first time, show how assiduously he filled his office. His letters should be read in conjunction with those of Allen, though in manyways theyare more informative and enlightening than the latter's concerning the state of the Colleges. Like Allen, he was wholeheartedly behind the seminary movement, but having been himself a student in the College in Rome for several years, he was without illusion about two big problems : first, the very varied and sometimespoor quality of those seeking to enter the Colleges , as also of the very mixed motives with which they came;(15) secondly, that of the faction which had caused the first major upheavals in Rome in 1578-9 , and which, though the character of its membership changed somewhat with the years, became a permanent source of indiscipline and discontent, not only in the College at Rome, but at Rheims as well. Atfirst knownas the Welsh faction, it at no time, however, embraced all the Welsh, in the Colleges or outside them , and quickly came to include persons with no Welsh affiliations The group became identified with thenames ofThomas Morgan, Charles Paget , Dr. Lewis and, later, William Gifford and Christopher Bagshaw, and others who were their close associates Though not large, this party was a focus of disunion among the exiles, and did much to cause or foster grievances among the students of both Colleges Disturbances in the College at Rome, indeed, though more obvious at some periods, seem in fact to have been endemic throughoutthe years until the pacification of 1597. Many traces ofthem can be found in contemporary documents, and particularly in Barret's letters. Whilst prefect of studies, he also made shrewd observations on the differencesin the discipline at the two Colleges, and it is clear that at times he felt that Allen might have taken a stronger line at Rheims, with salutary effects (16)

Allen's visit to Rome in autumn 1585 was not intended, at the time, to be a long one, and the College at Rheims was left in chargeofDr.Thomas Bailey, the Vice-president, during his absence . When, in August 1587, Allen was made a cardinal , his canonry at Rheims was transferred to Barret, though he himselfstill retained the College presidency (17) No evidence has so far come to light

INTRODUCTION

to illustrate the scandals and breaches of College discipline which, on 31 October 1588, forced Allen to write to Rheims appointing Barret to succeed him as President, and commanding all to obey him, to assist in the reformation of the College, and under no pretext to resist his appointment. This letter was written by virtue of a Papal Brief, dated 29 October 1587, addressed to himself, authorising him to make a visitation of the College, in person or by deputies, to reform and correct whomever and whatever he saw to be necessary, and to make or change appointments to offices, and which armed him with severe powers of censure against gainsayers and rebels This latter document was apparently not used until sent , as authority, with Allen's letter appointing the new President There is no record that any other steps were taken at this time to effect a full visitation of the College (18) The Douay Diary records the reception and reading of the Cardinal's letter by Bailey on 28 November 1588, and the installationof Barret as President with general acclaim (19)

He remained in this office until his death on 30 May 1599. His thirteen remaining letters in this volume afford some illustrationof his later career, and especially his constant pre-occupation with the extremely straitened financial position of the College, first at Rheims and then at Douay, on its return there in the middle of 1593. This migration, made necessary by the continued troubled state of France, was a disaster for the College in a material sense; for all possessions had to be abandoned at Rheims, and some personnelbarely escaped with theirlives onthe journeys, on account of marauding soldiery.(20) His visit to Rome in 1596, to attempt some settlement of the rows in the English College, is covered by four letters, and his dealings with trouble-makers in Flanders in others

In 1598, on the appointment of GeorgeBlackwellas first Archpriest of England, Barret was given charge of all the seminary priests in Belgium who were not directly under the Nuncio there. At the same timehe was instructed to render all possible assistance to Blackwell, and was given certain injunctions for dealing with troublesome priests reported from England, includingrecommending their recall, and if necessary even effecting it without waiting for instructions from Rome.(21)

Except for the obituary note included in the Third Douay Diary at the time of his death in May 1599 , Barret has received little praise for his presidency of Douay College. Canon Burton, for instance , in his Introduction to this Diary,(22) stated flatlythat he was not a suitable successor to Cardinal Allen, and that his administration of the College lost him the confidenceof the secular clergy on the mission He discusses, however, no evidence in sup-

INTRODUCTION

port of this assertion, and it would probably be hard tofind outside the polemical writings of the small, but contentious group of priests who opposed the Archpriest from the moment of his appointment, or of certain of their supporters in exile. Their views, however , at that time represented no one but themselves Canon Burton admits, moreover, that with regard to Barret's method of governing the College, the Third Diary affords no information. The same is true of entries in the Second Diary.

Two contemporary sources, which appear to lie behind such pejorative judgments, inspire no greater confidence than do the writings of Blackwell's opponents, mentioned above One of these , first used by Dodd, was a short work by Nicholas Fitzherbert, De Alani Cardinalis Vitae Libellus , first printed in 1608, and reprinted by T. F. Knox.(23) In the course of this work, Fitzherbert decried both Barret's character, and his methods of government at Douay, as too severe, and as the cause of much dissension Before accepting these strictures, however, it is not without relevance to consider their author Nicholas Fitzherbert, though livingfor some yearsin Allen's household, had long been a supporter ofthe Bishop of Cassano's party, and after Allen's death was one ofthe fomentors of trouble among the students in the English College (24) He was suspected , from 1597, of acting as an intelligencer of the English government, and it is possible that he was so acting much earlier, when he corresponded with the spy, Anthony Standen He was certainlyin communication with the English ambassadorin Venice in 1604 and 1608.(25) He had probably had some acquaintancewith Barret when the latter had been a student in Rome, but of his methods of governing a College Fitzherbert had had no experience, and was unlikely, in view of his associations, to have received information about Barret, except from the latter's opponents. In 1596, when in Rome attempting to bringabout an end to the College troubles, Barret had endeavoured to bring Fitzherbert to a better frame of mind concerning his activities amongthe students, butnot, it would appear, with any success (26) His words about Barret, therefore, if unsupported from more reputable sources, have little value

The other document, of somewhat contradictoryimport, which is sometimes quoted against Barret, is a long memorial sent from Belgium to the Cardinal Protector in the middle of 1596, by Doctors Thomas Worthington and William Piercy (27) The memorial outlined their views on the causes of the troubles in the College at Rome, and after painting a utopian picture of conditions under Allen, they castigatedBarret's government and financial administration of the College at Douay, alleging that lack of discipline there had resulted in some studentsgoing to Rome already infected with a factional spirit Barret's own words, however, in a letter to

INTRODUCTION

Persons written soon after his arrival in Rome earlier the same year, indicate that the disciplinaryfault lay elsewherethan at his door. For of the studentsin the College there hefound some whom he had himself expelled from Rheims, and very many others received "at all adventure" , thus certainly not recommended from his College. The causes of the disturbances lay in Rome, and later in the letter he stated that, not only was a new Rector needed there, but better correspondencebetweenthe two Colleges, if there was to be peace (28) It is not at all obvious why Worthingtonand Piercy should have undertaken to write to the Protector on the subjectscovered by their memorial , for neither had anythingto do with the College at Douay Worthingtonhad never been in office under Allen , and had not been on the College staff since July 1591 , and Piercy, who had been a Doctor of theology in Paris untildriven out bythe troubles there,(29) at no time. Their statements are often sweeping, sometimes inaccurate, and on financial issues they show lack of grasp of the difficulties , whilst at the same time making insinuations against Barret which they do not substantiate. Personal relations between Barret and Worthington seem to have been far from cordial,(30) and this fact may not be without significance in the matterof the memorial Certainly, the representations had no effect, and Barret continued in office as before, and seems, indeed, to have made a considerable mark in Rome during 1596.(31)

Furtherresearch may give us a clearer picture of the details of Barret's presidency of the College, and they would be especially welcome concerning the magnitude of the financial stresses with which he had constantly to contend More trustworthy evidence, however , than the sources mentioned above is clearly needed before he can justly be condemned as an unsuitable successor to Allen. Until such time, attention may be directed to the brief panegyric entry in the Third Douay Diary recording his death This shows that his own colleagues held him in high esteem as a most worthy President of the College, whilst recalling that his term of office fell in such a stormy and difficult period that some few things were done which were not equallyapproved by all (32)

III

Original letters or contemporary copies make up the bulk of the documents printed in this volume, together with a few extracts from letters which now survive only in early 17th centuryprinted books. Two original letters, Nos 4 and 5, were used by Dodd in 1739 , in Vol. II of his Church History of England, and have since been reprinted from Dodd's text. As his version is unsatisfactory, however, the re-discovery of the originals at Milton House , Berk-

INTRODUCTION

shire, has made it possible to publisha sound text, and they have therefore been included here Three items in the Addenda have been reprinted in this volume because of the inaccessibility ofthe works in which they originally appeared The Latin of ten of Barret's letters has already been printed by T. F. Knox, two being annexedto the Second DouayDiary, the remainder being included in the Appendixof other documents printed with the Diaries. Since he gaveno English translations of these letters it has seemed worth while to supply these here, in their appropriate places By adding one English letterfrom the third volume of M.A. Tierney's edition of Dodd's History(1840), it has thus been possible tobringtogether in this present book all Barret's letters so far discovered.

The remainder of the sources are extracts, paraphrases or notes made, in no particular order, in a series of manuscript volumes by the English Jesuit, Fr. Christopher Grene, in the second half of the 17th century,(33) from original letters then preserved in the archives of the English College in Rome. His special interest, as his notebooks show, lay in accounts of the English martyrs, but he extracted or commented on much else of interest for the general historyof English Catholics, under persecution or in exile Many of the original documentswhich he handled no longer survive, and of those which are still extant few now remain in the College archives.(34) Details concerning his career are sparse, so that the exactdating of his various Collectanea is uncertain; but it is known that in 1664 , and probably 1665, he was gathering and collating material for the use of the Italian Jesuit historian , Fr. Daniello Bartoli, who was then engaged in writing his Istoria della Compagnia di Gesu, L'Inghilterra.(35) As Grene lived, however, till 1697, dying in the English College after five years there as confessor, someof his notebooks may belong to this laterperiod. The extracts printed here come from four of these collections, two now in the Jesuit General Archives, and two at Stonyhurst, as shown in the Index of sources .

The original spelling of both letters and Grene's extracts has been preserved, and abbreviations and contractions have been expanded. In Latin documents, the practice of bothAllen and Barret with regard to "i" or "j" , in such words as ejus, hujus and many others , was not uniform, and it has been thought best to standardise it as printed in the two words above Punctuation has been left as found, as far as possible, though alterations have been made in the caseof the contemporary semi-colon or colon, where a full stop would now be used Capital letters have been used to begin Latin sentences, in conformitywith modern practice. The original paragraphing of the Latin letters has been retained but, as this would often have resulted in excessivelylong sectionsin the translations , the latter have been divided up as seemed necessary . An

INTRODUCTION

asterisk has been prefixed to the serial number of any document here printed which is either incomplete or a paraphrase. Any editorialcomments, modernisedspellings, or suggested emendations in texts, appear in italics between square brackets; where persons are mentioned in the text with either first or last names omitted, these have been supplied in the same way, either in the text itself, where this is in English, or in the translations, in other cases. Allen, Barret or Grene sometimes left dates incomplete by omitting the year: these have been completed betweensquarebrackets, butwithout italics, since the year in question can usually be ascertained from endorsementsor contents or, in the case of Grene, by a date given at the head of a general list of letters, not all printed here. With certain undated items reasons are given in the notes forthe dates assigned to them .

To make these letters more useful and interesting, three considerations have been kept in mind in annotating them: historical backgrounds have been sketchedin where necessary , other relevant documents and sources have been indicated, and finally, particular attention has been given to biographical details relating to the persons mentioned in the course of the letters Since there is, however, in some cases so much material already available in print, the aim with these has had to be to illustratetheir connectionswith the eventsin question, ratherthan to attempt complete life histories It seemed more importantto use a considerable proportion of the available space for the assembling or indicatingthe whereabouts of evidence, usually rather scattered, concerning the manyless wellknown persons . In a few cases no identificationhas been possible. Biographical material will be found at the first mention of a name, and further notes on any person only occur if later letters raise new points about his career.

NOTES TO THE INTRODUCTION.

(1) Cf. Addenda 1 infra.

(1A) A sketch of Allen's early career is given in Knox, D.D.

(2) Cf. Allen to Vendeville, Rheims, 16 September 1580, Knox, Allen, pp 52-67; internal evidence shows that 1580, and not 1578, is the correct date of this letter. Cf. also Allen to Mercurian, 1575-6, C.R.S. 9, pp. 62-9; Knox, D.D. pp 6-7, 24; C.R.S. 2, p 190.

(3) Cf. Allen to Vendeville, ut supra; Brief of Gregory XIII, 15 April 1575 and Brief addressed to Allen, 30 August 1575, Knox, Allen, pp 24, 27

(3A) Cf. Addenda 2 infra.

(4) Cf. A. Kenny, From Hospice to College, 1559-1579, Venerabile Sexcentenary Issue , 1962, and references there given; also C.R.S. 2, p 64; Knox, D.D. pp 108-13; No. 5 infra.

(5) Cf. C.R.S.2, p 100 ; C.R.S. 39, p 4.

INTRODUCTION

(6) Cf. No. 66 and Note 1 to No. 67 infra.

(7) Cf. C.R.S. 39, pp lii-lxiv, and sources given there; Knox, Allen, pp xxxiiff, though Allen's political activity began, however, earlier than there stated (cf. Addenda 1 , note 1 infra); also L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, 1964, Chapter I.

(3) His journey to Rome in 1585 was originally planned to meet various crises , and not for permanent residence (cf. Note 1 to No. 63 , Notes 1 & 3 to No. 64, and Note 1 to No. 68 infra).

(9) Such views long outlasted Allen's life-time, as Catholic documents of the period show Philip II's successor, also, certainly felt that he had a special part to play in helping English Catholics, if this was at all consistent with Spanish interests (cf. A. J. Loomie, S.J., Toleration and Diplomacy : the Religious Issue in Anglo-Spanish Relations, 1603-1605 , Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, September 1963 .

(10) T. Worthington to Hesketh , Douay, 18 December 1601 , Knox, Allen, pp 396-7, spelling modernised ; also Appendix C infra, paragraphnumbered 24, and Note 4.

(11) Brasenose College Register, 1509-1909, Oxford History Society, 1909 , p 34; C.R.S. 4, p 68

(12) Knox, D.D. various pages; C.R.S. 37, p 12; Note 13 to No. 5 infra.

(13) All the privileges of a university, of promoting to degrees in the faculties of arts and theology, were granted to the superiors of the English College, to be exercised with the consent of the Protector, in Gregory XIII's Bull of Foundation, dated 23 April 1579, printed in TierneyDodd II, pp cccxxxvii-xliv For Barret's degree, cf. Punti della Missione , C.R.S.4, pp 68-9 Dodd (II, p 68) gives the date as 15 September 1582 . but no specific reference for it Cf. also Annuae literae Collegij Anglicani Anni 1582, A.R.S.J. Anglia 30.I.f.246, printed in Foley, Records VI.

(14) Cf. Knox, Allen, various pages

(15) Cf. especially Nos. 25, 26, 30 and 33 infra.

(16) On faction , cf. especially Nos 25, 27, 70 and 72, and for later years Nos 106, 107, 109, and 110; on discipline especially Nos 31, 35 and 70 infra .

(17) Cf. Knox, D.D. p 217; also Note 2 to No. 80 infra.

(18) Brief of Sixtus V to Allen, Rome, 29 October 1587, and Allen's letter appointing Barret, Rome, 31 October 1588, Knox, Allen, pp 301-2, 310-11.

(19) Knox, D.D. pp. 221-2 .

(20) Cf. No. 103 infra.

(21) Cf. Note 1 to No. 113 infra

(22) C.R.S. 10 , p xvi Other such remarks occur in Dodd, II, p. 68, Tierney's edition of Dodd, Gillow's Bibliographical Dictionary , or the D.N.B.

(23) Knox, Allen, pp 3-20

(24) Cf. C.R.S. 51, pp 205, 265 , 266

(25) Cf. L. Hicks, S.J. The Embassy of Sir Anthony Standen in 1603, II, RecusantHistory, Vol 5, n 5, April 1960, p 212 , Note 57

(26) Cf. Agazzari to Persons, 27 August 1596, Westm V, n 66; also entry from Roger Baines' Diary: "All the English in Rome came to the College 10 March 1598 to hear Father Persons' [then Rector] reasons against Mr. Nicholas Fitzherbert" Grene's note in Stonyhurst Coll N. f 106

(27) Knox, D.D. pp 368-75; Note 7 to No. 106 infra

INTRODUCTION

(28)

Cf. No. 106 infra .

(29) Knox, D.D. p. 374, list of priests appended to the Memorial (30) Cf. No. 106, last paragraph; also Note 3 to No. 109 infra

(31) Cf. No. 107 infra.

(32) C.R.S. 10, p 6

(33) Christopher Grene entered the English College, Rome in 1647, aged 18 years, was ordained in 1653, and spent some years working in England before enteringthe Societyin 1658. He was English Penitentiary at Loretto from 1674 to 1686, and at St. Peter's, Rome from 1686 to 1692. He died in 1697 , having been confessor in the English College from 1692. (Cf. Foley, Records III, pp. 499-500 and Addenda, pp 1386-8; C.R.S. 40 , p 39)

(34) Concerning the dispersal of documents once in the English College Archives, cf. C.R.S. 51 , Introduction, II (b) and the relevant notes An interesting account of various of Grene's Collectanea is in J. Morris, S.J. The Troubles of Our Catholic Forefathers, Third Series, 1877, pp 3-7

(35) Bartoli's work was published in 1667, and a new edition of it appeared in 1855-6 Foley's biographical note on Grene does not directly mention his collaboration with Bartoli, but he printed three letters, of 1664-5 , from Grene's Jesuit brother, Martin Grene, in England (Foley, Records III, pp 494-9), from which it is clear that Martin was looking up details and finding material required by his brother for Bartoli An original letter from Christopher Grene to Bartoli, dated 4 September 1664, is in the Collectanea in the Jesuit General Archives, now numbered Anglia 38.II (f. 186), with which Grene forwarded that same collection to Bartoli at the Casa Professa in Rome, and asked for the return of books and papers not needed any more

LETTERS OF ALLEN AND BARRET

1. ALLEN TO EVERARD MERCURIAN.(1)

Douay, 13 June 1575.

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f.3 Draft or copy, not in Allen's hand

[No opening greeting]

Postquam renunciatum nobis fuit de maximo illo multoque amplissimo Sanctissimi Domini nostri beneficio in communem omnium Anglorum salutem a sua Sanctitate collato : pro eo sane ac res ipsa postulabat, incredibilis statim omnium nostrum animos explevit laetitia. Et quamquam beneficium a quocumque sit profectum , esse sua natura solet indigentibus hominibus acceptissimum, per quos tamen id nascitur authores, per eos longe maximum nonnunquam capit incrementum. Sic profecto se res habet (Reverende Domine et Religiosissime Pater) ut quamvis communibus auxiliis patriae nobis negatis, in maximis nostrarum fortunarum angustiis subsidia cujusmodi nobis per se ipsa futura essent gratissima: tamen istud tam magnificum beneficium non tam magnitudine sua (quamquam et illa quidem vehementer) nos commoverit , quam quod inprimis a summo Christi Domini Vicario profectum ac deinde talium tantorumque virorum laudatissimis studiis, et nominatim tuae pietatis sanctissima opera atque industria confectum nobis fuerit Etenim diligens harumrerum consideratio non solum suavissimae providentiae dei in nos homines exules significationem dedit apertissimam: sed summam adeo spem ingeneravit animis, quod divina clementia de ipsa etiam patria nostra misere hactenus laborante cogitationes cogitet pacis ac salutis Cujus rei ista quasi quaedam indicianobis dare videtur[sic videntur], quod tantae dignitatis , virtutis, et pietatis viros ad consulendum communi nostrae saluti excitarit Neque certe aliud cogitationibus nobis [sic nostris] de hac re magis versatur in animis, quam quod sicut magni illius Gregorii sanctissimis laboribus paganismi caecitate pressam et jacentem olim Angliam summa sua misericordia liberavit: ita nunc eandemimpiis haereticorum conatibus seductam et ab ecclesiae capite corporeque divulsam alterius Gregorii summi pastoris vigilantissimi , tam periculosis nostris temporibus conservati, meritis et auxiliis ad pristinam integritatem propediem revocabit. Auget vero mirifice hanc spem nostram, quod etiam venerandaeSocietatis Jesu (cujus unius maxime religione et industria, nostra hac aetate Deus perniciosas haereticorum flammas potenterextinguit, ipsamqueadeoPaganorum infidelitatem mirandis modis illuminat) Generalem ducem ad istam Angliae curam applicarit. Hoc tuae pietatis in nos studium et charitatem humillime quidem omnes colimus et amamus: minimam vero partem ejus

ALLEN TO MERCURIAN

condignis agendis gratiis assequi non valemus Neque enim ad nos solos, qui hic sumus, vel etiam Anglos omnes, qui nunc vivunt, sed ad omnem adeo posteritatem nostram haec vestra pietas pertinet, et (ut confidimus) perveniet etiam et pertinget Tantum tua (Pater optime) pro servis suis apud Deum et apud homines charitas perseveret Ac imprimis, quoniam indignitas nostra scribere ad Sanctitatem suam nullo modo audet, neque dedet, dignetur Paternitas tua (enixissime rogamus) parvitatis nostrae nomine gratias humillimas et quam potest maximas ad pedes Sanctitatis suae prosternere Denique quia Deus solus est, pauperum suorum tutor et provisor benignissimus, qui tantae erga nos pietatis tam magnis meritis repositam habet mercedem uberem atque plenam: illius nos divinam bonitatem (id quod semper debemus , quodque solum possumus) humillime imploramus , ut hanc Sanctitatis suae erga nos indignos misericordiam in illa die retribuat: Postremo ut se salutem tuam tueri, ac patronum te nobis conservare diu velit. Duaci id. Junii an 1575 e collegio Anglorum.

R. Paternitatis tuae oratores GULIELMUS ALANUS et sui

Addresed in same hand: Reverendo in Christo Patri Dominosuo

colendissimo P. Everardo Mercuriano , sanctissimae Societatis Jesu Generali dignissimo. Romam.

Endorsed: 1575 Duaci

Fiandra basso scrivere al Papa

P. Guillelmus Halanus [sic]. id Junii. Rengratiamenti et che non osano

[Translation :] As soon as the very great and most ample benefaction of our most holy lord, the Pope, bestowed by his Holiness for the spiritual well-being of all Englishmen, was reported to us , unbelievable joy at once filled the hearts of all of us for this, as indeed the matter itself demanded. And although a benefaction, of its verynature , is wont to be most acceptableto theindigent, from whomsoever it may come, it sometimes, however, acquires by far its greatestvaluefrom the very authors through whom it does come . So, certainly, the matter is, venerableSir and most reverend Father, that although, in the very great straits of our fortunes, when the ordinary assistance of our fatherland has been denied to us, alms of this kind would of themselves be most acceptable to us: nevertheless, this most magnificent benefaction has not moved us so much by its magnitude (though that touches us extremely) as in the first place, that it has come from the supreme Vicar of Christ Our Lord, and next, through the most praiseworthy efforts of many persons of such quality, and in particular , that it was procured for us by the most holy labour and diligence of yourfatherly concern.

ALLEN TO MERCURIAN

Truly, a careful consideration of these things has yielded not only a very evident sign of the most sweet providence of God towards us exiles, but has also generated in our minds the very greatest hope, that the Divine clemency will think thoughts of peace and salvation, too, concerning our country itself, hitherto wretchedly oppressed : of which event these things seem to give us, as it were , certain tokens, in that He has stirred up men of such great excellence, virtue and piety to have a care for our common spiritual welfare. Nor, certainly, is anything else in our thoughts about this matter more present in our minds than that, just as in His very great mercy He once freed England, oppressed and prostrate in the blindness of paganism, by the most holy labours of that great Gregory, so He will ere long recall the same, at present seduced by the impious exertions of the heretics, and torn from the head and body of the Church, to her former spiritual soundness, by the services and aid of this other Gregory, a most vigilant supreme Pastor reserved for our so dangerous times.

Further, God wonderfully increases this our hope, in that He has also joined thereto, as a leader in this concern for England, the General of the revered Society of Jesus, by the religious spirit and diligence of which single body God powerfully extinguishes the pernicious flames of the heretics in this our age, and brings light in marvellous manner even to the infidelity itself of pagans In truth, we all very humbly revere and love this zeal of your religious concern and your charity towards us Certainly we are not able to requite the least part of it with worthy thanksgiving. Nor, indeed, does this your zeal extend to us alone who are here [at Douay], nor even to all Englishmen now alive, but muchmore to all our posterity, and (as we trust) it will truly reach out and extend to them. May your charity towards His servants, most excellent Father, continue thusfar, steadfastly, before God and men.

And in the first place, since our unworthiness neither dares nor ought in any wise to write to his Holiness, may your Paternity deign, we beg most earnestly, to lay at the feet of his Holiness the humblest and greatest thanks possible, in the name of our insignificance. Then, since God alone is the defender and most liberal provider to His poor, and Who has stored up a great and full reward for such great services of so great zeal towards us , we most humblyimplore His divine goodness, whichwe are bound to do always, and which is all we can do, that He will reward at the last day this compassion of his Holiness towards us unworthy men; lastly, that He will watch over your spiritual welfare, and long preserve you to us as a patron Douay 13 June 1575, from the English College

Your Reverend Paternity's suppliants, William Allen and his.

ALLEN TO MERCURIAN

(1) The occasion for this letter to the Jesuit General, as of the next following to Possevino , was the first regular financial grant to Douay College of 100 gold crowns a month, made by Gregory XIII on 15 April 1575 (cf. Knox, D.D. Introduction , pp xxxv-vi, and references there given; also on Jesuit help in obtaining the Papal pension, T. Worthington, A Relation of Sixtene Martyrs, 1601, pp 76-7). Two further letters of gratitude for this benefaction, to the Cardinal of Como, of the same date are printed in Knox, Allen, pp 24-5 A holograph draft or copy of the second of these is in A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f.107. Everard Mercurian, a Belgian, was elected the fourth General of the Jesuits on 3 April 1573 , in succession to the Spaniard, St. Francis Borgia He died, aged 66, on 1 August 1580

2. ALLEN TO ANTONIO POSSEVINO .(1)

Douay, 13 June 1575 .

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , n.f. Draft or copy, not in Allen's hand .

[No opening greeting]

Allato nobis nuper a charissimo D. ArchidiaconoHannoniensi D. Audoeno (2) nostro quem nostis, nuncio cum R. D. Patrem Generalem Societatis, tum secretarium ejus plurimum nobis commodasse , apud Sanctitatem Suam intercedendo pro nobis , nihil equidem mirati sumus Namqui universae Societatis vestraecharitatem noveramus, facile intelleximus, nihil factum esse insolensaut novum, ut praecipue ejusdem viri gratiam suam, authoritatem , existimationem ad id conferrent, ut animarum saluti ubicumque et quomodocumque consulerent Caeterum officijj nostriesse animadvertimus, ut, quemadmodum patri vestro Domino nobis plurimum honorando, ita etiam tibi (vir multis nominibus venerande) gratias quam maximas primo quoque tempore ageremus . In quo tamen ipso eo minus sollicite laboramus, quod vos estis, quibus debemus, qui gratiam ab hominibus non querentes , ad divinam duntaxat retributionem spectatis. Habet autem eo majorem apud Deum gloriam ista cooperatio vestra, quo maius est beneficium istud Sanctitatis Suae. Constituto enim Duaci suis sumptibus amplissimis atque maximis hoc Anglorum Theologorum contubernio, hoc perfugio exulum, hac sede et domicilio Catholicorum , hoc loco legitimae adorationis iis qui ex Samaria schismaticorum, vultus habent euntium in Jerusalem: refecit spiritum nostrum, calamitates sublevavit, egestatem ditavit, ruinas implevit, vitam propemodum ac patriam nobis reddidit, dum extra patriam tam bene vivere ac beate praestitit Nec ista solum corporalia , nec nobis tantum contulit, qui primitiastantae suae benedictionis accepimus, verumetiam tot animas conservavit, quot egestas vel exire de schismateabster-

ALLEN TO POSSEVINO

ruisset, vel redire ad schisma compulisset, imo tot insuper conservavit, quot resipiscente aliquando (si Deus volet) Britannia nostra conservabunt ii, quos suae interim Sanctitatis alumnos ad illa usque tempora Duacensis erudieritAcademia Nostrum autem erit, dare quantam cum Deo possumus maximam operam, secundum vestram omnium de nobis expectationem, ut etiam durante schismate consulamus saluti tum nostrae tum fratrum nostrorum quoscumque indigno licet ministerio nostro vocare ad se misericordia divina voluerit. Tuam vero humanitatem rogamus, ut parvitatis nostrae rationes, quemadmodum coepisti, promovere quibuscumque rebus poteris perseveres Denique non deeritnostra pro charitate tua ad eum qui preces humilium non spernit, assidua et supplex oratio: Sicut et vestras devotissimas et efficacissimas vicissim pro nobis orationes humiliter imploramus : ut quod nobis erga vos officium nostrum imperat, hoc a vobis erga nos charitas vestra impetret Deus religiossimam Reverentiam tuam servet incolumem Duaci Idib. Junii Anno Dni 1575 e collegio Anglorum

Reverentiae Tuae addictissimi

GULIELMUS ALLANUS Rector et sui

Addressed in same hand: Reverendo in Christo Patri, P. Antonio Possevino, Sanctissimae Societatis Jesu Secretario Romam.

Endorsed: +1575 Duaci Guillelmus Halanus [sic] Idibus Junii

[Translation :] When the message from our most dear Archdeacon of Hainault, Dr. Owen [Lewis],(2) whom you know , was recently brought to us , that both Reverend Father General of the Society, and especially his Secretary, had been ofthe greatestservice to us , in interceding for us to his Holiness, we were in no way surprised. For we, who had experiencedthe charity ofyour whole Society, easily understood that nothing unaccustomed or new is done, but that its principal men contribute thereto their favour, authorityand credit, and take carefor the salvation of souls everywhere and in every way For the rest, we consider it our duty, that just as your Father and Lord [the General] must be very much honoured by us, so also we should offer you (a man meet to be revered on many counts) the very greatestthanks, as soon as possible. Indeed, moreover , we do not take the less pains in this matter because you, the men to whom we are indebted, are such asdonotseek the favour of men, and onlylookfora divinereward However, this your co-operation has the greater glory before God ,

ALLEN TO POSSEVINO

the greater that benefaction of his Holiness: for, having established this College of English theologians at Douay by his most ample and great expense, this refuge of exiles, this residence and home of Catholics, this place held in just esteem by those from the schismatical Samaria, who have the countenancesof men going up to Jerusalem, he [the Pope] has restored our spirit, lightened our calamities, enriched our poverty, rebuilt our ruins, and as it were , restored to us life and our country, in that outside our countryhe has appointed us to live so well and happily. Nor has he only bestowed material benefits on us, who have [thus] received the first fruits of this his very great blessing; but, in truth, he has preserved as many souls, as extreme want had frightened away from leaving schism, orcompelled toreturnto schism. Nay, further, should God will that our Britain be sometime recovered, he [the Pope] has preserved as many as those men shall preserve, whom this Douay Academy will meanwhile have educated, as his Holiness's Scholars, against that time But it will behove us to make the greatest effort we can with God's assistance, according to all your great hopes of us, thatwe also, during the schism , mayprovide for our own salvation and that of whomsoever of our brethren the divine mercy should will to call to Himself by our ministry, unworthy though it is We yet beg you, in your kindly concern for us , thatyou will persevere in advancing, in whatever ways you can , the affairs of our lowliness, as you have begun. Finally, because of your charity, our constant and suppliant prayer shall not be wanting to Him Who does not spurn the prayers of the humble: just as , in turn, we humbly implore your most devout and efficacious prayers for us; that what our duty commands us to doin your regard, your charitymay obtain from you in our regard . May God safely preserve your most pious Reverence . Douay. 13 June A.D. 1575 , from the EnglishCollege. Your Reverence's most devoted servants , William Allen, Rector, and his

(1) Antonio Possevino was Secretaryof the Society from April 1573 to 15 December 1578

(2) Concerning Dr. Lewis, cf. Note 1 to No. 5 infra

3. ALLEN TO MURCURIAN. Douay, 12 March 1577 .

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f.41 Holograph

Reverendissime in Christo Domine, Quod Romae saepius ad gravissimum et charitatis plenum colloquium vestrum admissus , et in meis meorumque necessariis

ALLEN TO MERCURIAN

rebus toties adjutus, frequentioribus literis gratias non agam, non sit sane, pater mi, quod vel officii vel beneficii obliviscar, cujus erit mihi semper recordatio sanctissima; sed maximarum occupationum vestrarum, quibus video vos continuo confici, misertus hoc saepe molestum offiicii genus et inutile praetermitto : quod nunc tamen scribam, in causa est: Schola Duacensis cum aliis rationibus variis ex his recentioribus tumultibus afflicta est, tum non mediocre vulnus accepit ex sublato Rdo. Patre D. Max a Capella Collegii Aquicintensis theologiae professore: quem hominem cum valde desiderint non solum studiosi paene omnes propter ejus summam in docendo gratiam et commoditatem sed etiam, ut intelligo, jurisconsulti ac alii aetate et doctrina provectiores viri, qui se in omnibus doctrinae et conscientiae difficultatibus , ipsius experientia, judicio, et eruditione non mediocriter adjutos fatentur, putavi aliorum ad vos precibus etiam nostras adjungendas literas Sane (colendissime Pater) his novae academiae initiis visus est ille bonus vir magnum decus et commodum attulisse, proinde nisi ejus opera ecclesiae Dei vestraeque sanctissimae Societati alibi, (quod non putamus) videatur fore utilior, sinat vestra R.P. se meis et multorum votis adduci, ut ille optimus pater nostrae academiae restituatur; hoc nihil potest vestra pietas bonis viris facere gratius: Christus Jesus tibi gratiam, vitamet incolumitatem quam diutissime servet. Duaci 12 Martii [15]77 .

V. Rde P. humillimus servitor GULIELMUS ALANUS

Addressed by Allen: Rdo in Christo Patri ac domino D. Everardo Mercuriano , Societatis Sanctissimi nominis Jesu Generali Praeposito dignissimo [ ... ? one word . . .] suo colendissimo. Romae.

Endorsed: 1577. Duaci D. Gulielmus Alanus. 12 Martij. [Translation :]

Most Reverend in Christ Our Lord, That I do not write more frequent letters of gratitude, my Father, although in Rome I was very often admitted to mostgrave and charitable conference with you, and was assisted so many times in my own necessities and those of my countrymen, is certainly not because I am forgetful of my duty or of the favour, of which the remembrance will everbe most sacred to me; but, pitying the exceeding volume of the business by which I know you to be continually beset, I omit this often unprofitable and irksome kind of office .

ALLEN TO MERCURIAN

The reason that I now write is this: Douay College is not only afflicted on various counts by these very recent tumults, but also has received no mean wound in the removal of Rev. Fr. D. Max a Capella, Professor of Theology at Anchin College Since notonly almost all the students greatly cherish this man, on account ofhis supreme ability and aptitude for teaching, but also, as I understand, the lawyers and other men more advanced in age and learning , confess that they have been helped in alldifficult points of doctrine and cases of conscience by his experience, judgment and great erudition, I thought I ought also to add our letters to the entreaties of others to you It certainly seems, most revered Father, that this good man has contributed great glory and profit to the beginnings of the new College. Therefore, if, as we do not think can be, it did not seem that his labour wouldbemore useful elsewhereto the Church of God and to your most holy Society, may your Rev. Paternity allow yourself to be persuaded by my prayers and those of many others, that this excellent father may be restored to our academy. Your fatherly concerncan do nothing more grateful to good men than this. May Christ Jesus ever preserve you in grace, life and safety. Douay, 12 March 1577 . Your Rev. Paternity's most humble servant , William Allen

) Rheims, 5 April 1579

Milton House Mss Sect 1 , n 3. Holograph. Printed by Dodd , Church History of England, Vol II (1739), p. 242 , and from his version in Knox, Allen, p 75.(2)

Mr. Hopkins yow discourse wisely and frindly in the behallf ofourcountrymen ther and elsewher dispersed; and being discreete and well experimented by their owne long miseryes I doubt not but now or very speedily they will repayre all defalts and defects of their government employing theime selves to Goddes honour , the profit of our afflicted country, and the most advancementof their owne firmecredite and estimation. Wherunto the more effectually to move theim I have of dewtifull affection and for our common country sake made theime proffer to be partaker(And so I yet once agayne pray theime to be) so many at least as doo complayne of lacke or as list ether teache or learne, of what soever we have or shall have here. Yow saysom were in dignity at home; towhome I promis that their lyving here shall be as correspondent

4. ALLEN TO RICHARD HOPKINS.(1

ALLEN TO HOPKINS

to their quality and degree in England, as that that they have in Loven [Louvain]; and I say furtherto yowthattherbe heresundry of as highe calling as any of our frinds ther, which be more contented here then ever they were of their lyvings in their owne contrye and withowt comparison muche more enamoured with our trade herein common, then ever of theire owne or of other students any where lyving at their private. But they have ended this course that we follow longe sithence yow saye, and therfore it were not seemelyto begin agayne with yonge men, and that is trew; but it were not unseemelyfor suche to teache other that that they have learned so longe since theime sellfe, nor against charitye nor their honour , nor their age, nor any dignity what soever theyhave had, or be worthy of, but they list not be apoynted by other; then lette theime ether doo good of theime selves and their owne accord or els no hoorte [hurt] and diswade not those that list and [p 2] must lyve in order, and so they shall be welcom allso; here be at this time sundry auncient men and at divers tymes have been divers . And yet the day is to com that we everforced anyoftheim to worke or any strayte order which theme selves misliked of: Yea the things that we do be so agreeable to every mans mynd, that we couldnot hold theim from theim if we wold. And many surmise straunge things of our orders that never saw theime, but never none that saw theime that I know of was desyrous to leave theime . A little governement ther is and order, but no bondage nor straitenes in the world; ther is nether othe, nor statute, nor other bridle nor chaticement but reason and every mans conscience in honest superiority and subalternation eche one towardes other. Confession, communion, exhortation hath kept us this ix yeare I thanke God in great peace amongestour selves, in good estimation abrode, with sufficient lyvelihodfrom God, and in good courseof service towardes the Churche and our contry, yea so notoriously to Goddes glory and the good of many, that our case hathe beene envyed and our good indevours detracted (as such things lightly be) and meanes made in vayne to sever the Popes exhibition in peices and consequently to divide the body of our college, which had brought us if it had been unwisely heard as it was indiscreetly propownded, to the like nothing that theim selves now be in, and ever shall be so longe as they live owt of order company and conference(3)

Well, constancy and tolleration of all things against us , and going forward in this swheete [sweet] course have enclined now every reasonable mans harte to affect us hartely, and taken away from other all habilitye [p. 3] to hinder us, thoughe trewly now I knownone in the world so sinistrelyenformed of that wold ifthey could hoorte [hurt] And I impute it not to any mans dislike of our trade but rather to their ill luck and myne owne sinnes , that

ALLEN TO HOPKINS

having their meate and drinke and other necessaryes (so farre as we be able and as longe as God shall send it us) so freelyproffered theime, they compt [count] it not worth, God have mercy, or accepting, namely being in miserye as som and most part pretend And specially offering eche man to be respected according to their qualitye which taketh away all just excuses of their refusal, for I am suer they be to good and wise men to mislike order, unity, common conference Nether was ther ever yet any man so incompatible of other mens company and society, but he hath bene pleaced. And know yow my good frind Mr. Hopkins, and so it may pleace all my lovingbrethren whose honour and good (Christ Jesu so deale with me as I say trueth) I so much affect, it may like yow and theim I say to knowe, that I doo not desyre nor hope to be their governor nor heade, nor any proffit by their cooming hether other then their owne correspondencein good will and prayers; but I wold have theim to doo itfortheir owne prof[fit] and reliefe and estimation, which I say becaus[e] yow make an insinuation of chewsing me theire heade; at least say yow for to sew [sue] for their pensions; at which your good will to theime and condescending to their infirmitye on the one side, and [p.4] foryourpreferment of me to so proud a headship, Ilaughedhartely. Trewly Mr. Hopkins they shall not neede to chewse me their head for that ,for I wold willingly be their man to doo theim ether that or any other pleasure in the world , with as good a will as for myne own companye; and the time was as yow I dare say know when by accepting onely my name in their postill they mighthave spede : sed omnis inordinatus appetitus sibi ipsi est poena. And now I doubt (my speciall frind D. Sander being gone owt of the court and contry of Spayne , and our nation in disgrace at Rome and generally as I feare throughe an unhappy and the straungest mutiny ther in the seminary betwixt thenglish [the English] and Wellshe that ever yow heard abowt, D. [Owen] Lewis and Mr. Mores [Dr. Morys Clynnog] whome the studentswill not for King nor Pope obaye) whether my credit will be so good to doo any good in the pension matter or no But I may perhaps write to S. Frances [Englefield](4) abowt it if our frinds therwold have me and wold be content to growe into any society and order reasonable, which for their good I desyre And for which cause I offer theime so fayre play: not for any abundance that we have here (which at this time God is my wittnes lyve of borrowing, as Mr. Bridgewatter knoweth) but for assured hope and confidence that I have in God that if we were in peace and collegiall conformity or other ruled societye we should not want. And it may please yow to communicate this my letter, in hast scribled , bothe to those at Loven [Louvain] and Liedge and wher yow thinke good; for John Lyon, because he is no student thoughe I most

ALLEN TO HOPKINS

hartelywold, and he [p. 5] well deserveth, I can not tell what to saye: our profession and good will is to help every body, mary the students and priests be in special recommendacion Yet iff Mr. Lyon can find no meanes, somewhat for som servise abowt our howse he shall be allowed as longe as we [are] hable; which is the conditionwe must adde to every mater; for ultra posse it will not be . What to do for good Mistress Giles with Father Prior I know not. For he is in the like case with Doctor Bristow for certayne odde reckonings of more matter then hirs is, and he hath promised him of late by his letters to see him so discharged But the moony [money] I can not yet heare of. Commend me I pray yow to Mr. Hide Mr. Taylor Mr. Foster Mr. Freeman and every bodye I have none of those bookes that yowspeakof, onelyMr. Raynolds hath the last replye ofWhitegift, and he is not now at home .

Fare yow hartely well my deare frinds. I wold I might have but one houres conference with Mr. Hide Mr. Foster or Mr. Freeman in the premisses : it is trooblesome for me to writeevery thing Christ keepe yow At Rhemes this 5 of Aprill 1579 .

Your poore frind

W. ALLEN.

Addressed by Allen: A Mons Mons* Richard Hopkins gentilhomme Anglois a Loven chez Madame d'Hungerford (5) Seal mark.

Endorsed: (1) Concerning our pension in the Exercise of 600flor by yeare Under the title of English students [Contemporary]

(2) Card. Allens letter to invite company to Rhemes [By Dodd?]

(1) Richard Hopkins, born c 1546, was resident at St. Alban's Hall, Oxford in 1563. For religious reasons he left the university and began to study law at the Middle Temple, but withdrew to Louvain about 1566. He then spent some years in Spain, pursuing his studies , before returning to Louvain. From 1580 to 1590 or 1591 he resided mostly at Paris, when he again removed to Flanders where, until his death in 1594, he was active , in conjunction with Richard Verstegan , Hugh Owen and William Holt, in the affairs of the English exiles , particularly in the transmissionof information to Allen. (Gillow, Bibliographical Dictionary of English Catholics; C.R.S. 5, pp 261-2 ; Knox, D.D. p 406; Cal S.P.D. 1591-4 & Add. 15801625; also Note 1 to No. 90(a) & Note 2 to No. 101 infra)

(2) When reprinting Dodd's version of this letter T. F. Knox remarked , not unjustly, that Dodd was not a careful copyist Though transcribing the same original, then at Douay College, he changed spelling and punctuation without note, made some material mistakes in transcription, and omitted the address and endorsement ,

ALLEN TO HOPKINS

(3) "The first English Seminary also being gathered together, and set up at Douay in Flanders by the special providence of almighty God for restoring a new English Clergy in the year 1568. .. many contradictions rose up at the beginning by certain men, that albeit they were Catholics, yet liked they not this attempt, and wrote divers letters against it which are yet to be seen; so as this passion of emulation hath wonderfully hurt and hindered the English Catholic cause for many years ... " (Persons , A Briefe Apologie, etc., 1601, p 2. Spelling modernised) The two most fundamental causes of such dissensions seem to have been, firstly, widespread lack of sympathy among the exiles , clerics and laymen, with the new spirit raised by the Council of Trent, and represented among them in the training given to the students at Douay, and then, in the work of the new priests on the English mission; secondly , quarrels about means of livelihood and the distribution of alms, felt by some to be unjustly, or at least fruitlessly bestowed on the College (cf. Allen to Chauncey, 10 August 1577, Knox, Allen, pp. 31-7; Allen to O. Lewis, 12 May 1579, No. 5 infra; Persons, op. cit. pp. 3-4, and A Storie of Domesticall Difficulties, C.R.S. 2, pp 62-3) For a modern reconstruction of the evolution of the English Hospice in Rome into the English College, showing the working of the same causes of dissension , cf. A. Kenny, From Hospice to College, 1559-1579, in the Venerabile Sexcentenary Issue, 1962, pp. 218-273

(4) For an account of the career of Sander(s), cf. Dr. Nicholas Sanders and the English Reformation 1530-1581, Louvain, 1935. Concerning Drs Lewis and Clynnog, cf. Notes 1 & 5 to No. 5 infra A useful chapter on Sir Francis Englefield, outlining especially his services to English Catholic exiles at the court of Philip II. is in A. J. Loomie, S.J. The Spanish Elizabethans, New York, 1963.

(5) Some information concerning Lady Anne Hungerford, sister of the Duchess of Feria, may be found in A. J. Loomie, S.J. op cit., Chapter 4: cf. also Note 1 to No. 99, also Addenda 3 , note 1 infra.

5. ALLEN TO OWEN LEWIS (1)

Milton House Mss Sect 1 , n 4

Church History of England, Vol II version in Tierney-Dodd, Vol II, p 78.(2)

Paris, 12 May 1579 .

Holograph Printed by Dodd, (1739), p 234, and from his p ccclxv and Knox, Allen,

Most dearly beloved frind, all your letters came safely to my handes, as I thinke, ever since those tumults did begin; wherby , as allso by as many contraryletters of the studentswe here understood all from the very grownd and marked every thinge and all actions and deportments of the scholars and dooers on all sides; and often conferred with the wisest and principall here in our company as D. Bristow, Mr. Bayly, D. Webbe, L. Martin(3) with other of judgement as well to see what they liked or misliked in all this tragedy, as to use their advise how I might deale to save or salve that great sore and exulceration of myndes betwixt the two parties Englishe and Welshe (much greater and muche further spreadde by that beginning and roote ther unluckelyplanted then

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yowther can perceivethoughe yow may see to your greefemuch): which partiality and division if it be not utterly taken awaymay breed marvelous skandal and inconvenience.(4) My first care was that it should take no hold in our company: where I thanke God at this day they live as sweetely together with owt all differences or respect of nation, or other distraction, as ever I knew anysuche number inmy life : and yet so to hold it (because wewell perceived the common inclination of Adam to like and whisper underhand for their owne against other of other contryes) great moderation and dexterity was necessary I assure yow. The principall poynt was that no meddling nor mayntenance of nether side should be openly or privatly used, but every man to [p. 2] apply his booke and to pray for the appeacing of the tumult and specially for his Holines that God wold give him the spirit of wisdom and mercy that he might take the best way for the ending of the matter, and to pardon thefalt of disobedience, disorder or scandalewhat soever, for the honour of God and perfecting of the work begon And lest any breache might chaunceto be, (otherwise then my coustom and somwhat agaynst my health) I thought it necessary allwayes to be in the hall bothe dinner and supper and all exercises ever sithence, so that all hath bene well and is here very well, never in better contentment, but all very whofull [woeful] and carefull till this last day when the newes of the ending of all, and of the Jesuits establishing came unto us both by your letters and divers others , which I assure yow made us a dooble Easter . Till which end (to tell yow simplyand playnely ) I could not tell how to write for feare of dooing hurte; the broyle was so perilous and I saw the students ther every one so bent that they wold have lost all ratherthen have bene under one of that nation, yea and forsaken me and whome and what elles so ever: not doubting butof wisdom both your sellf and his Holines wold rather condescend to theire infirmity then by this sinister accident or by all their expulsions undoo that worke so happely begon, yea and our whole country and yours, specially seeing they might be appeaced , with so honest a thing as to have the fathers for their governors Which their request (to make yow understand our whole mind) seemed to all our nation most lawfull and godly [p 3] thoughe their maner of proceding and their unkind alienation from yow that hath doone and dayly doo endevour so muche good for this seminary, and that, and all our country, together with refusing so peremptorily to obey the Protectors or Popes order, which might have tended to the ruyn of all if God had not of his great mercy otherwise farr above their deserts and our disposed by the swheete [sweet] end that his Holines hath made This disorder and hazard of all in theime [them] was exceedingly misliked of all the wise and myself here; thoughe the committing the howse to the Society

ALLEN TO OWEN LEWIS

was all our desyres And right sory we were of that error that Mr. Mores [Dr. Morys Clynnog] was made Rector,(5) and gladly wold have had (if the Jesuits might not or wold not have bene) rather D. Bristow, for that both his quality was excellent, and his person gratefull , and was a divine which had bene more fit then one of an other profession, besydes the country, whichyow know many respect [i.e. take account of], (how well and wisely, I do not say); therfor that he or som other like was not chosen or first appoynted, at the beginning it was as I told yow an error, the rather noted, because Mr. Mores, being other wise a very honest and frindly man, and a great advauncer of the students and seminaryes cause, had admitted, yea and sent for or called for up to the seminary (as by sondry letters written not to me but to other men is particularized) som of his contriefolkes and frinds for age quality and intuition unfitt for the study and seminary; which gave both just occasion in the sight of vulgar men to [p.4] doo as they did, and that many there be so extremely alienated (which it peetyeth my hart to heare) from yow and that province, which hath bredde and doothbring up so many vertuous constant and Catholike men Which was no falt in yow I dare be bold to saye; but yet an eskape or defalt in managing that affayre, because yow did not dehort Mr. Mores from taking upon him that charge in the beginning; for which in deede no dishonour be it unto him, he was not sufficient. The scholars falt agayne was that they wold not advertise me, that I might with yow and by yow rather have obtayned by sute and supplication, then by tumultuous meanes so hazardous and scandalous, have prosecuted the matter : which animosity and contentious dealing is farre unfit for the state of students and often joyned to hatred, emulation, detraction, and other sinnes thereon depending, yea it grew so farre (woe be to our sinnes) that as we were advertised mischiefe and murderhad like to have bene committed in ipso collegio. For which horrible disorder, and afterwards of the expulsion of all thenglish [the English] how heavy our hartes were, my tonge nor penne can not expresse; and yow ther seeing the same must needes be in much more. And I nothing doubt but yow did all yow could to stay the Pope and Cardinall from that rigorous order raysed by our mens disorder; but yet for that most men attribute all to that originall error of making Mr. Mores heade, I see the [p.5] scholaresether will not be perswaded that yow did help any thing to the mitigation of the matter, or elles so farre their minds be exacerbatedthat they will acceptnothing forbenefit that coometh from yow(ut fit in aegris animis).

And because I wold have this their extreme alienation from yow, taken away; that yow may, having the good will of all men, as yow deserve by your knowne benefites to all men (which I

ALLEN TO OWEN LEWIS 15

will never cease to protest and suerly do all here most hartely), hold on to doo good to our common contry, which hath exceding ill luck to be hindered by our unhappy contentions and disagreements; I will for that cause use all diligence and dexteritye to treact opportune et importune with the principall of the students, who now having obteyned this happy resolution, will I trust condescend to my order and counsell, and quiet theime selves giving over meddling or harkening to whisperers, whome formergroodges have incited agaynst yow and deceived theime. And in any wise as I love and honour yow, use all meanes possible to coom in to the graceandlikingofthe students: and shewyourwisdom, charity, and zeale in condescending, bearing, and supporting theiryouthfull infermityes so farre as withowt sinne yow may; for interest causae et vestri mirifice that this begon faction doo cease. And because I will be sincere and playne with so deare a frind, not doubting but you will keepe all thinges close from all sides, as I doo yours, yowmust tempre yourcoosen Hughes[Griffin] tonge and behaviour, who is of a bitter, odde, and incompatible nature : (6) for so , not the students ther any of theime, but I assure yow others have signified, that his disordered humoures have bene a great cause of your hatred and [p 6] of all those garboyles. And some here have told me that I did an ill deede to send him uppe whofor choler and other singularityes was never portable amongst his fellowes here For Goddes love therfore correct his nature, as much as yowcan. And I will by all the forces that Imaypossibly divise as well in writing to the students as to their governors and confessorsto makean attonement. Ihavewrittento Father Generall allso,(3) and will doo to who soever I may thinke to have credite with the students; who I know many of theime, of theim selves be not of ill nature, but have bene by zeale rather then malice caried into this action: with whom and with your sellf wold God I had a monthes companye ther. I doubt not but a joyfull reconciliation on all handes might be made, which concerneth so much the wellth [i.e. well-being] of our coontrye, as the contrary dooth the undooing of the same, that D. Bristow, Mr. Bayly, Mr. D. Bernard wold needes have had me to have gone up owt of hande, but my band [i.e. fetter, chain] of remayning here coometh of my superiors, as they knowe not, but yow onely know; and therfor I yelded not in any wise to their motion, lest his Holines or Como might be offended, as yow I dare say thinke allso: at the least I dare not hazard it.(9) And perhappes the students, or other rather , wold thinkeIwold wholy be ledde away from theime by the great familiarity betwixt us; but God so love me as I feele no inclinationof partiality ether on your partfor the great benefite and comforts which I have had at your handes, nether towards their part for conjunction of country or name of Englishe, or for

ALLEN TO OWEN LEWIS

bloodde or such like: as partly yow may see by my playness in this letter , but I only seeke the honour of God, and the necessary attonement of [p.7] all sicke mynds, withowt which what soever we goe abowt for our poore contry will be lost, though all suche honorable and charitable endevours before God can not perishe. Thomas your man (what soeverother occasionyow have to suspect him, and I speake this for the answer of a certayne secret poynt of your last letters) hath written once or twise to me these formall words: the students and thenglishe [the English] be marvelously alienated from my Master, trewly for anything that I know without cause : and I am suspected on both handes ; haec ille: adding more that he wold have my counsell how otherwise to dispose of him sellfe, which I have given him by this letter enclosed . Cause the rest to be delyvered to eche part I pray yow, and lette no vexation alienate your mind from doing us and all other as much good as yow can The best that ever was non reddidit bonum pro bono tantum, sed pro malo bonum. Father Norton shall have his turne served according to your last, and is all ready in a good part dispatched The Spaniards have had a bloody repoolse at Mastricke [Maastricht ] God helpe us : and the Low contrycoometh in slowly. I may perchaunce if I find so much vacant time before these letters goe forward, write a few wordes to our old patron Como, to appeace his mind if percase [i.e. perchance] he have taken any misliking on ether sid by this garboyle; whichyow will delyver him accordingly I doubt not

Mr. Gilbert came not this way, but is arrived in Paris and hath payd the 30 pistolets which yow lent him, to Mr. Baylyes handes being then ther; and he desyreth yow to send his bill therof to Mr. [Thomas] Morgan in Paris Here is no Irishman in these parts that I [p. 8] know, saving Mr. Fitzsimons, and therforethe cataloge is quickly made (10) MyLord of Cambray is retired again for fear of the Castelane in to Fraunce, God knowing what will becoomofthoseLowcountry. The greattalke of Monsieurs mariage with our queene is on slate still.

Mr. [Thomas] Pownde(11) brotherto the priest ther is in yrons still for his faith, and hath answered stoutly, that who soever denyeth the Popes holines to be heade of the Churche of England as well as all other churches Christian , that he is an heretike. Som thinke that he shall suffer or at least fall into the premunire God comforthim and all his fellowes. I wrote your mynd to the Deane touching the woman in your howse: but if he writeth to me agayne Salvo meliori juditio non esset dimitanda , cum honestissime se gerat, et optime servet res et praecipue frumentum : cum etiam inveniri non potest aliquis subditus ecclesiae qui vult accipere curam domus et omnium rerum, nisi esset certus de habitatione ibidem per longiorem terminum , quam expedit promittere Wher-

ALLEN TO OWEN LEWIS 17

upon I can say no farther but committe all to his wisdom as yow require Corne will not be sold they sayfor any thing, and therfor Igettnomonyno ways. And if these new garboyles begin agayne this summer as it is not unlike, all will be in hazarde Mr. Pewes will not nor dare not coom back as he sayeth to Cambray, and therfor requireth onely, a little roome for his stufff as is left.

Being coom this farre I had necessary busines to Paris whether I went leaving this rest to be written ther, and now being ther 5 dayes I have received ij other packets of letters from your sellfe and divers others, all of marvelous ingratefull matter; giving me evident tokensoffeares that those unhappy differencesand mutineis , not ceased by the Popes so manifold mercies, will bring all to naught, and utter shame by which disorder [p.9] ther I perceive the Scottish nation begin to put in foote, so as the Pope will be wearyed with all My Lord of Rosse did lett me see allso what yow wrote to him concerning the same matter: wherin yow say (as I doubt not but it is trewe) that yow never knew of Mr. Seatons request before it was made. (12) But now in deede what soever is donne amisse is layde unjustly upon your backe , both ther and of divers here , the faction of the Welsh and Englishe concerning those seminary matters are growne so greate. And as they have at their fingers endes all the pretended errours and defalts of Mr. Morres for this twenty years , so certayne speaches of yours, be in every mans mouth : viz that yow once sayd to my Lord of Rosse : My Lorde let us stick together, for we are the old and trew enhabitors and owners of the yle of Britanny, these others be but usurpers and new possessors Item, Rather then this College should be seminarium litium, yow wold seeke to extinguish it utterly; ofwhich latterworde many bothe scholars and other write from Rome to divers here and in Rhemes with great exclamation: saing, that yow meane it to be collegium or seminarium litium , for that they will not meddle with yow, now after the Pope hath appoynted them other governors, and that you meane rather to destroy all thence that yow should not have your will and be a dealer still. On the other side Hughe [Griffin] writeth to me , and to D. Bristow more playnely, that the Jesuits have bene and shall be proved the causers and counselers of all these tumults, and that they wold not have our priests to goe to England but to tary longe in Rome and take their temporall commoditye, and that therupon a generall othe and examination was taken of all, whither they wold or were fit to [p. 10] goe in to England when their superiors should command theime. Item he sayeththat the Jesuits have no skill nor experience of our countryes state nor our mens natures , and that their trade of syllogising ther is not so fit for the use of our people, and that therfor if D. Bristow had coom up or wold yet coom up he should be made rector exhorting him

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earnestly so to do All of which I see tendeth to new and endles sturres; by which in fine it will com to passe that our nation and that begon good worke will be forsaken bothe of the Jesuits and your sellfe, and all our superiors. And then shall I be weary of life which allready by these unhappy luckes [i.e. fortunes] of our country is more tedious to me than ever before. If more alterations be yet sought all will be lost; and all cometh of the devill no doubt And except the matter be used with wisdom and great patience and with condonation of eche other for God and our country and common Churches sake, all will be lost that yow have doone and that I have doone, or that any man shall doo for our reames [realm's] recovery; wold God I were ther one month that I might ether take up these extreme alienations of mynd or els if I could not doo so much, that I mighte shortly ther end my life and all the frames of mind and miseries rysing of these calamities procured by our owne follyes and sinnes I thought not good to write to the whole company generall letters, for that every party, as they be affectionate to their owne, and alienated from the other, wold referre thatwhich I speake agaynest their obstinacy, animosity, sedition, emulation, partiality etc. to be spoken and meant of the other faction that theime sellves be not of. For yow will not perhaps beleeve how bothe partyes I meane certaine of ether faction doo describe and sett forth by letters hether the wicked attempts, speaches, purposesand practizes ofthe other. But I write to Mr. [Richard] Barret of whose honesty and discretion I have great hope,(13) and I write in his a letter to the iij eldest priests which have bene the principall doers in this dolefull action [p. 11]. these so ill written to his

And so I make an end of this ungratefull talke, and of my scribbled letters; which be the worste scribled for that at this *I have a scruple now present I am very weeke and weary of whether I had best send body quia aliquandiu stomacho et digesgrace having none here tionis imbecillitate laboro, which will cause that I dare trust to write these to ourgood patron CardinallComo* them agayne: but tomor- to be worse redde; but when you deliver row I goe home if I be theime to his grace I hope he will read hableagayne , from thence to write theim by the theime beforeyow the rather forwhat they next post touch yow and that affayre. Fare wellmy most dear frind, and God be your comfort and myne; for of men I see we shall not have much .

Lutetiae [Paris] 12 May 1[579].

Your owne assuredlyfor ever W. ALLEN .

ALLEN TO OWEN LEWIS

And for Goddes sake

** Off Hughes [Griffin] communication (for put- ting owt of ye Jesuit Rector, and inducing D. Brist[ow] with Mr. [Thomas] Cottam(17) before he entered into the Society, muche is written downefromthence. They must be ye more wise, for thatwhat soeverthey write or say toucheth yow, and me to whome som suspectto incline to much for love of yow,

to the Welsh faction as they terme it.

[P.S.] Commend me (with thankes for his letters) to your nephew. warne in my name allso him and his brother(14) to take heede what they write and to whome theywrite. ** For they geve suspicition [sic] and offense to ye Englishe many wayes, and of this division , som calleth up by their letters (as folkes cry owt here, and it is in every mans mouth) all the Welshmen, yea omnes oriundos ex Wallia to coom to Rome, (15) as the yonge Powels, Mr. Probert (16) and others . One of theim writeth hether to Paris over playnely of Wentworths treason and dissimulation towards yow; which the very party to whome he wrot so , could not abide, nortoheareany thingfor the Welshe against the Englishe: (as the divell hath now made the division) they must bediscrite and seeke to sow up, and not to make ye breache bigger. Yff I see any fitt of the Wellshe men, they shall as well be preferred to Rome (if it lye in my hande) as the Englishe God is my judge I never put difference, nor never will doo.

Addressed by Allen: Rdo, in Christo Patri Dno. Audoëno Ludovico Anglo Hannoniae Archidiacono et Referendario Apostolico Romae (18)

Seal Mark

Endorsed: (1) 13 Junij [ .e the date ofreception]. (2) [In a hand of a later period]: Parigij 12 di magio 1579. II Cardinale Alano

(1) Concerning Dr. Lewis, cf. L. Hicks, S.J. An Elizabethan Problem, London, 1964, pp 11-20, where details of his early career as an exile are given, and his position with regard to the so-called Welsh faction up to 1583 is outlined; cf. also The Wisbech Stirs, C.R.S. 51; also J. M. Cleary, A Checklist of Welsh Studentsin the Seminaries , 1568-1603, Cardiff, 1958, p 4, note 10

(2) As in the case of the previous letter in this volume, this one is reprinted on account of Dodd's original inaccuracies , of which a comparison with earlier printings will reveal the extent Three instances only will be pointed out in these notes.

(3) Dr. Richard Bristow (1538-81), the noted Catholic controversialist, had been one of the original members of Douay College at its foundation in 1568. In Allen's early absences he acted as vice President , and was much concerned with organising studies in the College (Knox, D.D. various pages) Dr. Thomas Bailey (d 1591), after some years in Louvain, came to Douay in January 1576, after which time he became vice Presidentofthe College. (Knox, D.D. various pages; other information in Note 1 to No. 45 infra) He finally left the College in 1590 and lived in Flanders until

ALLEN TO OWEN LEWIS

his death Lawrence Webb, Doctor of Laws, came from Louvain to the College in 1576, where he remained for the rest of his life as a senior member of the staff, dying in the College on 14 January 1608, having the year before celebrated fifty years of priesthood (C.R.S. 10 , pp 349-50). Dr. Gregory Martin (d. 1582), also a noted writer, and famous in particular for his translation of the New Testament, was ordained from Douay College in 1573. In November 1576 he went to Rome, where for over a year and a half he was in charge of the students in the new English College there. He returned to Rheims in July 1578, and died there some three years later (Knox, D.D. various pages).

(4) A recent account, with useful references , of the troubles in the new English College in Rome, which led to the Jesuits being put in charge of it by Gregory XIII in March 1579, will be found in the article by A. Kenny, named in Note 3 to No. 4 supra The most accessible near contemporary narrative is in Persons' Domesticall Difficulties (C.R.S. 2, pp 83-160), compiled in 1600 from earlier documents

(5) Dr. MorysClynnog, earlier one ofthe confratres of the English Hospice in Rome, and more than once Custos, had been appointed first Rector of the new English College, through the authority of Cardinal Morone (cf. A Kenny, ut supra)

(

6) For informationabout Hugh Griffin (or Griffith), Lewis's nephew , cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 265. It is there statedthat he was dismissed from the English College in 1582, but since this event appears to have occurred during Cardinal Morone's Protectorship, it must have been before 1 December 1580, when Morone died (L. Hicks, op cit p 15) Griffin remained, however, in Rome, pursuing his studies outside the College, acquiring a doctorate some time before 1585. Lewis's report in 1582, that he had been asked to remove Griffin "ex Urbe" , was thus a request to take him away from the city itself (Cf. Allen to Agazzari, Rheims , 7 February 1582 , Knox, Allen, p 112.)

(

7) Dodd inserted a "not" here, which is not in the manuscript.

(8) Allen's letter to Mercurian at this time is missing , but the General's answer, dated 3 June 1579, is printed in C.R.S. 9, pp 70-1.

(9) Allen had evidently not yet received Persons' letter from Rome, dated 30 March 1579, informing him that Papal licence and money for his journey to Rome had been procured (C.R.S. 39, p 4) Allen actually left for Rome on 27 August 1579 (Knox, D.D. p 155) Dr. Richard Bernard, mentioned by Allen in the previous few lines, had become one of the Chaplains at the English Hospice in 1572, and was still there in June 1576, having been elected Custos in 1574 (A. Kenny, article as in Note 4 above) He came to the College at Rheims in 1579, and for the period of Allen's absence in Rome was appointed Prefect of studies. In April 1580 Bernard withdrew to his canonry (not named) He was still alive in 1596 (Knox, D.D. various pages).

(10) Mr. Gilbert may be George Gilbert who, not yet a Catholic, was travelling in Europe. In Paris he met Thomas Darbyshire, S.J. , with whom he discussed religious subjects . Later in the year, in Rome, he was reconciled to the Church, Persons standing as his godfather at his confirmation (Foley, Records III, pp 659-60) For other details, cf. Note 1 to No. 18 infra). Concerning Thomas Morgan, cf. Note 5 to No. 27 infra Mr. Fitzsimons may be Leonard Fitzsimon, an Irishman, who entered Douay College in October 1576 and was ordained in February 1578 (Knox, D.D. pp 112, 135). He was apparently working in Dublin in 1584, and was still alive in 1611 (Knox, Allen, pp 169 note, 338 note)

ALLEN TO OWEN LEWIS 21

(11) For Thomas Pound, cf. C.R.S. 51, p 52; concerning his brother, the priest, cf. Note 4 to No. 38, infra. Dodd incorrectly copied the name as "Powel" (cf. Knox, Allen, p 81), but it is quite clearly "Pownde" .

(12) For a sketch of the career of John Leslie, Bishop of Ross, cf. L. Hicks, S.J. An Elizabethan Problem, 1964, p 37 , Note 97. Mr. Seaton may be Alexander Seton, son of Lord Seton, one of the Catholic chiefs in Scotland (cf. Knox, Allen, index).

(13) Richard Barret (cf. Introduction , Part II), with nine others , had left Rheims for Rome on 16 February 1579 (Knox, D.D. p 150), and though amongst the first students who took the new College oath on 23 April 1579 , he can hardly have arrived in Rome before the end of the disturbances

(14) This brother of Hugh Griffin , whose first name is not recorded, was not among those who took the new College oath, so that he must have left the College before 23 April 1579 , though it is possible that he was never a student there, but simply living in the city He was in Milan early in 1583, where he rendered some service to Edward Unton, at that time a prisoner of the Inquisition of that place . He travelled thence to Paris with Unton early in 1584, being sent thitherto study civil law. Unton had promised to help him financially, but failed to do so Thomas Morgan tried to persuade him to go to Rheims, and sought to engage Lewis's influence to this end . The nephew, however, refused , and lived for sixteen months in poverty in Paris, during which period Morgan, then in prison in the Bastille, tried to make him act as his spy The young man hated Morgan, and on that account wrote to his uncle to have no dealings with him . To this Lewis replied angrily, and his brother, "a slenderDoctor of Divinity" , was told to persuade him to have a better opinion of Morgan. These details appear in a letter written anonymously by this nephew to the English ambassador , at this time Sir Edward Stafford, Paris, 28 May 1585 (B.M. Harl 286, f.66), with which he sent copies which he had made of letters given to him by Morgan to send to Lewis in Rome He further begged the ambassador's help in obtaining a pardon from Queen Elizabeth . Stafford mentions the matter to Walsingham, 22 June 1585 (For Cal Aug. 1584-Aug 1585 , p 550) Dr. Barret reports that he had heard of his arrival in Paris with Unton (7 March 1584, No. 35 infra). Concerning Unton's imprisonment, cf. L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Propagandist: the Carreer of Solomon Aldred, The Month, May-June 1945, pp 183-5 . Since publication of this article, however, further information has come to light showing that Unton's conversion appears to have been a blind, and that his imprisonment was directly connected with Aldred's activities on behalf of the English government, which can also now be dated earlier than was thought. Unton did not die in 1584, but returned to England, and in 1587 was active in hunting Catholics (cf. Cal S.P.D. 1581-90, p 384) "

(15) Altl ough some of Dodd's mistranscriptions in these two letters are rather hard to account for, such as "inconvenient" , when the letter has "governnent" , "affecting of men" , when it should be "offering each man" , or "brought" for "raised" , it did not seem necessary to note each one here In this particular place , however, he so altered the writer's sentence, that it raises a suspicion of deliberate falsification For the phrase occurring immediately before this present note number Dodd has written: ... and of this division, some collect up by their letters, that (as folks cry out here . and it is in everybody's mouth) all the Welshmen, yea omnes oriundos ex Wallia, are to come to France, . . . " . Allen's point was to warn Lewis that it was general knowledge that some members of the Welsh faction in Rome, including Lewis's nephews, were summoning their friends to go there to oppose the English The alterations effectively obscure not only

22

ALLEN TO OWEN LEWIS

the real nature of the plot on foot, but also Allen's awareness of it, and seem more in keeping with the party spirit obvious in Dodd's less reputable writings, than with the recording of historical documents.

(16) For the Powels, cf. Note 2 to No. 54(a) infra Mr. Probert is probably Hugh Probert, who was admitted to the English College, Rome, on 17 October 1579 , aged 33 years He was ordained early in 1581 and was sent to England, where he seems to have been working in 1586 (Foley, Records VI, pp 72, 731)

(17) Thomas Cottam (b. 1549) had left Rheims for Rome, still a deacon. on 16 February 1579, in the party which included Barret He entered the Jesuit novitiate of Sant' Andrea on 8 April 1579 , but after some months was sent north for a change of air, because of a break-down in health . He was ordained at Soissons on 25 May 1580, and was sent to England, arriving at Dover 16 or 18 June 1580, but was soon in the Marshalsea He was indicted under the 1581 statute on 28 June 1581 , as in the case of Ralph Sherwin (cf. Note 2 to No. 8 infra); but was not then tried With Campion and thirteen others he was tried for high treason on 20 and 21 November following; with three others condemned at these trials, he suffered at Tyburn on 30 May 1582 (Knox, D.D. various pages; Foley, RecordsII, pp 145-77; Allen, A Briefe Historie of the Glorious Martyrdom of Twelve Reverend Priests , 1908 edit pp 83-8)

(18) Since this letter was addressed to Lewis in Rome, where he was living, it is interesting to find that, when Dodd saw it, it was preserved in Douay College.

*6. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI (¹)

Stonyhurst, Coll M. f.120 Grene's note. 13 August 1579 .

Idem ut supra [i.e. to Agazzari] 13 Aug. 1579. Ego nunc me moxinviam dabo nempecirca 20m. diem Augusti(2) ... he sheweth great desire to see and embrace his friends at Rome

[Translation :] The same as above, 13 August 1579. I willnow soon be entering upon my journey, around the 20 August (2) ... he sheweth great desire to see and embrace his friends at Rome ...

(1) Alphonsus Agazzari, S.J., who had been appointed first Jesuit Rector of the English College, Rome, had taken up residence there by late April 1579 .

(2) When Allen set out for Rome the Rheims Cathedral Chapter sent Gregory XIII a letter, dated 24 August 1579 (A.V. Instr Misc 5408) strongly recommending to him both Allen personally, and the English seminary, recalling to the Pope his own recommendation of them to the Chapter the previous year, when they had come to the city on expulsion from Douay (18 May 1578, Knox, Allen, p 41)

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

*7 . ALLEN TO AGAZZARI.

[Rheims], 3 August 1580

Stonyhurst Coll . N.I, pages 11 , 36 and 68, Grene'sextracts Other extracts from the same letter are printed in C.R.S. IX, pp 26-8 from Stonyhurst Coll. M.

[p. 11]

Alanus in literis ad Agazarium 3 ° Aug. 1580 datis commendat omnes scholares Rhemis eo anno missos Romam numero novem inter quos Thomas Stillingtonus, Daniel Halsworthus, Edwardus James, Oswaldus Tesmondus In quibus omnibus solus Thomas Storeus est durioribus aut rudioribus moribus sed quos plane promittit deponere .. . Ita Alanus , unde dicipoteritde aliis omnibus inter quos Edw Jamesfuisse suavissimismoribus (1)

[p. 36]

Alanusad Agazarium scribit 3 ° Aug. 1580 quod intelligat Gul. Hartum majorem esse imprimis valetudinarium et ideo consulit hunc et similis remittendos Rhemos . . . (2)

[p. 68] Alanus in epistola (citata superius pag hic 11) data Rhemis 3 Aug. 1580 de missis Romam (inter quos erat Odoardus James) sic ait: Omnes supraquam dici potestvehementeret prolixe hortatus sum coram hujus Collegij praefectis ne unquam applicarent animum ad ullas factiones aut tumultus quovis praetextu intentatos aut excitatos contra Collegij Romani [overwritten by Grene: Seminarij Anglicani de Urbe] superiores, nec se ullis partibus aut personis unquam adjungerent qui quidquam mussitarent contra gubernationem : Instruxi eos in omnibus causis talium motuum : promiserunt sanctissime se omnia observaturos, et suis sodalibus quando per gratiam ad urbem venerunt, meas admonitiones et voluntatem significaturos : de quibus etiam rebus scribam ad Barretum ... (3)

[Translation :]p 11. Allenin a letter to Agazzari dated3 August 1580 commends all the students sent that year from Rheims to Rome, to the number of nine. Amongst these were Thomas Stillington, Daniel Halsworth , Edward James, Oswald Tesimond ... Of these students only Thomas Storey is of a somewhat difficult and undisciplined character, but he definitely promises to overcome these traits. Thus Allen, so that all the others, including Edward James, can be said to have been of very docile disposition (1)

p. 36. Allen writes to Agazzari 3 August 1580 that he understands the elder William Hart to be particularlyweak in health , and hence he advises that he and such like be sent back to Rheims (2)

p.68. Allen in a letter (quoted above p 11) dated from Rheims 3 August 1580, about those who have been sent to Rome, (amongst whom was Edward James) writes as follows: I have strongly and at some length warned all these , in the presence of the staffofthe

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

College, never to attach themselves to any factions or tumults attempted or stimulated, under whatever pretext, against the superiors ofthe Roman College [overwritten by Grene: theEnglish Seminary in Rome], nor to join with any parties or persons who make any mutterings against its government I have let them know all the causes of such movements They have faithfully promised to follow all these instructions, and to inform their fellow students of my warnings and desire when they are granted the privilege to arrive in Rome I shall also write to [Richard] Barret about these matters (3)

(1) These five students , with four others, were admitted to the English College, Rome, on 9 September 1580 (Liber Ruber, C.R.S. 37, pp. 21-4). Thomas Stillington, ordained priest on 24 October 1582, obtained a doctorate in theology on recommendation from the College about June 1584 (cf. No. 40 infra) He returned to Rheims on 22 October 1584 and was retained there to teach, before being sent to Spain in 1589 (C.R.S. 37 , p 23, Knox, D.D. p 203, C.R.S. 30 , p 7) Edward James was ordained in October 1583 and was sent to England in 1585 (C.R.S.37, p 22) Grene's pre-occupation with him in these extracts is because he was martyred at Chichester on 1 October 1588. Oswald Tesimond was one of the six cases before 1585 of studentsat the English College in Rome, who were released from their oath to join the Jesuits. Tesimond entered the Society on 13 April 1584 (C.R.S. 37, p 23; Foley, RecordsVII)

(2) William Hart, the Elder, was one of the first large group of students to take the new oath on 23 April 1579. He completed his course there, and was sent to England on 22 May 1581. He was martyred at York, 15 March 1583 (Cf. C.R.S. 37 , p 12, Knox, D.D. p 179, and No. 28 infra).

(3) The disturbances in question are referred to in Allen to Agazzari, 10 July and July 1580, and to Barret, 1 & 3 August 1580 (C.R.S. 9, pp. 25-7; Knox, Allen, pp 449-52), and in Cardinal Sega's Visitation Report (Foley, Records VI, pp 8-9)

*8 ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?].(1) 3 January 1581 .

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.63 Grene's extracts, perhaps not all from the same letter

Nunc certum est Patrem Shervinum cum D. Rostarocho [sic] esse in vincula.(2) 3 Jan. 1581

D. Pricius vir etiam insignis, et nobis [notus ?](3) quoque pro altero parvo filio, quem hic habet, et illis duobus, qui apud vos sunt, ipse quoque est in carcere

3. Do. Jo Hartus scripsit ad me nuper ex carcere litteras bonas, Schervinus est in eodem carcere: dicatis quaeso Gulielmo Harto meo, fratri ejusdem.(4)

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

[Translation :] It is now certain that Fr. [Ralph] Sherwin, together with Mr. [Nicholas] Roscarrock, are in custody (2) 3 Jan. 1581. Mr. Price, also a distinguished man, and [known?](3) to us as well on account of his other small son, whom we have here, and those two who are with you, is in prison too .

3. Fr. John Hart wrote to me recently from prison a good letter; Sherwin is in the same prison Please tell my William Hart, his brother(4)

(1) Several pages in the Collectanea book from which most of the extracts dated 1581 in this present volume are taken, were headed briefly by the archivist Grene "Ex litteris D. Alani" Agazzari's name, as addressee, only occurs in some of the extracts, but from the similarity of contents , it seems clear that he was, in fact, the recipient of the other letters noted for the same year.

(2) Ralph Sherwin, already a priest, was one of the first of the students in Rome to take the new College oath on 23 April 1579 (C.R.S. 37, p 8) He arrived at Rheims on 31 May 1580 in the same party as did Persons and Campion, and left again for England on 8 June He was in the Marshalsea by 9 November 1580, when his examination, and that of the layman, Nicholas Roscarrock, was ordered. He was transferred to the Tower on 4 December of that year (Knox, D.D. p 166; Dasent, Acts of the Privy Council, Vol XII, p 264; C.R.S. 3, p 10) There he remained until tried with Campion and thirteen others on a charge of high treason on 20 and 21 November 1581. A true bill had previously found to the indictment against them on 6 November by the Grand Jury (cf. Note 1 to No. 22 infra) With at least two others of the accused at the trials in November, Robert Johnson and Thomas Cottam, Sherwin had, however, already been indicted under the new penal statute of 1581, because with others he had refused the demand of the Lieutenant of the Tower that they should attend the Protestant service True bills had been found to this indictment on 28 June 1581 (J. Cordy Jeaffreson , Middlesex County Records , 1886, I, p 124), "so that at that time [i.e. June 1581], as it should seeme, they had no such matter to lay against him as after [i.e. November 1581] was pretended, for it was not as then throughly hatched " , commented Allen in his A Briefe Historie of the Glorious Martyrdom of Twelve Reverend Priests (1908 edit pp 40, 136) There is, indeed, no evidence that this earlier indictment was ever legally disposed of by trial and judgment As a result of the trials in November Sherwin, Campion and Briant were martyred at Tyburn on 1 December 1581 . (3) Some word such as "notus" is here needed for the sense The man here mentioned was probably Robert Price, father of John and Isaac Price, of Lincolnshire, both students at the English College in Rome (cf. Knox, D.D. p 302; C.R.S. 37, pp 16, 19) No information survives concerning his imprisonment (4) John Hart was ordained from Douay College on 29 March 1578, and migrated with others to Rheims on 9 April He left for England on 3 June 1580 (Knox, D.D. pp 8, 138, 166) He was in custody almost at once (Treasury Chamber Accounts), and was removed from the Marshalsea to the Tower on 29 December 1580 (Diary of the Tower, included at the end of the 1586 edition of Sander , De Schismate Anglicano) He was one of the fourteen others tried for high treason at the same time as Campion, 20 and 21 November 1581. Though condemnedto death , Hart and four others were not executed In 1582, whilst in prison, he became a Jesuit He was banished in January 1585 (C.R.S. 5, p 103 and No. 54(b) infra),

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

and died abroad The few details of family origin now available indicate that the William Hart mentioned in this letter was not the future martyr of that name , but the English College student known as William Hart, the Younger (cf. Note 6 to No. 27 infra).

*9. ALLEN TO THE

CARDINAL

OF COMO . Rheims, 20 January 1581. Naples, Archivio di Stato, Carte Farnesiane , fascio 1706.(1)

"Omnino expedit" that four or five more Jesuits be sent to England Please push for this without waiting for the election of the new Jesuit General.(2)

(1) The Farnese manuscripts at Naples were destroyed during the war, and only this note of this letter now survives It was supplied to the editorby the Rev. L. Hicks, S.J., from notes made by himself in Naples in 1939 (2) Mercurian had died 1 August 1580. Claudius Aquaviva, an Italianfrom Naples, was elected fifth General on 19 February 1581. Then aged 38 years, he is the youngest man ever to have held this office. He had previously been Provincial, first of the Neapolitan province in 1576, and then of that of Rome in 1579. He died, aged 72, on 31 January 1615

*10 . ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?] 12 February [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.64v Grene's notes

1. Alano manda una copia dell'editto contro i Collegii , publicato in Inghilterra (1)

2. Il Collegio di Remis, per detto di Alano, fu provisionato di 150 scudi il mesi dal Papa (2) In questo anno si trovavano in Collegio 120 studenti

3. Alano dice d'haver impiegato tutto il suo havere a benefitio del Collegio sudetto.

4. Sollecitudine del medesimo intornoa giovani del Seminario , per tal editto della Regina. Angustie in che si trova il seminario, e ricorso fa al Papa

5. Vengon presi alcuni nobili del Palazzo reale, tra quali e l'Arundelio,(3) per haver sentita quivi nel Palazzo istessola messa . .. nel principio di Gennaro 12 Febb [1581].

[Translation :]

1. Allen sends a copy of the proclamation against the Colleges published in England (1)

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 27

2. The College at Rheims, according to Allen, was provided with 150 crowns a month by the Pope (2) There were 120 students in the College in this year.

3. Allen says that he has used all his possessions forthebenefit of the said College.

4. Solicitude of the same concerning the young men of the Seminary, on account of such a proclamation of the Queen. The straits in which the seminary finds itself: he has recourse to the Pope.

5. Some noblemen of the royal household have just been imprisoned, among whom is Arundel,(3) for having heard Mass there in the palace itselfat the beginning of January. 12 February [1581]

(1) A Proclamation for revocation of Students from beyond the seas , and agaynstthe reteining of Jesuites, of 10 January 1581. (Cf. H. Dyson, Queene Elizabeth's Proclamations, 1559 to 1602, 1618; also printed in Tierney-Dodd III, pp. xxi-iv).

(2) The grant of the extra 50 crowns a month was notified to Allen by the Cardinal of Como, [November or December 1580], (Knox, Allen, pp 91-2). (3) Sir Charles Arundel (or Arundell ) He and others were temporarily imprisoned after Christmas 1580 (cf. J. A. Bossy, English Catholics and the French Marriage, 1577-81, Recusant History, January 1959)

*11 . ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?] Rheims, 15 March [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.63 Grene's notes

[In Margin.: Rhemis 15 Mart ] 1. Magna continuo est adhuc persecutio, Patres et Sacerdotes navant admirabilem operam, libros necessarios incredibili gratia, et celeritate faciunt, et in ipso Londino imprimunt, quosdam libellos , etiam ipsi Reginae curarunt tradi, ad disputationem provocant hostes, Reginae aequitatem super ea re compellant , ipsam aliquando per gratiam, et delicias, ut ipsa loquitur, styli, legit, consiliarijs suis valde renitentibus, et timentibus ne admittat disputationem, et mitior sit ergo Catholicos

2. Pater Robertus summam utitur in rebus agendisprudentiam; Pater Edmundus habet admirabilem gratiam verbi, et stili in nostra lingua.(1) Omnem movent lapidem hostes, ut comprehendant, sed Dominus hactenus mire custodivitipsos.

3. Dimanda nuovi operarij per l'Ingilterra per sostituirli in luogo de sudetti PP quando cadessero in mano degl'heretici.

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

4. P. Robertus scribit sibi deesse facultatem quandam spiritualem valde illi ad opus Dominicum laetius peragendum necessariam, (explicatur per sequentes lineas, quae sit talis facultas).

5. Da ragguaglio di Gio. Nicolo, della sua Apostasia, prediche fatte agl'heretici contro il Papa, e la Compa et heresieche insegna Fa commemoratione d'un libro composto contro questo Nicolo intitolato Recantatio Joannis Nicolai scholarij Papae . . (2) 15 Martij [1581].

[Translation :][In margin : Rheims 15 March]. Uptonowthe persecution is great, without intermission The Fathers [of the Society] and Priests are doingadmirable work, and writethe necessary books with incredible grace and speed, and print them in London itself These books, which they have also taken care to have handed to the Queen herself, challenge the enemies to a disputation, and appeal to the equity of the Queen in this matter , sometimes by the grace itself and delightfulness of style, as she herself says. She reads them, but her councillors are vehemently opposed, and are fearful lest she will sanction a disputation, and be milder towards Catholics

2. Father Robert [Persons] uses the greatest prudence in conducting affairs; Father Edmund [Campion] possesses admirable grace of speech and style in our tongue.(1) The enemies employ every meansto capture them, but the Lord has up to now wonderfully preserved them .

3. He asks for new labourers for England as substitutes in the place of the said Fathers, in the event of their falling into the heretics' hands

4. Fr. Robert writes that he lacks a certain spiritual faculty which is most necessary for him in the more ready performance of the Lord's work, (what sort offaculty it is, is explained in the following lines).

5. He gives an account of John Nichols, concerning his apostasy, his preaching before the heretics against the Pope and the Society, and the heresy which he teaches. He makes mention of a book written against this Nichols entitled The Recantation of John Nichols , scholar of the Pope. (2) 15 March [1581]

(1) A long biographical sketch of Robert Persons' life up to 1588 is provided in the Introduction to Letters & Memorials of Fr. Robert Persons, 1578-1588 , C.R.S. 39. He was at this time some 34 or 35 years old, and had been a Jesuit since 1575. He and Campion had arrived in England in June 1580 , and after the latter's capture he returned to the continent at the end of August 1581. He died in April 1610, having been for nearly thirteen years Rector of the English College in Rome Much biographical material for the years after 1588 will be found in the following articles

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

by L. Hicks, S.J.: Fr. Persons, S.J., and the Seminaries in Spain, 5 Parts, The Month, March-August 1931; Cardinal Allen and the Society, 3 Parts, Ibid. October-December 1932; Sir Robert Cecil, Fr. Robert Persons and the Succession, 1600-1601, Archivum Historicum S.J. 1955; The Growth of a Myth: Fr. Robert Persons, S.J. and Leicester'sCommonwealth, Studies (Dublin), Spring 1957; Fr. Robert Persons, S.J. and the Book of Succession , Recusant History, Vol 4, n 3 , 1957. The best documented account of Edmund Campion is still that of R. Simpson, Life of Edmund Campion, 1867; other useful references are given in C.R.S. 39, Introduction , and in E. Waugh, Edmund Campion, 1946. Born in 1540, he had a notable career at Oxford before his conversion In 1570 he arrived at Douay College, where he remained for about a year He was admitted to the Society in Rome in 1573, and spent the years before being sent to England in Bohemia He was captured at Lyford, Berkshire, in July 1581 , and was martyred at Tyburn on 1 December 1581 (2) Concerning John Nichols, cf. C.R.S. 39, pp xxxv-vii, 76, 126-7 , C.R.S.4, pp. 6-9, and Knox, Allen, various pages

*12 ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?] 20 April [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.ff.64v-65 Grene's notes

1. Credo quod P. Robertus huc ad me semel super aliquibus necessarijs negotijs concedet, vel saltem ad aliquem commodium locum coibimus

2. Alano fa intendere ai giovani del Collegio di Roma (per maggior risprambio [sic] nelle presenti necessità del Collegio) che non voglino tanto spesso scrivere [f. 65] o ricever lettere: Nam illud etiam (dice) facit nobis magnas expensas : solvimus supra centum coronatos, vel scuta auri in auro singularis annis pro litteris hinc inde transmissis et reliqua

3. Da ragguaglio del numero de carcerati Cattolici in diversi luoghi del Regno, tutti parenti, o amici dei giovani del Collegio di Roma.

4. Dice d'haver mandato in Inghilterra 900 copie del libro da se stampato (1)

5. Omnes Catholici in Hybernia sunt in armis . . .

6. Dimanda suggetti per l'Inghilterra, eloquenti nella lingua latina et idonei per disputare (2) 20 Aprilis [1581]. [Translation :]

1. I believe that Fr. Robert [Persons ] is at some time coming to me here about some necessary business, or at least that we shall meet in some suitable place.

2. Allen makes known to the young men of the College in Rome that, in exercisingmore [economy?] inthe presentnecessitous

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

state of the College, they be pleased not to write or receive letters so frequently , for even this, he says, causes us great expense Each year we spend over a hundred crowns, or gold scudi, in transmitting letters to and fro And so on .

3. He gives an account of the number of Catholics in prison in various parts of the kingdom, all relations or friends of the youths at the College in Rome

4. He says he has sent to England 900 copies of the book he has printed (¹)

5. All Catholics in Ireland are in arms .

6. He asks for subjectsfor England who are eloquent in the Latin tongue and suitable for disputations.(2) 20 April [1581].

(1) This book was probably Allen's An Apologie and True Declaration of the Institution . .. of the two English Colleges , 1581 (2) Persons also wrote asking for well trained and learned men (cf. Persons to Agazzari, London, 17 November 1580, C.R.S. 39, pp 55, 61-2)

*13 . ALLEN TO AGAZZARI. 24 May [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.ff.63v-64 Grene's notes

1. Alano ragguaglia Agazzario del offerta fattagli dal Cardinale Protettore del Collegio di Roma, di voler haver sotto la sua protettione anche quello di Remis, benche non ne habbia ordine dal Papa.

2. Monsignore Comensedice ad Alano, che se gli sborseranno in Roma 500 scudi per ordine di Papa Gregorio

3. Dice, l'Apologia gia esser sparsa per tutta Inghilterra. Di Gio: Nicolo, della sua abjuratione , e poca stima, in che è appresso agl'heretici

Si mandano due libri, di Personio uno, l'altro di Campiano, si tratta delle leggi severissime e pene pecuniarie tassate contro quei che ricusano entrar nelle Chiese heretiche Del timore de Catolici per tali leggi, e ruine delle loro famiglie per la sudetta causa

I Cattolici fanno istanza che si decida da Dottori, se per liberarsi da tanti danni, li possi, senza incorrere in colpa, frequentar le Chiese sudette [f 64](1)

Osculare mihi quaeso manum P. Generalis, et a me S. Reverentiae significate, Deum aperuisse hostium [ostium] fidei, et summae spei vicinisnostris Scotis P. Robertus ex Anglia nobis recentissime scripsisse , plurimum referre, ut illuc mittantur Scoti Sacerdotes , qui omnia tentent, atque ut non amittatur occasio quam Deus videturex hoc puero Rege [offerre?].(2) 24 Maij [1581].

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 31

[

Translation :]

1. Allen tells Agazzari of the proposal made to him by the CardinalProtector of the College in Rome, that he desires to have under his protection also that of Rheims, although he has no order to that effectfrom thePope.

2. Monsignor [the Cardinal of] Como tells Allen that there will be disbursed to them in Rome 500 crowns, by order of Pope Gregory.

3. He says that the Apology is already distributedthroughout England Of John Nichols, of his abjuration , and of the small esteem in which he is held by the heretics. Two books are sent , one by Persons, the other by Campion He speaks of the most severe laws andfinancial penaltiesimposedagainstthosewhorefuse to enter heretical churches. Of the fear of Catholics on account of such laws , and the ruin oftheir families on this account.

The Catholics ask urgently that it be decided by the doctors whether, to free themselvesfrom suchgreat losses , they may, withoutfalling into sin, frequent the said churches(1) Kiss in my name , I pray you, the hand of Fr. General, and tell him from me, that God has openeda door to the faithand to the greatesthope, among our neighbours, the Scots; that Fr. Robert [Persons ] has written very recently to us from England , that it is of the greatestimportance that Scottish priests be sent thither to handle all matters, and that no occasion be lost, which God seems [to offer?](2) by this boy king.

24 May [1581]

(1) The occasion for Allen's query was the passing of the 1581 penal Statute against Catholics, which decreed, among other things, the £20 fine per lunar month, for non-attendanceat church in accordance with the Act of Uniformity of 1559. The bill had received the Queen's assent on 18 March 1581. In his Treatise of Christian Renunciation, [1593], Garnet, in a final section on the question of the lawfulness of attendance at heretical churches , gives details of this particular episode Seeking every possible means to help English Catholics, Allen first went to Paris to ask the opinion of the Doctors of the Sorbonne They declared the practice, in relation to England, "altogether unlawful" He then tried, but in vain, to induce Henry III to intercede with Elizabeth on behalf of Catholics Lastly, he wrote to Fr. Francis Toletus, the celebrated Jesuit theologian (later Cardinal), in Rome, and received the answer that "whereas such statute is against the Catholic Church, and in favour and confirmation of heresy : it must not in any manner be obeyed . . . And the Protestation which is made by some Catholics, excuseth not from sin , gives the decision in full in Latin and in translation (pp 160-1). It was in line with all other authoritative pronouncements on the subject, as far the matter related to England, made throughout the reign Allen commented on Toletus's verdict on 7 August [1581 ], (cf. No. 15 infra). " Garnet (2) Some such word needed for the sense, though not copied by Grene

*14 . ALLEN TO AGAZZARI. 6 June [1581].

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.63v Grene's note and extracts

1. Alano da ragguaglio all'Agazzariodella speditione d'alcuni in Missione verso Inghilterra, dove dice, Oportuit singularis novas, et magis laicas vestes ante ingressum Insulae comparare, cum illae Romanae essent nimis clericales, et graves.

2. Personiusvester est prudens, et expeditissimus vir. Dominus eum suis conservet

3. Di ChristoforoHaitvardo, e voce sparsa di lui in Remis di dover entrare nella Compagnia.(1)

4. Intelligat Gulielmus Hartus fratrem suum in Angliam ad opus Dominicumprofectum, ut oret magis sollicite pro ipso. Nunc Cardinalis etiam Mediolanensis [In margin: S. Carlo] dedit se hospitem incomparabilis nostris hominibus. 6 Junij [1581]

[Translation :]

1. Allen gives Agazzari an account of the sending of some men on the mission to England, for whichhe says, it is necessary for each man to acquire new, and above all lay clothes, before entering the Island, since their Roman ones were too grave and clerical.

2. Your [Robert] Persons is prudent and a most able man. May God preserve him for his countrymen.

3. There is a rumour current about Christopher Hayward in Rheims, that he is about to enter the Society.(¹)

4. Let Willliam Hart know that his brother [John Hart] in England proceeds in the Lord's work, so that he may pray more earnestly for him. The Cardinalof Milan [In margin : St. Charles i.e. Borromeo] too, has now become an incomparable host to our 6 June [1581]. men.

(1) Christopher Hayward seems to have been a boy at school at Douay at this period He came to Rheims in September 1582. but traces of his career cease after November 1586. (Knox, D.D., pp 191, 213.) He did not become a Jesuit. *15 . ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?] 7 August [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.64 Grene's notes .

1. Parla d'alcune lettere del P. Personio inviate a lui continenti l'historia delle cose della Missione, le quali perdute per strada, non gli capitarono in mano. e del nome finto, col quale si faceva chiamare l'Alano per timore degl'heretici.

2. Illum casum de adeundis Ecclesijs ita explicatum fore a P. Toledo unquam dubitavi; neque enim aliter fieri poterat.(1)

3. Scrive d'haver nuove d'Inghilterra, esser gia stato preso il P. Campiano.(2) 7 Aug. [1581].

[Translation :]

1. He speaks of some letters of Fr. Persons, containing the historyofaffairs on the mission, whichwere sent to him, but being lost on the way, had not come to his hands; also of the fictitious name, denoting himself, whichAllen made use of, through fear of the heretics.

2. I have always considered that the case concerning going to churches[i.e. in England] wouldbe thus explained by Fr. [Francis] Toletus: for no other decision was possible.(1)

3. He writes of having news from England that Fr. [Edmund] Campion has indeed been captured.(2)

(1) Cf. Note 1 to No. 13 supra. 7 August [1581].

(2) Campion was captured at Lyford in Berkshire on 16 July 1581 , and was cast into the Tower on 22 July.

*16 . ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Stonyhurst, Coll M. f.128 Grene's note: different letter from that of same date printed in Knox, Allen, p 101 .

Sequuntur literae Alani ad Agazarium [In margin : Alani 8 Aug. 1581] he commends Mr. Thomas Couvert [Covert](1) to F. Agazarius that he wil contribute somewhat towards his maintenance , being these many yeares at Paris helping both Seminaries in convaying monies letters ..

(1) Thomas Covert was for many years Allen's agent in Paris, having charge of letters, and of money matters connected with the Colleges In the late 1590s he retired to Flanders and became a priest Owing to differences with Hugh Owen, he became involved in factional intrigues against him and William Holt (Cf. Note 1 to No. 108 infra; Holt's Reply to charges [after November 1596], Westm V, n . 107, and Persons to Covert, Rome, 31 May 1597, Ibid VI, n . 37) Three letters from Covert to Agazzari in 1582 & 3 are printed in Knox, D.D. Extracts of others from 1582-4 are in A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II and Fondo Gesuitico 651 .

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

*17 . [? ALLEN] TO [AGAZZARI?] 8 August [1581].

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.64 Grene's note of another letter of same date as the last, possibly not by Allen

Lettera in raccommandatione di Riccardo Chreeno(1) [sic], che veniva per essere Alunno del Collegio. Il Padre di cui stava prigione per la fede Cattolica. 8 Aug. [1581]

[Translation :]

Letter in recommendation of RichardGreen(1) who was coming to be a student of the College. His father was a prisoner for the Catholicfaith. 8 August [1581]

(1) Richard Green entered the English College in Rome as a convictor on 18 October 1581 , and was ordained in November 1582 (C.R.S. 37, p 32) He returned to Rheims on 18 April 1584. Some months later Barret wrote that he would be going to England shortly (No. 41 infra), but no informationsurvives to show if he did so then, though he seems to have been in France in September 1585 (No. 70 infra) He was sent to Sir William Stanley in April 1587 , probablyto be a chaplain in the English regiment. He was drowned in a shipwreck on the way to Spain about March 1590 (Knox, D.D., pp 201, 215 , 228)

*18 . ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?]. 22 September [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.64. Grene's notes

1. De Cattolici ridotti in estrema povertà per causa della Religione. La qual necessità, al parer di Personio, ogn'uno veniva ad esser tenuto di soccorrerein primoluogo, doppo i proprij figli

2. Dell'aiuto, che dava il Personio a Cattolici.

3. Dell'aiuto, che diede Giorgio Gilberti al Collegio di Remis , nel passagio , che fece per colà a Roma (1) 22 7bris [1581]

[Translation :]

1. Of Catholics reduced to extreme poverty on account oftheir religion: which poverty, in Persons' view, everyone was bound to relieve, next after that of his own children

2. Of the help which Persons was giving to Catholics.

3. Of the aid given by GeorgeGilbert to the College of Rheims, on his stopping there during his passage to Rome.(1) 22 September [1581]

(1) George Gilbert, Persons' helper and companion during most of his missionary labours in England (cf. C.R.S. 39), donated 80 gold crowns to the College funds He left Rheims for Rome, recommendedto Agazzari

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 35

by Allen in a letter dated 30 August 1581 (C.R.S. 9, pp 34-5) In Rome he lived in the English College, though not as a student, but in order to deal with the Pope and Cardinals about English affairs When about to depart on a Papal mission to France, he fell ill and died, 6 October 1583 , having been admitted to the Society on his deathbed (Cf. Foley, Records III, pp 658-704)

*19 . ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?] 31 October [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.63 Grene's extract.

Mittam libellumminutum continentem historiam Angliaemortis

Richardi illius impij, scriptam a RR. PP. Gulielmo,(¹) et Perso sub prelo est, sed nollem innotescat juvenibus, quod a nobis proficiscatur, ne resciatur in Anglia, et creet nobis periculum per quaedam conjunctum. 31 8bris [1581]

[Transaction :]I will send a very small book containing the story of the death in England of that impious Richard, written by Revv FF. William(1) and Persons It is being printed, but I do not wish it to become known to the young men, that it proceeds from us, lest it befound out in England, and create danger for us through certain matters in it 31 October [1581]. (1) Probably William Holt, S.J., who had reached England in August 1581 . It is not known who this "Richard" was, nor what book was in question. Further informationabout Holt is in Note 3 to No. 87 infra .

*20. ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?] [22] November [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia

38.II.f.64v Grene's notes

De Patre Campiano, quia argumentis superare non possunt,(1) putantur patibulo ipsum aggressuri, sed illud adhuc incertum est, sed illo in conflictu multo magis, et gloriosius vivet per gratiam Christi [22] November [1581]

[Translation :] Concerning Fr. Campion, because they cannot overcome him in argument,(1) theyare thought to be goingto put him on the gibbet, but up to the present that is not certain; however, in thatfar greater contest he will, through the graceofChrist, live with more renowned fame. [22] November [1581].

(1) This is probably a reference to the disputations held in the Tower before audiences , in the second half of September 1581 , in an attempt to refute certain Catholic doctrines, and thus discredit Campion, who was forced to defend the Catholic position without books against several opponents

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

*21. ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?] 3 November [1581].

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.63 Grene's note.

Il Viglietto [biglietto] contiene alcuni capitoli d'alcune Licenze de impetrarsi dal Papa, in ordine al petere assolvere , o dispensare ... Al signo si parla di Caddoco 3 Nov. [1581]

[Translation :] The note contains some headings of some faculties to be sought from the Pope, as regards petitioningfor absolutions or dispensations By the sign is meant [Lawrence] Caddy. 3 November [1581]

*22. ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?] 14 December [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.64. Grene's notes

Raccommanda Giorgio Gilberto, et desidera, che sia favorito, et accarezzato più d'ogni altro.

2. Catalogo di quelli che furno dichiarati rei di Lesa Maesta in Londra al principiodi Novemb in numero 20. Il primo de quali era l'Alano, poi Personio, Campiano . . .(1) Si parla del tormento dell'eculeo dato a Campiano nella vigilia di tutti i Santi, e di nuovo nel giorno de Morti Parlando della di lui costanza l'Alano dice, Nihil est illo viro, nec fuit in antiqua Ecclesia admirabilius , nihil constantius caeteris socijs, nam et illi similiter patiuntur 14 Decemb

[Translation :]He recommends GeorgeGilbert, and desiresthat he may be favoured and made more of than all others.

2. Catalogue of those who were declared guilty of high treason at the beginning of November, to the number of twenty Thefirst of these was Allen, then Persons , Campion ... (1) There is talkof the torture of the rack given to Campion on the vigilof All Saints [31 October], and again on All Souls [2 November]. Speaking of his constancy Allen says: There is nothing, nor was there in the ancient Church, more admirable than this man, nothing more constant than his other companions, for they suffer in like manner 14 December [1581]

(1) Allen was referring to the finding of a true bill by a Grand Jury on 6 November 1581 (Coram Rege Roll, KB . 27/1279), to the indictment of 20 persons for high treason, of whom Campion and fourteen others were tried in 2 groups on 20 and 21 November The four first named in the indictment were Allen , Morton, Ely and Persons, who not being then in England could not be brought to trial No legal record has been

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 37

found of any subsequent proceedings of outlawry against these four persons, such as could follow their failure to stand trial, but Thomas Norton , the puritan lawyer, then himself in prison, in a letter to Walsingham , 27 March 1582 (S.P.D.Eliz 152, n . 72), says: "You know that Persons, Ely and other(s) stand indicted of high treason. If my L. chief Justice and Mr. Attorney be asked how far forward the process of outlawry hath proceeded for the Queen against them upon those indictments, you shall see that they be new outlawed" . (Spelling modernised). He suggested that the matter should be publicised by a proclamation, so that the Queen's subjects might be warned of the dire consequences of receiving outlaws

*23. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 20 December [1581]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.64v Grene's notes Cf. C.R.S. IX, p 38 , where a much shorter extract of the same letter is printed from Stonyhurst Coll.M.f.122

Raccommanda il Signor Giorgio Gilberto , e prega l'Agazzario a voler concedergli licenza d'uscire a sua posta dal Collegio Sicuro che non sarà per abusarsi di questa libertà

2. Da ragguaglio del Martirio di Campiano, (1) e lodando la sua virtù, dice scripta . misissem ad P. Generalem, ut laetetur de filio suo vere digno, et incomparabiliter excellenti viro D'altre lodi che da al medesimo, e parla della predica fatta vicino al supplicio, sopra le parole, spectaculum facti sumus . . .

3. Multa quae dicimus, scribimus, imo quae pene cogitamus tantum, veniunt ad aures ConsiliariorumAnglicorum .

4. Cio che senta Alano intorno a detti Martirij, e di Giovanni Harto condennato a morte con 12 altri

5. Conventione d'Alano con l'AgazzariointornoalTitolodelle Lettere. 20 Decemb

[Translation :] He recommends Mr. George Gilbert, and begs Agazzari to be pleased to give him leave to go abroad from his place in the College. He is sure he will not abuse this liberty.

2. He gives an account of the martyrdom of Campion,(¹) and praising his virtue, says that the writings I had sent to Fr. General, so that he may rejoice in his truly worthy son , an incomparably excellent man Of other praises which he bestows on him, speaking of the sermon made near the scaffold on the words, We are become a spectacle .

3. Many things which we say, write, nay, that we hardly even think, come to the ears of the English Councillors

4. What Allen thinks about the said martyrs, and about John Hart, condemned to death with twelve others

38

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

5. Agreement of Allen with Agazzari about the Title of the Letters 20 December [1581]

(1) Edmund Campion, Ralph Sherwin and Alexander Briant had been martyred at Tyburn on 1 December 1581. Seven others of those condemned with them suffered the same fate six months later, on 28 and 30 May 1582 .

*24. ALLEN TO [AGAZZARI?] [? 1581].

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.63v Grene's note, undated, but included in a list of letters for 1581

Lettera di Alano Dice che il P. Personio desiderase gl'ottenga licenza di leggere i libri heretici : onde Alano fa testimonianza dell'integrita , e retta intentione del medesimo Padre.

[Translation :] Letter of Allen. He says thatFr. Personsdesires that he [Allen] should obtain for him licence to read heretical books: on which count Allen gives testimony to the integrity and right intention of the same Father.

25. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. [Rheims], 16 November 1582 .

Westm. III, n . 44 . Holograph Latin original printed in Knox Douay Diaries, pp 320-2

[Translation :]

Reverend Father, health in the Lord

I have written to Mr. George [Gilbert] about a certain conversation I had with [Solomon] Aldred on the journey. For I met him at Milan at the house of the Archdeacon [Owen Lewis], and we journeyed together as far as Lyons, conversing in a familiar and friendly manner This was why he did not conceal from me, what he would never have mentioned had he been cautious about his own affairs, or had first consulted the Archdeacon Your prudence will easily gather much from our conversation, and how necessary it was for me to write. For great matters are often to be understood by small details Such an attitude as he revealed towards some of ours and also towards some ofyours, I fear he has derived from another source , namely from that poison that has infected the College [at Rome] from the beginning, and has spread somewhat widely to other parts (1) But of these matters I shall write more at length when I have further knowledge.

Amongst those who last left for your College I have heard that a certain [Richard] Edward, a Welshman, is a man of unquiet character (2) Effort must, therefore, be made to bring him to a better disposition While he was here, this trait was in no way discovered, either because he did not stay here long, or because he was more cautious in his behaviour. After his departure, however, someindication was given ofa character too prone to anger, and tooready to defend the Welsh faction. Had this been revealed before, he would much better have remained here, and with less danger than with you

But, pray, do not mention the matter in your letters, for it is now too late

[Alexander] Markland and [John] Green are being received here . I shall not cease to urge their cause with Dr. Allen and others, if they should wish in any way to avail themselves of my intervention . I have easily perceived, what others have told me that they noticed, that they were not in a sufficiently tranquil and peaceful state of mind. This I interpret to arise from their eager desire to enter your Society as soon as possible. It may be that conditions here do not come up to their expectations; for as regards their room, and clothes and also food, not everything is arranged at a stroke: nor do these compare with what they remember to have had at Rome. I shall console and help them in every way Ican. They seem to haverecovered theirformerhealth. They hesitate and vacillate as regards their course of study, not knowing or doubting whether to do logic again, orrather to proceed to theology Nor will they, I think, make up their minds before they are certain of the time of their admission amongst your brethren.(3) Of those ten crowns I gave them seven , as much as, I understand, they were justly entitled to. For all were sent to Paris where prices are higher than here . I shall discuss the matter with Dr. Allen and later send you a detailed report.

Themoney that Fr. [William]Gifford(4) hadspentfor Mr. Frizon wasfrom his travellingexpenses, whichat the time whenhe bought those things he had not received, but later he had deducted that sum from the reckoning of his account with your Reverence .

Allto whom your Reverencesent medals by me, return thanks for them and send very hearty greetings

Fr. [Robert]Woodruff's health is very poor: as soon as possible he will be taken by carriage to the sea port and thence conveyed to England, that his native air may restore his health, for otherwise there seems hardly any other means for his recovery." (5 )

I shall take care to deal with Dr. Allen about all those matters you have recommended to me, and in part I have already done so; but I shall treat of each point more at length, and in greater

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

detail than I have done hitherto, when better opportunity arises, and shallwrite when I have done so But, Father mine , I hardly think it possible that those matters about which we have spoken will turn out as you desire, or even as Dr. Allen wishes There are so many impediments arising from the locality and custom of theircountry, and many other circumstances, thatwe think excellent progress is made with these young men if they can be brought to a mediocre sense of duty and piety, from that uncouth manner and ignorance and irreverence, to all of which they have become habituated in England Such defects, in consequence, cannot be eradicated at one stroke. So far as possible everything is adapted to suit your way of life and institution, but what is not possible must be prudently tolerated. For worse may befall if effort be made to root out these traits at a stroke, rather than attempting moderate improvement.

Iknow your Reverence cannot decipher my hand, but I am unwilling to use that of another, for it is difficult to find a man that is loyal and can keep a secret, and at times I may write about matters that I wouldnot wish to be divulged. Nor is it so difficult for you to find one to read my writing, yet I pray that Mr. George [Gilbert] and no other may read my letters It is not so much thatIhavedoubt about others, but thatI am assured of his prudence and of his keeping matters to himself , and I have told him what fear I have and what danger there is as regards the matters about which I have written to him, and shall at times write to your Reverence, should these be made known to others. So let it be either Mr. George [Gilbert] or Fr. Confessor, and the latter with the same warning that I have been bold enough, freely and openly, to signify toMr. George [Gilbert] in my letters

Father, I am indeed out of paper; for we have not any of this kind unless we have it brought from Paris. So on this occasion I send but one page Farewell, my Father, whom throughoutmy life 1 must hold in affectionate regard We have no news from England 16 November

Your Reverence's most devoted son and servant in Christ, Richard Barret

[Addressed:] To the very Rev. Father, Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari, ofthe Society ofJesus, Rector ofthe English College, Rome. At Rome.

[Endorsed:] Dr. Barret, 16 November 1582: concerning a talk with Aldred, and other matters

(1) For an account of Aldred's career, cf. L. Hicks, S.J.: An Elizabethan Propagandist: the Career of Solomon Aldred, The Month, May-June 1945; also the same author's An Elizabethan Problem, London, 1964, particularly pp 16-7, 70-2; also Note 14 to No. 5, supra. (2) Richard Edward left the English College , Rome, in September 1583 because of ill-health, and returned to Rheims, where he died at the end of February 1584. (C.R.S. 37, p 38; Knox, D.D., p 200) (3)Alexander Markland and John Green had both been at the College in Rome for more than a year, returning to Rheims in November 1582 because of ill-health (C.R.S. 37, p 29; Knox, D.D. p 192) Markland was ordained on 31 March 1584 and left for Paris to join the Society 11 February 1585, but was not then successful He was sent to England on 10 April 1586 (Ibid pp 200, 204, 210, and Note 1 to No. 53 infra) He was eventually admitted to the Jesuit novitiate at Sant ' Andrea in Rome on 20 September1592 (Ingressus Noviciorum , A.R.S.J. 171A , f.139v), but did not, in fact, stay, for he appears in the list of Staff and Students at Douay College, 3 December 1594 (Appendix B, infra) Green never became a Jesuit For his career , cf. C.R.S. 51, p 8

(4) A long biographical note on William Gifford is given in C.R.S. 51 , p 226. Gifford's doctorate in theology was awarded at Pont-à-Mousson before the end of September 1584 (cf. No. 43 infra), rather than in December 1584 (cf. Knox, D.D. p 203, where a vague reference to it occurs). Further details about his exile from Flanders in 1606 may be seen in L. Hicks, S.J.: The Exile of Dr. William Gifford from Lille in 1606, Recusant History, Vol 7, n.5, April 1964

(5) Concerning Robert Woodruff, cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 8

26. BARRET TO AGAZZARI

. [Rheims], 13 March 1583

Westm III, n . 56 Holograph Latin original printed in Knox, Douay Diaries, pp 322-4 Extract by Grene in A.R.S.J. Angl 37 , f.10

[Translation :]

Reverend Father in Christ,

Recently I entrusted a letter for your Reverence to those who were leaving our seminary to be admitted to yours. I do not doubt that you will give your highest approvalto the selection of students as no ordinary one. If at times some may be sent who are outstanding in talent and conduct, but who are twenty four years of age or older, it will be out of the highest regard for the honour of the College and the spiritual welfare of our country. For there are very many of this calibre who, with determined will and a clear call from God, have left all things. For this reason less fear and hesitation is to be had of them as regards their constancy in dutiful conduct than of certain youths, still almost boys, who have come to these parts rather out of obedience to the advice and orders of their parents, and it may be, as sometimes happens, for other reasons In consequence , these have not

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

been moved and influenced so strongly by love of religion, and simple and sincere decision of piety, as those above-mentioned. Moreover there is a very great number of youths of good birth, of every age, rank and condition, whose parents are of the gentry, but who have been brought up in country districts, and have never been at either university, or attended the Inns of Court in London, wherethe laws and legal customsare publiclytaught. Not having been educated in one of these institutions , it is almost impossible for them not to present themselvesto us as uncouth and boorish. That such is the state of affairs has, I think, been made clearly apparent in many cases, and proved too frequently by experience

Furthermore, Father, what most disturbs me is that, even after these young folk and boys have completed their course and are free from classes, they will, nevertheless , not be ready to face the dangers of these times: they have to be retained either in Rome or at Rheims. And it sometimes happens, toothough this is a danger I fear more in youths of that age than in men of graver and stronger characterthat those who by fear, or discipline, or a certain habit, have been kept to their duty, once freed from what at times seem to them prisons and work-houses, are carried to a greater degreeof licence and insolence, than if they had never been subjected to a reasonable discipline and order of life. But I leave the whole matter to your judgment On the other hand , the greatest difficulty lies in this, that those who for long have been a rule unto themselves , do not willingly tolerate being governed and ordered by a superior Were this not to be feared, many would always be found most suitable. When, therefore , 1 see anyone with all the good traits mentioned, even though he be older than the others, provided he be excellent in talent and conduct , I shall not cease to promote his cause with Dr. Allen.

Recently I received a letter from Fr. [William] Tedder, written in a London prison. I gave it to Dr. Allen to enclosein his letter to your Reverence I have the greatest hope of his fidelity and constancy,(1

I have seen your letter to Dr. Allen about [Thomas] Nowell. The matter is very doubtful What Dr. Allen thinks of it, I have not yet heard . More evil will follow from one circumstance than from others, namely if he proceeds to England. How great is my fear, Father. His character is a dangerous one, whether shallow and inconstant, or daring and temerarious, inclined to, or rather hurrying to all manner of evil Should this man once lapse, he will without doubt rush headlong over the precipice There is nothing incredible which he will not attempt. There is in England his companion and room-associate , [Anthony] Munday. If he links

himself to him, what are we to expect from two such men as these , seeing we have suffered such ill consequences from that bad conduct.(2) Still, I submit my judgment to your prudence, as I do always and in all things

A certain learned individual has been appointed to take notes day by day, as matter and occasion offers, so that our annals and historycan be written, when it seems opportune

You haveheard the full story of[John] Nichols His confession , which he wrote with his own hand and sent to Dr. Allen, will be of great avail There is some hope for [Laurence] Caddy, for he made a public confession, written in his own hand, of how he strayed from the right path and sinned gravely There is hope, in fact, that he will enter a religious order, for so he has written to me again and again (3)

In my letters I have already commended [Henry] Walpole and [Thomas] Lovelace; nevertheless , I repeat my commendation of them toyour Reverence(4) Eitherthey are suitableforyourCollege, or there are none here suitable, so far as I can judge

Farewell , Reverend Father, whom throughoutmy life I must highly regard with deepest affection. 13 March 1583 .

Son and servant in Christ, Richard Barret

In all humility I send heartiest greetings to Rev. Fr. Minister and to Fr. Confessor, and to all the other Fathers in the College, unknown to me, may be, but held by me in the greatest regard, and especially Fr. Prefect of Studies.

[Addressed:] To the very Rev. Fr. in Christ, Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari of the Society of Jesus, Rector of the English College, Rome At Rome.

[Endorsed:] Dr. Barret, 13 March 1583. Deliberation concerning sending Nowell to England, and about the sending [of students], whether youths or older men were to be dispatched to Rome.

(1) William Tedder was banished from prison with twenty others in January 1585 (cf. No. 52 infra; also C.R.S. 5, p. 103) He was sent back to England on 25 November 1585 (Knox, D.D. p 208) Three years later he apostatised , recanting publiclyat St. Paul's Cross on 1 December 1588. (Garnet to Aquaviva, London, 5 December 1588, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f.73). He became vicar of Westwell in Kent (Cf. Cal S.P.D. 1591-4, p 305)

(2) Thomas Nowell , aged 18 years, though he had been one of the students during the troubles in early 1579, only appears in the Liber Ruber of the English College as admitted on 29 April 1579. He was dismissed as unsuitable in April 1583. (C.R.S. 37 , p 13) There are references to fears

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

concerning him in Allen's letters in Knox, Allen He apostatised in England and joined other spies (Allen to Agazzari, 28 August 1583, Ibid. p. 208). Anthony Munday described his journey to Rome with Nowell in 1578, and his stay in the College for a time before the Jesuit re-organisa- tion, in his English Romaine Life Dates and some details of his story have recently been confirmed from papers of the Protector, Cardinal Morone (cf. A. Kenny, Anthony Munday in Rome, Recusant History, Vol 6, n.4, January 1962; see also B. H. Thompson, Anthony Munday's Journey to Rome 1578-9 , Durham University Journal, 1941, pp 1-14) He had left the College before the first group of students took the new oath on 23 April 1579. Except as a protection whilst in Rome, he seems never to have been a Catholic Back in England he became noted, with regard to Catholics, as a spy and false witness , the first trial in which he was used being that of Campion After this he wrote his own account of it Other details in the D.N.B.

(

3) Lawrence Caddy was dismissed from the English College in Rome , probably about mid-1581, and apostatised in England, but later went to France, where he repented (cf. C.R.S. 39 , pp 115-7). In some accounts it appears to be this man who is indicated as one of the witnesses at Campion's trial, but Caddy himself does not mention the fact in his own story of his fall (incorporated in the 1588 edition of Concertatio Ecclesiae Anglicanae). The witness in question was probably a merchant, some time resident in Rome, called Richard Craddock.

(4)Henry Walpole entered the English College on 28 April 1583. Before taking the oath he left to enter the Jesuit novitiate at Rome on 4 February 1584 (C.R.S. 37, p 40; Foley, Records VII; also Note 2 to No. 32 infra). He was martyred at York, 7 April 1595. Thomas Lovelace entered the College on the same date as Walpole, and was ordained there on 17 August 1586. He was sent to beg alms for the College at Rheims in 1586 (C.R.S. 37 , pp 40-1 ; also Note 1 to No. 78 infra, for the circumstances of the begging ) He remained at Rheims from June 1587 to May 1589 , when he was sent with others to the newly founded College at Valladolid , but died on 10 November 1589. (Knox, D.D. pp 216, 224; C.R.S. 30, p 8)

27. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. Rheims, 14 April 1583

.

Westm. III, n . 65 Holograph Latin original printed in Knox, Douay Diaries, pp 324-7 Long extract by Grene in A.R.S.J. Angl 37 , f.10

[Translation :]

Laurence Caddy is preparing to enter the Carthusian monastery in Paris and will, I hope, soon be admitted there He shows good dispositions. May God grant him strength to persevere . I should have written before about John Nichols, had not Dr. Allen anticipated me by his own letter. The whole story and confession of John himself , which we have in his own hand, was ready to be printed within a week. He gave very fitting answers to all the questions put to him, not only about himself , but about others in England It was by fraud and threats that he was driven and compelled to commit those terrible crimes He willingly and fully

confesses and acknowledges it all Your Reverence will be astounded when the account of these things, which is in daily preparation, reaches you May be Dr. Allen has already sent it It appears that by bribes and promises he was induced by the heretics to accuse many whom he confesses he had never seen , or the names of whom he had not heard once before. He exposes other things of the same kind, whichwill be of use to ours against the fraudulentconduct of heretics; for from one you can know all For they are all of the same ilk, whocommit or are led to exercise that most impious and cruel barbarity practised on Catholics .

Only one thing is to be deplored: that he [John] should have been let out of prison so quickly But this was done contrary to Dr. Allen's intention, through the imprudence of a certain individual who permitted him to go to some English merchants, with whom he pretended he would have money, and would be ready to return to prison at once Having promised to come back, he left never to return (1) Who, indeed, would have trusted such an evil man, a sacrilegious perjurer and heretic, a man of no religion, orrather ofnofaith, and particularlyas regards his return to prison, after having been condemnedby his own conscience and confession of the greatestand most grievous crimes? What, however, has been done cannot be undone, but many good effects will follow from his confession, even though we have let him escape

[John] Gore is doing a retreat with yours in Paris God grant it be effective [Edward] Osborne is very penitent, so I hear , so there may be some hope for him.(2) John Price is not willing to do his course of theology. I do not know what will become of him: he remains here doing nothing. I am upset about it, but know no remedy Alexander [Markland] is in good health John Green has now been ill for a month Fr. [James] Lomax is losing strength, consumed by a slow disease, with pain in his chest and a continuous cough (3(3)

There were never here at one and the same time so many of outstanding talent Certainly there is a great ardour of charity amongst them , as well as a most earnest desire of aiding their country. To me they appear, as it were, to combine with all their forces and effort to extinguish a fire. By no means can they be held back from England So, my very Reverend and dearestFather ofall, though you hear news at times ofsomefailing, and ofothers relinquishingthe task they have undertaken, do not on that account have less hope of the conversion of England. For those who are said to have failed, are the same individualsabout whom I have written a little while before, Osborne, Caddy, Gore and [Thomas] Alfield .(4) With very many tears and extraordinary sorrow they have very humbly begged the Church to pardon them , and she , as

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

a most holy and indulgent mother, has received them back into her fold, and embraced them with the same love as the rest. Those who are said to have deserted their posts are few and remain for the time being at Paris, awaiting, however, an opportunityfor returning, meanwhile renewing their strength, so that they may attack the enemy with greater force, and go back as if they went for the first time

There is no need to add anything about the students sent to you, for I have already written two letters to your Reverence about them . Two of them are Welshmen of excellent character, but still Welshmen One of them is the nephew of that Owen who took so ill the loss of his pension and was very factious, as your Reverenceknows, and clearly, to an exceptional degree, hostile to the College. He has associates not unlike himself both at Paris and elsewhere And it will seem to me very remarkable to find any Welshman who, left to his own disposition and inclination, and putting aside all authority and fear of a superiorby which they can for a time be held to their dutydoes not incline towards, and altogether embrace the faction followed by all of that race and nation. This, indeed, can be said to be more than natural to them , it was so in the time of the Venerable Bedeso that in such matters they always, in like manner, follow the crowd oftheir own race. They are like driven cattle. If one takes the lead , the rest, impelled by some force within them, follow the leader And the leaders are those whom your Reverencenames in your letter. Ican have nohope for any of the rest, should timeand opportunity be afforded them, (which will never be given them, I hope) of revealing themselvesin the waythey desire. But though this malady is common , and always was more characteristic of men of that nation than of others, and there is no hope of healing it or preventing the contagion, yet must it be tolerated in a moderate degree, and no attention deliberately drawn to it It is like death to each of them, if they be reprimanded or admonished for a matter that is most manifest They are dealt with by Dr. Allen in a very kindly manner, more so than the other students All are borne with, and if they speak somewhat angrily, or write in too bitter a manner , which often happens , there is no other remedy but patience. For this reason no pressure is put upon them , nor any open resistance shown to them, nor are their words, deeds or writings subjected to a rather careful scrutiny; but all is passed over in silence and pondered over in complete secrecy, withoutany open contradiction Hence it is, I say, and it has now been so for a long time, that Dr. Allen keeps them in some obedience, even to the extent that those who are most hostile to him, offer him neverthelesstheir careful co-operation Thus it was with that [Thomas] Morgan (5) and his like, who make great promises and

show themselvesmost willing In certain matters, in fact, and that often enough, they do help, and look after the financial interests of this College It is for the same reason, Reverend Father, that at times some are sent. Sucha method of dealing with them helps, in anextraordinaryway, tofoster concordand peace, whichthe heretics in England try by every means to disturb, and in this way throw into confusion that ordered discipline so well and piously established . For so far as they can, they incite Welshmen against Englishmen, and vice versa; and in both classes of men they at times find those whom it is easyto influence Certainlythe Welshmen pay the greatest attention to and are expert to a degree in this. They observe, to an extraordinary degree, if anyone has something to complain of or some other reason, as they think, for being alienated from superiors: and such occasionsare of frequent occurrence. Such a one they approach with all good will and benevolence. If need be, they give him money, they invite him to a meal, and never do they relinquish their interest in him. In this way they very often pervert many from among the English; nor can any open remedy be applied to such cases. Fr. [William] Gifford they consider one of their own, and I think so, too, but nobody, not even Dr. Allen himself, dares to admonish him on this point. He, indeed, behaves himself well, but he is infected with that malady He is, however, of an inconstant disposition, and he pays regard to Dr. Allen with all dutifulness and obedience. I have hope that he will gradually lay aside that over familiarity with them , and I should have greater hope of it, did I not see the many acts of kindness, honour and service by which they cultivate him, and fear human frailty, which is wont to take over much pleasure in such things.

I am sorry about the health of Fr. Andrew which is so frail. and as I hear, practically non-existent; but he has healthofmind and strength of character and I am glad on his account for this reason, whatever befalls his bodily health, and I beg him to remember me in this life, and particularly in the life to come . The quicker his health fails the sooner his flight to eternal life, which I pray the Lord Jesus to grant him.

I never was of opinion that [Thomas] Lister could or should be prevented from entering religion. When there is such a special reason urging it, who would think that it should not be carried into effect? I, certainly, am glad of it, and congratulate Lister, and I look forward to excellent results, both from him and from [William] Hart, [the Younger] Wouldthat we had more like them Pray, Father, help and strengthen my son Hugh in that so holy purpose of his I have other sons in Sant ' Andrea, whose names I do not recall That I may pray more especially for them , I should be grateful to my William Brokesby, if he would let me

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

have them in his next letter.(6) I received his last, which was certainly full of kindliness and affection: and what pleased me most, I seemed to detect in it most clearly a certain pious and devout desire I have no leisure, on this occasion, to write a long letter to him. I shall make up for it later.

Ido not think anyone has any news of Fr. Robert [Persons ] except Dr. Allen, who keeps it to himself so much that he tells no one . I am surprised, however, that he made no mention ofit in his letter toyour Reverence , yet did so in his letters to others.(7) I showed him how he could do it in a line He said he had omitted the news for no other reason than this: there are many occasionsfor writing and passingon current news, and mentioning matters as they come to his mind I dare to aver, and I knowfor certain , that with no one does he correspond more willingly, or with greater confidence, than with your Reverence, who he thinks, moreover, surpasses all in the cause of bringing England back to the faith, in the ardour of your charity and in your sincerity in directingours to that end. I am always hearing him speak of this, and I often say the same to him, and so we mutually pleasure each other. But all our fear and apprehension is about your care ofyour own health, which I hear becomes daily weaker . For the love of God, Father, do take care of your health, and leave to others something of that continual care and solicitude, by which day and nightyour Reverenceis worn down, so that England may, as long as possible, benefit from your prudence and most holy government Why does not Fr. Minister take charge of the door , so that your Reverence may for your health's sake go, for a time, to Tusculum or some other place, rather than continue in the College to the danger ofyour health. See to it, Father, that you look after yourself , if not for your own sake, for the sake of ours and that of England. This I beg of you on my knees again and again. There is nothing I solicit so earnestly Rheims, 14 April 1583

Son and servant in Christ, Richard Barret.

[Addressed:] To the very Reverend Father, Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari of the Society of Jesus, Rector of the English College, Rome At Rome.

[Endorsed:] Dr. Barret, 1583, 14 April Muchabout the turbulent and seditious; concerning the confession and recantation of John Nichols , etc.

(1) Barret's information here was somewhat at fault, for it seems that Nichols was liberated by Henry III's order, at the instance of Elizabeth (For. Cal. Jan.-June 1583, p 188) Allen also mentioned to Agazzari in

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 49

a letter of the same date as Barret's that Nichols had been released "jussu suae Majestatis, intercessione Reginae et oratoris nostri" (Knox, Allen, p. 188)

(

2) The case of John Gore (or Gower) was a complicated one Born c 1548 in the diocese of Chester, he took part in the Northern rising in 1569 , lost his lands in consequence , and fled abroad He was admitted as a student to the English College at Douay on 6 February 1576. With four others he was sent to Rome on 1 October 1576, to enter the new College being formed there He took a leading part in the disturbancesof 1578-9 , and on 23 April 1579 took the new College oath with the first large group to do so He completed his studies in Rome and was ordained With others he arrived back at Rheims on 16 October 1580 but, unwilling to observe his oath to go to the English mission, remained there for many months. On 14 August 1581 he went to Paris (Knox, D.D. pp 101 , 111 , 172, 180; C.R.S. 37 , p 10; C.R.S. 39, pp 12-3, 17, 19; Knox, Allen, p 111) About this time he appears to have received , through the help of friends in England, which included Chief Justice Wray, a pardon for his part in the rebellion of 1569, and this fact, together with his own melancholic and irascible temperament, and his poverty, were probably jointly respon- sible for the anxiety about his perseverance in his faith and priestly profession, which from the beginning of 1582 he gave to Allen and others, Allen feeling that he was suffering from some mental disturbance. Late in May 1582, after he had failed, on account of his peculiar religious views, to persuade the English Jesuit, Thomas Darbyshire, to pay over to him money for his journey to England, he had recourse to the English ambassador , Sir Henry Cobham. He demanded help and, perhaps to engage the ambassador's sympathy, alleged religious doubts, which Cobham , however, found somewhat contradictory. Gore had been watched as he made this visit, and was on this account imprisoned in the Archbishop's prison from 31 May 1582 to 12 March 1583. During this period the ambassador frequently tried to secure his liberation. Though eventually freed by Henry III, at the instance of Elizabeth, Cobham reported that Gore had had to promise not to go to England, not to see him, nor to consort with heretics . It seems probable that during his imprisonment Gore, to secure his freedom, deceived Cobham, for there is an unpublished confession of his apostasy dated 6 February 1583 (Westm . III, n . 53), and after his release there is no evidence that he broke the conditions laid down (Cf. Knox, Allen, and For Cal May-Dec 1582 and Jan.-June 1583 , various pages) The few later references to him indicate that he remained abroad He went to Rome in 1585 and again in November 1588 (Foley, Records VI, pp 557, 560), and some time before 1595 went insane and was cared for in Rome by Jesuit charity He was still alive in 1605. (Ibid. pp 9 519; Certayne Aparent Judgments , C.R.S. 2, p 204) For Edward Osborne, cf. C.R.S. 39. p 141 , note 2

(

3) James Lomax had been sent to Rome in February 1580, and returned to Rheims as a priest on 3 November 1582. He was sent to England a sick man on 8 July 1583, was captured on landing and died in prison in 1584. (Knox, D.D. pp. 160 , 192, 196; C.R.S. 37, pp 19-20 and No. 30 infra).

(4) Thomas Alfield was first sent to the English mission on 29 March 1581 (Knox, D.D. p 178) His torture in May 1582, his agreement to go to the Protestant service and release from prison on bail about September 1582, and in March 1583 his return to France and repentance , were all reported by Allen (Knox, Allen, pp 144, 163, 186; also C.R.S. 2, p. 228). The date of his return to England is not recorded, but he was again in prison before March 1585. (Cf. C.R.S. 5 for the documents relating to his trial). He suffered at Tyburn on 6 July 1585 .

50

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

(5) Thomas Morgan, gentleman, at this time about forty years of age, was a versatile adventurer and intriguer, and always a source of disunion among the Catholic exiles . He appears for many years to have been a secret agent of the English government, with particular reference to the affairs of Mary, Queen of Scots, in whose ultimate ruin in 1586-7 he was held by many to have played a considerable part (Cf. L. Hicks, S.J.: An Elizabethan Problem: Some aspects of the careers oftwo Exile-Adventurers, London, 1964) The two men in question are Morgan and Charles Paget. (6) This is one reference of several in the letters in this volume to one source of trouble among certain of the students in the English College in Rome: the desire of some to become Jesuits. This question has been exhaustively explored by L. Hicks, S.J.: The English College, Rome and Vocations to the Society of Jesus, 1579-July 1595, Archivum Historicum

S.J. III, 1934, pp 1-36

Thomas Lister entered the Society on 20 February 1583. For his later career , cf. C.R.S. 51, p 151. William Hart [the Younger] entered in 1582 , but died, whilst a novice, on 6 August 1584. These two were released from the College oath to become novices William Brookesby, a convictor at the English College, left in 1583 to become a Jesuit, but also died as a novice 7 August 1585. (Foley, Records VII). "My son Hugh" is prob- ably Hugh Griffith, not the nephew of Dr. Lewis, but a member of a Herefordshire family His brother Richard also joined the Society some years later. Of this Hugh almost no information survives , except that he became a Jesuit novice at Sant' Andrea on 3 December 1583 (Ingressus Noviciorum , A.R.S.J. 171A, f.92), and that he was dead before November 1611 (Responsa Scholarum, C.R.S. 54 , pp 243-4). (7) Persons , who had been sent to Spain in 1582 in connection with the proposed enterprise against England, had fallen ill on his return journey at the end of that year. He arrived back in Paris at the end of May 1583. (Cf. Persons' Letters, C.R.S. 39, pp lv-lviii)

28. BARRET TO AGAZZARI Rheims

,

3 May 1583

.

Westm . III, n . 71 Holograph Latin original printed in Knox, Douay Diaries, pp 327-9. Extract by Grene, incorrectly dated, in A.R.S.J. Angl 37 , ff 14-15

[Translation :]

Reverend Father,

This very day letters have been brought to us about the glorious martyrdom of that most charming and obedient son of yours, William Hart [the elder] (1) Recently at York, with the greatest constancy and alacrity and to the admiration of all, he endured a martyr'sdeath most bravely and happily in Christ Jesus Hardly had he rendered his most blessed soul to God, when many of the crowd of bystanders struggled by every means, one with another, for the chance of seizing his shirt or shoes or some part of his garments, nor could they at once be stopped. Had they not highly esteemed these things as sacred and precious relics, they would never have precipitated themselves into so great and imminent

danger. Taken by force of arms by the magistrates they were immediately thrown into prison. O happy death, that kindledthe fire of devotion and charity, and set aflame so many, that rather than forego those offices of piety and religion, so rightly due to one who died for Christ in so saintly and glorious a manner , they chose to expose themselvesto a most cruel death, and place themselves in the same blood-stained hands of the executioner bywhich they had seen the martyr himselfslain.

Would that I possessed, to send to your Reverence , even the smallest portion ofthat garment whichthey so willingly and piously tore, yet could not take away.

He was greatly beloved by all but, as I need not mention, by no one more than by your Reverence. But he himself surpassed all others in his dedicated dutifulness and devotion to his most kindly father Alphonsus, the father of us all. The more frequently this has been brought to my notice, the less surprised am I that such a death was granted to one whose life was so well guided by your precepts And so allow me, my Father, to offer you my congratulations on the happiness of bearing such a son O would that I could have but an hourwith your Reverenceand F. Minister, etc. that we might for a little while converse together about that most saintlyHart.

Ido not doubt that many of ours have a clear and recent memory of his excellence in every kind of virtue, piety, modesty, placable disposition, obedienceand respectfor superiors, his regard for all good people, his peaceful bearing and charity towards all his brethren, and his gentleness by which he gained the hearts of all. O, if they would only imitate him as well as with all good will they know how to praise and make him known. But I shall write further about this matter when I have more particularnews; for up to the present I have had no other account than what I have written, unless, may be, your Reverence wishes to hear, nay I know you have great desire to hear what follows, though it happened before his death.

In York Castle there were at one and the same time many who were very dangerously ill, brought about by a contagious disease or by the horrible filth of the place of their imprisonment.(2) Nineteen, almost all of gentle birth. died of it at that time. This you have heard of previously, when I was in Rome , as I well recall But the following incident I myself never heard of before today When your Hart learned that many were in such danger, he entered the prison one night, scaling a high wall and so descended to the place where lay the sick. He passed the whole night with them, partly consoling them, partly preaching, and so well did he carry out his pastoral work that he administered to all

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

the most holy viaticum and extreme unction. When this was reported to me , I was astounded and overcome with joyful admiration, and I could not but mention itin myletter to your Reverence I received today the letter Fr [William] Good(3) wrote on 11 April. I have not yet shown it to Dr. Allen, but shall do so tomorrow and shall answer it as soon as I have leisure. There is nothing further for the present, except with all humility to send my greetings to your Reverenceand Rev. Fr. Minister and all my other Fathers in your College, whom I embrace in the Lord and whom I shall respect and highly regard so long as I live Farewell 3 May 1583. Rheims .

Son and servant in Christ, Rich[ard] Barret.

[Addressed:] To the very

Reverend Father, Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari of the Society of Jesus, Rector of the English College, Rome At Rome.

[Endorsed:] Dr. Barret, 3 May 1583; concerning the marytrdom of William Hart at York: very good.

(1) William Hart, cf. Note 2 to No. 7 supra.

(2) Something of the barbarous conditions in York Castle, and other north country prisons, can be seen from contemporary documentsprinted by J. Morris , S.J.: The Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers, III, pp 74-81, 299-330

(3) For a biographical notice of William Good, S.J. , cf. C.R.S. 39 , p 5

29. BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Paris, 1 July [ 1583]

Westm. III, n . 78. Holograph Latin original printed in Knox, Douay Diaries, pp 329-330 Short note of letter by Grene , in A.R.S.J. Angl 37, f.12v

[Translation :]

Reverend Father,

A few days ago whilst still at Rheims, but on the point of leaving, I wrote to your Reverence about the state of my health, and the reason for my departure Now, however, I shall report to you a little more clearly and with greater assurance : for I see and know, in fact, that I was in much less danger than I feared at the beginning, and the doctor of your Society informed me , with absolute certainty, that there was not the slightest doubt that neither a vein nor my lungs. but my head, so he affirmed, was the cause of my illness. Whether that is so or not, I do not know .

Idid not have, and still do not have a cough. There was no vomiting, but all that occurred was that my saliva was completely mixed with blood three or four times, and for two or three days following partially so, and that no oftener than three times a day. Now there is no sign of it, so I hope to regain my strength when I go to England. For I see that were I sick and deprived of my strength, I should be of little or no use . This is the reason why I was in so much hastethat I might win over at least one soul, while my strength and health permitted. It is now two months since I had in mindto beg Dr. Allen, with considerable persistance, to agree to my departure; not because I thought that I could be of greater help in England, than I am here at Rheims, for superiors do not think so, but because I felt that my strength was failing gradually, and that I was becoming more and more unsuited for an inactive life of study. This loss of strength, and my conviction that at least for a time my studies must be interrupted, if I were to regain my health, changed to a more frightening prospect: more frighteningbecause of the experienceof Bristow and Martin, and of the death from that disease of some of my companions;(1) and Ihad the greater apprehension of this by reason ofmy having worked too hard with my books, and given myself up excessively to study for many years. So I seized this opportunity, with benefit, I hope, both to soul and body; for I am persuaded that, without a break from study, I cannot regain and preserve my health

I was glad to hear the news about Oliver, etc. I dare not write any more , for today I have taken medicine to bring down my temperature. Therefore farewell, my Father, and pray for me . 1 shall write from England as often as I can, but my alias in my letters to your Reverence will be Hugh Large Paris, 1 July.

R. Barret, your servant and son

[Addressed:] To the very Reverend Father, Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari of the Society of Jesus, Rector of the English College, Rome At Rome

[Endorsed:] Dr. Barret, 1 July 1583; concerning his desire of returning to England

(1) Dr. Richard Bristow had died on 14 October 1581 and Dr. Gregory Martin on 28 October 1582. The disease in question was probably tuberculosis

30. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. Rheims, 11 August [1583]

Westm III, n . 82. Holograph Latin original printed in Knox, Douay Diaries, pp 330-2 Short extract by Grene in A.R.S.J. Angl 37 , f.12.v.

[Translation :]

Reverend Father in Christ ,

The studentswho are coming to you this time are selected from the most outstanding of all we have here Some of them are older and more endowed with brains than the rest and will, perhaps, cause you a little more trouble; for I am apprehensive of how they will behave as regards obedience and humility Certainly, unless there is a great change, especially in one of them , you will have a difficult task in managing him. The one I am referring to is [Christopher] Bagshaw on whose behalf, I hear, you wrote He has a good head, well suited for study, but he is very prone to anger, difficult to handle and factious He has made a promise, however, to overcome these and many other defects, and so wishes to go to you. At the present time he seems well affected to your Society, and opposes those who have less regard for it than they should have . It will need your prudence to deal with him with dexterity For whilst he was with us he could not bear even one word that had a suggestion of reprehension or admonition .(1)

Amongst many other differences, I have noticed this one particularly betweenyour prudence, dutiful insistence on rule and your method of governing, and that which Dr. Allen is compelled to employ here. In this place it is necessary on occasions , for the common good, not only to tolerate many defects for a time, but to show favour in every way to such men and to be indulgent to them, even as regards those very deficiencies of character with which they are beset It is very difficult, in consequence , for these deficienciesto be rightedhere. He [Allen] thinks, Reverend Father, that such indulgence has led [W. Gifford](2) to behave in some degree more dutifully To me, certainly, he seems more puerile than ever before, yet there is no other way of handling him. In the same way, had not the failings of that man [Bagshaw] been treated with indulgence, whichin your College willnot be granted, he would not, so it appears, have remained here so long. I write this that your Reverencemay know his defects and aptly apply a remedy: for certainly there is promise of great ability in him, if he could conquer his pride and want of restraint .

Another student is called [William] Warford, whois wellversed in Greek and Latin, and has very great aptitude for every kind of learning. We have no other like him. So I specially commend him to your Reverence for the promise I have of his becoming

notonly learned , but good and dutiful. For I hope withoutadoubt that he will be such as you desire

His companion is called [John] Fixer, who is not very inferior to him in knowledge and talent The fourth is named [William] Stafferton, who is of a very agreeable character, has excellent ability, but is not too strong. These four are Masters of Art of Oxford; and they are thought to have surpassed all the rest in reputation for ability and learninga reputation as great as could be attained in this age at that University Believe me, your Reverence , we have not, indeed, four equal to them, nor, may be, shall we have for a long time, men who have raised such great expectations One thing I earnestly desire, that they may be humble and their conduct good and praiseworthy This they all promise and have dealt with me to let you know Indeed, I hope for great and splendid things of each of them, and I have scarcely any apprehension about any of them except Bagshaw, whom I alone was responsible for selecting, and so am I the more concerned that all will go well with him at your College. (3) For if he treads the right path and is humble, he will be a student worthy of your Reverence and the College Should he, however, once become alienated, which happens to many, then there is more danger to be feared from him of his joining with others who are full of selflove Still, should anything like this befall, as he is a priest, he can quickly be sent to England

Added to these is a youth from a family of very high rank, theeldestson and heir of his father. His name is [Richard]Dudley. When he was called back home from the Inns of Court of London, to take as his wife a lady whom they had arranged he should marry, he left all things for Christ, his country, his parents, and his inheritance, and cameto these parts to study theology, become a priest, and return as such to his relatives. Foster, I beg you Father, such a good disposition in one so young: I do not ask this because of any need to do so, but that your Reverencemay know that I have a particularesteem of and regard for this youth. [Thomas] Warcop, an excellent young man, is a very close friend of his, and will do well in his studies He is to start his theology. [William] Johnson, also, has a very good head, is of a very open character and very humble I see nothing wanting in him, except that he is not so well grounded in the liberal arts as his companions, but he is sufficiently well instructed in them. Octavius [William Baldwin] is a splendid youth, snatchedfrom the jaws of evil in the very Tower of London. He was employed by the Lieutenant of that castle, but is now in the service of another, for he serves God in all humility and obedience.(4) This youth affords me more satisfaction than I can express on paper. Your Reverencewill recognise him by hisfeatures .

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

With therest I am satisfied, but I named those particularly of whom I hold the greatest promise. I could not but inform your Reverence, however, that Baldwin also will be most yielding in obedience He is a pupil of Fr. [John] Cornelius, and gives me great satisfaction .(5)

What other news to write I do not know Not all the English books for which Fr. Robert [Southwell] wrote can be purchased; those I have been able to obtain, I am sending by these students. Two of them are recent converts from heresy, [John] Roberts and [George] Potter, both of outstanding ability and most agreeable manners, with an excellent knowledge of Latin, one of them also of Greek (6) Two others are from the school of Fr. Foster He commends both of them to your Reverence as his very dear sons , suitable for your College. There is no one besides these , I think. May God preserve them all. In my opinion there has never been such a selection of scholars for your College: not only as regards the number sent, but as regards their ability and the reputation they have gained.

I heard that that very prevalent disease of consumption had invaded the College Consider in your prudence, if it be not necessary to forego somewhat that prolonged employment and attendance in the churches, that they have to submitto on feast days, and also their singing practice after lunch, which is wont to be burdensome. It may help a great deal if they are freed on as many feast days as possible from obligatory attendance, etc. Ceremonies are easily learned, if need be, which, in brief, I hope will happen.

Fr. [James] Lomax was captured on landing, due to a want of caution on his part, so some think: for when some individual told him that he appeared to be a priest, I am, he replied, what then?

Fr. George Birkhead(7) came from England only to return immediately. He is all for you.

I cannot but be highly grieved to give you the following secret information: Fr. [Jasper] Heywood is not acting prudentlyenough in England. He gives too many occasions to those who let none escape them, offinding fault in one of your Society.(8)

Should your Reverence be surprised at my sudden return [to Rheims], ascribe it, I beg you, partly to an improvement in my health; but there was another cause of it, which I had to yield to at least for a time, easily persuaded thereto by Dr. Allen and Fr. Persons . What that cause was , I cannot now let you know , but I shall do so when it is permissible Certainly, Father, ifmy health stands up to it, there is a great harvest to be gathered in this place, and hard enough labour. But there is greater need in

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 57

England, and to be there would be better for my health, and more consonant with my own desire. However I admit, that apart from my health, I have encountered no difficulty here I shall write to your Reverence as often as anything worth recording occurs , but even this I dare not promise to do owing to my various occupations. Still it would have to be something of great consequence that would stop me from writing. Farewell, your Reverence, and pleasepray for me . Rheims, 11 August Son and servant,

Rich[ard] Barret

Icommend as highly as I can, on every ground, Mr. [John] Harrison , an excellent man of outstanding piety, who intends to enter a Carthusian monastery, but wishes first to visit Rome and the holy places out of devotion . Please, Father, for my sake, let his coming be acceptable to your Reverence and to Mr. George [Gilbert], etc.

His son Barret sends his greetings to Rev. Fr. Minister, with all humility and dutiful regard, that is, from his heart; to whose care and solicitude he commends each and all of these students , that they may on occasions receive good penances .

[Addressed:] To the very Reverend Father, Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari of the Society of Jesus, Rector of the English College, Rome, let these letters be given. At Rome.

[Endorsed:] Dr. Barret concerning Bagshaw: of how unquiet a disposition he was 1583, 11 August.

(1) Details of the career of Christopher Bagshaw up to 1602 will be found in The Wisbech Stirs, C.R.S. 51 , especially pp 19, 198, 278, 302, 332 Barret's letters until the beginning of 1585 provide considerable , though oblique, information to indicate how troublesome he proved during his stay in the English College in Rome.

(2) When printingthe Latin of this letter (Knox, D.D. p. 330), T. F. Knox replaced the cipher sign in the manuscript by two asterisks , without explanation, but probably because it does not occur elsewhere in the letters of Barret which he printed in that volume In the Stonyhurst letters printed here for the first time the sign, however, occurs several times . From the contexts in question, especially from Barret's letters of 27 Septemberand 8 November 1584, infra, the sign can be interpreted as indicating W. Gifford .

(3) These Oxford M.A.s proved, however, a troublesome addition to the generally younger and less learned students at the College in Rome . They objected to conforming to the general discipline, complaining that it was only fit for boys (Cf. Sega's Visitation Report, mid 1585 , printed in A. O. Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth , 1915 edit , pp 502, 506; also Sega's Report, 14 March 1596, Foley, Records VI, p 9) Of these four men, Bagshaw was dismissed from the College,

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

on the order of the Protector, in January 1585 (cf. Note 1 above) William Warfordwas noted as troublesome, as above He was ordained in December 1584, and when Allen came to Rome in late 1585 lived for some time with him before being sent to England in 1588 (C.R.S. 37 , pp 47-8) In 1594 he became a Jesuit, and died in Valladolid in 1608 (Foley, Records VII). William Stafferton [or Staverton] was ordained at the same time as Warford (C.R.S. 37, p 45) About June 1585 he acquired a doctorate at Padua by the same irregular means as Bagshaw (cf. No. 64 infra) He died in England about October 1588 (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, N/D [but between 29 October and 24 November 1588], A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, n.f.) John Fixer, also troublesome in Rome, as above, completed his studies at Rheims, where he was ordained in 1587 (C.R.S. 37, pp 46-7; Knox, D.D. pp 211, 214) He was sent for a year to the new College at Valladolid , and thence to England with John Cecil on 13 November 1590 (Valladolid Registers, C.R.S. 30 , pp 4, 7) There both men , under the aliases respectively of Thomas Wilson and John Snowden , had treacherous dealings with the English government (Cf. Cal. S.P.D. 1591-4; also Allen to Persons, [Rome], 7 January 1592, Knox, Allen, p. 339, in which the "two companions" in question were Fixer and Cecil). Shunned by Catholics, Fixer retired to Spain before 1594, where he seems to have spent the rest of his life, a large part of it in some kind of surveillance or restraint (cf. J. Cecil to [Earl of Essex] Escurial, 10 September 1596, Hatfield Cal VI, p 382; T. G. Law Archpriest Controversy, 1898, II, p 190, Petition for his release, c mid 1602. Law erroneously thought that the student Robert Fisher was here in question) Fixer was still alive at the end of 1613, and there was then still question of his "liberty" . (Cf. A. Champney to T. More (in Rome), Paris, 17 December 1613, Westm XII, n . 226)

(

4) Concerning Richard Dudley, cf. C.R.S. 51, p 118. Thomas Warcop was ordained in December 1584 (C.R.S. 37, p 46) In September 1586 he was sent with two others by Allen to beg alms in Sicily for the College at Rheims (cf. No. 78 infra) He entered the Society at Messina, probably in 1587 , went to Spain as a novice but died on landing, 9 October 1589 (Foley, Records VID ). William Johnson died in the College in 1586 (C.R.S. 37, p 47) William Baldwin was ordained on 6 Aprli 1588 , and served in Rome as English Penitentiary for a year Sent to Belgium for health reasons, he joined the Society there in 1590. For an account of his career cf. Foley, Records III, pp 501ff, sub Bawden) He died 28 September 1632 .

(5) John Cornelius left the College at Rome for the English mission in September 1583, and laboured first in London and later in Dorset Captured about Easter 1594. he was martyred at Dorchester on 4 July of that year. On his petition, he was admitted to the Society whilst in prison (Cf. L. Hicks, S.J., John Cornelius, an Irish Martyr, 1554-1594, Studies (Dublin), December 1929)

(

6) Robert Southwell, S.J. (martyred at Tyburn 21 February 1595) was at this time Prefect of Studies in the English College at Rome. John Roberts was ordained in August 1587. and was sent to Valladolid and thence to England (C.R.S. 37, p 46) He is not, however, the John Roberts, O.S.B. , who was martyred at Tyburn in 1610. The latter was some fourteen years younger and a Welshman (cf. Valladolid Registers , C.R.S. 30, p 49) For George Potter, cf. C.R.S. 51. p 117. He was expelled from the College with Bagshaw in January 1585 .

(

7) George Birkhead (or Birket) had been ordained from Douay on 6 April 1577. He was one of the early students of the English College in Rome. and returned to Rheims in October 1580 on his way to England (Knox

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 59

D.D. pp. 118, 172; C.R.S. 37, p 9) In 1608 he was appointed second Archpriest of England in place of George Blackwell. (8) Jasper Heywood became Superior of the Jesuit mission after Persons left England in August 1581. Concerning his conduct at this time in England, cf. C.R.S. 39, p 190, note 6; also C.R.S. 51, p 210 , note 7. For other details of his career , cf. Foley, Records VII

31. BARRET TO AGAZZARI

. Rheims, 28 December [1583].

Westm. III, n . 91. Holograph Latin original printed in Knox, Douay Diaries, pp 332-4. Extract by Grene in A.R.S.J. Angl 37, f.12v .

[Translation : ]

Very Reverend Father in Christ, Whom above all I must ever regard with deepest affection and respect. From your own letters, and those of others whohave given me a kindly reminder of my duty to correspond with you, I have become aware that my delay in writing appears to have displeased you not a little. I acknowledge my fault, Reverend Father, and beg you to give me a penance for it. To this , even though imposed by your Reverence in my absence , I promise to submit most willingly, not only on this occasion, but I shall do so every time throughout my life that you enjoin any penanceon me for failing in this matter, or for any other negligence or fault of mine. Nay, I beg you, from the bottom of my heart, not to have less care of me, in my absence, should you find or hear of any negligence in me, than you had when I was with you. Certainly, Father, your Reverence should be more concerned about me, because daily do I have greater and greater need of your admonition and reproof: and I find myself more ready than ever before to obey and carry out what you order. From the lack of your authority I have had for long a heartfelt desire to hear your voice, to seek counsel for overcoming my innumerable defectssuch a desire, indeed, as either I had not when I was with you, or was not aware of to such a degree. It is by our want of a thing rather than by possession of it, that we become conscious of our need But for some reason unknown to me I have dilated longer than I intended on begging your pardon. So let me return to the news and see what should have first place in this respect , lest 1 incur another penance. Recently three more were martyred in England: [John] Body and [John] Slade at Winchester and York, and a third whosename is not yet known to us (1) The persecution increases daily and becomes more and more violent Ten gentlemen of the county of Warwick were recently seized and thrown into the Tower of

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

London. Of these, three, namely the two Throgmortons, brothers ofyourEdward nowin heaven, and a man called [Edward] Arden , were most cruelly racked,(2) and at the same time a priest, whose name is Hall But the cause, without a doubt, is their faith and fidelity to God, and their devotion to and regard for the Apostolic See. Some reason, however, is invented, namely that they showed too much favour to the Queen of Scots, and had in mind some revolutionarypurpose, etc. Whatever it be I hear that many have good hope of England being brought back to the faith within a short time . I myself fear that in the present state of affairs and in these times of danger, when the heretics who are in power find themselves reduced to some straits, they may have recourse to the highest cruelty against good people But God will give patience and so there will be no cause to fear. I believe there is imminent the greatest and most bitter persecution that we have had up to now. That. however, is but a conjecture of mine. Everywhere I see hope emerging from fear.

They say Fr. [Thomas] Hemerford is captured, but it is not certain (3) These days the ports are closed so that few get away from England to us and vice versa Ten were captured at the very port, who were coming to these parts, and were sent back, or rather led back by force of arms to the Queen's councillors The number of Catholics grows daily, a remarkable increase Our brethren are so animated by these dangers, that it is difficult to hold them back. Our Foster was among the first to go Fr. [John] Lowe eight days ago started on his journey, strong in health, but stronger in soul to face the dangers(4) Fr. [Christopher] Hodson is well, and so is [Edmund] Arrowsmith.(5)

Dr. Allen by chance showed me a letter of Rev. Fr. [William] Good, in which in obscure terms he appears to be worried about some here who are neither well-affected to you nor to Dr. Allen It maybe that [Christopher] Bagshaw, in referring to such matters , has laid too much stress on them, at a time when he was taking up a stronger positionin the opposite camp. Believe me, Reverend Father, everything in this College, as regards outward show and appearance, is and has been for a long time quite quiet. Here, as far as one can conjecture, there is the greatest tranquility and peace. Yet I have my suspicions of some here, and of more at Paris, that they are secretly antagonistic to this College and to the English nation May God give them a better disposition. Here they do not dare to utter a murmur, except in corners, and at times in their letters Such men are sufficiently well known, but tocorrectthem is moredifficult Recently two ofthe chiefoffenders , who were not a little alienated, had a change of heart Their names I do not dare to mention My [Joseph] Cresswell(6) knows

both of them, R. and Wa So, my Father, do not be disturbed or show any annoyance, if at times some report of such matters reaches you. It is true that in this place the conduct and dispositions of men are not subject to close scrutiny Here Dr. Allen bears with many thatyour Reverencewould not willingly tolerate; and he does so to prevent them from leaving at once and becoming worse. There are many such as Bagshaw who come to us It is with great difficulty that they lay aside their habitual attitude. In him your Reverence witnesses that of which I was always apprehensive, nor was I ever at ease about his being sent. But the remedy in his case is easier, on account of his being a priest, and he can, thus, fittingly be sent away on some pretext or other. And there is no reason why your Reverence should delay a while in doing so, or with danger to others wait till he amends his ways. His character is such that there is scarcely any hope, in that place, of any obedience on his part.

I shall report on each of the studentswho are to come to you, if necessary, and so far as I can see, it will be very necessary . What else to write I know not As regards my health, experience showsand confirms thatI was toofearful, or was too desirous of leaving with my companions, or that I was influenced by both reasons I, who am rather backward in good works, was headstrong and thoughtless, but I did not act without the authorisation and good will of my superior, so kindly disposed is he But truly I do not know what to say about that matter. Oh, how much, at that time, did I desire to have but one hour's conversation with Fr. Alphonsus. I submitted myself to the judgment of those better and wiser than me, and so here I remain, and shall do so always. Please pray for me, Reverend Father From my heart and with all humility I send greetings to Rev. Fr. Minister, and in the same way to Fr. Good and the other Fathers with you in the College. Rheims, 28 December

Son and servant in Christ, R. Barret.

[Addressed:] To the very Reverend Father in Christ , Fr. Alphonsus Agazzari of the Society of Jesus, Rector of the English College, Rome At Rome

[Endorsed:] 1583. Rheims, from Dr. Barret, concerning difficulties [?]

(1) John Body and John Slade, laymen, and both school-masters, were martyred, the first at Andover (not York), on 2 November, and the second at Winchester, on 30 October 1583

(2) Concerning the Throgmorton plot, cf. L. Hicks, S.J. An Elizabethan Problem, London, 1964, Chapter II; for the Arden-Somerville plot , cf.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

C.R.S. 39, pp 188-9, and C. Stopes, Shakespeare's Warwickshire Contemporaries, 1907

(3) Thomas Hemerford was ordained in Rome and was sent to England in June 1583 (C.R.S. 37, p 25; Knox, D.D. p 196) He sufferedat Tyburn 12 February 1584.

(4) John Lowe , ordained in Rome in September 1582 (C.R.S. 37, p 32), suffered at Tyburn 8 October 1586

(5) Christopher Hodson (or Hodgson) had been one of the original large group to take the new College oath in Rome on 23 April 1579. He was ordained on 21 July 1583 (C.R.S. 37, p. 12 and Vicariate Register) Though the Liber Ruber notes him as sent to England in 1583, he was retained at Rheims, apparently in poor health, to teach philosophy In May 1589 he went to teach in a monastery in Lorraine (Knox, D.D. pp 12, 224; Knox, Allen, p 215) His behaviour whlist at Rheims was a source of trouble (cf. No. 70 infra)

This Edmund Arrowsmith was ordained at Rheims on 14 June 1587 (Knox , D.D. p 216), and appears as a Doctor of theology in the list of Staff and Students at Douay, 3 December 1594 (Appendix B infra). The Jesuit martyr of the same name was not born until 1585 .

(6) Arthur Cresswell (always, however, known as Joseph) entered the English College in Rome as a convictor on 5 November 1580 (C.R.S. 37 , p 26) He entered the Jesuit novitiate in Rome on 11 October 1583. A full account of his career is in A. J. Loomie, S.J .. The Spanish Elizabeths, New York, 1963, Chapter 6

32. ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA. Rheims, 4 February 1584.

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f.175 Holograph; poor manuscript

Reverendissimo in Christo Pater

De rebus fere caeteris cum R.P. Robertus assidue V. Paternitatem certiorem reddat, de meorum isticquorundam juvenum rebus privatis ut aliqua scribam ipsorum vel necessitate vel im[port]unitate compellor. Pientissime Pater mire affligitur il[lic] R.P. Alphonsus Rector, hic etiam animo supramodum angor de intempestivo duorum aut trium juvenum postulato ac ingr[edi]endi societatem desiderio (1) qui cum essent a me peculiariter missi, viatico donati et sua ipsorum assidua petitione ad Collegium illud designati, mox Urbem ingressi vel non ita multo post alumnorum communem sortem recusantes se antea voto vel voluntate religioni addictos sancte affirmarunt . In quo non me in ipsis melioris boni appetitus angit, sed illud male habet, quod vel simulent se prius quam ex Gallijs discederent, id cogitasse quod nunquam eis fortassis in mentem venit, vel hic apud me dum mittendi essent ad collegium, propositum religionis tam artificiose dissimulaverint, utnon necmihi nec cuiquam mortalium ejus rei judiciumdederint

Utrinquesane non modo hominibus in collegijs infirmis ac inquietis societatisvecalumniatoribus , sed etiam melioribus et prudentioribus

ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

offensionem parit varijsque querelis est obnoxium. Equidem cum Rmae. P. Vestrae tum R. Patris Rectoris nomine indico meis ne Romam cogitent si ad Societatem animos adjiciant, curaturum me ut per vestram gra[tiam] hic in Gallijs, aut alibi extra Urbem sancta desideria explean[t] sed non proficio; atque homines ita, ut isti, recte affecti, habent ut interpretor, pro sancto dolo fateri a nobis hanc benedictionem Ego sane hic valde distrahor cogitatione et affectu hinc laetor me[os] tam vehementer ad perfectiorem vitae et salutis viam fer[ri] unde mihi nostrarum rerum summa ab initio spes extitit; illinc excrutior ita ista importuno loco et tempore accidere, tant[orum] animorum impetu et ardore a juvenibus expeti, ut ratio[ne] modo, consilio geri non posse videantur. Et sum etenim certe tam anxius, ut quid hoc tempore a V.R. Paternitate p[ro] ipsis postulem vel de ipsis expostulem prorsus sim incertu[s], spiritumextinguere nollem, chari mihi sunt et deo e[tiam] ut spero dilecti; qua arte, pietate, prudentia, quave austeritate vel indulgentia tractandi sint ut sibi et Ecclesiae Dei op[era] [p.2] patriaeque suae non pereant, ego sane nescio. Sed , mi colende Pater, deus dedit tibi sapientiam in omnibus et eminentem erga nostros imprimis charitatem; cum infermis infermaris; cum scandalizatis ureris, et meorum miserijs et nostris difficultatibus continue compateris. Inveniri ergo modo per Christum Jesum precor, rationem aliquam ut isti saltem extra Urbem vel in Italia vel saltem in Gallia aut Lotharingia quam minima fieri potest offensione recipiantur in Societatem Ipsorum justo desiderio satisfiet si uspiam recipiantur, importunitas eorum utrumque castigabitur, et offensio infirmorum minuetur , si Romae non admittantur. Sic quidem existimo, sed in hoc genere , mi Pater, nihil judicio meo tribui velim, voluntati tamen et charitati in meos meo [sic] si quid concesseris , maximas habebo gratias. Sum maxime sollicitus de Richardo Singletono, qui mihi est peculiariter conjunctus, et a suis mihi commissus Quicquid autem de illo aut ceteris statueritis tanquam a deo profectum accipiam (2) Si dignaretur Christus Dominus aperire nobis ostium ad Angliam et vobis et nobis istae omnes molestiae et difficultates cessarent. Sed fiat voluntas Dei nostri. Hoc ipso momento accepi literas Turnaco a Rdo. Patre Oliverio, qui summum suum et aliorum desiderium videndi et alloquendi Patrum Robertum nostrum significat, ut spero, ipsum saltem hac die illuc pervenisse , illius hominis opera undique nos incredibiliter juvat: quid Patri Gaspero acciderit, ipsius literis antea intellixistis; (3) expectamus a Deo finem [cum] divina protectione Vos vestraque sanctissima munia devotissime commende Rhemis, 4 Feb. 1584

V.R. Paternitatis filius et servus in Christo, Gulielmus Alanus

ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

[Addressed by Allen:] Rmo in Christo patri, collendissimo viro P. Claudio Aquavivae Societatis nominis Jesu praeposito Generalis [dign]issimo. Romam.

[Seal tear ]

[Endorsed:] 84. Rhemis D. Alanus 4° Feb.

[Translation :] De turbatione ob eos qui Societatem petunt ut N.P. [3 words illegible] . sibi occurrere ut non hic recipiantur remittanturque in Francia vel alibi

Most Reverend Father in Christ, ...

Although Rev. Fr. Robert [Persons] assiduously informsyour Paternity of most other matters , I am on this occasiondriven, either by their need or importunity, to write something concerning the private affairs of certain of my young men. Rev. Fr. Alphonsus [Agazzari], the Rector there, is greatly troubled, most kind Father, and here too, I am extremely exercised in my mind concerning the inopportune demand and desire of entering the Society of two or three young men (1) These, although they were sent specially by me , given travelling-money, and were destined for that College by their own instant petition, as soon as they entered the City, or not long after, refusing the common lot of the scholars , have solemnly affirmed that they had previously consecratedthemselves to religion by vow or intention. In which matter, it is not the longing for a greater good which distresses me in them; but it is a bad thing, either that they pretend that, before they left France , they had intended what, perhaps, never entered their minds , or that here with me, when they were about to be sent to the College, they concealed so skilfully their purpose of entering religion, so that they gave no hint of the matter either to me or to any mortal man Certainly , on either count, it gives offence, notonly to weak and restless men in the Colleges, or to the calumniators of the Society, but also to the better and more prudent sort, and is liable to occasion divers complaints. At all events, I inform my men in the name, not only of your most reverend Paternity, but also that of Rev. Fr. Rector, not to consider Rome if they have a mind to enter the Society; I tell them that I will take steps myself, through your favour, that they may fulfil their holy desires here in France, or elsewhere outside the City. However, I make no headway; and thus men such as these , who have the same right intentions , hold it as a pious trick, as I think, my telling them that I willdo them this favour. Now I am certainly exceedingly divided in thought and feeling: on the one hand, 1 rejoice that mine are urged so vehemently into the more perfect way oflife and salvation , wherein

ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

for me the greatest hope of our affairs has existed from the beginning; on the other hand, I am pained that these things should thus happen in an inopportune time and place, and are aspired to by the young men with such great vigour and ardour, that they seem unable to be ruled by counsel, or even by reason. And I am , indeed, so troubled and undecided, that I am absolutely at a loss what, on this occasion, to request of your Rev. Paternity for them , or demand concerning them. I have no wish to extinguish their spirit, for they are dear to me, and loved by God, also, as I hope. I have no idea at all with what skill, fatherly concern , or prudence, or with what austerity or indulgence they ought to be treated, so that they may not themselves perish, or be lost to the work of God's Church or to their country But, my Reverend Father, God has given you wisdom in all things, and above all, great charity towards ours: with the weak you are made weak , with the scandalised you burn, and you have always compassion for the miseries of mine and for our difficulties I therefore now beseech yau, in Christ Jesus, that some method be found that, with the least possible offence, these young men may be received into the Society at least outside the City, either in Italy or in France or Lorraine. It will satisfy their just desire if they are received somewhere , and both their importunity will be punished, and the offence to the weak diminished, if they are not admitted in Rome . Thus, indeed, do I think, but in this sort of matter, my Father , I would wish no weight to be given to my judgement; if you will yield anything by your own will and charity towards mine, as to me [?], I shall be extremely grateful. I am most troubled about Richard Singleton, who is especially dear to me , and was committed to my care by his family However, whatever you shall decide about him or the others, I shall accept as having come from God.(2) If Christ our Lord should deign to open for us a way into England, all these troubles and difficulties would cease , both for you and for us; however, may the will of our God be done. At this very moment I have received letters from Tournai from Rev. Fr. Oliver [Manares], who signifies the very great desire of himself and of others to see and speak to our Fr. Robert [Persons]; as I hope, he has at all events by this time arrived there. The labour of that man is of incredible help to us everywhere . What has happened to Fr. Jasper [Heywood], you will have learned, ere now, from his own letters (3) We await from God the outcome, with His Divine help. I devoutly commend to you and your most holy labours. Rheims, 4 Feb. 1584.

Your Rev. Paternity's son and servant in Christ, God William Allen.

ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

(1) On the question of vocations to the Society among the students at the English College, cf. Note 6 to No. 27 supra. Aquaviva's reply to this letter was dated Rome, 22 March 1584 (cf. C.R.S. 9, pp. 94-5).

(2) Richard Singleton was admitted to the College in Rome on 28 April 1583, but left without taking the oath He went to Naples and joined the Society in March 1584. The others in question were probably the following, both admitted to the College at the same date as Singleton, and who both left without taking the oath: Henry Walpole (cf. Note 4 to No. 26 supra) and Charles Tancard (or Tancred), who entered the Society at Naples in February 1584. (C.R.S. 37, pp 40-2; Foley, Records VII).

(3) Recalled from England at the end of 1583, Heywood had been driven back to port by the weather, and was captured and imprisoned in the Clink, 9 December 1583 (cf. C.R.S. 39, p 190, n.6)

33. BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Stonyhurst Anglia VI, n.6

. Rheims, 21 February [1584].

Holograph; very poor manuscript

Admodum Reverende Pater, nuper accepi a V.R. literas quas scripseris 17 Januarij De Patre Christophero spero rem omnem fore expeditissimam et eum libenter recessurum postquam legerit D. Alani literas quibus humanissime eum evocavit vel in Angliam vel ut hoc in loco maneat (1) Non enim tantummali est in exemplo si hic retineatur quantum apud vos pericu[lum] nisi cito dimiseritis. In Anglia mirum in modum augetur et ingravescit quotidie persecutio. Quam diligenter vel potius tyrannice observant omnia in profectione vel rever[sione] ut vix aliquis posset evadere. In singulis fere locis constituuntur spectatores cum authoritate examinandi unumquemque et offerendi juramentum de primatu Reginae et detenden[di] [sicdetinendi] statim in carceres si negaverit aut restiteriteorum impietati. Ne feminae quidem excusantur Tantus et in omnibus locis metus et trepidatio et tanta praepara[tio] ad arma quasi nihil securum etiam aut tutum . Faxit deus ut non sine causa tantopere metuant et suspiciant Aiunt Reginam fere mortuam esse ex repentino vel dolore vel metu vel suspitione. At tamen nescitur quae sit tantae perturbationis causa . Nisi quod time[t] alienationem animorum in subditis et praesertim quod Cath[o]licorumnumerus indies singulis mirabiliter crescat. Certum est quosdam nobiles et viros quidem precipuos atque vi[ros] insignes nuperime redijsse ad Ecclesiam, Patresfamilias cum uxoribus eodem tempore sexaginta audivi esse in una urbe commissos custodiae Est praeclarum quod nobilis quaedam virgo specie et pulchritudine insignis fide tamen et pietate praestantior cum nuper trahere[tur] a militibus per urbem Londinensem ad carcerem quem [dam] in quo sententia judicium debebat includi et vulgus excl[ama]ret Papista Papista et inter reliquam turbam adolescens quidam temerarius et preceps clara voce ai[t] non esse ob religionis

causam quod ita tractaretur sed propter aliquam libidinis notam potius. Quid enim fuit inquit si forte non fuerit rapta cum aliquo adolescentulo Hoc e[nim] ex forma licet suspicari Quid pulcherrimae puellae cum illa religione tam inepta At illa ut audivit maxi[ma]voceet libertate, divinospiritusine dubioconstantissim[e] respondit se esse captam cum interesset sacro et de ea re testes appellare omnes a quibus jam ad carcerem ducebat[ur] tantum abesse dicebat ut propterea dolore [at .. . aut quidem?] [p.2] afferentur quod vehementer gauderet et laetaretur si illud sacrum audivisse In illa enim causa dixit se libenter morituram. Nomina eorum qui morti nuper destinati sunt D. Praeses dixit se scripturum ad T. R. Sunt decem ex ijs Bishopus Tydderus et Emerfordius vestri filij.(2) Orent pro eis quaeso omnes in collegio. Non dubito de eorum constantia Cum essent ducti ante judices satis aperte omnes, summa cum laude pietate et fortudine responderunt Dabo scholaribus qui brevi mittentur longiores literas si quid cerni [sic cerneri] contingat novi Pater Hewodus vester carcere detinetur nihil aliud audivimus de modo quo eum tractant. Sed expectatur tanta crudelitas quanta in alios exercetur et fortassis major Cicilius de quo scripsi ad T.R. non potestfere hic detineri Tantus est ejus ardoret importunitas [nunc?] proficiscendi Romam De ejus valetudine multumdubito sed magis de obedientia Warfordus si sit bonus et pius poterit eum multum juvare. Est enim ejus familiaris. Sed mores componentium quorundam sunt ita delicati et sic efferuntur inani quadam specie verborum cum parum subsit vel ingenij vel doctrinae ut cogar timere de Cicilio (3) Qui sint reliqui quos D. Alanus mittet ignoro Prestabo diligentissime quantum potero ut quantum fieri potestoptimos etingenio et morum sanctitate ut quisque fuerit ita prae [ce]teris eligatur D. Elie(4) qui heri redijt Parisiis salutat V.R. A(5) et cum eo 3 in Belgio manent apud curiam principis Heri audivi quod bona sunt valetudine . Horum priori opus est multa patientia quod ejus prudentiam et diligentiam et pietatem in patriam quibus excellit reliquis, omnes tamen non eodemmodo interpretantur . Ab ipsis hominibus jam tandem videtur paulatim deficere et si non esset natura et ingenio nimis facilis et levis aliquid forte boni esset sperandum. I magnam spem videtur ostendere Timeo Pater de T. Utinam non essent causae. Ego nihil sciotamen timeo quotidiene audiamus aliquid novi quod nollemus Ago maximas gratias de Domino Edouardo Untono (6) expectoeum hic quotidie . Monebo ne tam cito in Angliam aut si necesse sit neque potest retineri ad [tempus] agam cum eo de ea re ut potero diligentur ut [defendatur] a contagione etc. tempus sine fructu consumit ut aud[io] et antiquum obtinet. Vale mi Pater Reverendeet ora pro me quaeso Fosterus

68

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

expectat opportunitatem Rotomagi et expectabit diu nisi nova aliqua ja[m] ingrediendi inveniatur Rhemis 21 Febr.

Filius et servus in Christo R. Barretus.

Pr . Lumaxius in carcere est mortuus praestans confessor.

[Addressed by Barret:] Admodum Rde in Christo Patri Patri Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu Collegij Anglorum Rectori Romae . Romam.

[Seal Mark.]

[Endorsed:] 1584 .

Remis a D. Barretto die 21 febr

De Cicilio fuse

De persecutione Anglicana

De Personio et Scotis

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father,

Recently I received the letter you wrote on 17 January. As regards Fr. Christopher [Bagshaw] I hope matters will proceed without a hitch and that he will depart willingly after he has read Dr. Allen's letter very kindly calling him away, either to go to England, or to remain here.(1) For if he is kept here, his example does not have such ill effects as when he is with you, unless you dismiss him quickly.

In England the persecution daily increases in an extraordinary manner. With such diligence, or rather tyranny, do they keep watch on all leaving or returning to England, that scarce anyone can escape their clutches. In almost every port watchers are stationed, with authority to examine everyone, offer him the oath of the Queen's supremacy, and imprison him, should herefuse or resist their impious conduct. Even women are not spared. Everywhere there is such great fear and trepidation , and such preparation for war, that nothing seems safe and secure God grant that theirfear and suspicion does not altogether lack cause. The report goes forth that the Queen has died suddenly, either of grief or fear or suspicion Yet the cause of all this disquiet is not known, except that she dreads the hearts of her subjects to be alienated, and particularly because the number of Catholics increases daily in an astonishing way. Certain it is that some of noble birth, and persons of prominent position and distinguished status, have very recently returned to the Church I have heard of sixty fathers of families, with their wives, being committed to prison in one city at one and the same time

Outstanding is the following incident. A well-born maiden , distinguished for her figure and good looks, but more pre-eminent for her faith and her devotion to her religion, was being takenby soldiers recently to the prisonwhere, by the sentence of the judges, she was to be incarcerated The crowd exclaimed Papist, Papist! and amongstthem a certain audacious and headstrongyouthcalled out in a clear voice, that it was not for the cause of religion that shewasbeing draggedto prison, but rather for some act ofwantonness . What was it, perchance, but that she was caught in such an act with some youth, for her good looks raised such a suspicion. What would a beautiful girl have to do with such an absurd religion? When, however, she heard this, boldly and constantly, fortified no doubt by the spirit of God, she replied in a loud voice that she had been taken when attending Mass, and to attest this fact she called on all who were leading her to prison; and far from repenting of this act, she was filled with joy at having heard that Mass, for in that cause, said she, she would willingly sacrifice her life.

The names of those recently condemnedto death Mr. President [Allen] will send your Reverence when he writes to you. They number ten: and amongst them are [William] Bishop, [William] Tedder and [Thomas] Hemerford, your sons (2) Let all in the college, I beg you, pray for them. Not that I have any fear for their constancy When they were brought before the judges they all quite openly, to their greatest praise, replied with courage and devotion. I shall give to the students who will be sent shortly, a longer letter, if anything new comes to my notice .

Your Father [Jasper] Heywood is detained in prison Of the way they treat him we have heard nothing, but as great cruelty is expected as is practised on others, and may be even greater.

[John] Cecil, of whom I wrote to your Reverence, cannot endure being kept back here, so great is his keenness , and so importunate his petitionto set out for Rome . I have grave doubts about his health , but much more so of his obedience [William] Warford, if he be a good and religious man, may help him a good deal, for he is his intimatefriend. But the conduct of some ofhis set is so marked by indulgence, and they are so puffed up by a sort of empty talk, with little foundationof talent or virtue behind it, that I am forced to have doubts about Cecil(3)

What other students Dr. Allen will send I do not know With the greatestdiligence I do what I can that, so far as possible, those will be sent who excel in talent and virtue, and that whoever he be , a man may be chosen for these reasonsbefore others

Dr.[Humphrey]Ely(4) who yesterday returned from Paris sends greetings to your Reverence . A (5) [Persons] with three others

TO AGAZZARI

remain in Belgium at the court of the Prince. Yesterday I heard that they are all in good health. The first-named has need ofmuch patience, for his prudence and diligent regard for his fatherland , in which he excels others, all do not interpret in the same way.

[W. Gifford] is gradually abandoning men of the faction, and were his character not too fickle and shallow, some good might be hoped from him I seems to promise well. I have fears, Father , for T. Would that there was no cause for them I have no certain knowledge, yet I dread daily that we may have news that we do not relish.

My greatest thanks concerning Mr. Edward Unton,(6) whom I am expecting daily I shall warn him not to go to England so soon, or if that should be necessaryand he cannot for a time be kept back, I shall deal with him as diligently as possible, to give him some defence against contagion.

hear, is spending his time fruitlessly, and his old humour is asserting itself.

Goodbye, my Reverend Father, and pray for me , I beg you. Foster is awaitingat Rouen an opportunityof crossing to England, and he will have a long wait unless some new way of entering the countryis found. Rheims, 21 February

Your son and servant in Christ, R. Barret.

(1) Bagshaw remained in Rome, however, until his expulsion in January 1585 .

(2) A true bill was found to a collective indictment for high treason against William Bishop and eight other priests on 5 February 1584. Two of them , James Fenn and George Haydock, were arraigned on the following day, and were tried and condemned on 7 February, being executed at Tyburn on 12 February Bishop was banishedfrom prison in January 1585 (cf. No. 54(b) infra). Many years later he took a prominent part in the Appellant priests' proceedings against the first Archpriest. (Cf. No. 113 infra). Eventually, in 1623, he became Bishop of Chalcedon and first Vicar Apostolic in England, where he died in 1624. The same procedure of collective indictment occurred with William Tedder (of whom, cf. Note 1 to No. 26 supra) and three others , also on 5 February. Only two of these , John Mundyn and John Nutterwere arraigned, tried and executed , as above. Thomas Hemerford was indicted alone, and was tried, condemned and executed, as above. The documents are printed in C.R.S. 5, pp 51-7 Cf. also Note 2 to No. 34 and Note 3 to No. 52 infra.

(3) The futurewas amply to justify these doubts John Cecil, ofWorcestershire, was born in 1558 and went to Trinity College, Oxford in 1572 , obtaining his M.A. in March 1580. (Foster, Alumni Oxonienses) He arrived at Rheims on 14 August 1583, and being sent on to Rome, was admitted to the College there on 15 April 1584. He was ordained on 16 December 1584. (Knox, D.D. p 197; C.R.S. 37, p 49; Vicariate Register) Like Fixer and Warford he was noted as having been troublesome, in the Visitation report of mid 1585 (cf. Note 3 to No. 30 supra) He was dis-

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

1606,

missed in April 1585 (Brevis Informatio de duobus Presbyteris Stonyhurst Anglia VII, n . 75 and Westm VIII, n . 20), and shortly afterwards at Padua, intending to obtain a doctorate by the same means as Bagshaw had used there a few months previously, wrote to Allen on the subject Allen, however, did not approve (cf. No. 64 infra) He returned to Rome in 1586 and was sent by Allen, with Warcop and Couling, to beg alms in Sicily (cf. C.R.S. 37 , p 49 and Note 2 to No. 78 infra). In Allen's household on his return he caused so much trouble that he was dismissed (Stonyhurst Anglia VII, n 75, ut supra), and went to Spain on the foundation of the College at Valladolid , and thence to England with Fixer and others on 13 November 1590 (C.R.S. 30, p 4) Many traces of his treacherousdealingswith the English government in the course of the next few years, under various aliases, and of his trouble-making in the English College in 1595-6, may be seen in the State Papers, Domestic and Foreign, in the Hatfield Calendars , and in contemporary Catholic letters In 1602 he was an important member of the second Appellant embassy to Rome (T. G. Law, Archpriest Controversy, 1898, II) During 1603 he crossed to England, and whilst there, handed over to Bishop Bancroft many important papers relating to this affair, and including several letters from the French ambassador in Rome to himself in the months following These are now at Lambeth Palace Library, and are part of that portion of Bancroft's "Dossier" on the quarrels between the Appellants and Blackwell, which was for some years at St. Paul's Cathedral Library (Cf. C.R.S. 51 , Part II of the Introduction) After 1603 John Cecil's chequered career seems to have been pursued outside England There are several contemporary references to his relationship to Lord Burghley's family, but it was probably not close Though from the late 1590s known as Doctor Cecil, it cannot be said where or how he obtained his doctorate

(

4) Humphey Ely, Doctor of Laws, after various journeys, had resided mainly at the College at Rheims since about April 1581. He was ordained priest in April 1582. In June 1586 he left and went to live near Pont-àMousson in Lorraine, to lecture in the Law faculty at the Universityof that place (Knox, D.D., various pages)

(5) Adenoting a name appears several times in Barret's letters, and can be interpreted from contexts and endorsements ; also, in this case , by Persons' own accounts of his movements At this time he had business in Flanders, concerning the appointment of chaplains to the English serving with the Duke of Parma (Punti per la Missione d'Inghilterra , C.R.S. 4, pp. 124-7 , 128-9). His last letter at this period from Belgium is one recently discovered, to Aquaviva, Tournay, 2 May 1584 (A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , n.f. inedited)

(

6) Concerning Edward Unton, cf. Note 14 to No. 5 supra.

*34. [ALLEN] TO [AGAZZARI?] 6 March 1584.

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , ff 108-9. Contemporary extract, of which there is another copy in A.R.S.J. Anglia 30. II. ff. 292-3

Excerpta ex literis ex Gallia missis 6 Martij 1584 de rebus Anglicanis .(1)

Exercetur exquisita crudelitas in omnes Catholicos tam magnates nobilesque utriusque sexus quam in sacerdotes Dei veros quorum multos nunc tenent in custodia onerantes eos criminibus

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

confictis producendos brevi ad tribunal et deinde ad securim quam tragediam facile fore divinamus ex quibusdam verbis ab ipsa Regina Angliae summo cum furore coram prolatis, quae hujusmodi erant Hactenus manus nostras lavimus quasi lacte deinceps vero non manus solum sed et brachia nostra imbuemus candidissimo et optimo sanguine qui in cordibus Papistarum est.

Nobilem quendam Ardenum nomine falso laesae majestatis crimine opressum mactari jussit et in partes membra dissecari ut principium det huic suae immanitati uxor ejusdemex nobillissima familia lectissima femina jussa est comburi eorundem vero filiam juvenculam etiamnunc gravidam eodem judices damnarunt quae coepit ex merore ante tempus abortire quo in dolore in carcere neglecta misere perijsse dicitur una cum partu juvenculae : maritum (cui nomen erat Somerfeldius) mente captum antea Catholicum eodem exitio damnarunt quod insanus homo dixisset se Reginam velle occidere: (1a) hunc accusatorem adhibuerant uxoris sorori[s] et socrus et quorundam aliorum non quod simile aliquid conspirassent sed quod ipsum audissent aliquando dicere velle se Reginam ut haereticam et male regnantem e medio tollere. Insimulasse idem homo fertur sacerdotem quendam Hallum nomine suum quandoque Confessarium qui idem supplicium sectionis jam subiit vel subitur[us] estimatur. De hoc sacerdote rumor sparsus est quodtortus multa de multis prodidisset sed mentita estiniquitas sibi Nam ille in tormentis solum non negavit se aliquando missam celebrassein domo dicti Ardeni Ardenus ipse sub mortisarticulo contestatusestDeum Judicem quod insonset innocensesset criminis objecti et de quo ad mortem fuisset damnatus: mortuus est Catholicam fidem professuscujus gratia in hanc calumniam vocatusesset et mansuete omnibus suis adversariis condonavit Somerfeldus ad eam accusationem novo et inaudito tormenti genere aductus est: induunt ei pedes calciis tres pollices brevioribus, tum ferrum lebetem subijciunt pedibus ei intrusis ignique suppetito candefaciunt. Hoc ardenti calceo illi coriacei contrahuntur strictius mirabilem cruciatum excitant denique inijiciuntur sic frixatis calceis oleum quod cruciatum ardentem fecit intollerabilioremet hoc modo misero homuncione extorserunt quicquid ipsis tortoribusplacuit id est mentitum crimen malorum ob quod plures vexati et morte affecti sunt aliquot: ipse clam intra carcerem strangulatus est pro timore ne si in publicum fuisset productus patefecisset omnia hostium fidei in se machinamenta quia dubitatur a principe fuisse inductus ad accusandum sororem et propter litem quae ipsi cum illo erat circa uxorem quam male tractaverat sed omnia ipse propalaturus fuerat cum videret se ad mortem devenisse eorum fraudibus qui ipsum incitaverant in perniciem aliorum idcirco ut clam suffocatus est sparsaque statim fama hominem sibi manum intulisse et hoc mortis genus conscivisse ex altera parte constat

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

duos ex custodibus ejus castri in jus vocatos esse quod illum fune praefocaverint et convictos fuissequod fassi sint se conductosfuisse ab ipso demente, 40 aureis in manus datis ut ipsi fauces praecluderent certum et sic petiisse: et projectum esse cadaver ipsius in vilem quendam locum ubi canes mortui computrescunt nec dum auditum quod ij sint puniti quod illum occiderant: Contra sacerdotes Catholicos qui plures quam triginta tenebantur captivi Londini progressi sunt hoc modo circa primum feb . postremi aversi sunt coram inquisitoribus haereticis omnes ex diversis custodiis His proponunt questionesgravissimas captiosas et capitales si ad eas quis respondeat directe, jurare eos volunt Reginam esse supremum caput Ecclesiae Anglicanae : petunt an excommunicata sit per Pium Papam quintumbonaememoriae quod si sic an nihilominuslegitime regnetvel deponi debeat: An si papa in Angliam bellum inferret pro religione catholica restituenda papae partes an Reginae tenere velint aliisque suadeant: Sacerdotesut vero bene docti et optimae conscientiae cum responderent absque tergiversatione id quod catholici debent, ab ijs inquisitoribus pronunciati sunt rei lesae Majestatis productique sunt ad tribunal civile et pro talibus sunt condemnati 17em ipso feb. die 12° : fuit et inter hos condemnatosest quidam P. Joan: Mundinus olim ludi magister spectatae virtutis vir qui Romae ante annum aut circiter sacerdos factus est et hinc abiit in eam Insulam operarius. Ex his 17 viris damnatis jam dicuntur decem selecti ad necem quorum quinque circa 21 feb ultimo supplicio sunt affecti illo crudelissimo modo quo caeteri priores Martyres Angli horum temporum : (2) eadem poena sublatus est quidam laicus Carterus nomine qui nimirum librum quendam Catholicum contra schisma Anglorum a viro eruditoadmodum D.Martino Theologiae licentiato scriptum praelo ediderit(3) De reliquorum morte nihil auditur amplius nisi quod eam expectant ad eam [sic quam?] etiam nomine suo destinati jampridem

P. Gasparus Heywodus vir Societatis ad judicium venit indutus habitu clericali et cum corona in vertice rasa et cum pilio sacerdotali seque gessitfortiter atque animose graviter ac prudenter omnia proferens furcata multis antea conventis tam senatoribus Regiis quam concionatoribus adhibebantque(4) omnes quos poterant et minas et blanditias ut eum ad suam haeresim in aliquo articulo pertraherent aut saltem a sancta fide Catholica diverterent : permansit summe solidus ut erat in his omnibus bene fundatus. A Walsingamo Regio secretario interrogatus circa Reginae inanem titulum supremum caput, ipsum esse item negavit posse cuidam concedi nisi Romano Pontifici qui solus supremus est episcopus Christi Vicarius S. Petri successor in sede ipsius quod cum probare eum Walsingamus juberet et faceret parumque ejus argumentorum vim Walsingamus perciperet optarem (ait P. Gaspar) adesse aliquos

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ex vestris Theologis nam intelligeres probe me nihil affirmare velle quod non possim contra eos satis defendere: interrogatus quoque quid sentiret de Bulla Pij quinti respondi[t] in Anglia eam quaestionem esse captiosam periculi et perniciei plenam verumtamen possem inquit Theologicis vestris ostendere quidnam doctores Theologi priorum temporum affirmaverint in similibus casibus: deductusitem est ad Nortunumtorturae illius horrendae seu equulei prefectum qui argumentorum egens cum alia examinasset capita tandem ei torturam presentem exhibet existimans minando illi questionem posse ab illo extorqueri ut indicaret quosnam ecclesiae reconciliasset intra Regnum sed cum ille se resolvisset omnia tormenta potius subire dixissetque age caro, nunc oportet pati nec aliud remedium expectes , non est oppositus ad tendiculas vel torturam .

Dominus Franciscus Throgmortonus comiti Leicestrensi valde et diu exosus jamdiu captivus in turri in brarathum [sicbarathrum] saepius profundum et tenebrosum deturbatus jam septies in equuleo suspensus extensusquedicitur tribus ultimis vicibus in novum sublimenque equuleum actus est qui fertur extrahere posse hominem tres digitos ultra omnes reliquos equuleos Ad secundam in hoc equuleo quaestionem venit comes Leicestrius quem dixi, cumque instaret Throgmortono Leicestrius ut fateret quaedam facinorosa de quibus ille quaerebat et ipsum saepe proditorem convitij causa et insultans appellaret, Throgmortonus magno certe animo vir quamvis exili corpore in mediis tormentis imo tu inquit Dudlei ex ea prosapia natus es quae prodiciora esse notaturtoto Regno et ego verum proditorem esse te probare possum, ego vero abhorreo nomen proditoris nempe innocens et illo titulo indignus, tu eo gaude quantum libet haec verba confidentiae plena idem Throgmortonus aeque animose protulit in eum cum esset detortulari depositus qui et nunc damnatus ad mortem dicitur ut Naboth olim propter vineam etc.(5) Comes Northumbriae inturricustoditur maximoque in discrimine versatur bona ejus direpta jam sunt quae ferunturfuisse opulentissima Mussitatur voluisse ipsum cum aliis Reginam Scotiae in libertatem restituere sed meraesuspitionessunt: laborant eadem invidia et alij Comites vetustissimae familiae homines fere omnes : Arundellius Ducis Norfolensis [sic] filius cum uxore nobilissima et fratre Gulielmo et patruo Henrico Havardo Comitissa Northumbriae uxor Comitis cum filio ipsius maiori natu : Comites item Rutlandiae Cumbriae et Wigorniae omnes suis ipsorum in domibus a satellite Regio custoditi .(6) Omnesque hij aut Catholici sunt aut non longe a Regno Dei Catholicorum fautores multi preterea egregij viri magni ac prudentes potentesque sunt capti Nec cessat tamen Divina bonitas indies multorum corda tangere et ad ecclesiam sanctam attrahere in his tempestatibus et angustiis atque pressuris Infiniti pene sunt

qui tenentur in carcere qui negent se ad templa ubi schismaticae superstitiones fiunt venturos quaqua ratione et ijs singulis, singulisque eorum domesticorum capitibus mulcta imponitur solvenda ex bonis et censibus eorum in singulos menses quibus ab ijs sinagogis abstinent octuaginta aureorum et jam rigidissime exiguntur: aliquot nobilissimae personae in Galliam profugerunt abreptis interim domi ipsorum bonis ac totannis amplissimis et in fiscum redactis et in Regios ministros tanquam rapacissimos pro praeda distributis

In ipsam denique Reginae Scotorum personam nuper coeptum inseviri timentque ipsi extrema omnia, pervolitare : fecerunt per vulgus quaedam probrosa quibus ejus dignitas minuatur. Dicitur ipsa Londino propius accenscenda vel in ipsum turrim forte conijcienda.

In aula Regia omnia formidine et suspitione plena militibus stipata praeter solitum satellitium Londinum et omnia marissima [sic] loca praesidiis munita, per omnes portus et litora maritima ubi appelli possunt disponuntur excubiae a quo externo hoste timeant : interdum classis expeditur et augetur Quorum ad Catholicorum odium invidiam vexationemque trahuntur et nisi Deus bonos protexerit timeturexcidium omnium subitaneum nec interim ita extimescunt qui Catholici sunt quin praesentes sibi sint et ad mortem praeparati adeo ut quidam scripserit non defuturum hospitium etiam apud eos quingentis sacerdotibus si essent tot in Angliam profecturi : Dominus vero Doctor Alanus nunquam se maioresdifficultates passum asseverat quam ut suos Rhemis detineat quin ad hos Martyrum agones properent

Laus Deo

[No endorsement .]

[Translation :]Extracts from a letter about English affairs from France, sent 6 March 1584.(1)

Carefully planned cruelty is practised towards allCatholics , as well towards those of position, and Catholic gentlefolk of both sexes , as towards God's true priests, many of whom theynowhold in custody, burdening them with fictitiouscrimes . Theyare shortly to be led to trial and thence to death That this tragic event will take place we easily divine by certain words spoken openly and with great anger by the Queen of England herself, which are of this nature : "Hitherto we have washed our hands, as it were in milk; henceforward, however, we shall steep not only our hands, but our arms, in the brightest and best blood that is in the hearts of Papists" .

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To make a beginning of this inhumanity of hers, she has ordered a certain gentleman named [Edward] Arden, falsely condemned of treason to be executed and his members dissected . His wife, a most excellent lady of a highly placed noble family, has been ordered to be burned. Their youthful daughter, who was pregnant, the judges condemned to the same death She, out of grief, began to be in labour prematurely, and miserably neglected in prison in her birth pangs, she is said to have died together with her infant offspring On her husband, a former Catholic , whose name was [John] Somerville [or Somerfield] and who was mentally deranged, the judges passed the same sentence of death because , when insane, he gave forth that he would kill the Queen (la) This man they caused to accuse his wife, his sister and his father-in-law , not because they had been guilty of any such conspiracy, but because at some time they had heard him say he wished to kill the Queen as an heretic and evil ruler The same man is said to have laid a charge against a certain priest, named [Hugh] Hall, at one time his confessor, who is thought to have already suffered the same penalty of dissection, or is about to do so. About this priest the rumour was spread about, that under torture he had revealed much matter about a good number of persons, but iniquity is lying for its own purpose; for in his torments he only did not deny that in the houseof the said Arden he had said Mass Arden himself , just before his death, called God to witness that he was totally innocent of the crime objected against him and for which he had been condemned . He died making profession of his Catholicfaith -the cause why this calumny wasraised against himand meekly forgave all his adversaries.

Somerville was induced to make this accusation by a new and unheard of kind of torture: they put on his feet shoes three inches too short, then they place his feet in an iron caldron and apply fire to it. By this burning hot shoe his skin is further constricted, causingextraordinary pain; finally on the thoroughlyroasted shoes they pour oil, which makes the fiery torment unbearable . In this way they force from the wretched little man whatever these torturers wish, that is, a lying crime of evils, on account of which many have been harassed and some put to death The victim himself was strangled secretly in prison for fear lest, should he bebrought forth publicly, he might reveal all the wicked intrigues of the enemies of the faith against him: for it is thought that he had been induced to accuse his sister by a nobleman, and because of a quarrel he had with him concerning his wife, whom he had maltreated He would, however, have made public all this when he realised that he was brought to death by the deceits of those who had used him for the destruction of others, and this was the reason why he was secretly strangled. Immediatelya report was

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spread abroad that he had laid hands on himself and brought about his own death; on the other hand it is certain that two guards of his prison have been brought to law for strangling him with a cord and have been convicted, sincethey confessed they had been hired by the demented man himself for the sum of forty crowns given to them, to make sure to suffocate him as he had begged them to do His body was thrown in a vile place, where the bodies of dead dogs putrify: but it has not yet been reported that the guards have been punished for killing him.

Against Catholic priests, ofwhom morethan thirty areprisoners in London , they have proceeded in this manner About the first of February last they were brought before the heretical inquisitors from their various prisons, who put to them very grave, captious and death-bearing questions: if they give a direct reply, they desire them to swear that the Queen is supreme head of the church in England : they ask if she is excommunicated by Pope Pius V of happy memory, and if so, does she rule lawfully despite it, or should she be deposed: if the Pope were to wage war against England to restore the Catholic religion, which party would they elect to support, that of the Pope or that of the Queen , and how would they persuade others. Truly learned and conscientious priests, who give withoutsubterfugethe authentic Catholicanswers , are declared guilty of treason, are brought to the courts, and seventeen have been sentenced for such This was on the 12th day of the same February Amongst those condemned was a certain John Mundin, formerly a schoolmaster, a man of outstanding virtue, who wasordained at Rome a year or so previously, and thence came as a missioner to that island. Of the seventeen who have received sentence, ten are said to have been already selected to be executed Of these, five sufferedthe same most cruel death as other former English martyrs of our time .(2) In the same waya certain layman, named [William] Carter, ended his life. He had, without doubt, published a certain Catholic book against the English schism, written by Dr. [Gregory] Martin, a very erudite man and a licentiate of theology (3) No further news has been heard of the execution of the rest, except that they await that to whicheach by name has already been sentenced . Fr. Jasper Heywood, a member of the Society, came to his trial, clothed in clerical garb, tonsured and wearing his priestly cap. He bore himself with fortitude, and answered all the twoedged questions in a courageous, grave and prudent manner, there being present many councillors of the Queen, as well as preachers who had gathered together beforehand.(4) Theytried every means in their power, both threats and blandishments, to draw him in some point to their heresy, or at least to turn him away from the Catholic faith. He remained throughout absolutely unshaken, for

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he was well grounded in these matters. Asked by [Sir Francis] Walsingham, the Queen's Secretary, about her vain title of supreme head, he declared that it could not be concededto any except to the Roman Pontiff, who is also the supreme Bishop, Christ's Vicar and the successor of St. Peter in that see . When Walsingham ordered him to prove it and he did so, and Walsingham little perceived the force of his arguments: "I should wish" , said Jasper, "that some of your theologians were present, for then you would indeed understand that I affirm nothing for which I am not able to offer sufficient proof against them" Asked also what he thought of the Bullof Pius V, he repliedthat in England thequestion was a captious one and a death-trap, nevertheless , he said, "I can show your theologians what doctors of theology of former times have affirmed in like cases" . He was also brought before [Thomas] Norton, who is in charge of that terrible instrument of torture, the rack. He, being devoid of arguments, after having examined him on other points, at length showed him the instrument of torture, thinking that by threats he could draw him to disclosethose within the kingdom whom he had reconciled. But since he had determined rather to suffer every torture and had exclaimed, "Comeflesh , now you must suffer and expect no remedy" , he was not stretched on the rack

Mr. Francis Throgmorton[or Throckmorton ] hasfor long been heartily hated by the Earl of Leicester For a good while he has been imprisoned in the Tower, has often been cast down into the deep and dark pit, and has been seven times racked On the last three occasions he is reported to have been put on a new and high-built rack which is said to be able to draw a man out three inches more than the other racks When on this rack the second time, there entered the Earl of Leicester, whom I have mentioned. When Leicester pressed Throgmortonto confess certain criminal offences which he was investigating, and, to insult and revile him , several times called him a traitor, Throgmorton , certainly a man with a big heart in a small body, replied in the midst of his torments : "Nay" , he said, "you are sprung from the Dudley stock , which is notorious throughout the realm for its traitorous dealings, and you I can prove to be a traitor I myself, however, who am innocent, loathe the name of traitor, to whichI have no title: you may rejoice in it as much as you please" . These words full of confidence this undaunted Throgmorton threw at him after he had been taken down from the rack. He is reported now to have been condemned to death, as similarly in former times was Nabothfrom his vineyard, etc.(5)

The Earl of Northumberland is a prisoner in the Tower, and is in the greatest danger: all his possessions have already been seized, which are said to be of the greatest value. It is whispered

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abroad that he with others wished to liberate the Queen ofScots; but these whisperings are mere suspicions. Nearly all other Earls of the oldest families are victims of the same envy: the Earl of Arundel, son of the Duke of Norfolk, together with his wife , a lady of very high rank, his brother William, his uncle, Henry Howard; the Countess of Northumberland , wife of the Earl, together with the eldest son; the Earls of Rutland, Cumberland and Worcester: all are held prisoners in their own homes by a royal guard.(6) All these are either Catholics, or not far off from the kingdom of God. Many who favour Catholics, outstanding men of great position , prudent and powerful , have been arrested. Yet Divine goodnessdoes not cease daily to touch the hearts of many amidst thesestorms, straits and stresses. Almost infinite are those who are kept in prison because they refuse in any way to go to the churches where their schismatic superstitions take place: on each of them , and on each one of their households, is imposed a fine to be levied on their goods and rents80 crowns, namely, for every month they are absentfrom thesesynagoguesand these fines are most rigidly exacted Some persons of highest position have fled to France, meanwhile their possessions in their homes , very ample in the course of so many years, have been confiscated tothetreasury, and distributed tothe Queen'sministers,most greedy for the spoil

Finally, they have recently begun to rage against the person of the Queen of Scots, and extreme measures are feared Theyhave causedinfamous things to bespread about her among the populace, in order to diminish her dignity Report has it that she is to be taken nearer London, and perhaps thrown into the Tower.

The court of the Queen is full of fear and suspicion It is crowded with soldiers beyond the usual number of attendant guards. London and all the [marches?] arefortified with garrisons. In all ports and places by the sea soldiers are stationed, ready to be called to face an external enemy they fear Meanwhile the fleet is in readinessand has been increased, and allthis to make Catholics hated and to harass them, and unless God protects the good, a sudden overthrow of all is feared Yet meanwhile they are not so afraid that they cease to be resolute and prepared for death; so much so , that one has reported that five hundred priests, if somany were sent to England, would find refuge among them . Doctor Allen, indeed, states that he has never had greater difficulty in keeping his men at Rheims rather than hastening to the death of martyrs.

(1) The comment which closes this long extract indicates that the writer of the letter was Allen

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(la) Arden was executed on 20 December 1583. Somerville was found strangled in Newgate on 19 December 1583 (cf. C.R.S. 39, p 189). Both had been tried and condemned 16 December. (2) Indictments for only fourteen priests at the time in question have so far been found (cf. Note 2 to No. 33 supra). As Allen reported, five of them had been executed on 12 February The remaining nine were still awaiting trial, even though "true bills" had been found to their indictments by the Grand Jury No subsequent record of trial has been found The "treasons" alleged against them were of the same kind as were alleged against Campion and his companions in November 1581 : namely, a series of dates of supposed plottings "in partibus transmarinis" , which bore small relation to the actual careers and movements of the accused men Allen's other reference in this paragraph was to the hypothetical questions of men's future actions in certain contingencies , known among Catholics as the "Bloody Questions " . These questions are re-printed in Tierney-Dodd III, pp. iv-v. These particular ones were first employed against Campion and the two martyred with him, and then against those condemnedat the same time, but who did not suffer death until May 1582. The object seems to have been, in general, to supply ostensible "evidence" , showing them to be worthy of death, such as their trials had not supplied (cf. A particular Declaration or Testimony of the undutiful and traitorous affection borne against her Majestie by Edmund Campion, jesuite, and other condemned priests, witnessed by their owne confessions , etc., 1582, printed in TierneyDodd III, pp v-xvi) Cf. also Allen, A True, Sincere and Modest Defence of English Catholics, etc., 1914 edit Chapter IV. Some rather similar questions had been used to trap an earlier martyr, Everard Hanse, in July 1581 (cf. Allen, A Briefe Historie, etc., 1908 edit., pp 98-102).

(3) William Carter, a London printer, was condemned for printing Dr. Gregory Martin's A Treatise of Schisme, 1578, against the practice of Catholics in England attending Protestant services He suffered at Tyburn 11 January 1584 .

(4) Heywood had been transferred from the Clink to the Tower on 8 February 1584 (C.R.S. 3, p 17) The scene described in this letter was not, in fact, his trial in a court of law, but seems to have been something in the nature of an interrogation before the Council, or perhapsa disputation before an audience in the Tower, as in the case of Campion in 1581 before his trial The record on the Coram Rege Roll shows that Heywood was tried on the quidene of Easter 26 Elizabeth, namely 6 May 1584 . judgment being postponed sine die (cf. C.R.S. 4, p. 112).

(5) Though often interrogated Francis Throgmorton was not tried until 21 May 1584 (cf. L. Hicks S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, London, 1964, p. 39).

(

6) Contemporary documentsdealing with the imprisonment or restraint of the Earls of Northumberland and Arundel, and of other persons mentioned here,are printed in C.R.S. 21; concerning Northumberland , cf. alsoL. Hicks, op. cit

35. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. Rheims, 7 March [1584]

Stonyhurst Anglia VI, n 7. Holograph; poor manuscript. Short extracts by Grene are in A.R.S.J. Angl 37. f. 11

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater , Qui primus est inter hos scholaresqui die crastino aut sequenti Romam proficiscuntur , idem est de quo scripsi antea ad T.R.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 81

Vocatur Cycilius Multi sunt qui valde timent ne tale aliquid huic contingat quod nuper de Bagshawodivulgatum est. Videtur enim ingenio et natura non valde dissimili educatione et consuetudine vitae an teactae plane eadem . Exposui illi diligenter omnes difficultates, exemplum enim Patris Christopheri familiaris sui et a me et antea a D. Preside et ab aliis audivit Sed non potest plectiaut dimoveri ab hoc itinere Literae Warfordi in hac re obfuerunt multum . Unusquisque id agit ut quisque proximus fuerit vel cognatione aut familiarita[te] ita literis vel suis aliorum avocat et accersit suos neque considerat quam sint apti aut idonei (1) Dominus Praeses importunitati istius partim superatur partim ne quid deterius contingat veritus est. Sunt enim quidam ita leves et inconstantes et sic arripiunt occasiones revertendi ad suos quod sepenumero dum istis malis occurrit cogitur et[iam] ipse multas molestias subire et quandoque (sed quant[um] fieri potestrarissime) V.R. partem oneris impertire . Nam iste juvenis vel hic sine fructu debuit manere quod jam fecit per aliquot menses vel in Angliam reverti vel ad vos proficisci Spes autem major est apud vos hic autem exigua vel nulla. Nam qui sibi videntur docti et non sunt facile contemnunt omnes et ne videantur alijs doctrina et ingenio inferiores a nemine volunt discere Est deinde delicatus et valetudine non ad[modum] bona Sub cujus praetextu potest dimitti in fine estatis si vobis non placuerit . Habeo tamen revera multo majorem spem de isto quam unquam potuiconciperede P. Christophero, est certe humanioribus literis et grecis et latinis praeclare instructus et si tempus et diligentiam vellet adhibere ad majora habet multa et ingenij et naturae adjumenta. Omnis difficultas consistit primo in obedientia deinde in valetudine. Alter vocatur Bluntus(2) prae reliquis omnibus iste mihi maxime placet Barcroftus, Buckstonus et alter Bollandus philosophici omnes,(3) sunt boni et pollicenturmagnam spem in pietate quicquid sit de studijs eorum ct ingenio et literis in quibus rebustamen paucos hic habemus vel nullos illius classis illis superiores Gossamusest theologus et optime se gessit hic tum in pietate tum in studijs [p.2] Wolseus logicus est vix tamen egressus ex scholis gramaticorum.(4) Non possum multum de isto polliceri Nescio an sua vel amicorum importunitate impetraveritut esset ex numero Heri audivimus de P. Haiwodo quod sit ad mortem condemnatus et de alijs decem scripsi ad Tuam R. proximis meis literis Quinque ex his certissimi et gloriosissimi sunt martyres sed eorum nomina non referuntur neque literae quae venerunt, neque nuncius potuit recensere . Narratur et nimis quidem credibiliter T ex nuo carcere ad alium transmigrare : quid tandem O quam timeo P[ater]. retinetur hic : tanto studio et pietate flagrat ut statim in Angliani Audio D Edwardum Untonum cum neppote Archidiaconi venisse Parisios.(5) Vix speroeum venturum ad nos. 7. bene

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se habet et est absque omni periculo heri literae venerunt ab eo. Superioribus meis literis scripsi satis aperte quid multi sentiant et loquantur de ingressu scholarium ad religionem quaeso P[ater] sint ista secreta . Nihil enim possumcelare T.R. quod aliquaratione spectet ad comodum Collegij Rarissime hoc tempore quisquam ex Anglia, neque quidem vel publicis tabellariis venitmoresolito .

Extrema quaeque in Catholicos expectantur Regina palam affirmavitmultis advertitque se manus suas in visceribus et sanguine Catholicorum loturam

Mitto duos libros Anglicanos quos ex decem aliis comparavi et mittam pro opportunitate alios

Commendo T.R. valde ex animo Richardum Verstegamum. Non erit opus [reci]tare quid in Anglia pro fide sit passus quam bene meritus de Patria in causa religionis et quam magno in periculo fuerit Parisijs ne in Angliamremitteretur Nam D. Praeses et alij tam a[nim]ate ejus causam promovent ut mihi non sit opus aliquid adijcere Quaeso tamen P[ater] intelligat se mihi esse ob causas praedictas charissimum Est certe vir bonus et valde pius quantum possum ex alijs perspicere qui eum penitus norunt.(6) D. Gabriel frater D. Praesidis omnibus modis quam humillime salutat T.R. Valeat T.R. et oret quaeso pro Barreto filio licet omnium indignissimo. 7 Mart Rhemis

R.B.

[Addressed by Barret :] Admodum Rdo in Christo Patri Patri Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu Collegij Anglorum Rectori Romae. Romam.

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] Doctor Barettus 7 Martij Rhemis 1584.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father in Christ,

The first on the list of students who today or tomorrow are setting out for Rome is the same about whom I formerly wroteto your Reverence His name is [John] Cecil Many greatly fear that something will befall him similar to what recently came to light about Bagshaw For it seems that his talent and character are not very dissimilar to his, and his education and the manner of his former life are clearly the same With great care I exposed to him all the difficulties; for he learned from me and previously from Mr. President and others of the example of his intimate friend, Fr. Christopher [Bagshaw]. But he could not be turned aside from this journey [William] Warford's letter much pre-

judiced the case Everyone strives that whoever is connectedby ties of blood or friendship , bids and summons to come those so connected, either by his own letters or by those of others, without considering whether the candidates are qualified or suitable (1) Mr. President is forced to yield, partly by the importunity ofthisyoung man, partly by his fear of something worse happening. For there are, indeed, some studentsso shallow and inconstant that they seize upon any occasion of returning to their own relatives, and often enough in countering these evils he is perforce very uneasy in mind and though this happens as rarely as possibleis forced to place part of his burden on your Reverence For this young man must either stay here wasting his time, as he has done for some months, or be sent back to England, or go to you There is greater hope for him at your college than with us : here there is little or none. For those who consider themselves learned and are not, easily show contempt for all; and so as not to appear inferior to others in learningor talent, they are unwilling to learn from anyone. He is, moreover, self-indulgent and his health is not very good: on this score he can be dismissed at the end of the summer , shouldyou think it expedient Still, I have much greater hope for him than I ever had for Fr. Christopher Certainlyhe is excellently versed in the ancient authors, both Latin and Greek, and were he to spend time and care on higher matters, his own talentwouldbe of considerable help All the difficulty lies first in his obedience , and secondly in his health.

Thesecondstudent is called [Richard] Blunt, (2) and morethan the rest gives me the highest satisfaction. [Thomas] Barcroft, [Christopher] Buckston and another, [James] Bolland, are all sent for philosophy :(3) they are of good behaviour and show great promise in virtue, however it be as regards their studies , talent and progress in letters, though indeed, we have few here, of that class, superior to them. [Stephen ] Gossam is to study theology; he has here conducted himselfexcellently both as regards his religious duties and his studies [Humphrey ] Wolsey is intended for logic, though he has hardly finished his class of grammar.(4) I cannot hold out much promise of him, nor do I knowwhether by his own importunity or by that of his friends he obtained his place in the number being sent

Yesterday we heard that Fr. Heywood had been condemned to death. Of the other ten I wrote to your Reverence in my last letter. Most certain it is that five of them are most glorious martyrs; their names, however, were not recorded in the letter which arrived, nor could the messenger give this information. It is reported, only too credibly, that T. has moved from one prison to another. How I fear the outcome , Father.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

[W.Gifford] is retained here, though sofervent is his zeal and devotion that he would to England at once . I hear that Mr. Edward Unton has arrived in Paris with the nephew of the Archdeacon[OwenLewis] (5) Ihavescarcelyany hope that hewillcome to us. 7. is well and freefrom all danger: we had a letter from him yesterday.

In my last letter I wrote sufficiently clearly what many think and sayabout studentsentering religion I beg youto keepitsecret From your Reverence I can conceal nothing which in any way concernsthe good of the college

Very rarely, these days, does anyone come from England, nor did the courier come as usual with the public post

Extreme measures are expected against Catholics. The Queen openly and pointedly affirmed to many that she would wash her hands in the bowels and blood of Catholics. I am sending two English books, which I have selected out of ten others, and shall send others as opportunity serves.

From my heart I sendyou a warmrecommendation ofRichard Verstegan. There is no need to relate what he has suffered in England for the faith, how well he has merited of his country in the matter of religion, and in what great danger he was in at Paris of being sent back to England; for Mr. President [Allen] and others have so eagerly urged his case that it is not necessary for me to say anything further But I beg your Reverence to realise how dear he is to me for the aforesaid causes. Certainly he is a good man and very devout, so far as I can gather from others who know him intimately , (6)

Mr. Gabriel [Allen], the brother of the Mr. President , kindly sends your Reverence all sorts of greetings Farewell, Reverend Father, and pray for Barret, your son, though the most unworthy of all. 7 March. From Rhiems. R.B.

(1) This is a most interesting echo of a practice which had already caused much trouble in the English College in 1579 (cf. P.S. to No. 5 supra)

(2) Richard Blunt (or Blount) was ordained priest in Rome 1 April 1589 , and was then sent to Valladolid , where he was admitted to the new College on 1 October 1589. He left for England on 13 November 1590 (C.R.S. 37 , p 48; C.R.S. 30, p 8) In 1596 he was admitted to the Society by Garnet in England, on the General's order (cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 22 October 1596, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f 151) In 1619, when England was made a Vice-Province of the Society, Blunt was appointed Vice-Provincial. By letters patent, dated 21 January 1623, it became a full Province, and Blunt was the first Provincial, which office he retained until his death in 1638 (Foley, Records VII)

(3) Thomas Barcroft returned to Rheims in October 1588 and was ordained from that College 28 September 1589. He was sent to England 12 October

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

1589 (Knox, D.D., p.p. 221, 226) It is stated in C.R.S. 51 (p 205) that he apostatised in England, but this does not appear to have been correct, and little information survives about him Christopher Buckston (or Buxton) was ordained in Rome 26 October 1586, and was sent to England in April 1587 (C.R.S. 37 , pp 50-1) He suffered martyrdom at Canterbury 1 October 1588. James Bolland was ordained on the same day as Buckston, and went to England with him He was captured at Ripon in January 1600, and apostatised in prison (Cal. S.P.D. 1596-1601, pp 378, 542; R. Parker to [? Persons], 9 April 1600, A.R.S.J. Anglia 37 , f 49)

(4) Stephen Gossam (or Gosson) was born in 1554. He arrived with others at Rheims on 28 August 1583, his first name being recorded as James in the Diary. He was admitted to the English College in Rome as Stephen, with the others mentioned here by Barret, on 15 April 1584 , but returned to Rheims 22 October 1584 (Knox, D.D., pp 197, 203; C.R.S. 37, p. 49) He left abruptly , and went to Paris and sought a passport from the English ambassador (Stafford to Walsingham, 28 October 1584, For Cal 1584-5 , p 123; Barret to Agazzari, 8 November 1584, infral In England he denied his faith (C.R.S. 37, p 49; C.R.S. 2, p 209) He became rector of Gt. Wigborough 1591 and of St. Botolph's, Bishopsgate in 1600. His literary career and works are noted in the D.N.B.

(5) Concerning this nephew, cf. Note 14 to No. 5 supra. (6) For a brief biography of Richard Verstegan , cf. The Letters and Dispatches of Richard Verstegan , C.R.S. 52, pp xxxvi-xlvi.

*36 . BARRET TO AGAZZARI [Rheims] 6 April 1584. (a)

Stonyhurst Anglia I, n 18. Holograph Initial page or pages missing. Extract by Grene is in A.R.S.J. 37, f. 11 .

P. Tirellus (1) et duo alij ad tempus ut paulatim se recrearent post tantas difficultates et labores ex quibus evaserint hic commoranturRhemis nescioquam diu credo ad unum vel alterum mensem .

V.R. literas plenas paterni affectus ac charitatis et in me etin omnes suos magno cum desiderio et filiali animo accepi quod semper facio quicquid a reverendo meo et omnium charissimo D. Alfonso et quotiescumque literarum aliquid venerit. Doleo tantam molestiam exhiberi a nostratibus V.R. pro his qui ingredi vellent Societatem Ceterum si qui sunt qui nullo modo volunt esse in hac causa benevoli non est quod de iis tantopere V.R. laboret : Nihil enim refert de istiusmodi Alii qui amici sunt tamen vehementiores forte in causa patriae, istis T.R. facile ignoscet. Atque ista moderatio quam R.P. Generalis et T.R. adhibent in causa satisfaciet omnibus Mihi credat R.P. tantam ego video conjunctionem talem inclinationem animorum in omnibus bonis neminem excipio nisi eos qui plane sunt addicti eis, (scit T.R., quos homines et quarum partium intelligo ), tanta studia erga vestram Societatem (et quicquidfuerit de ista contentione de ingressu Societatis, quae res ad tempus tanta est et facile terminabitur) tantam inquam video coalescere indies animorum unionem ut

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

omnes Angli vestri sempersint futuri Certe nemo audet vel unum verbum proferre quod male sonat in eam partem nisi forte in angulis.

De Patre Christophero non desinam timere Quicquid ipse polliceatur non diu durabit Tantum tamque multum nocet aliis utsuum incommodum potius ferendum quam aliorumdetrimentum in moribus et obedientia. Ista tamen humiliatio adjuvabit, si quicquid sit quod posset prodesse Si se non emendaverit brevi in fine estatis expectabimus eum Interim orabo ut bene succedat .

Legi R.P. Goodi literas longissimas ad D. Praesidem , in quibus de Tesimondo sicut in vestris tam multa intelligo ut magnopere cupiam eum quam primum adjuvari et dimitti liberum . Deus eum conducat Et certe Pater omnes hic putabamus a multis retro mensibus eum fuisse ingressum, sic enim saepius erat narratum Quando casus aliquis singularis raro contingat non puto subesse aliquid periculi praesertim cum sit adeo [juvenis] et adolescens vel pene puer ut absoluto cursu [non sit] aptus ad tam difficile certamen [p.2].

Ut nullus plane ingrediatur non sum ego in ea sententia , sed utmoderatio servetur quantum fieri potest propter bonum commune et dignitatem collegij et ut satisfiat expectationi hominum etfamae quae de illo seminario longissime pervagatur estque celeberrima Scribo et scribam quid homines loquunturin utramque partem quia interest multum ad statum collegij ut V.R. intelligat quid expectatur a vobis et quibus in rebus facillime offenduntur. Quoties aliquid novi evenerit in Anglia scribam quam potero diligentissime Commendo me vestris precibus et reliquorummeorum patrum R.P. Ministri P. Goodi P. Praefecti etc. 6 Aprilis 1584

V.R. filius et servus in Christo, Rich Barretus.

[Addressed by Barret:] Admodum Rdo. in Christo Patri Patri Alfonso Agazario Collegij Anglorum Rectori Romae

[Seal mark]

[Endorsed:] Rich. Barrettus 6 Aprile 1584 .

[Translation :]Fr. [Anthony] Tyrell ) and two others are here for a time, little by little regaining their strength after such great hazards and labours from which they have escaped. How long they will remain here , I do not know, but I think, for one or two months.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 87

Your Reverence's letter, full of solicitude and affection for me and all yours, I received with eagerness and much filial love But always do I so welcome whatever news comes, or any letter that arrives from my revered Father Alphonsus, cherished above all men. I am sorrythat so great annoyance is caused to your Reverence by ours, on account of those who wishto enter the Society If, however, there are some who in noway show a generous attitude in this matter, there is no reason why your Reverence should be so much troubled about them, for men of this sort are of no account . Others, however, who are friendly and perhaps more impetuous in zeal for their country's cause, your Reverence will find it easy to pardon And the moderation shown by Fr. General and your Reverence in this matter will give satisfaction to all. And believe me, Reverend Father, I see such an inclination to union in all good men, excepting only such as join those men -(your Reverence knows to whom I refer and of what faction I speak) and such devotion to your Society-(no matter what contention there be about becoming Jesuits, and such contention is a passing thing and will easily come to an end)-I see , I say, such union of souls grow daily that you will have the hearts of all Englishmen Certainlyno one dares to utter even one word of blame in that matter, unless it be in corners.

I do not cease to have forebodings about Fr. Christopher [Bagshaw]. Whatever his promises be, they will not last long. He does such great harm to others that his own inconvenience should be acquiesced in, rather than tolerate the damage he causes to others in their conduct and obedience. That humiliation he has received , will be of avail if anything can be. Should he not show amendmentsoon, we shall expect him at the endof summer. Meantime I shall pray that he turns out well.

Iread the very long letter of Fr. Good to Mr. President [Allen], in whichI got to knowso many details about [Oswald] Tesimond, asI did also from your own letter, that I greatly desire him to be given help and to be released from the College. May God guide him. And certainly, Father, all here thought that he had entered the Society months ago, for so it was frequentlyreported When some rare and singular case occurs, I do not think there is any danger, especially as he is so youngalmost still a boythateven when he had finished the course he wouldnot be suitable for such a difficult struggle.

I am not of opinion that no student should enter the Society, but that moderation be observed as far as possible, with a view to the common good and the prestige of that college, so that its fame and men's expectation of it may be satisfactorilyconsidered; for that fame is widespread and most renowned.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

I am writing and shall continue to write what is said on both sides , because it is much to the interest of the college that your Reverence may understand what is expected of you, and in what matters offence is easily given.

As often as anything new occurs in England, I shall take all care to let your know.

I commend myself to your prayers and to those of my other Fathers, Rev. Fr. Minister, Fr. [William] Good, Fr. Prefect, etc. 6 April 1584

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ, Rich[ard] Barret.

(1) Anthony Tyrell was one of the first students to enter the new College in Rome, leaving Douay for that purpose 6 August 1577. He was ordained in Rome and proceeded to England from Rheims on 29 October 1580 (Knox, D.D. pp 127, 172; C.R.S. 37 , p 9). An account of his first few years on the mission is given by A. Kenny, A Martyr Manqué, The Clergy Review, November 1957. His own letters form the basis of the article and provide an introduction to his own account of his career and subsequent fall in prison in The True ... Story of the lamentable fall of Anthony Tyrell, priest, etc. (printed in J. Morris , S.J., The Troubles of Our Catholic Forefathers, II, 1875) Between 1586 and 1588 he recanted and repented three times, but his final public apostasy at St. Paul's Cross took place on 8 December 1588, after which the government published a pamphlet containing the sermons of himself and William Tedder (made a week earlier) He became a Protestant minister Many years later he was induced by his brother, Robert Tyrell, to leave England He repentedand died a Catholic. The Douay Diary for the period of this present letter provides few details, but one companion of Tyrell may have been John Ballard, later of Babington plot fame, with whom Tyrell visited Rome in September 1584 (Foley, Records VI, p 555; also his own Story, as above).

37. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. Rheims, 6 April 1584. (b)

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, ff 102 (here followed) & 107: contemporary copies in different hands ; copy (not seen) also in A.R.S.J. Anglia 30, I, ff 293V-4.

Exemplar epistolae Patris Riccardi Barretti, datae Rhemis die 6Aprilis 1584. Ad Patrem Rectorem Collegij Anglorumde Urbe (1)

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater, Jam tandem his proximis diebus aliquid certi audivimus de martiris eorum quinque de quorum nominibus erat tandiu dubitatum . Primus omnium erat sacerdos, et alumnus collegijAnglorum de Urbe et nepos Domini Alani, Georgius Haddocus fuit, qui mirabili quadam, atque Divina constantia, et alacritate socijs suis ostendebat qua via esset insistendum ad caelestem illam Patriam , quam tanto desiderio omnes sitiebant, ut pro ea adipiscenda pro-

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prium sanguinemlibentissime paterentur effundi [f. 107: profundi] Georgius enim ante reliquos omnes ductus est ad mortem, socijs tamen presentibus, atque inspectantibus si forte hujus exemplo perterriti, aliquid apprehenderent ex metu illius crudelissimi supplicij; unde sententiam mutarent atque veniam peterent; cogitabant enim Georgium non semivivum, sed viventem plane, atque perfecte sentientem , statim dimittere in terram, sed qui debuisset funem abscindere, tam imperite tractabat illud negotium, quod mortuus sit antequam potuisset expedire. In reliquis tam cito atque tanto artificio absolvit quod sibi erat mandatum, quod delapsi, ac potius dimissi ex patibulo in terram stabant recti in pedibus aspecientes in coelum, ac fidem suam, non gestu solum corporis atque aspectu verum etiam lingua profitentes, et clamantes ut omnes audirent atque admirarentur : Dominus meus et Deus meus . Quales voces iterabant, atque repetebant etiam tum, cum carnifex ipse sanguinolentasmanus immisisset in ipsa viscera, atque praecordia, ut avulsa proijceret in flammam quam de more habent paratam Atque ut augeretur doloris vehementia, et acerbitas, novo atque inusitato modo pectoradissecabantur, atquedividebantur paulatim , ne statim perveniretur ad cor, quo invento putabant nihil esse amplius quo possent augere atque intendere dolorem, quod omnibus modis conabantur. Et quod magis est mirum hanc crudelitatem et plusquam Scythicam immanitatem prae se ferebant atque ostendebant populo, ita quod haereticus quidam clamaret nimium eos saevire in sanguinem humanum, qui statim reprehensus propter hanc loquendi libertatem non cessavit tamen exclamare, o nimiam crudelitatem Ista vero crudelitas non in uno aut altero tantum sed in omnibus 4 exercebatur nempe in Thoma Hemerfordo sacerdote et alumno collegij Anglorum de urbe misso in Angliamanno praeterito in Paschate , Mundino, Fenno,Nuttero; (2) duo posteriores hujus seminarij sacerdotes fuerunt, reliqui tres V. Reverentiae praeclare noti duo autem charissimi filij, jam sunt eruntque in caelo patroni donec patrem suum Alfonsum secum habeant. Spero quod orabunt pro T.P. continuo et reliquis olim suis fratribusjam supplicibus in Christo [p. 2].

Praeter istos, alij 14 vel 15 quotidie spectant eundem calicem quem bibituri [f. 107: habituri] videntur brevi ; nam condemnati differuntur ad tempus quod illis instar mortis videtur . In his sunt Pittus,(3) et Bishopus, et Tedderus, V.R. optimi atque praestantissimi filij, tam constanter atque intrepide fidem confessi sunt ut nemo vel planius, vel apertius [f. 107: aptius].

P. Heyvodus societatis Jesu valde bene dicitur respondissead omnia, et in eodem statu quo reliqui manet, damnatus duodecim virorum sententijs

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Omnia observantur custodia, et diligentia, ut raro constet de aliquare , et non nisi longe postquam gesta fuerit Nuper quinque sacerdotes capti sunt, Londini, et alij in comitatu Lancastrensi Smytheus vester et Aliotus qui vixit in urbe Captus enim fuit frater praefati [f . 107: praedicti] martyris Fenni(4) qui interrogatus an esset frater illius traditoris, qui eodem die poenas luerat dignissimas, respondebat ut dignum erat sacerdote admodum praeclare, ut decebatfratremtanti martyris; nempe se non esse fratrem ullius traditoris esse tamen fratrem illius gloriosissimi martyris, quem hodie vos crudelissime interfecistis. Tu ergo (inquiunt) satis confessus es ut eadem morte puniaris , si illius factum defendas, ego, inquit, defendo, et cupio imitari, date mihi chartam et atramentum,faciam in hac re talem confessionem, ut vos liberem magna molestia, non erit opus testibus, profiteor me esse sacerdotem , et velle libentissime mori pro eadem veritate in qua asserenda fratrem meum iniquissime condemnastis Veni ob hanc causam ut homines reconciliarem ecclesiae et Romano Pontifici Gregorio XIII° et alia multa non minus praeclare atque divinitus loquutus est

Vestra Reverentia videt Deum mirabiliter concurrerecum nostris vestrisque utriusque seminarij sacerdotibus, eosque seligere ad martyrium de quibus maxime humana prudentia vel timorem haberet vel diffidentiam Haec raptim , plura deinceps scripturus. [No endorsements on either copy.]

Copy of a letter of Fr. Richard Barret, dated Rheims 6 April 1584, to Fr. Rector of the English College, Rome (1)

Very Reverend Father in Christ,

Now at length these last days we have had some certain news of those five martyrs about whose names we were so long uncertain. The first of them was the priest, George Haddock, a former student of the English College, Rome, and a nephew of Dr. Allen. With admirable and God-given constancy he showed how that road was to be trod that leads to that heavenly home , for which he thirsted with such great desire, and to attainwhich they were most gladly to shed their blood. For George was the first of all to be led to death, in the sight of his companions there present, to see if perchance, frightened by the spectacle of his death, they, through dread of his most cruel suffering, mightfind some reason to change their minds and beg for pardon For they thought George would be let fall to the ground, not half-dead, but clearly alive and fully conscious; but he who had to cut the rope, so bungled the matter, that the martyr was dead before he could carry out the final butchery With the rest, however , he carried out the task for which he had been commissioned, so quickly and

skilfully that the victims falling, or rather being pushed off the scaffold to the ground, stood erect on their feet, looking up to heaven and professing their faith, not only by their facial expression and bodily posture, but actually in words: crying out in the hearing and to the wonder of all: "My Lord and my God" . These words they kept on repeating even when the executioner had thrust his blood-stained hands in their entrails and in the flesh surrounding the heart, to tear it all out and cast it into the firewhichthey are wont to have ready. To increase the violent anguish of the pain they followed a new and untried method, cutting open the breast and dividing it gradually, to reach the heart by stages. No other way, they thought, could more increase and prolong the anguish; for that is what they intended by every means.

But what is more to be wondered at, they so practised and displayed this monstrous and more than Scythian cruelty before the people, that a certain heretic exclaimed that they were too savage in their thirstfor human blood. For this freedom ofspeech he was at once reprehended, but ceased not, nevertheless , to cry out: "Oh, excessive savagery!"

They exercised this crueltynot on one or other ofthe martyrs, but on allfour; namely on Thomas Hemerford, a priest and student of the English College in Rome, sent to England last Easter, and on [John] Munden, [James] Fenn and [John] Nutter (2) The last two were priests of this seminary, the other three very well known to your Reverence , and two of them your most cherished sons Now they are and will rest in heaven, your Patrons there, until they have their Father Alphonsus with them. I hope they will pray unceasingly for your Reverence and for those who were formerly their brothers, and are now their suppliants in Christ.

Besides these, fourteen or fifteen others are waiting daily to drink of the same chalice, which, it seems, they will do shortly; for though condemned, their execution was deferred for a time that this sort of death might be made known to them. Amongst these are [Arthur] Pitts, (3) [William] Bishop and [William] Tedder, your Reverence'sexcellent and most distinguished sons. With such constancy and intrepidity have they confessed their faith, that no one could do so more clearly and openly.

Fr. Heywood of the Society of Jesus is reported to have made excellent replies to all questions, and remains in the same position as the others, condemned by the judgment of twelve men. All things are under such careful and diligent observation that certain news about any event is rare, and then only long after it has occurred.

Recently five priests were captured, some in London, and in Lancashire your Smith, and Aliot who lived in Rome.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

There was also captured a brother of the above-mentioned martyr, Fenn (4) He was asked if he was the brother of that traitor who , that same day, had suffered the penalty he richly deserved . He gave a reply worthy of so distinguished a priest, and such as became the brother of so great a martyr, namely, that he was brother of no traitor, but of that most glorious martyr, whom you today have put to death most cruelly You, say they, have confessed enough to be punished by the same death, if you defend his conduct 1 , said he, do defend it and desire to follow his example. Give me paper and ink and I shall make such a confession as to free you from all that trouble: there will be no need of witnesses I proclaim myself a priest and very willing to die for that same truth, for the affirming of whichyou have most iniquitously condemned him For this cause I came, to reconcile men to the Church and to the Roman Pontiff, Gregory XIII These words, with God's aid, he spoke and much besides, no less admirably

Your Reverenceperceives how God, in a wonderfulway, comes to the assistance of the priests of both seminaries, ours and yours, andelectsfor martydomthose ofwhom human prudencehad either foreboding or distrust.

This much in haste I shall write more later.

(

1) Though the copyist of this letter omitted to note any closing compliments, the wording suggests that the copy is otherwise complete Though No. 36 above bears the same date as this present letter, and is to the same addressee, they are, in all probability , quite distinct letters. It was not uncommon practice at that period for persons in authorityto write more than one letter, sometimes even three or four, similarly dated, to the same addressee : examples may readily be found among the dispatches of Papal Nuncios, or in the correspondence of English ambassadors with their government The practice conveniently grouped topics for the recipient to deal with through different servants , or pass on to different persons . as he saw fit In this particular case, histories of priests in England who met death at the hands of the persecuting government, were of interest to a much wider circle than were the details of the daily happenings in the Colleges, and would have been ample justification for two separate letters of the same date Another case is that of Nos 16 & 17 supra

(2) These five priests were martyred 12 February 1584 (cf. Note 2 to No. 33 supra)

(3) Arthur Pitts was named in the same indictment as Haydock, Fenn and Bishop (Note 2 to No. 33) Other biographical details are in C.R.S. 51 , p. 277

(4) This was probably Robert Fenn, not apparently a student of either seminary, who had come to England in February 1583. He was imprisoned in the Marshalsea on 16 February 1584, and was later banished , probably in 1585, when several groups of priests were sent over to France He died in Paris in 1587 (Knox, D.D., p 195; C.R.S. 2, p 233; C.R.S. 5, pp 143-4)

93 16 April 1584

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f.103 Contemporary copy. Copy (not seen) also in A.R.S.J. Anglia 30.I.ff.294v-5v Notes and short extract by Grene are in A.R.S.J. Angl 38.II.f.75, incorrectly placed among lettersfor 1585

Ad P. Rectorem Collegij Anglorum in Urbe.

Reverende in Christo Pater, heri venit ad nos presbyter quidam qui ex Anglia uno abhinc mense in Galliam venit vir sane gravissimus et dignissimus fide et in illis fluctibus et turbulentis temporibus sedecim jam annis magna cum laude et patientia versatusidem enim est de quo vidistis typis excussum quemadmodum vestibus sacerdotalibusindutus per urbem Londinensemtraheretur quomajori esset ludibrioapud insanam multitudinematque omnium conspectu et irrisioni hoc modo expositus summa cum ignominia (ut illi putabant) crebriores, et vehementiores tum plagas acciperet tum alias infinitas injurias. (1) Iste ergo quem admiratione quadam commotus pluribus verbis nomino quam necesse erat Mihi narravit mira quaedam exempla divinae justitiae atque vindictae erga quosdam qui in Catholicis accusandis vel vexandis iniquissimi fuerant ministri Primus erat custos illius carceris quem nostri Mareschallem appellant vel potius janitor famulus enim erat custodis et praecipuam ac pene solam navarat operam in capiendo Hansaeo illustri ac gloriosi martyre. (2) Iste janitor certis de causis loco suo atque illo praeclaro munere exturbatus atque ejectus injuriam illam ferre non potuit exclamans igitur contra eos qui eum privassent officio (erat enim quaestuosum) inter illas querelas et vociferationes ad lectum se contulit neque cessavit donec prorupisset in horribiles atque nephandas blasphemias, quo in statu postquam miserabiliter jacuisset diebus aliquot et ilia atque intestina ejecisset statim est mortuus Alter erat Nortonus magister equulei, ille archicarnifex (3) Observarunt Catholici post torturam P. Campiani uxorem ejusfurore ac insania pessima fuissecorreptam patrem et patruum parolysi percussos, matris deinde mortem consequutam, patris etiam novas nuptias cum meretrice notissima , et sordidissima Tandem et ipse Nortonus his diebus proximis ille nequam qui torserat tam multos in castro Londinense moritur in inferno torquendus Cujus exitus qualis fuerit ex hac vita brevi intelligemus. Si notabile aliquid acciderit significabo proximis meis litteris Tertius de quo referebat mihi erat juvenis quidam qui vel pretio, vel pollicitationibus adductus accusarat quosdam quos se presente dixerat audivisse sacrum. Qui cum sisterentur coram judice petierunt hanc gratiam ut cum accusatoresuo coram possent colloqui putabant enim rem fictam ab adolescente vel vultu ejus indicari, vel negantium conspectu atque auctoritate facile posse convelli. De loco enim ac sacerdote cujus sacrum dicebantur

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

audivisse bene sciebant se falso accusari, adductus ergo adolescens totam rem confessus est in genibus veniam suppliciter petiit et ex eo tempore insanivit correptus forte a daemone. Mirabitur VR. de P. Poundo non vestro sed altero qui Romae tandiu versatus est, captus est nuper Londini a quodam nobili cui erat notus(4) cum enim sequeretur eum in via ad suas aedes quidam ex famulatu illius nobilis quasi ei gratificaturus admonuit quoad verba quidem amice respondeat ipsa fraudulenter ut si haberet aliquid alicujus pretij aut momenti caveret diligenter nam dominum suum aiebat solere omnia scrutari et actum esse si aliquid inveneritsive aurum sive argentum fuerit statim cedere inventori et ejus esse qui primo rapuerit. Habuit ille in sinu crucem auream quam Romae ad pectus gestabat ponderis ut opinor 30 aureorum et praeterea in crumena 12 aut 13 aureos [p. 2] quare sequutus ejus consilium occulte tradidit omnia qui nunquam erat restiturus Postero die productus est in publicum assidentibus quibusdam de consilio reginae et interrogantibus atque examinantibus eum de bulla excommunicationis quam in reginam fecerat promulgari Pius V. Legebant autem prima verba et ad finem uniuscujusque sententiae expectabant quid ipse responderet ille vero audita prima clausula pergite quaeso inquit quasi attente esset auditurus et eodem modo audito 2° articulo rogabat ut ad 3m et 4m et ad reliquos procederent tandem vero perlectis omnibus et jussus ut diceret quid sibi videretur. Ego ne inquit ad ista? Quis daemon vobis in mentem induxit ut quaestiones tam periculosas tam impudenter ac desperate mihi proponeretis Ego cupiebam audire atque attendebam ad singula magis ut viderem atque notarem quam longe ista progrederetur dementia atque crudelitas, vestraquebarbaries in exhaurendo sanguine innocentium quicquid haberem in animo responsionem ullam iniquissimis istis interrogationibus et captiunculis dare. Judices remiserunt hominem in carcerem sine ulla alia interrogatione Sub hac tamen specie voluerunt videre eum tam humaniter dimissum quod esset majoris levitatis et insaniae quam ut justissimorum judicum sententia in talem posset cadere Aliqui nobiles jam incipiunt ex Anglia in Scotiam se conferre ad regem. Res sunt in eo statu atque inclinatione ut diu non videantur permansurae. 13 sacerdotes hic ante pascha creati et totidem in Penthecoste creandi incenduntur planeque inflammantur eorum animi ut in Anglia mittantur. Difiicile enim erit retinere ipsosadeo vehementer urgent atque instant neque tamen ullae viae patent. Intercludunturomnes aditus Extrema quaeque imminent jamque impendent cervicibus omnium Catholicorum si non statim Dei misericordia mirabiliter illuxerit, sed speramus optima Si Deus pro nobis quis contra nos Venit ad manus meas quidam libellus de morte et martyrio Joannis Sladi et Joannis Bodye conscriptus quidem ab haeretico quodam qui his rebus interfuit et impressus

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Londini. Quem descriptum mitto his litteris inclusum ut V.R. intelligatex indicio et testimonio inimicorum quae fuerit causa ob quam patiebantur mortem et quam illi praeclare et libenter omnia pertulerent potius quam ut paterentur aliquid diminui aut detrahi de auctoritate summi pontificis (5) Georgius Hadoccus alumnus vester quam bene esset praeparatus ad mortem quam forti ac praesenti tum animo tum juditio facile apparuitex dictis et responsionibus ejus non solum cum duceretur ad sententiam mortis audiendam, verum etiam in ipso fere momento quo esset moriendum . Nam cum judices ita loquerentur quasi mirantes et aliquam commiserationem habentes adolescentiae illius sicque admonerent eum inscitiae , et temeritatis juvenilis illius aetatis quae senum prudentia regi ac temperari debuerit non est inquit Georgius quod aetas mea vos commoveat aut conturbet est enim legitima et matura satis ad inserviendum Deo et haec gratior et acceptior. Ego vero in causatam bona non invitus [p. 3] solvo quod vos tam injuste et inique exigitis Suo enim cui credidi mihi autem retribuet justus judex. Ductus autem ad mortem et jussus ut veniam peteret a Regina ob crimen laese majestatis quod gravissimum commiserat. Deum inquit testor me tale crimen non commisisse et injuste vos damnasse innocentem et praeter causam religionis omnia quae mihi objecistis fuisse ficta atque falsissima Ego enim pro fide Catholica et auctoritate Pontificis morior quae causa est optima vocate quo nomine volueritis nihil refert At vicecomes ille qui exequutioni praeerat, licet (inquit) illa quae tibi obijciebantur tunc et propter quae sententiam mortis acceperas non erant adeo certa tamen ex eo tempore investigavimus alia quae majoris momenti sunt et digna quidem morte. Audite audite omnes (inquit) Georgius quam praeclaros ac justos Judices habetis in causa sanguinis qui non erubescunt confiteri in tanto hominum conventu et frequentia sine causa hominem se condemnasse ad mortem. Nam si sententialata eo tempore fuit nulla quia nullum crimen probatur nihil certi ut dicitis quo jure potuit valere ad vitam mihi eripiendam aut quod est illud crimen inventum ex eo tempore? Non refert(inquit) vicecomes nam certissimus est traditor. Reliqua de ejus mortescripsi superioribus meis litteris ad V.R. Concionatores publice hortantur magistratus ac nobiles ut velint omnes Catholicos e domibus in agros evocaremilitesque armatos immittere , et surdi atque inermes interficianturquod nisi faciant brevi clamant actum fore de Regina et religione Quae conciones mirum in modum displicent multitudinis majori parti Valete, 16 Aprilis 1584

V.R. filius Richardus Barettus

[No endorsement.]

[Translation :]

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

To Father Rector of the English College in Rome Reverend Father in Christ,

Yesterday there came to us a certain priest, who a month ago left England for France; a man, indeed, of great gravity and most worthy of credence . In these waves of persecution and turbulent times he has already laboured patiently and in a most praiseworthy manner for sixteen years. He is that same man of whom you learned from the printed account: how in his priestly vestments he was dragged through the city of London to be the greater sport of the foolish mob, and thus in the sight of all exposed to their mockery, and, as they thought, to his deeper ignominy , to be made the butt of more frequent and savage indignities and of other innumerable insults.(1) Moved by a certain admiration for him I have dilated longer on this man than was necessary.

He told me of some extraordinary examples of God's avenging justice on those who behavedmost harshly in accusingand harassing Catholics. The first instance was that of the keeper of the prison, knownto us as the Marshalsea, or rather he wasthe janitor and servant of the keeper. It was he who principally, and practically by his own efforts alone, had brought about the capture of the illustrious and glorious martyr, [Everard] Hanse.(2) For some cause or other, this janitor was ejected from his very good post, and not being able to bear this disaster, he exclaimed againstthose who had deprived him of his lucrative office. Amidst this clamour and noise he took to his bed and broke forth into dreadful and impious blasphemies, and after lying thus in misery for some days, the lower region of his body burst asunder, forcing his entrails to protrude and causing his immediate death .

The second instance was that of [Thomas] Norton , the rackmaster and torturer in chief.(3) Catholics noted that after the torture of Fr. [Edmund] Campion this man's wife was affected with a furious insanity of the worst kind, and his father and uncle became paralysed: there followed the death of his mother, and the father contracted a new marriage with a most noted and disgraceful prostitute Finally Norton himself, who in theTowerhad afflicted so many with the tortures of the rack, came to die and to endure the tortures of hell Such was the end of this man, as we have just learned Should anything worthy of note occur I shall inform you in my next letter.

The third instance he related concerned a certain youth who for money, or for promises of reward, had been led to accuse some persons of having heard Mass in his presence The accused , on being brought before the judge, begged the favour of being con-

fronted with their accuser, and of questioning him; for they thought that the fictitious character ofthe accusation brought by the youth, would be shown by some facial expression of his, or could easily be wrested from him by the authoritative bearing of those who denied the accusation, for from the place and the priest whose Mass they were said to have heard, they knew well that they were falsely accused. The youth, then, on being led in, fell on his knees and made a complete confession of the whole affair, and from that time became insane, the work, possibly, of the devil .

Your Reverence will be amazed to hear about the capture recently in London by a nobleman to whom he was known, of Fr. [John] Pound, not the Jesuit, but that other who was for a long time with you in Rome.(4) For when the priest was following him to his house, one of the nobleman's servants, as though doing the Father a favour, gave him a verbal warning, but deceitfullyreceiving, indeed, a friendly reply--that if he had anything of substanceor value on him, he should take great heed: his master, he said, was wont to be very thorough in his search, and should he find anything, whether of gold or silver, that was the end of it; for according to his custom, he would grant possession of it to the one who first found and seized it. The priest carried on his person a golden cross of the value, I think, of thirty crowns , which he used to wear on his breast when in Rome, and in addition he had 12 or 13 crowns in a purse, all of which, following the advice given to him, he secretly handed over to him, who was never to return them. Next day he was brought publicly before certain members of the Queen's Council , who questioned and examined him about the Bull of Excommunication , whichPius V had promulgated against the Queen They read the first words of the Bull, and at the end of each sentence paused to hear what his reply would be But, having heard the first clause : Pray continue, said he, as if he wanted to hear it with all attention. In the same way, having heard the second clause, he asked them to proceedto the third and fourth, and so on for the rest of the Bull. When this had come to an end, he was ordered to say what he thought of it. I, said he, make no comment. What devil put it into your minds to put to me, with such shameless foolhardiness, questions so dangerous? I waited to hear and attend to each part of it that I might see and mark better to what lengths would progress your mad savagery and barbarity in shedding the blood of innocent men, no matter what reply I had in mind to give to these most iniquitous and captious questions. Without any further questioning the judges sent him back to prison In this manner they wished to see him dismissed with humanity, as one who was too weak-minded and wanting in sanity for such very upright judges to sentence him

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Some English nobles already begin to betake themselvestothe King in Scotland Matters are in such a state offlux, that it seems they cannot long remain as theyare .

Thirteen were made priests before Easter and the samenumber eagerly desire to be ordained at Pentecost , and are on fire to be sent to England. It is difficult to keep them back when they urge and press for it so ardently: yet no ways are open and all the approaches are blocked. Extreme measures are poised over the heads of all Catholics, unless God in his mercy at once intervenes in an extraordinaryway. But we hope for the best. If God is for us, who is against us?

There came into my hands a pamphlet, printed in London , on the death and martyrdom of John Slade and John Body It was written by a certain heretic who was an eye-witness. I enclose the account in this letter, that your Reverence may see, from the disclosure andtestimony of enemies, what was the cause for whichthey suffered death, and how splendidly and willingly they bore all things rather than allow any diminution of the authority of the Pope.(5)

How well prepared for death was your former student George Haddock, and what courage, discretion and presence of mind he possessed, was easily made apparent by his replies, not only when he was brought to hear his sentence of condemnation, but also in the very moment almost of death itself. For when the judges spoke as if amazed at and commiserating his youth, and warned him of his youthful inexperience and hardihood, which should be restrained and guided by the prudence of his elders: You need not, George said, be moved and disturbed by my age; for I am old and mature enough to serve God, and the quicker I relinquish this life into the hands of my Saviour, the more pleasing and acceptable will it be to Him Not unwillingly, indeed, do I pay the penaltywhichyou unjustly and iniquitously impose upon me; for that just Judge, in whom I believe, will reward his servants Led to death and ordered to beg pardon of the Queen for the very grave crime of treason he had committed, I call God to witness, he said, that I have committed no such crime, that you have unjustly condemned an innocent man, and that apart from the cause of religion, all that you accuse me of, was most falsely invented: for I am giving my life for the Catholic faith and for the authority of the Popean excellent cause, no matter whatyou may wish to call it. But the sheriff who was in charge of the execution, said: Though the matters with whichyou were charged and for which you were sentenced to death, were not altogether certain, since that time we have discovered other matters of greater moment and worthy, indeed, of death Hear ye all, said George,

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 99

what excellent and just judges you have in cases when sentence of death is involved, that they are not ashamed to confess , in the hearing of such a number of people assembled here, that without cause they condemned a man to death: for when sentence was passed, it wasat a time when no crime was proved, nothingcertain , as you yourself acknowledge, on which they could seize to take away my life. What is this other crime, pray, which they have discovered since that time? 'Tis no matter, said the sheriff , for most certain it is that you are a traitor Other details about his death

recounted to your Reverence in my last letter.

Preachers are publicly exhorting magistrates and nobles that they should call Catholics from their homes into the fields, to be set upon by armed soldiers and so, being without defence , unexpectedly put to death: and they loudly proclaim that unless this is done soon, it is all up with the Queen and religion. To the greater partofthe people suchsermonsare exceedingly displeasing Farewell. 16 April 1584.

Your Reverence'sson , Richard Barret.

(

1) This incident is reported in Persons, Epistle of the PersecutionofCatholickes in Englande, 1582, pp 77-8 The Latin version De Persecutione Anglicana epistola, formed part of the many editions of Concertatio Ecclesiae Catholicae in Anglia. The priest's name is not recorded (2) Everard Hanse, a student of Rheims, was martyred at Tyburn on 31 July 1581 (cf. Allen, A Briefe Historie, etc. 1908 edit pp 98-103)

(3) The puritan lawyer, Thomas Norton, died 10 March 1584 .

(4) John Pound, a brother of the Jesuit scholastic , Thomas Pound, was already a priest by mid 1579, when he obtained a Papal licence to visit the Holy Land (For Cal 1579-80, p 17) It is not known where he studied . He was sent to England in 1583, and was committed to the Clink on 22 November 1583. He died in exile, date unknown (Knox, D.D., p. 295; C.R.S. 2, p 232)

(5) This Protestant pamphlet (reprinted by J. H. Pollen, Acts of the English Martyrs , 1891) clearly showed that both Body and Slade had been condemnedfor denying the Queen's ecclesiastical supremacy , and not for any genuinely treasonable activity Its publication got the writer into serious trouble with the authorities, because the facts related were in contrast to the general thesis maintained by Lord Burghley in his Execution ofJustice in England, 1583, that there was no persecutionfor religion in England

39. ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

. Rheims, 5 June 1584

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f 176. Holograph.

Reverende in ChristoPater , Multum mihi in domino colende vir Reverendus P. Robertus et ego fuimus non ita pridem aliquot diebus una, collocuti de

ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

omnibus ecclesiae nostrae afflictissimae rebus fusissime; sicut imposterum quam diu jam erimus vicini, per literas frequentissime per Dei gratiam faciemus Atque ut id fiat, si unquam alias, hoc maxime tempore patriae nostrae difficillimo convenit ubi mutuis auxiliis ad solatium, et conciliis ad opus Domini promovendum summopere indigebimus Nos Deus, ut interpretor , conjunxit in hoc maximarum rerum commertio nec jugum erit difficile vel molestum mihi, quamdiu per vestram gratiam tam germanum collegam habere possem; sumus etenim valde unanimes in domino; sicut in talibus rebus ne boni quidem omnes sunt; nedum alii qui diligunt hoc saeculum Sed novit Deus qui sunt ejus; et nos ope sacrificiorum orationum consiliorumque vestrorum pergemuscum Deo in incepto opere, auxilium divinum expectantes in tempore opportuno; quod ad vestram missionem attinet, Reverendus Pater Robertus scripsit quid utrique sentiremus. Si pro P. Gibbonodetis Garnetum, quemmulti commendant, is cum P. Westono inHispania erit satis ad tempus, et facient, ut confido, operariorum bonum par; et ut aliqui mittantur plane expedire judicamus.(1)

Famulus R. P. Gaspari evasit huc ad nos , quem proptermultas causas hic sustineo et retineo; spero plane eumdem patrem pie et honorifice se in omnibus gesturum, sed omnia ista prolixius ac diligentius per P. Rob audietis; nec ero suis gravissimis occupationibus nimis molestus Dominus noster pro sua pietate vos ad nationis nostrae salutem ac vestrorum totiusque ecclesiae bonum diu conservet incolumem . Rhemis 5 Junii 1584 .

Reverendissimae P. Vestrae filius devotissimus G. Alanus.

[Addressed by Allen:] Rmo. in Christo Patri, mihi summecolende , P. Claudio Societatis Jesu praeposito Generali

[No seal.] Romam.

[Endorsed:] Rhemis 84. D. Alanus 5 Junii Judicant et ipse et P. Rob expediens omnino ut missio fiat nostrorum in Anglia P. Westonus adest Si P. H. eat ut P. Robertus non mandetur alio quia cum eo [. . .] Venisse famulus Pr. Gaspari [. .. .] de bono [...] de P. Gasparo.

[Translation :]

Reverend Father in Christ,

Rev. Fr. Robert [Persons], a man very dear to me in the Lord, and I were together not so very many days ago We spoke at

very great lengthof all the affairs of our most afflicted church: as we will be nearer to each other in the future than hitherto, we shall, by God's grace, do the same very frequently by letters And that this should be done is, if ever, particularly necessary at this most difficult time for our country, when we shall stand supremely in need of mutual assistance for our own consolation, and of consultation forpromotingthe Lord's work God has joined us together, as I think, in the carrying out of these supreme matters, nor will the yoke be difficult or irksome for me, as long as I may have, through your favour, such a true colleague; for we are, indeed, absolutely of one mind in the Lord, as, indeed, in such matters all good men are not, much less others who love the things of this world. But God knows His own, and with the help ofyour sacrifices, prayers and close co-operation, we will advance , with God, in the work begun, awaiting Divine assistance at the opportune moment With regard to your mission, Rev. Fr. Robert [Persons] has written what we both think. If, instead of Fr. [John] Gibbons, you give us [Henry] Garnet, whom many commend, he, together with Fr. [William] Weston in Spain, will be enough for the time being, and they will, as I believe, make a good pair of labourers . We judge it to be clearly expedient that some men should be sent (1)

A servant of Rev. Fr. Jasper [Heywood] has escapedhere to us whom, for many reasons, I retain and support here . I am altogether hopeful that this father will behavepiouslyand honourably in all things, but you will hear about all these matters most diligently and at greater length through Fr. Robert [Persons], and Iwill not be too burdensome in your most grave preoccupations

May our Lord in His goodness long preserve yousafely forthe spiritual welfare of our nation, and for your good, and that ofthe whole Church. Rheims, 5 June 1584

Your Rev. Paternity's most devoted son , W.Allen.

(1) 1584 was a year of serious crisis for the English mission, and there were many letters and memorials written by members of the faction opposed to Allenand the Jesuits, against sending furtherseminary priests orJesuitsto England (Cf. Persons, Punti per la Missione, C.R.S. 4 , pp 146-153; his A Briefe Apologie, 1601 , pp 3v-4v; Allen to Agazzari, Rheims, 5 August 1584, Knox, Allen, pp 236-8; C.R.S. 39, pp lxiii-lxvi; L. Hicks, S.J. , An Elizabethan Problem, 1964, pp 70-1) This present letter demonstrates Allen's concern forthe continuanceofthe Jesuitcontribution to the mission Persons' letters to Aquaviva on the same subject are Paris, 29 May 1584, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , n.f. (discovered too late for inclusion in C.R.S. 39), Paris , 11 [June] and 23 July 1584 (C.R.S. 39, pp 201-5, 217-24). The General had already, late in 1583, decidedto send William Weston to England, but he had been unable to leave Spain at once, and did not arrive in Paris until early June 1584. He left for England, with the lay brother

ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

Ralph Emerson, in early September 1584 (Ibid , pp lxv, 241) Weston had joined the Society in Rome on 5 November 1575. Both Allen and Persons at this time asked for Henry Garnet to be sent with Weston, but he was not available for the mission until May 1586, when he left Rome for England, with Robert Southwell (Foley, Records VII). Aquaviva's answer to this letter of Allen was dated 15 July 1584 (C.R.S. 9, pp 96-7)

40. BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Stonyhurst Anglia VI, n 8. Holograph Jesus Maria

Admodum Reverende Pater, Rheims, 10 July 1584

De proximis martyribus quae V.R. audire cupit in particulari equidem libentissime scriberem si plura vel ipse scirem vel sciscitando atque percontando ab alijs discere ullo modo potuissem. Intelligo quemdam venisse Parisiis virum et bonum et prudentem qui diligentissime solebat observare omnia non solum dicta sed et facta martyrum eaque memoriae mandare et notare scriptis quae vel ipse per se vel alium cognosceret Ad hunc igitur atque in hanc sententiam ut nobis velit impertire vel minutissima quaeque scriptione tamen digna curavi statim ut literae mitterentura quodam suo amico ac familiari cui hoc officium negare non potest Cum primum intellexero aliquid faciam V.R. certiorem de omnibus. Interim mitto exemplaria quarumdam literarum et testimonium cujusdam sacerdotis qui vixerat cum illo martyre de quo loquitur. Quae aliquam utilitatemad causam conferre videnturV.R.facillime poterit seligere et ea omittere quaenocerepotuerint . GratulorPatri Stillingtono quod tam bene se gesserit sed multo magis V.R. et Collegio . Utinam possem eidem gratulari doctoratus gradum et illud beneficium acceptum referre Patri meo Alfonso, sicut necesse erit si evenerit, quod spero Prius erat ut pro me ipso gratias agerem quam ut rogarem pro alio Sed ego tamen retineo memoriam vestrorum erga me beneficiorum neque deponam unquam ex animo aliquam partem illius officij quo summe et maxime sentio me in perpaetuum obligari Atque quo majus est quod debeo in mea causa eo sum audacter pro Stillingtonomeo ut pro eo debeam quod pro me ipso [p 2] non valeam praestare V.R. ita novit

Patrem Stillingtonum ut non sit opus mihi ejus nomine aliquid officij subire in pollicendo atque recipiendo in me quam est bonus ac gratus sit futurus. Illud enim non agitur sed quid utilitatis et hic et in Anglia haec illius dignitas (si illam acceperit) sitallatura quam ego utilitatem in causa non exiguam videar videre praesertim in statu hujus Collegij si D. Alanus eum retineat quod facturum eum non dubito Accedit quod Pr Giffordius brevi

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 103

accepturussit istum gradum. Novi quod scribam nihil est. De 9.(1)

D. Alanus polliceturse brevi scripturum . Sed si oportunum videtur

V.R. poterit ante dimittere hominem si vel expediat vel sit utilius Collegio. Valeat vestra paternitas et oret quaeso pro filio Barreto inter reliquos. Rhemis 10 Julij 1584.

V.R. filius et servus in Christus Richardus Barretus

Non fuissem ausus [scribere] de Patre Stilingtono si D. Praesidis literas in eandem sententiam venturas ad vos intellexissem.

[Addressed by Barret:] Admodum Rdo. in Christo Patri Patri Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu Collegij Anglorum Rectori.

[Seal mark]

[Endorsed:] Rich Barretus 10 Julij 1584

[Translation :] De D. Stillingtono

Very Reverend Father, Romae.

Iwould indeed willingly write about our late martyrs, particulars of whom your Reverencedesires to hear, did I myself know more details, or by enquiring could in any way learn them from others . I understand that a certain individual of good and prudent character was wont to take note of everything concerning the martyrs, their sayings and deeds, commit the same to memory, and write down what he got to know himself or through another. I have taken care that an intimatefriend of his, to whom he cannot refuse this favour, should send him a letter for the purpose, that he may inform us in writing, of even the smallest details worthy of record. As soon as I get to know anything I shall impart it to your Reverence Meanwhile I send a copy of the letter and testimony of a certain priest who lived with that martyr of whom you speak. What in this appears to help the cause your Reverencemay very easily select, and omit what may damage it.

I congratulate Fr. [Thomas] Stillington on his excellent behaviour, but much more soyourReverenceand the College. Would that I could offer my congratulations to himon obtaining a Doctor's degree, and attribute the attaining of it to my Fr. Alphonsus, which I must do, should he do so, which I hope he will. But I must render thanks for my own case, before I make petition for another. I, indeed, retain a memory of your favours to me , nor shall I everyforget any part of that perpetual obligation I feelvery deeply I owe you. The greater my debt to you, the bolder do I become that I may be indebted to you for my Stillington, for

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

the same favour as that granted to me, which indeed I am not able to repay. Your Reverenceknows Fr. Stillington so well, that there is no need to take upon me the duty of promising and going warrantfor his good conduct and gratitude in the future . Of that there is noquestion, but there is the question how useful that degree, should he attain it, will be both here and in England, and I seem to see nosmalladvantagein itfor the status of this College, should Dr. Allen keep him here, as I have no doubt he will Moreover, Fr. [William] Gifford will shortly obtain the same degree. There is nothing new for me to write.

About 9. [i.e. Bagshaw](1) Dr. Allen promises to send a letter soon, but before you receive this, should an opportunity seem to be offered, your Reverencecan dismiss him, if it be expedient and for the good ofthe College.

Adieu, Reverend Father, and amongst others pray for your son , Barret. Rheims, 10 July 1584 .

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ, Richard Barret

Ishould not have dared to write in favour of Fr. Stillington, had 1 not understood that the President was about to write in the same sense .

(1) This cipher sign appears often enough in Barret's letters of the second half of 1584, used either by the writer, or the recipient in endorsements , to make its interpretation as representing Bagshaw certain Grene, in a list of Barret's letters for 1583-4 in one of his Collectanea , remarked in a note that Bagshaw's name was sometimes in cipher (A.R.S.J. Anglia 37 , f 13)

41. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. Rheims, 2 August 1584 .

Stonyhurst Anglia I, n 21. Holograph.

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater , Nihil est quod scribam hoc tempore. Nam de martyribus in particulari nihil praeter ea quae misi possum adhuc comparare De Anglia nihil novi Ad tempus omnia paulo sunt mitiora id est minus_crudelia Sacerdotes hic Rhemis nullo modo possunt retineri Tantus est ardor tam vehemens ac sanctum desiderium eundi in Anglia Nihil est quod V.R. retineat aliquos si qui in hoc genere apud vos sint cupidiores Nam revera homines expectant nescio quem spiritus fervorem in iis qui Roma mittuntur ut aliis sint exemplo et incitamento his periculosissimis temporibus. Tamen quandoque fit ut nuper in duobus ut magis cupiant hic

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 105

manere quam in messem proficisci Sed alter tandem est profectus alter habet bonum animum et quo magis timet eo citius forte erit martyr Divina providentia multo est mirabilior quam ut liceat vel tardiores reprehendere vel retinere eos qui sunt ferventiores Nam ex utroque genere novi factos esse martyres. Sed ex iis qui magis videbantur timidi plures possum nominare. Pr. Greneus brevi videtur profecturus in Angliamquia novi ejus animum et ne aliqui reprehendant eum tarditare hoc scribo Certum est principem Orangium mortuum esse et a proprio atque domestico homineque intimo pugione fuisse percussum(1) In Belgio omnia prospere valde succedunt Antverpiabrevividetur reditura in manus domini et Regis licet vi et armis Nam [in veritate] obsidetur Quando scolares proficiscentur scribam plura ad V.R. Interim jubeo vos valere in domino. Rhemis ii Aug. 1584.

V.R. filius et servus in Christo R. Barretus.

[Addressed by Barret :] Admodum Reverendo in Christo Patri Patri Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu Collegij Anglorum Rectori. Romae.

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] 2 August. 1584 . Rich Bar. 2 August 1584 .

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father in Christ,

There is nothing for me to write this time; for as regards the martyrs I am not yet able to gather anything beyond what I have sent you. There is nothing new about England Conditions for the time being are milder, that is, less cruel. Priests can in no way be kept back here at Rheims, so great is their zeal and so strong their holy desire to go to England. Should there be any with you of this sort who are more desirous [to go], there is no reason why your Reverence should keep them back. For men, indeed, look for I know not what fervour in those who are sent from Rome, that they may be an example and encouragementto others in these most dangerous times Yet, occasionally it does happen, as recently in two cases, that they desire to stay here rather than proceed to the harvest One of these , however, has at length set forth; the other is well-intentioned and it may be, the more he fears, the sooner he will become a martyr Divine Providence is far too surprising to permit us to reprehend those wao show less inclination, or to retain those who are more eager, forI have known martyrs to arise from both categories, but I can name more from those who appeared fearful

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Fr. [Richard] Green, it seems, will be setting out for England shortly, for I knowhis mind, and I am writing this lest, perchance, some may hold it against him for delaying

It is certain that the Prince of Orange is dead, stabbed with a dagger by one of his own intimate and domestic staff(1) In Belgium all goes very well Antwerp, it appears , will soon return to its lord and king, even though by force of arms, for in truth it is under siege.

When the students set out, I shall write further particulars to your Reverence . Meanwhile all, I trust, goes well in the Lord with you. Rheims, 2 August 1584.

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ, R. Barret.

(1) William of Orange was assassinated on 10 July 1584 .

42. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. Rheims, 15 September 1584.

Stonyhurst Anglia VI, n 9

Holograph. Jesus + Maria

Admodum Reverende Pater,

Ex literis aliorum intelligo Patrem Christopherum V.R. spem sui meliorem atque expectationem fecisse De qua re sicut debeo vehementer gaudeo Si ad hunc bonum animum accesserit etiam constantia et perseverantia haec mea laetitia et aliorum duplicabitur. Quid autem timendum sit et quatenus cavendum vestra prudentia melius noverit quam ut mihi sit necesse scribere Vestrae autem literae de hac re ad me quarum mentionem fecit in suis literis ad D. Alanum non pervenerunt ad manus meas . Multa in particulari nuper allata sunt ex Anglia de quibusdam martyribus et confessoribus quae partim ad R. Patrem Sothwellum a D. Elie reliqua vero ad V.R. a me hic mittuntur Quae in latinum conversa delectabunt atque recreabunt valde vestram paternitatem. Sunt enim praeclarissima de vestro Harto et alijs. Thirkillus martyr(1) de quo postremo loco narraturfuit literarumnon multum peritus nunquam enim Academiam viderat (ut audio) nisi quod unum annum vel circiterhic Rhemis in theologiae studio profuerat Mirabitur V.R. cum audiverit eum tam docte atque divinitus loquentem. Sed qui ad spiritus Sancti scholam semelest admissus alijs praeceptoribus non indigebit .

Persecutio in Anglia quotidiemagis magisqueingravescit estque acerbior. Complentur ubique carceres Sacerdotes passim capiun-

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 107

tur. Diligentia et zelus Patris Joannis Mushe(2) et Cornelij valde probatur. Venit nuper qui mihi retulit de utroque ita ut mirum in modum gauderem Pater Fosterus jam iterum cogitat Angliam Locum ill[um] in quo tam subito se collocaverat sine consilio amicorum post aliquam experientiam non vult diutius ipse retinere (3) Non occurritaliud quod scribam hoc tempore nisi ut humiliter me commendem vestris precibus et R. P. Ministri et Patris Goodi et P. Ingeami etc. Rhemis 15 Septembris 1584

V.R. filius et servus in Christo , Richardus Barretus

[Addressed by Barret:] Admodum Rdo in Christo Patri Patri Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu Collegij Anglorum Rectori

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] 1584. Remis a P. Barretto 15 Septembris

De persecutione in Anglia

De P. Mus. et Cornelio. De novis missis martirum.

De 9. [i.e. Bagshaw] et de P. fosteri egressu.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father,

From letters of others I understand that Fr. Christopher [Bagshaw] has raised hope and promise of better things from him. This, as it should, has given me the greatest satisfaction. If, to this good disposition of his, he joins constancy and perseverance , my satisfaction and that of others will be increasedtwofold. What, however, is to be feared, and how far to be avoided, your own prudence will assess better than there is any need to letyou know in writing.

Your letter to me, mentioned in yours to Dr. Allen, concerning this matter, did not reachme .

Particulars about some martyrs and confessors recently brought from England, are in partbeing sent to Rev. Fr. [Robert] Southwell by Dr. [Humphrey ] Ely, the rest I am sendingto you. When translated into Latin these accounts will be a source of great joy and recreation toyour Reverence , for they contain very splendid things about your [William] Hart and others

[Richard] Thirkeld, the martyr,(1) the account of whom comes last, was not very well versed in letters, for, as I hear, he had never studied except for a year or so of theology here at Rheims Your Reverence will be astonished when you hear with what learning

Romae

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

and excellence he spoke. One, however, who is taught by the Holy Spirit, needs no other teachers.

The persecution in England increases daily and is more violent. Everywhere the prisons are full Priests are captured everywhere. The diligence of Fr. John Mush(2) and [Fr. John] Cornelius win great approval. One recently came here and gave such an account of both of them that I was wonderfully elated by it

Fr. [Seth] Foster is again thinking of returning to England . After some experience he no longer wishes to keep the position in which, without the advice of friends, he suddenly settled himself .(3)

There is nothing further to add, except to commend myself humbly to your prayers and those of Fr. Minister, Fr. Good and Fr. Ingham, etc. Rheims, 15 September 1584 . Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ, Richard Barret.

(1) Richard Thirkeld(or Thirkill) was ordained from Rheims in April 1579 , and left for England the following month (Knox, D.D., pp 152, 153) He was martyred at York 29 May 1583.

(2) ForJohn Mush, cf. C.R.S. 51, p 117, note 8 and passim ; also Appendix C infra.

(3) Seth Foster became father-confessor to the nuns of Syon Monastery, then at Rouen, in August 1584 (J. R. Fletcher, The Story of the English Bridgettines of Syon Abbey, privately pr 1933, p 73) His subsequent career in Rouen is describedin J. A. Bossy, "Elizabethan Catholicism: the Link with France" (Cambridge Univ Ph.D. thesis, 1961), pp 84-91

43. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. Rheims, 27 September[1584]

Stonyhurst Anglia VI, n 11. Holograph. Jesus + Maria

Admodum Reverende Pater, Binas literas eodem tempore accepi Quarum alterae fuerunt illae dequibus V.R. fecerat mentionem in suis literis ad D. Alanum et ego superioribus meis rescripseram ad manus meas non pervenisse . Jam igitur intellexi tandem de 9. quid sit actum : sed quid futurum sit Deus novit Vestra tamen prudentia eam patientiam et tantam tam multarum rerum tollerantiam in uno illo tam diu sustinendo adhibuit tanto cum amore et affectione plusquam paterna erga eundem ut nisi plane sit amens facile intelligat quibus vestigiis sit deinceps insistendum si vel cupiat ibi remanerevel famae suae et estimationi apud alios consulere Atque

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 109

nisi summi beneficij loco habeat toties jam suis erratis veniam esse concessam et suis commodis quantum fieri potuit consultum et propterea gratum atque obedientem se gerat atque omnibus modis ostendatfilialem animum erga R.V.imprimis caeterosque superiores si hoc non fuerit atque praestiterit ita ego magnopere suspicabor id quod semper timebam istum hominem aliquid adhuc molestiae vobis atque Collegio esse comparaturum Literae quas scripsit nuper ad D. Alanum nullo modo suae Reverentiae nec mihi placuerunt Erant enim in eam sententiam ut primum esse diceret se nunquam venisse Romam proximumibi quam diutissime manere tempus autem legitimum quatuor annorum arbitror eum intellexisse ita ut facile esset cuivis ex illis literis colligere animo eum perturbatoesse nec se bene habere in illo loco incommoda tamen illa de quibus subobscure multa judicabat potius esse ferenda quam ut ex discessu se conijceret in majus aliquod malum.

Pater Edoardus Gratleius vel metu tempestatis vel recreandi sui causa evasit ex Anglia et post duos dies quibus hic mansit familiaremsuum Verdunum est prosecutus ut posset ibi quietius extra hominum conspectum suas vires recolligere et novum dignitatis gradum veteri amico gratulari(1)

De Patre Stillingtono summas quantum possum ex animo gratias quam humillimeago V.R. et ex sua parte et ex mea Spero eum futurum esse talem qualem vos cupitis esse .

Nicolaus vester(2) jam tertio experietur si valetudo sufficiat ut posset retineri in Societate atque hoc ut significarem V.R. per literas ex me rogavit Profectus est autem in Belgium atque pro isto beneficio plurimum debet P. Roberto.

Novi quod scribam nihil est. Nam P. Gratleus licet modo ad nos [venisse?](3) tamen ex Anglia abfuit diu a duobus mensibus Rhemis 27 Sept.

V.R. filius et servus in Christo, R. Barretus.

[Addressed by Barret :]AdmodumRdo in Christo Patri P. Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu Collegij Anglorum Rectori. Romae

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] 1584. Remis a Barretto 27 September. De 9. admodum.

De Gratleo et [i.e. W. Gifford]. De Nicolai Smitti ingressu.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father,

Ireceived two letters from you at the same time. One was that which you mentioned in your letter to Dr. Allen, and which in my last letter I wrote had not reached me Now at last I understand what action has been taken concerning 9. [Bagshaw], but what will be the eventual outcome, God knows Your prudence, however, has shown such patience in enduring him for so long, and such tolerance in many matters, and you have treated him with such more than paternal sollicitude and affection , that unless he is clearlyout of his mind, he may easily realise what measures must from now on be insisted upon, if he desires to remain there or has any regard for his own good name and reputation with others.

If he does not take as a very high favour the pardon so often conceded to him for his faults and the regard, so far as possible , had to his own convenience, and on that account be gratefuland obedient, showing a filial respectto your Reverence, in the first place, and to his other superiors, if this is not so and he acts not so, then I shall have grave forebodingand this is what I have always feared that this man will still cause trouble to you and your College.

The letter whichhe recently wrote toDr. Allen, pleasedneither him nor myself. For it was of this sort: first he said he never came to Rome to stay so long a time, yet I think he understood that the usual length of stay there was four years. Hence it was easy for anyone to gather from his letter, that he was in a disturbed state of mind and is not satisfied there; yet that the inconveniences , many of which he indicated in a somewhat obscure manner , were to be tolerated, rather than to expose himself to some greater misfortune by his departure

Fr. Edward Gratley, either from fear of the persecution or for his own refreshment, came out of England, and after a stay of two days here followed his intimate friend [W. Gifford] to Verdun, there out of sight to regain his strength more quietly, and to congratulate his friend on his new dignity.(¹)

As regards Fr. [Thomas] Stillington I give you all possible thanks , both on my part and on his. I hope he will turn out such as you desire him to be.

Your Nicholas [Smith](2) is nowforthethird timemaking trial to see if his strength is sufficient for his retention in the Society, and in a letter he askedme to let you knowthis. He has, however, gone to Belgium, and for this favour he has for the most part to thank Fr. Robert [Persons]

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 111

There is no news to give you, for though it is only now that Fr. Gratley [came](3) to us, he has already been absent from England for two months Rheims, 27 September [1584]

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ , R. Barret.

(1) Edward Gratley was amongthe first large group to take the newCollege oath in Rome on 23 April 1579 (C.R.S. 37, p 9). The date of his ordination is not recorded After Gilbert Gifford's expulsion from the College in the middle of 1580, Gratley's own behaviour was very troublesome (Cf. Sega's Report, 14 March 1596, Foley, Records VI, pp 15, 17; also Allen to Agazzari, 10 November 1580, C.R.S. 9, pp 30-1) He left Rheims for England on 29 October 1580, and his arrival in England is noted by Persons in a letter dated 17 November For a time he appears to have acted well on the mission (Knox, D.D., p 172 ; C.R.S. 39, pp 47, 125) In 1584 he became chaplain at Arundel House The unexplained sojourn in France mentioned in this present letter, and other references in the letters in this volume tend to reinforce the view of the anonymous writer of The Lives of Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel, and of Anne Dacres, his Wife [probably c 1630], printed in 1857, that Gratley was responsiblefor the arrest of the Earl in April 1585, when the latter was attempting to leave England For other information about Gratley and this affair , cf. C.R.S. 21 , passim. His correspondence with Walsingham, during 1586, under the alias of Foxley, as well as the spy Aldred's letters of March and April 1586, showing his own negotiations with Gratley and W. Gifford, may be seen in Cal S.P.D. Addenda 1580-1625 and in S.P.D.E. , Vol 191 . Cf. also L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, 1964, various pages He was imprisoned in the Inquisition prison in Rome in 1588, where he remained for five years (cf. Sega's Report, ut supra) William Gifford had been a student with Gratley in Rome for about a year, and had, at the time of this letter, evidently newly won his doctorate in theology at Pont-à-Mousson in Lorraine , though the date of his journey thither is not recorded Verdun is about half way on the road between Rheims and Pont-à-Mousson. Gratley did not, in fact, take this road (cf. No. 44 infra). (2) Nicholas Smith, born in 1558, had twice had to leave the Jesuit novitiate on account of ill health He was ordained priest as a student at Rheims College on 3 March 1583 (Knox, D.D., p 194) His third attempt to enter the Society was successful (3) Though missing in the manuscript, some such word is required for the sense

44. BARRET TO AGAZZARI Rheims

, 8 November 1584.

Stonyhurst Anglia VI, nn 10 & 12 (the latter being the postscript to n. 10). Holograph.

Jesus + Maria

Reverende admodum in Christo mihi semper colendissime Pater , Maximas gratias ago pro vestris munusculis sed non recteforte appello tam tenui nomine tamque exiliter quae tanti mihi videntur pretij. Atque sane fueruntmultis nominibus longe mihi gratissima.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Videormihi in illis pulcherrimis imaginibus Ecclesiaevestraeatque totius Angliae(1) maximum quendam splendorem atque religionis decus quoddam intueri ut isto tam praeclaro modo hac vestra singulari pietate ac diligentiaexquisita gentisnostraegloriosa certamina pro Christo magis jam constent inter omnes magisque illustrentur quam eorum libris fieri unquam potuerit quibus hae res continentur Dici non potest quantum omnes bonos acpios delectat hoc pietatis ac religionis tantum ornamentum tamque illustre spectaculum. Oculorum sensus qui acerrimus est magis inflammat devotionis ardorem quando omnia sub aspectu uno ponunturapertissime quam si eadem auribus perciperemus Quare non ego tantum, Reverende Pater, sed multo magis omnes nostrates quicunque aliquem gustum habent aut religionis sensum tam magnas gratias semper habere agereque debent V.R. pro hac tam insigni illustratione Ecclesiae Anglicanae et propagatione atque commendatione nostrae causae apud omnes nationes, tantas (inquam) debemusgratias quantas praestare nunquam valebimus Sed causa est Christi. Ipse pro sua bonitate et justitia retribuet vobis quod estis et in hac re et in alijs infinitis de nobis meriti Opportunissime et commodissime et missae et allatae fuerunt hae imagines ad D. Alanum Nam ecce Cardinalis illustrissimus de Guisa cum nobilissimis suis fratribus ducibus de Guisea et de Maine et Duce de Niverrseodem tempore adfuerunt simulque dignati sunt invisere paupertatem [aedium] nostrarum non sine maxima omnium nostrorum consolatione Illis igitur nihil offerri potuit gratius nihil quod magismoveret delectaretaut alliceret eorumerganos[animos] qui anteaerant mirabiliter propensi quam illud donum R. P.Alfonsi quod in D. Alanum tam bene[volum] tam opportune contulit ut nihil magis [p. 2]

De Anglia nihil novi Nam de R. P. Critonio quomodo captus sit et de P. Gordono qua ratione evaseret jam diu antea audivisse vos scio.(2) Pater Coulinus est Duaci ibi ut dicitur mansurus ad unum annum studij causa (3) Pater Gratleus certe in Angliam profectus est eo tempore quo simulavit se iturum Mussipontum ad P. Giffordium Hunc quotidieexpectamuscum novo suo gradu.

De Patre Fostero nihil audio utrum mansurus sit Rotomagi an [recte ?] in Angliam Fieri potest quod mutavit sententiam et sic experietur diutius inter illas religiosas.

Omnes vestri huc salvi appulerunt saltem corpore. Sed Gossamus non bene sanus animo ut videtur quia subito discessit nemine (ut audio) salutato Timeo valde quideventurum sit In via aperuit multa quae valde erant suspitiosa.

9. quod mediocriter se gerat est magna laude dignum in illo homine sed valde est suspitiosum de socijs quod non mutenturin melius Proxima quaevis occasio eum dimittendi accipienda est

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 113

Quicquid ego potero prestabo pro viribus : sed quam opportunitatem in hac re habere potero meliorem quam antea ego non intelligo. Quicquid fuerit in hac causa et in omnibus Pater Alfonsus me semper habebit obedientissimum filium utinam in eo genere quo ego cuperemsi per haec tempora liceret. Commendo me vestris precibus humillime [item?] R. Patris Ministri et P. Goodi et P. Roberti Sothwelli devotionibus. Rhemis 8 Novemb. 1584.

V.R. filius et servus in Christo Richardus Barretus.

[P.S.] D. Frysonius pro parvo libro quem tradidi vestro nomine innumerabiles mittit gratias Idem facio pro meo Gloriosus Deus ubique in sanctis suis.

Cras

Locutus sum cum P. Marklando sicut me voluit V.R. conveniam D. Tirellum ut dicam illi quod debeo ex jussu V.R. de suo fratre [p. 3].

D. Elie scripsit ad P. Robertum de tortura et examinatione P. Benetti egregij confessoris praeclara quaedam.(4) Quando plura evenerint erintque ad nos perlata vel ipse idem faciet vel ego praestabo.

Rodolphus vester quem gloriosus martyr Campianus in suis literis olim vocaverat suum homulum quia corpore fuit tam parvo pusillo, in carcere Londinensi magnus ac praeclarus jam tandem , (post multos labores ac pericula) evasit confessor Et quis novit utrum martyrio sit coronandus (5) Detruditur in carcerem quem nostrates appellant Nugate et ibi cum latronibus detinetur in loco valde obscuro ac humili ut altius posset ad lucis aeternae claritatem quam primum hinc emigraverit evolare

[Addressedby Barret :] Admodum Rdo in Christo Patri P. Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu Collegij Anglorum Rectori.

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] 1584 Remis a D. Barretto 9 November.

De picturis nostris missis .

De 9. aliqua [i.e. Bagshaw].

De Fostero et Gratleo

De captura Rodulfi

Also in Grene's hand on front page: Romam. Dr. Barrett from Rheims to Rome. 1584. Nov. 8

[Translation :]

Very Reverend and ever venerated Father in Christ, Very manythanks for your small gifts, though perchanceIdo not rightly describeby such a slight and meagre term , what seems

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

to me of such great value And truth to tell, they were exceedingly acceptable to me on many grounds For in those very beautiful pictures I seem to see the greatest religious splendour and glory of your church and of all England.(1) For by this method, contrived by your singular care and devotion, the glorious struggle for Christ of our people may be more apparent to all, and more clearly depicted than they would be in the books in which these struggles are narrated. It is impossible to record in words what great pleasure this magnificent and splendid spectacleof devotion to religion has afforded the good and devout The sense of sight which is very keen, by seeing everything most clearly at one view , excites the ardour of devotion, more than if we came to know the same things by ear Hence it is that not only I myself, Reverend Father, but all ours who have a relish for and sense of religion, must ever be grateful and give you the highest thanks for such a remarkable illustration of the Church in England, and for the propagation and commendation of our cause to all nations: such thanks , I say, as we shall never be able to render. But it is the cause of Christ and He of his goodness and justice will repay you for what you have merited of us in this and in innumerable other matters. It was a most opportune and suitable time for the pictures to be sent and brought to Dr. Allen; for you should know, that the same hour his Eminence, the Cardinal of Guise, and his most distinguished brothers, the Dukes of Guise, Maineand Nevers, vouchsafed to the greatest consolation of all ours, to visit our poor establishment . Nothing, accordingly, could have been presented more acceptable to them, nothing which could give them greater pleasure, or more attract their hearts towards uswhich beforehand wereremarkablyinclined thatwaythan this gift ofReverend Father Alphonsus It roused their good will towards Dr. Allen as nothing else could have done .

From England there is nothing new Of the manner of Fr. [William] Crichton's capture and of Fr. [James] Gordon's escape,

I know you have already heard (2) Fr. Couling is at Douay, and report has it that he is to remain there for a year's study (3) Fr. [Edward] Gratley certainly went to England that time he pretended he was going to Pont-à-Mousson to Fr. [William] Gifford. The latter, with his new degree, we expect daily.

Idonot know whether Fr. [Seth] Foster will remain at Rouen or proceed straightway to England It may be he has changed his mind and so will make further trial in that religious community

All your students arrived safe and sound, at least as regards bodilyhealth, but [Stephen] Gossam, mentally unbalanced, it seems , immediately departed, so I hear, without greeting anyone . I have

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 115

great fear as to what will be the outcome. On the way here , he spoke openly of many matters, which aroused considerable suspicion.

That the conduct of 9 [Bagshaw] should be moderately good is worthy of praise in one of his nature, but considerable suspicion is arousedin that his companions show no improvement The very next opportunity for dismissing him should be seized With all vigour I shall do what I can, but what better opportunityI shall have in this case, than I had formerly, I do not see. Whatever course this matter takes, as in all others, Fr. Alphonsus willever find in me a most obedient son: would that it could be in the way I desire, did the times permit

Ivery humbly commend myself to your prayers and to those of Reverend Fr. Minister, Fr. [William] Good and Fr. Robert Southwell Rheims, 8 November 1584 .

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ Richard Barret

Mr. Frizon sends you countless thanks for the small book, which I handed to him in your name. The same I send you for my own copy. God is wonderful everywhere in his saints. I spoke to Fr. [Alexander] Markland, as your Reverence wished me to do. Tomorrow I shall see Mr. [Robert] Tyrrell, and say what must be said, according to your direction, about his brother [i.e. Fr. Anthony Tyrrell]

Dr. [Humphrey] Ely wrote to Fr. Robert [Southwell] some splendid things about the torture and examination of Fr. [John] Bennett, an outstanding confessor of the faith.(4) When further events shall be reported to us, I shall impart them to you.

Your Ralph [Emerson], whom the glorious martyr, Campion, was wont formerly, in his letters, to call his little man, because of his small stature, has in a London prison, after many labours and perils, become a great and distinguished confessor [of the faith], and who knows but that he is to receive a martyr's crown.(5) He is thrust into a prison called by ours, Newgate, and there he is kept with thieves in a dark and low cell, that as soon as he escapes from it, he may hasten to a higher heaven, and see the clarity of eternal light

(1) These pictures were evidently representations of the paintings of the English martyrs which decoratedthe walls of the College church in Rome , and which had been paid for by a benefaction from George Gilbert in 1582 or 1583. (Foley, Records III, p 683 and VI, p 109.)

(2) Concerning the capture of Crichton and Gordon in August or September 1584, cf. L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, 1964, p 23, note 72

(3) It is uncertain who was here in question Richard Couling, later a Jesuit, was not ordained until 1587.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

(4) John Bennett was sent to England from Rheims on 2 May 1580 (Knox, D.D., p 165) He was captured in Worcestershire with four laymen, and all were publicly tortured during several days (cf. Persons to Ribadeneira, Paris [10 September 1584], C.R.S. 39, p 232, and notes) Bennett was banished in September 1585. He was admitted to the Society at Verdun 6 September1586, and returned to England in 1590, where he worked until his death in 1625. (Knox, D.D. p 208; Foley, Records VII.)

(5) Ralph Emerson , Jesuit lay brother, who had already been in England with Persons and Campion, returned as companion to William Weston He was arrested very shortly after their arrival , when trying to recover some cases of books which they had brought with them. Though several times moved, he suffered rigorous imprisonment, without trial, for 19 years, and was finally banished after James I's accession He died 12 March 1604 (Foley, Records III, p. 17-37.)

45.

ALLEN

TO AGAZZARI

Rheims, 9 January 1585 .

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f 13. Holograph

Reverende Pater in Christo,

Amantissime collega, vehementer animo angor, quod ex unis aut alteris vestris intelligam nostras non adeo tuto cito ac frequenter ad vos his mensibus venisse, unde sit error sane nescio; ego nunquam scripsi saepius aut fusius; nec illo toto tempore quemque, qui literas Parisios perferre recte potuerit, praetermisi. Covertum, ut curam literarum imprimis ad vos nostrarum habeat semper admoneo expressissime. Vestras vero per totum annum recipio certissime et ordinatissime, unde mihi continua consolatio, tam magna ut facileintelligam quam aegre feratis si vicissim nostrae desideratis. Et hoc certe commercio pleno solatii utriusque collegii res consistit. In qua re tantum pono momenti ut Coverto coactus sim hoc anno augere stipendium donecredieritBayleusnoster, nam tum forsan cogar eum dimittere , ipso imprimis hoc rogante, et alium [sic alius] qui minori molimine et pretio majori laboret, subibit, quemque ut ingenue fateor, est valde diligens, nostri patrumque mirum in modum amans, et in nostris nunc rebus bene exercitatus Sed de his [p. 2] satis; Et de omnibus hujusmodi rebus expectabo a Bayleo et P. Thomas Martia [sic] plenam satisfactionem (1) Venit enim nudius tertius praedictus pater vir vere Israelita a Patre Personio huc directus ut cum nostro iter capessat. Erunt Romae si deo placuerit ante initium quadragesimae. Utinam ipse una[cum] possem ad mutuam consolationem et instruction[em]. Mortuus est hic in vigilia Epiphaniae, Hubertus ille qui nuper cum tribus sacerdotibus aegrotus venit, habebat ille pensionem 6 ut opinor aureorum; multum debet huic collegio : si aliquid ille debeatur a Domino Thesaurario spero quod in illum obitus diem accipietis. D. Polus multum prae omnibus quaeritur de miseria

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 117

suaet de tardiori pensionis solutione quam ejus miseriae requirunt. Habet uxorem et liberos, dicitque sibi deberi multos menses . Multum nobis talessunt molesti sicutet vobis; sed debemus aliorum infirmitatis sustinere

Est quoque hic alius bonus vir in charitate Tristramus Wensladus qui et ille habet provisionem ut scitis, saltem R. Pater confessarius norit: nescio quot scutorum Cupit per me sibi satisfieri, sed de eo quod scitis nihil dixistis

De pecunia illius juvenis qui mortuus est Patavi significabo ac satisfaciam patri et ceteris quorum interest [p.3]

In hoc ordinum conventu qui nunc Londini coactus est , omnia ab hostibus ecclesiae fient contra nos nostrumque institutum ac conatus de restituenda religione, quae ab humano ingenio excogitari poterunt Quae autem et qualia futura sint intra paucos dies intelligemus, sed quaecumque sint sine dubio contra divinum consiliumnihil praevalebunt, nec nostrum cursum quicquam impedient, si necessaria , eaque non magna pecunia non desit

Homines enim (Deo gratias) nunquam habuimus promptiores, pater Robertus et ego nunquam speravimus magis, nunquam hoc onus alacrius gestavimus Potentissimi et maximi quique in Anglia indies se ecclesiae dedunt etsi ad tempus nomina divulgare non conveniat Nostros omnes salutare jubeo ex animo. Valete in domino dilectissimi

Rhemis 9 Januarii 1585 .

R.P.V. charissimus collega

G. Alanus.

[Addressed by Allen:] AdmodumRdo in Christo Patri P. Alfonso [Agazza]rio, Collegii Anglorum [de Ur]be Rectori dignissimo

[Seal mark] Romae.

[Endorsed:] +85

Rhemis a D. Alano 9 Januarii Conqueritur de literis suis ad me non portatis et de Coverto , de morte Huberti de magna spe et de conversione magnatum.

[Translation :]

Reverend Father in Christ,

I am extremely distressed, most beloved colleague, to understand from one or other letter of yours, that ours have not come to you safely, quickly or frequently enough during these last months, but where the fault lies I certainly do not know I have never written more often or at greater length, nor in all this time

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

have I let pass unused anyone, who could properly convey letters to Paris. I always most expressly remind [Thomas] Covert to take especialcare of our letters to you I receiveyours, infact, throughout theyear very safely and most regularly They are such a great and continual consolation to me, that I can easily understand how hardly you take it if, in turn, you wish for ours. And certainly there is profit for both Colleges in this mutual communication, which is full of solace . I value this matter so highly that I am obliged this year to augment Covert's payment until our [Thomas] Bailey returns [from Rome], for then, perhaps, I shall be forced to release him, as he himself has especially demanded it, and another will succeed him, who may take less pains and be more costly. For he [Covert], as I candidly confess, is exceedingly diligent, and wonderfully well-affected to ours and to the Fathers, and is by now well versed in our affairs. But enough of these matters: and concerning all things of this sort I will await full satisfaction from Bailey and Fr. Thomas Marshall (1) For the day before yesterday the said Father, a true Israelite, arrived, directed here by Fr. Persons to undertake the journeywith ourman. They will be in Rome, if it pleases God, before the beginning of Lent. Wouldthat I myself could be with you for our mutual consolation and information.

Here there died on the vigil of the Epiphanythat Hubert, who recently arrived here sick, with three priests. He had, I believe a pension of 6 gold crowns He owes much to this College; if he is owed anything by Mr. Treasurer, I hope that you will receive iton thedayofhis visit. More than all others, Mr. Pole complains a lot about his wretchedness , and of the great delay in the payment of his pension which his miserable state requires He has a wife and children and says he has not been paid for many months Such men are very troublesome to us, as they are to you, but weought to bear withthe infirmitiesof others.

There is here also another well-intentioned man, Tristram Winslade, who also has provision , as you know, or at least Rev. Fr. Confessor will know: I do not know how many crowns He desires to obtain satisfaction at my hands, but you have told me nothing that you know about him.

I will let you know about the money of that youth who died at Padua, and will satisfy his father and others who are interested.

In this gathering of the orders [i.e. Parliament] which is now met in London, everything which can be devised by human intelligence will be done by the enemies of the Church against us and our institution and efforts to restore religion However, what they will be, we shall learn within a few days; but whatever they are, nothing, without doubt, shall prevail against God's plan, nor

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 119

will they in any way hinder our course, if necessities , and no great amount of money, are not lacking.

For, God be thanked, we have never had more eager men: Fr. Robert [Persons] and I have never had greater hopes, nor borne this burden with greater joy Persons of the most powerful , and of the greatest in England, have daily given themselves to the Church, although for the time being it is not opportune to divulge their names I bid you salute all ours from my heart . Farewell in the Lord, most beloved.

Rheims, 9 January 1585.

Your Reverence'smost dear colleague W. Allen.

(1) Dr. Thomas Bailey, at this time vice-president of the College, left Rheims to visit Rome on 17 January 1585. He went chiefly for religious reasons , but also to deal with important people about College affairs (Cf. No. 47 infra; Knox, D.D. p 203) He returned to the College late in September 1585 (cf. No. 70 infra) One of his companions on the journey was Thomas Marshall, who had become a Jesuit at Louvain in 1575. He taught at Douay for nine years, before being called to Paris in 1584 to go with Weston to England Persons, however, did not consider him suitable for this assignment , and he was instead sent to Rome to become confessor in the English College there Owing to ill health he appears to have filled this post only intermittently He died in 1589. (Cf. C.R.S. 39 , various pages; Foley, Records VIII) Bailey is entered in the Hospice Pilgrim Book under 1 March 1585 (Foley, Records VI, p 556)

46. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Rheims, 14 January 1585.

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f. 19. Holograph

Admodum Reverende Pater.

Pax Christi.

Una cum vestris 18 Decembris datis venerunt etiam literae Rmi Domini Referendarii Audoeni nostri,(1) qui cum multa pro suo in me antiquissimo amore de rebus suis commemorasset , quae mihi solidam attulerunt laetitiam, addidit etiam illud, se a V. Reverentia humanissime ac amantissime in Collegium receptum ibique ad auxilium et consolationem suam tratatum amore syncerissimo quod certe commemoravit gratissimis verbis

Ego vero tantam animorum conjunctionem vehementissime approbo, et perpetuam fore non dubito. Est ille homo gratissimus et ad gratiam natus, quique rationes vestras et nostras et vult et potest summopere juvare.

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Bayleus meus nunc est in procinctu, erit vobiscum per dei gratiam in principio quadragesimae; per illum scietis omnia quae denobis desideratis; et ipse aget meo quoque nomine cum scholaribus secundum sensum vestrum in omnibus.

Quo etiam in statu res nostrae sint ipse explicabit copiose, tamen est homo potentior opere quam sermone .

Ille duacensis Lentalerius (2) nunquam solvit quod saepe dixi vobis.

Humillimam cupio salutem Rmo Patri meo P. Generali, et dicat ipsi V.R. a me, P. Heywodium bene et constanter se gerere, atque utiliter ad suam et aliorum salutem [p. 2] etiam in illis vinculis vivere. Alterum vero filium suum qui adhuc liber est, incredibiliter proficere et multos cepisse pisces eosquebene magnos quos propter causas nominare nolo Dicitur se prudentissime et piissime in omnibus gerere De P. vero Roberto Personio, quia ille saepius scribit ad vos de omnibus nihil dico; hoc solum addo ipsum non solum esse patriae sed mihi magis ac magis necessarium indies Magnum est nobis apertum ostium, sed adversarii etiam multi Bene vale mi Pater in Christo desideratissime. Remis raptim 14 Januarii 1585.

Vester totus G. Alanus

[Addressed by Allen:] Admodum R.P. Alfonso Rectori Collegii

[Seal mark] Anglorum . Romae

[Endorsed:] + 1585. Remis a D. Alano 19 [sic] Januarii

De laetitia ex conjunctione cum Audoeno

De pecunia Lent non soluta

De commendatione Gasp Westoni et Personii

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father, Pax Christi.

A letter of our most reverend Referendary Owen [Lewis] arrived at the same time as yours dated 18 December.(1) Since he mentioned many things concerning his affairs, in the spirit of his very old love for me, his letter has brought me real joy. He also added this, that he had been received at the College most courteously and affectionately by your Reverence , and was there to his good and consolation treated with most sincere love , as , indeed , he recounted with most grateful words.

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 121

Icertainly very greatly approve of such union of minds , and do not doubt that it will always endure. He is a most agreeable man and by nature kind, and one who both wishes, and is able in the highest degree to assist your affairs and mine.

My [Thomas] Bailey is now in readiness for departure, and will be with you, by the grace of God, at the beginning of Lent. From him you will learn all that you desire about us, and he will also act in my name with the scholars, according to your mind in all things. He will also explain at length in what state are our affairs, though he is a man more mighty in deed than in word .

That Douay man, Lentalerius,(2) never paid [the money], as I have often toldyou.

I desire most humbly to salute my most reverend Father, Fr. General [Aquaviva], and will your Reverence tell him from me that Fr. [Jasper] Heywood behaves well and constantly, and even in prison bears himself well for his own salvation and that of others: but his other son, [i.e. William Weston] who up to now is free, makes incredible progress and has caught many fishes , and those very big ones, who for good reasons I do not wish to name . He is said to behave in all matters with great prudence and piety. I say nothing, however, about Fr. Robert Persons , because he very often writes to you about everything: this only I add, that he is daily more and more indispensable, not only to his country, but to me. The door is wide open to us, but the adversariesaremany. Farewell, my most beloved Father in Christ Rheims, in haste, 14 January 1585

Yours wholly, W. Allen

(1) Immediately after the death of [St.] Charles Borromeo in Milan on 14 November 1584, Dr. Lewis, who had been one of his Vicars General since the middle of 1580 (C.R.S. 39, p 8, note 6), returned to Rome. His arrival is noted in the Pilgrim Book on 9 December 1584 (Foley, Records VI, p 556)

(2) This appears to be a citizen of Douay, to whom money was lent by Agazzari early in 1582, and who was to have repaid the amount into Allen's hands There are several references to his failure to do so (cf. Knox, Allen, pp 128, 156, 160, 163 , 184).

47. ALLEN TO

AGAZZARI

Rheims, 17 January 1585.

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f 16. Holograph.

Admodum Reverende Pater.

Pax Christi

Frustra in hujus viri qui ista dabit rebus commendationem quidquam scripsero, nec etiam opus erit de aliis multa loqui, cum

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

ille sit epistola nostra in qua potestis cor meum legere, cui non solum vestram paternitatem sed omnes alumnos vestros , filios meos qui in illo collegio sunt cupio de rebus suis ac nostris ita adhibere fidem, sicut mihi ipsi.

De statu autem collegii hujus partim sua experientia partim nostra instructione ita venit exacte informatus , ut ab ipso quidvis in hoc genere sciri queat.

Ad urbem (sicut per literas semel aut iterum antea admonui P. vestram), devotionis causa maxime venit; cujus desiderio ita multis annis flagravit, ut nisi re semel perfecta nunquam potuerit conquiescere Interea tamen si quid potest efficere apud patronos nostros, ut latius succurrant in futurum hujus collegii rationibus , ne succumbamustantooneri et tam Reipublicae nostraeet ecclesiae necessario operi, operam praestabit suam, qui tamen sine vestro consilio et adjumento nec tentabitnec promovebit quidquam. R.D. Audoeno utetur etiam ut spero, admodum propitio, et maxime omnium Rmo. Patre Generali, cum uterque summe nos nostrumque in domino profecto amet In ea epistola quam scribo ad Illustrissimum Comensem planum facio hoc collegium non posse ad eam certam rationem quam a nobis servandam scripsit; cujus epistolae exemplar misiad vos per D. Bayleum hunc, itidemque et chartulam aliam continentem statum Collegii , et commercii nostri cum Anglis;(1) ex quibus duobus scriptis potest formare breve memoriale [p.2] ad papam vel saltem coram dici quod videbitur ad rem magis pertinere; sicut fortassis Comensis ipse literas ad se meas suae Sanctitati luget, neque tam laborandum censeo ut pontifex magnam aliquam annuam stipem supereroget, quam ut modum aliquem inveniat nobis succurrendi, ne opus tam necessarium et Sedi Apostolicae coram deo et hominibus gloriosum labascerepro tantilla pecunia sinat

Sed haec omnia deo et vobis commendo et committo , atque etiam socios D. Baylei optimos viros humanitati itidem vestrae consolandos et juvandos trado:(2)

Quamquam de optimo P. Thoma viro vere religioso non est opus quicquam addere; solum illi de me meaque erga V. charitatem voluntate, quam ipse quasi coram Deo patefeci, credite omnino.

Cisilium factum sacerdotum, si verum sit quod audio(3) vehementer in Domino et ipsius et nostra et patriae causa laetor, salutem ipsi et caeteris collegis suis omnibus, quam et Bayleus a me singulis prolixe coram faciet, maxime patribus confessario ministro caeterisque omnibus Quam vellem vobiscum esse per unam non dico diem, nam non esset ad animum meum neque forsan ad vestrum satis, sed ad totam septimanam Sed corde et

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 123

spiritu ero vobiscum semper Vale millies in Domino mi Pater Rhemis 17 Januarii 1585

V.R.P. filius amantissimus G. Alanus

[Addressed by Allen:] Admodum Rdo. in Christo Patri P. Alfonso Agazario Collegii Anglorum Rectori [? aman]tissimo

[No seal mark .] Romae.

[Endorsed:] Alanus 17 Jan. 1585. Cum Bayleio De negotiis Collegii D.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father.

There will be no point in my writing anything to commend the affairs of the man [Dr. Bailey] who will give you this letter, nor indeed will it be necessary to say many things about other matters, since he himselfis our letter, in which you can read my heart . I desire not only your Reverence , but also all yourstudents, my sons , who are in that College, to give him the same confidence in his and our affairs, as would be accorded to me .

He comes, indeed, so accurately informed about the state of this College, partly by his own experience, partly by my instruction, that any informationin this matter may be gleanedfromhim.

As I have by letter more than once before warned your Reverence , hecomesto the City [Rome] chiefly for the sakeofdevotion. He has been consumed by this desirefor so many years, thatwithout having made the pilgrimage once, he could not have been at peace. Meanwhile, however, if he can achieve anything with our patrons, so that they come to our aid more extensively in the future in the affairs of this College, in order that we may not give way under such a great burden and labour so necessary to our country and to the Church, he will do all he can Without your counsel and help he will, nevertheless , not attempt or initiate anything He will also employ the service not only of Rev. Dr. Owen [Lewis], who I hope will give great support to our cause , but aboveall of Rev. Fr. General [Aquaviva ], for both have, indeed , great affection in the Lord for us and our cause . In that letter whichI write to the most Illustrious Cardinalof Como, I make it clear thatthis College cannot be kept to that definite number which he wrote that we were to observe. I have sent you a copy of the letter by this Dr. Bailey, and in the same way another paper containing the stateof the College, and ofourdealingswith Englishmen,(1) From these two writings a short memorial to the Pope

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

can be drawn up, or at least that can be said to him in person, whichseems most to the point, just as, perhaps, Como himselfwill lament to his Holiness about my letter to him. I do not think we should strive so much to get the Pope to add another large annual donation, as to find some means of helping us, rather than permit a work so necessary and in the sight of God and men so glorious to the Apostolic See , to fail on account of so small an amount of money.

But all these things I commend and commit to God and to you, and I also commend to your kindness Dr. Bailey's companions, most excellent men, that they may find consolation and aid.(2)

Although there is no need to add anything concerning the excellent Fr. Thomas [Marshall], a truly religious man, give but credenceto him about me and my great regard for your charity, for I have expressed the same to him in person.

If it is true what I hear, [John] Cecil has been made priest:(3) I rejoice exceedingly in the Lord for his own and ours and our country's sake Baileywill make my salutation to him and to all the rest of his colleagues , and at length, when he sees them personally, and will give my greetings above all to Fr. Confessor, Fr. Minister, and all the others Would that I could be with you, I willnot say for one day, for that wouldnot satisfy my desire , nor perhaps yours, but for a whole week. But in heart and spirit I shall always be with you. A thousand farewells in the Lord, my Father Rheims, 17 January 1585

Your Reverence's most loving son , W. Allen

(1) Cf. Allen to Como, Rheims, 16 January 1585, Knox, Allen, pp 244-6 The other paper mentioned has not been discovered . (2) The third man of the party was Robert Tempest [the Elder], Licentiate of Laws, who had been ordained in 1584 (Knox, D.D., pp 12, 203) For some years after this he appears to have lived in Paris, but in December 1594 he was on the staff at Douay (cf. Appendix B infra) (3) John Cecil had been ordained on 16 December 1584 (Vicariate Register)

48. ALLEN TO GREGORY XIII Rheims, 20 January 1585 .

A. V. Inghilterra I, f 414. Autograph signature Beatissime Pater.

Quoniam propter peccata nostra, exilij istius incolatus est diutius prolongatus quam speravimus, et sanctissima erga patriam nostram infaelicem consilia ac desideria vestra, apertissimo dei in

gentem peccatricem judicio, hactenus improdicta sunt, in plures indies miserias animique et corporis majores necessitates ut incidamus est necesse.

Quibus,licetin tanto omnium Ecclesiarum solicitudine et infinita in personas et nationes afflictas largitate, facile videamus Sanctitatem Vestram non posse undique succurrere; nosque prae cunctis mortalibus qui per apostolicam vestram beneficentiam vivunt, minime importunos esse debere; tamen filius ac famulus cum sim tuus (Beatissime Papa) tuaque sanctissima voluntati ac obsequio ad populi Britannici liberationem vitam et vires meas omnes aeternumdevoverim, non debui non ea de nostris hujusque Collegij rebus ac difficultatibus suggerere , quae ad tantum nationis bonum multorumque salutem promovendum, ac impendentium miseriarum depulsionem pertinere videantur : (1) ut si votis nostris plene satisfieri non queat, saltem Beatitudinis Vestrae sapientissimo moderamine et mandato, zelo officijsque in patriam Ecclesiamquenostram meis modus imposterum (quod erit in tanto amore difficile) praescribatur, consolationibusque dei et vestris in futuris miserijs latificemur.

Rogo ergo Beatitudinem Vestram per viscera misericordiae dei nostri, ut ea dignetur consyderare quae partim scripsi Illustrissimo Domino meo Cardinali Comensi, partim fusius commemorabit praesentium lator; (2) qui, ut perpetuus laborum meorum socius et in administratione Collegij fidelissimus coadjutor, verum nostrarum statum omnem optime novit, syncerissimeque referet. Per quem etiam humillime postulo ut possem sanctissimos pedes exosculari, ac apostolicam vestram benedictionem mihi meisque accipere.

Christus Optimus Max. te diu sanctissimeGregori Pater beatum faciat in terra, et postea faelicissimorum praedecessorumtuorum consortium conjungat in caelo . Rhemis 20 Januarij 1585.

[In Allen's hand:] SanctissimaePaternitatis Vestrae Obedientissimus filius et servus

Gulielmus Alanus.

[Addressed by Allen:] Sanctissimo Domino Gregorio XIII suo clementissimo

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] 85. XX Januarij Rhemis.

Doctor Gulielmus Alanus. Pro suppetijs Collegio Rhemenseferendis

[Translation :] Most Holy Father.

Since on account of our sins, our stay in this exile of ours has been prolonged more than we hoped, and our most sacred plans

ALLEN TO GREGORY XIII

and your desires for our unhappy country have, up to now, by the most clear decree of God against a sinful nation, yielded no result, we have of necessity daily incurred further afflictions and greater needs

Such being the case, though on account ofyour great solicitude for all the churches and your boundless largesse to distressed persons and nations, we easily understand that your Holiness cannot provide help everywhere, and that we of all people who live on your apostolic beneficence , should on no account be importunate, yet as I am your son and servant, most blessed Father, and in accordance with your most holy will have, in obedienceto it, continuously devoted my life and strength to the liberation of the English people, I ought not to neglect to inform you of our affairs and those of this College, and of the difficult circumstances in which they are placed: for these things appear to concern the progress of so much benefit to the nation, the salvation of many souls, and the overcoming of the miseries that threaten us (1) If, then, you are not able to satisfy fully our desires, we beseech your Holiness that by your management and decree, some due measure may in future be prescribed for our zeal and efforts for our church and nationwhich, seeing our great love for it, will be most difficult and that, in our future afflictions, we may be gladdened by the consolations that God and you afford us.

Ibeseech your Holiness, therefore, by the merciful heart of God, to vouchsafe to consider what, in part, I have writtento his most Illustrious Eminence, the Cardinal of Como, and what, in part, the bearer of this letter will relate at greater length.(2) As a constant companion of my labours, and a most faithful assistant in the administration of the College, he has excellent knowledge of the true state of our affairs, and will give a most sincereaccount of them . Throughhim, also, I beg the opportunityof kissing your most sacred feet, and obtaining for myself and mine your apostolic benediction

May Christ, our Lord, confer on you on earth long and holy prosperity, and after this life join you in heaven to thefellowship of your most happy predecessors . Rheims, 20 January 1585.

The most obedient son and servant of your most sacred Paternity, William Allen.

(1) An excellent account of the continual financial difficulties which beset the College at Rheims in the decade 1580-1590 is given by L. Hicks, S.J. , Fr. Persons, S.J. and the Seminaries in Spain , Part I, The Month, March 1931. Gregory XIII's response to Allen's appeal in this present letter appears to have been most discouraging(cf. No. 61 infra)

ALLEN TO GREGORY XIII 127

(2) Dr. Bailey This letter, and that to Aquavivia of the same date, were probably two of those sent in a separate packet, which are mentioned in Allen's letter to Agazzari of 29 January 1585 (infra)

*49 ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA. 20 January 1585 .

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.ff.73-73v Grene's extract

Nella lettera di Alano al P. GeneraleClaudio Coierunt ordines

Londini ea pene sola causa, ut cursum officiorum nostrorum interrumpant Leges meditantur crudelissimas, et impijssimas de occidendis, deportandis, coercendis sacerdotibus Acturi putantur vehementissime cum Rege Christianissimo, in quadam solemni Legatione, ut e finibus suis Collegium jubeat discedere; ne juvenes ad Collegium ex Insula veniant, neve ad suos hinc revertantur. Parentes , et tutores omnes gravissimis propositis paenis terrent, ne quisquam sub proscriptionis omnium bonorum, et perpetui carceris paena, ullum ex societate vel seminarijs presbiterum, aut alumnum in domum recipiat, mandatur. Capitale denique facturi dicuntur, ut quisquam pecuniam aliquam vel nobis mittat, vel ad Sacerdotum in Anglia sustentationem conferat (1) 20 Januarij 1585 .

[Translation :] From the letter of Allen to Fr. General Claudio [Aquaviva ]. Parliament has assembledat London almost for the sole reason of stopping the progress of our affairs: they are taking thought about most cruel and impious laws for killing, deporting and repressingpriests. They are believed to be about to put great pressure on the most Christian King [of France], through some official embassy , to order the College to depart from his territories , so that youths may not come to the College from the island, nor return hence to their families . They are threatening parents and all teacherswith the most grave penalties which are proposed, and an order is made that no one receive into his house any priestof the Society or from the Seminaries, or any student, under pain of the loss of all his property and perpetual imprisonment. They are said to be about to make it a capital offence, for anyone to send us any money, or to give it for the sustaining of priests in England.(2) 20 January 1585 .

(1) The notorious Act against Jesuits Seminary Priests and such other like disobedient Persons did not receive the Queen's assent until the Parliamentary session ended on 29 March 1585. Its members had assembled on 23 November 1584. Allen had evidently received reports of the discussions in progress or completed, and his short summary of the proposals is remarkably accurate (cf. J. Neale, Elizabeth I and her Parliaments, II, 1957 , various pages), though it by no means embraces all the details which finally reached the statutebook (Statutes of the Realm, 1819 edit. pp. 706-8).

ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

There is no reference in the extant documentsto a special official embassy from Elizabeth to Henry III on the subject of the seminaries at this time, though a priest, named Diconson, and two laymen were sent to France with government letters containing the sentence of banishment, before the first 21 persons were deported on 21 January 1585 (cf. Note 2, No. 52 infra).

50. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Rheims, 29 January 1585 .

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f 18. Holograph

Admodum

Reverende Pater,

Mi charissime collega, circa hoc tempus appellent uti spero et opto noster Bayleius et socii, per quos scripsi de omnibus plenius, nec quidquam quod addam occurrit, cum post ipsorum discessum in rebus nostris nihil novi occurrat, ex Anglia etiam adhuc nihil, de illius parlamenti decretis, quae tristissima secundum saeculum nobis fore putantur, saltem extremos adhibebunt conatus ut hunc quem his annistenuimus cursum impediant aut etiam prorsustollant Sec quicquid parturiant homines athei, per deum elidemus partus impietatis ad petram. Multoque magis timemus de inopia et rei domesticae angustiis quam de peccatorum licet potentissimorum adversusChristum consiliis, neque enim possuntleges multo truculentiores condere quam prius potuerunt , quae sanguinesanctorum facile abrogentur.

Hunc fasciculum literarum cupio occlusum servari donec Bayleus noster veniat et Pater Martialis; in quo sunt variae literae per ipsos tradendae: Scripsi enim ad papam, protectorem, Comensem, D. Datarium, et Patrem Generalem,ut ipsum inprimis Bayleum magis commendatum in negotis suis pro nobis peragendis reddam. Si quid deerit ipsi pecuniarum ad vitam et res illic necessarias , [p. 2] vestra (non dubium) charitas suppeditabit ; ipsum quoque in omnibus gubernabit juvabitque ut ea quae postulat, assequatur.

De 300 A quae cum literis vestris 18 decembris scriptis fecistis , Covertus respondebit, ut de illis aut aliis pecuniariis rationibus non sit opus jam scribere.

Ille senex propheta Wittingtonus (1) profectus est in Scotiam in impetu spiritus sui, sed plus debet quam ex pensione recipiet; et puto miserum senem reversurum in Galliam propediem.

P. Claudius (2) non comparet adhuc; D. Frizonius multum gavisus est de illa dispensationepro Comitissa; nobis quoque bene accidit, quia bona matrona dedit mihi in laetitia sua pro collegio 100 Δ.

Est quidam juvenis Rhemensisillic in urbe nomine Robilliardus, proquo mihi dedit idem D. Frizonius viginti aureos; rogo V. Pater-

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 129

nitatem ut dignetur eidem juveni totidem ibi solvere et ego ratum habebo. Accipite quaeso ab omnibus hujusmodi duplicem quittentiam ut alteram mihi mittatis ut satisfaciam amicis ipsorum qui mihi mittendam pecuniam dederunt, alteram ut reserveris vobis Quid praeterea dicam, nunc nescio; sed cupio quam primum scire de [p. 3] fratrum nostrorum ad urbem appulsu; id erit nobis omnibus jucundissimum.

Salve et vale in Domino diutissime mi pater amantissime Rhemis 29 Januarii 1585.

V.R.P. devotissimus frater et filius

G. Alanus

[Addressedby Allen:] AdmodumRdo in Christo patri P. Alfonso Rectori collegii Anglorum Romae.

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] + 1585. Rhemis 29 Januarii ab Alano.

De literis ad Baileum

De 20 solvendis Robilliardo

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father , F.

About this time, as I hope and desire, my most dear colleague, our [Thomas] Bailey and his companionswillbe arriving, by whom I have written very fully about all matters Nor has anything occurred for me to add, since after their departure nothing new has happened concerning our affairs, not even , up to now, anything from England about the decrees of the present Parliament, which it is thought will be most severe for us, according to this world's ideas, for they will certainly employ the most extreme means to halt, or even entirely to destroy the course which we have pursued these last years. But whatever atheistical men may conceive, through God's help we will shatter on the rock the offspring of impiety. We are muchmore afraid of want and domestic straits, than of the stratagemsof evil men, even the most powerful, against Christ, for they cannot make laws much more cruel than they were able hitherto to do, which are easily rendered void by the blood of the saints

I desirethe enclosedpacket of letters to be kept until our Bailey and Fr. [Thomas] Marshall arrive: in it are various letters to be delivered by them. For I have written to the Pope, the Protector, the Cardinalof Como, the Datary, and to Fr. General [Aquaviva], to effect the greater recommendation, especially of Baileyhimself, in the carrying out of his business for us . If he should lack any

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

money there for living expenses and necessary affairs, your charity, doubtless, will supply him, and will guide him, also, in all things, and will help him to obtain what he asks for.

Concerning the 300 crowns which you transmitted with your letter written 18 December, [Thomas] Covert will answer, so that there is no need to write about them or other money matters

That old prophet [John] Wittington(1) has gone to Scotland on the impulse of his spirit, but he owes more than he will receive from his pension; and I think that the wretched old man will return to France ere long

Fr. Claudius [Matthieu , S.J.](2) has not appeared up to now . Mr. Frizon is very pleased at that dispensation on behalf of the Countess, and it did us good also, for the good woman in her joy, gave me 100 crowns for the College.

There is a certain young man of Rheims therein the City named Robilliard, for whom the same Mr. Frizon gave me twenty gold crowns: I request your Reverence to be pleased to pay that sum to the youth and I will settle up with you Obtain I beseech you, double receipts from all persons of this kind, so that you may send one to me for me to satisfy their friends, who gave me the money to send , and may keep the other yourself . What more I may say , I do not at present know, but I do desire to know as soon as possible of the arrival of our brethren in the City: that will be most agreeableto us all

Greetings and long life in the Lord, my beloved Father. Rheims, 29 January 1585.

Your Reverence's most devoted brother and son , W. Allen.

(1) Of John Wittington (or Whittington ) the only information now surviving is that he arrived, as an old man of over 60, at Rheims on 1 June 1582, and left for Rome two months later, where he stayed at the English Hospice for twelve days from 27 September 1582. (Knox, D.D., pp 187, 189; Foley, Records VI, p 553.)

(2) Claude Matthieu, S.J. , who had been Provincial of the Aquitaine Province in 1571 , and of the French Province for eight years from 1574 , had at this time gone to Rome to represent his province as procurator. (Cf. C.R.S. 39, p 257.)

*51 ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Stonyhurst, Coll M. f 125v Grene's note 13 February 1585

Alanus ad Agazarium 13 Febr. 1585 et alias saepe hoc anno nihil fere scribit nisi de rebus pecuniarijs aut domesticis parvi

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

momenti. Innumeras fere similes alias ejus literas hic omitto. 131 [Translation :] Allen to Agazzari, 13 February 1585 , and elsewhere often during this year, wrote almost nothing except about money matters, or domestic affairs of small moment I here omit innumerable other almost similar letters of his.

*52. ALLEN TO [THE CARDINAL OF COMO?] (1)

Rheims, 20 February 1585

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f 19. Contemporary extract. Ex Litteris D. Alani datis Remis.

Qui rem Anglicam pro regina administrant , post acerbiora omnia ut progressusnostrorum impediant frustra pertentata, novo tandem et admirabili apud nos consilio ac exemplo, ex singulis quibusque Londini ergastulis, non omnes , sed certos eosque praecipuos sacerdotes , in universum viginti et laicum unum , jubentper custodeseorum carcerum in quibus detinebantur ad navem quamdam in Thamesi preparatam deduci, et in Franciam deportari : id factum est die 21 Januarii secundum veterem quam illic adhuc tenent, supputationem. Antequam conscenderunt navem, nostri quantum poterant verbis, et rationibus restiterunt, affirmantes se sine judicio et condemnatione in exilium mitti non debere , sed non sunt auditi: post biduum tamen, in altum enim delati qui illos deportabant, ostenderunt diploma quoddam Regium aliquot consiliariorum chirographis munitum ,(2) in quo post mentionem conspirationis istorum in Reginam, continebatur sententia exilii, et clementiae Reginae ac in ipsos misericordiae insignis commemoratio, cum hac tandem admonitione , ut si unquam sine licentia in patriam redeant, fore ut extremo supplicio more afficiantur

Presbyteri, cum falsi criminis objectionem et denegatum in Patriam reditumanimadverterunt , unanimesclamabant sibigravissimam injuriam fieri ac nullius in principem perduellionis esse consciosex ipsis plurimos nunquam de hoc capite accusatos, quosdam etiam plane publico judicio absolutos,(3) neque se posse quidquam de non redeundo in Angliam polliceri, cum in vita et religione superiores haberent quorum arbitrio actiones suas moderari debeant.

Obsecrabant proinde ductores suos ut liceat Londinumreverti, et ibi de criminibus istis judicio legitimo contendere, se Catholicos sacerdotesesse , religionis causa in patriam a praefectis suismissos, exilium volentes non acceptare, sed cupere in patria pro fide pati, nec agnoscere ullam in hac sententia exilii aut misericordiam, aut equitatem. Haec et similia dicentes confessores Christi nihil profecerunt sed post aliquot dies ducti sunt in Gallias [p.2]

ALLEN TO [THE CARDINAL OF COMO?]

Ex his aliqui nunc ad me venerunt, reliqui his diebus venturi sunt, partim quia non habent ubi ad tempus alibi alantur, partim ut de reliqua vitaet actionibus consilium capiant, partim et maxime utderestituenda re spiritualiquare non leviter hac istorum ejectione domi impeditur, deliberemus .

Atque sane nisi brevi compensemusistud damnum largissimo supplemento, nimis de hoc suo arificio novo triumfabuntadversarii, nimisque dolebunt Catholici qui aegerrime dicuntur ferre hoc stratagemate sibi optimos patres ablatos

Et nos hic possumuspraeter eos qui ex urbe mittenturquatuordecim vel sedecim si opus sit, dare in illam messem sed hoc mihi nunc non constat, nec quidquam ausim de ea re, nisi ex suae Sanctitatis voluntate et mandato, statuere, utrum isti ipsi qui nunc ejecti sunt, vel ex eis aptiores quique remittendi sint ad opus dominicum , nam ipsi se reversuros sine exceptione interminatae mortis aut quorumcumque periculorum ad superiorum arbitrium profitentur.

Neque fortasse pejor erit istorum quam aliorum presbyterorum conditio, cum putetur legibus hujus parlamenti novis futurum capitale, ut quis sacerdotem quemvis in domum recipiat.(4)

Sed hoc [non](5) incertum est, ut quicquid statuant , non deerunt qui ingrediantur presbyteri lubentissime, non deerunt qui hospitium et necessaria tribuant quique deo magis quam hominibus obediant

[Endorsed:] Copia literarum D. Alani de expulsione 21 [sic] sacerdotum 1585 20 Feb.

Ratio ejiciendi sacerdotes ex Anglia

[Translation :]

From a letter of Allen dated at Rheims

After having tried in vain all the bitterest means to hinder our progress, at length, by what is to us a new and strange counsel and precedent, those who administer English affairs for the Queen are ordering, from certain London prisons, not all, but certain priests, and those the principal ones, twenty in all, and one layman, to be taken by their gaolers from the prisons where they were detained to a certain ship made ready in the Thames , to be deported to France This was done on 21 January, according to the old reckoning which they still keep there Before they went on board the ship, our men resisted as far as they could with words and reasons, affirming that they ought not to be sent into exile without trial and condemnation, but they were disregarded However, after two days, when they had been carried out to sea , those who were deporting them showed them a certain royal warrant, furnished with the signaturesof some ofthe Councillors .(2)

In this, after mention of their conspiracy against the Queen, was contained the sentence of exile, and a reminder of the clemency of the Queen and of her notable mercy towards them, together with the warning, finally, that if ever they return to their country without licence, they would be subject to the extreme penalty of the law

The priests when they had understood the attribution of false crime and the denial of return to their country, cried out unanimously that the gravest wrong had been done to them , that they wereconsciousofno treasontowards their prince, that many among them had never been arraigned on this count: certain ofthem had even beenclearly acquitted in open court, (3) nor could they promise anything about not returningto England, since in life and religion they had superiors by whose decision they must govern their actions.

They therefore besought those takingthem that they might be returned to London, and there answer for these crimes in a lawful court. They said that they were Catholic priests, sent into their country by their superiors for religion, that they were not willing to go into exile, but desiredto suffer for the faith in their country, and that they did not recognisein this sentence of exile either any mercy or equity. Saying these and similar things the confessors of Christ achieved nothing, but after some days were landed in France From among them some have now come to me , and the rest will come in the near future, partly because they have at the present time nowhere else to go for their support, partly that they may take counsel as to their life and action for the future, partly and chiefly thatwe may deliberate about the restoration ofspiritual matters, not lightly jeopardised at home by this their ejection.

And certainly, unless we make up this loss in a short time with a very large supplement, the adversarieswilltriumph beyond measureon account of this new device of theirs, and Catholics will suffer too much, who are said to take very ill the removal from them by this stratagem of the best fathers.

And here, besides those who are to be sent from Rome , we can give fourteen or sixteen, if necessary, for this mission; but I am not at present certain about this, nor would I dare to make a decision concerning the matter, except at the will and command of his Holiness, whether these very men who are now exiled, or the best of them, should be sent back to the Lord's work For they declare that they willreturn, at their superiors' will, in spite of threatened death or of any dangers Nor, perhaps, will their condition be worse than that of other priests, since it is believed that by new laws of this Parliament it will be a capital offence for anyone to receive any priest at all into his house .(4) Butthis

ALLEN TO [THE CARDINAL OF COMO?]

is [not](5) uncertain, that whatever they decree, there will not be lacking priests who will most gladly enter the country, nor will there be lacking those who will give hospitalityand necessities , and whowill obey God rather than men.

(1) Though not so stated in the endorsement , this letter was probably originallywritten byAllen to the Cardinal of Como (cf. Note 3 to No. 54(a) infra).

(2) The royal warrant bearing the names of 20 priests and one layman to be banished , was dated 15 January 1585 (C.R.S. 5, p. 103). Four payments of expenses made by the Treasurer of the Chamber of persons who had been charged to transport groups of priests under Council warrants, three in 1585 and one in 1586, are printed in the same volume (p 104) One of these specifically mentions 22 seminary priests from prisons at York and Hull. In excerpts made from documents at the English College, Rome, in the late 17th century, Christopher Grene has a note of the group mentioned in this present letter. He also mentions that 30 more priests were exiled on 18 August 1585, and in September another 22, these last being from the prisons at York and Hull Without recording any details, he says that others were exiled "annis sequentibus " (A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II, f 204) An account, probably by Edward Rishton, himself exiled in January 1585 , was incorporated in the 1585 edition of Sander's De Schismate Anglicano (cf. D. Lewis's English translation, 1877, pp 326-30) This edition also contains details of other banishments during this year, added after Rishton's death in June 1585 (Ibid p 331) The First Douay Diary, sub 1585 , records that 24 of the 72 priests exiled in 1585 returned to England the same year (Knox, D.D. p 13) Cf. also Barret to Agazzari, 8 October 1585, No. 71 infra. Allen gave his own shrewd assessment of the policy behind the banishments , when he forwarded the names of the first group to Rome (cf. No. 54(b) infra)

(3) Of the 21 men concerned (cf. No. 54(b) infra), only six are known to have stood trial : Heywood (May 1584), Bosgrave , Hart, Colleton (who had actually been acquitted), Orton and Rishton (all on 20 & 21 November 1581). Nine had been indicted before the Grand Jury (5 February 1584), but in spite of "true bills" having been found, appear never to have been tried subsequently (Cf. Note 2 to No. 33 and Note 2 to No. 34 supra) As far as can be ascertained the remaining six seem simply to have been committed to prison as captured, but otherwise to have been neither indicted nor tried (4) On this particular point the statute decreed that all who "wittinglyand willingly" received , relieved, comforted, aided or maintained any Jesuit, priest or other ecclesiastical person in question in the Act, should be adjudged felons without benefit of clergy, and should "suffer death, loss and forfeit as in case of one attainted of felony" . (5) This word is not in the letter, but is required for the sense .

*53 . BARRETT TO AGAZZARI. 20 February 1585

A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f 11v Grene's extracts from a list of Barret's letters to Agazzari

Febr. 20. 1585. Gratulorex toto corde ... he congratulateth at large with F. Alphonsus for having dismissed one scholler out of the College (it was Chr Bagshaw). P. Rochus cogitat octo abhinc

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 135

diebus in Angliam navigare: ostendi D. Alano vestras literas . . . Die crastina P. Marklandus , Sherwoduset nobilis quidam magnae spei et indolis Shelleius nomine natu maximus et patris sui nuper defuncti haeres simul proficiscentur Parisios cum literis D. Alani ut recipiantur in vestram societatem (1) quod si P. Marklandus non obtinueritrecte in Angliamse conferet ... Saluto D. Baylaeum et gratulor ei adventum Romam . . .: restat ut reditum ad nos quam felicissimum comprecemur. Saluto etiam R. P. Marshal P. Ministrum P. Goodum

[Translation :] 20 February 1585. I congratulate you from the bottom ofmyheart ... hecongratulateth atlarge with Fr.Alphonsus for having dismissed one scholar out of the College (it was Christopher] Bagshaw). Fr. Roche thinks to cross to England within eight days. I showed Dr. Allen your letter ... Yesterday, with letters of Dr. Allen, there departed for Paris to be received into your Society, Fr. [Alexander] Markland, [John]Sherwoodand one named [Thomas] Shelley, of gentle birth, and of great promise, the eldest son and heir of his father, recently dead (1) If Fr. Markland is not accepted, he will proceed straightway to England Greetings to Dr. Bailey, and congratulations on his reaching Rome It remains for us to pray that his return journey to us will be as favourable as possible Greetings also to Rev. Fr. Marshal , Fr. Minister, Fr. Good ...

(1) The three men left Rheims for Paris 11 February 1585. Only John Sherwood entered at this time He had been a student at the College in Rome for three years, returning to Rheims for health reasons As a Jesuit he taught for a time at Pont-à-Mousson, but died in 1590 before ordination (Knox, D.D. pp 203, 204; Foley, Records VII). Beyond the fact that Thomas Shelley had arrived at Rheims in September 1584 (Knox, D.D. p 202), nothing further is known of him. For Markland , cf. Note 3 to No. 25 supra

54 (a). ALLEN TO AGAZZARI. Rheims, 28 February 1585 .

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f 20. Holograph.

ReverendePater, ultimas quas recepi a R. Vestra erant scriptae 28 Januarij ; quod illis respondeam hoc tempore nihil est, nam de Bassetti nostri pecuniis et procuratore, cum exemplari testamenti quae quanta possumus diligentia solicitamus apud istos notarios, sed hactenus non expediunt;(1) per proximumtabellariumfortasse mittemus . Urgemus magis quia valde desideramus pecunias.

Recipiam hic propediem 1000 A a patre Georgii Powelli quae ille cupit collocari in banka seu monte istic;(2) illa possumus hic retinere, et de illis Bassetti istic compensare.

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Multi ex nostris jam desiderant ire in Angliam propter exilium istorum 20 sacerdotum, quo his diebus 3 profecti sunt, alii multum urgent; cum vestri post pascha venient, de supplemento justo ad prius damnum compensandum cogitemus. Interim etiam Bagshaus veniet qui illi loco erit forsan aptior quam collegialivitae; ille non appulit adhuc cum sociis

De modo istos presbyteros ejiciendi, scripsi ad Illustrissimum Cardinalem Comensem prolixe; requirens ab ipso consilium et judicium pontificis quoad ipsorum dispositionem; literas quaeso suae Illustrissimae Dominationi vel ipse tradas, vel cura ut R. D. Archidiaconus donet, et responsum suae Sanctitatis quam potest fieri citissime curet, nam facile cernitis quantum tantus numerus nos gravabit, [p. 2] quantumque intersit ut rite de illis disponatur Literas apertas reliqui ad Cardinalem ut Dominus archidiaconus et vos legatis et postea occlusas praesentetiseidem ut non sit opus mihi eadem repetere; (3) nam plenus sum occupationum variarum et propterea non licet mihi peculiares litteras hoc tempore ad eundem Dominum quem laetor incredibiliter tanta necessitudine vobis et collegio esse conjunctum Vere enim hoc ad Dei gloriam et res pulchras peragendas pertinet.

Etsi scripsi ad Illustrissimum Dominum Protectorem me hoc tempore vel propter defectum pecuniarum ad viaticum, vel propter suum mandatum de certo scholasticorum numero, nullos missurum (sic enim vere cogitabam)(4) tamen quiajam binis litteris significatis vos multos in paschate missuros et vos cupere ut 6 mittam; et nunc multo magis quia tam multi sacerdotes expulsi videntur hic ad aliquot saltem menses habitaturi, ubi et locus est angustior et facultates impares, coacti sumus contra priorem resolutionem aliquot mittere ; ac [quo] excusabitis me apud eundem Dominum protectorem Ex quo etiam videtis quare non possumus expensas nostras in certam summam aut mensuram reducere quod potestis informare ubi opportunum erit patronis nostris.

Puto R. P. Robertum (5) vel etiam ipsum patrem Gasperum scripturum omnia de exilio istorum scribam fusius ad P. Generalem quem cupio humillime per vos a me salutari ..

Nomina ejectorum sunt ista quae hac schedula continentur , aliud quod addam nihil est Dominus Jesus vos conservet Rhemis 28 Feb. 1585.

Vester totus G. Alanus

[P.S.] Mittamus hac vice procuratorium , exemplar mittemus per proximum nuntium quia non erat confectum adhuc

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 137

[Addressed by Allen:] AdmodumRdo in Christo patri P.Rectori Collegii Anglorum de Urbe. Romam.

[No seal mark ]

[Endorsed:] 1585 Remis a DominoAlano. De nominibus expulsorum, de modo et [ .. 1 word lost . ..]

[Translation :]

Reverend Father,

The last letter which I received from your Reverence was written 28 January. There is nothing at the present time for me to reply to it, for in the business of the money and agent of our [Charles] Bassett, although we have pressed those notaries for a copy of the will with as much diligence as we can , up to nowthey havenot delivered it (1) Wewill, perhaps, send it by the next courier We are the more pressing because we need the money very much

Iwillshortlyreceive here 1000 crowns from Fr. GeorgePowell , which he desires to place in a bank or receiving house there.(2) Wecan retain the sum here and thus balance the money of Bassett there.

Many of our men now desire to go to England on account of the exile of those twenty priests; three set out these last few days. Others are very pressing. When yours arrive after Easter , we may consider then, the right reinforcement to make up the loss Meanwhile, too, [Christopher] Bagshaw will arrive, who will perhaps be better in that place than in college life. He has not yet arrived with his companions.

I wrote at length to the illustrious Cardinal of Como about the method of sendingthose priests into exile, seekingat hishands counsel, and the decision of the Pope concerning what to do with them . I begyou, either thatyou will yourselftake the letter to his illustrious lordship, or see that the Rev. Archdeacon [O. Lewis] gives it to him, and takes care that his Holiness' answer be given withthe utmost speed possible, for you easily perceivehow greatly such a large number will overburden us, and of what great importance it is that they should be dealt with in a fit manner. I have left the letter to the Cardinal open so that the Rev. Archdeacon and you may read it and afterwards, having sealed it, present it to him, in order that I should have no need to repeat its contents;(3) for I am beset with various occupations and on that account separate letters are not possible for me at the present moment to the Archdeacon, whom I rejoice is extraordinarily united to you and the College in such great times of need Truly, indeed, this makes for the glory of God, and for the doing of glorious deeds.

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Although I wrote to the illustrious Lord, the Protector , that for the present, either because of lack of money for the journey, or on account of his order about a fixed number of scholars, 1 would send no men (for so indeed I planned);(4) now, however , because in two separate letters you signifythat you will be sending many men at Easter, and you desire me to send you six, and also much more, because so many exiled priests seem about to live here for several months at least, here where both the accom modation is too scanty, and the means of support too small, we are obliged to send several, against our previous resolve. You will make my excuses on this account to the same lord Protector. And for the same reason, besides, you see why we cannot cut down our expenses to a certain sum or measure, of whichfact you can inform our patrons when an opportunity shall offer

Ibelieve Rev. Fr. Robert [Persons],(5) or even Fr. Jasper [Heywood] himself , will write all about the exile of those men Iwillwrite more at length to Fr. General [Aquaviva], whom I most humbly desire should be saluted by your means as from me . The names of the exiles are those which are contained in this list. I have nothing else to add. Lord Jesus preserve you. Rheims, 28 February 1585 . Wholly yours, W. Allen.

[P.S.] We are sending the procuratory instrument at this time. We will send the copy by the next messenger, because it was not yet finished.

(1) Charles Bassett, like George Gilbert, had served Persons and Campion during their mission in England Both men left England about the same time, journeyed together to Rome, and were received at the College on the same day Bassett was enrolled among the students , as a convictor, on 19 November 1581. In April 1583 he left on account of ill health and returned to France. He died at Rheims in November 1584. (Cf. C.R.S. 39 , various pages; C.R.S. 37, p 34)

(2) George Powell, together with his cousin , Charles Powell, were two of the Welshmen named by Allen, as being summoned to Rome by letters from theircompatriots during the College troubles in 1579 (cf. P.S. to No. 5, supra) Allen allowed them to go some months later, and both were admitted to the College as convictors on 18 October 1579 (C.R.S. 37, p 19) George was then aged 16, Charles 17. Neither seems, at first, to have intended to pursue a clerical career , and Charles caused some trouble in the College, before leaving for France in June 1583. He then stayed in Paris , ostensibly to study law. (Knox, D.D. p 297; Knox, Allen, pp. 112, 194, 195, 197) George Powell returned to Francein April 1584 , but nofurther information about his studies survives Though the referencein this present letter indicates that he was already a priest, he was, in fact, still far short of the canonical age of 24 years

(3) The letter here mentioned is probably that of Allen of 20 February 1585 (No. 52 supra).

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 139

(4) This letter has not survived; cf. however, Como to Nuncio in France [Rome], 8 October 1584 and Allen to Como, 16 January 1585 (Knox, Allen, pp 242, 244), on this question of numbers of students and costs

(5) No letter of Persons survives which gives a full account of the exiles, but he makes some reference to the matter in one to Aquaviva [Rouen], 12 February 1585 (A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, ff 24-5, inedited) He was then expecting the arrival in Rouen of the three Jesuits in the party in two or three days' time

54(b) LIST OF

BANISHED PRIESTS

, etc. (1) [28 February 1585]

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f 17. Holograph, enclosed with Allen's letter to Agazzari, 28 February 1585 , Ibid f. 20

Ex Turre londinensi

P. Gaspar Haivodus de Societate

P. Bosgravius eiusdem Societatis

P. Joannes Hartus qui in carceribus eidem Societati se addixit

P. Pitts

P. Worthingtonus

P. Slakus

P. Nutterus

P. Tomsonus

P. Stephensonus

P. Barnus

P. Collingtonus

D. Ortonus laicus

Ex Castra Martiali

P. Bisshopus

P. Tedderus

P. Norres

P. Hartleus

P. Warmingtonus

P. Smithus

P. Conyars

utriusque Seminarii alumni

ex Seminariis

Ex Castro vocato Bankoregio

P. Rishtonus

Ex carcere Neoporto seu Newgate

P. Deane

cur autem istos de singulis carceribus separaverint, aliosque in eodem damnatione et causa reliquerint incarceratos, causam non scimus , nisi quod voluerint videri misericordes in aliquos, in alios [... one word lost . ..]: verte fol [p 2]

LIST OF BANISHED PRIESTS

Hoc solum certum est ipsos omnes modos tentare quibus videantur posse horum sacerdotum opera impediri: hactenus carceres vincula, mortes, proscriptiones et confiscationes bonorum adhibuerunt, nec proficiunt, adhibent nunc istud remedium, partim ut opinionem clementiae quam valde expetunt, asciscant, partim ut videant si hoc modo se possent ab istis sacerdotibus expedire, ut si bene succedat in istis, de pluribus idem statuent Dicunt se hac clementi via semel tentata, imposterum si revertantur aut opus ceptum persequantur presbyteri, mox morte mulctandos, sed non est consilium adversus dominum et hactenus per ipsius bonitatem omnia quae vel artificiose vel crudeliter moliti sunt contra nos et hoc opus dei cesserunt in bonum, proinde si deus dederit nobis patronos bonos sicut hactenus dedit, et rerum nostrarum ac talium quas in conversione gentium ac maxime haereticorum communiter patimur difficultatem intelligentes, non dubitamus nos superaturos. Quantum indies ab hostibus lucremur vel ex istis extraordinariis stratagematis quae coguntur adhibere, et ex aliis maximis contra nos moliminibus facile cordati omnes cernunt Et isti sacerdotes qui animorum in Anglia admirabiles ad fidem Catholicam capessendam ardores norunt, optime intelligunt, et magna cum voluptate nostra et consolatione loquuntur Quae scribo de istis rebus omnibus sint vobis et Reverendo D. Referendario Audoeno vero communia Dicuntur isti legati acturi diligentissime de nostra ex Gallia expulsione, eodem scilicet tempore, quo alios confratres nostros in Gallias ejecerunt. Paulo ante istos viginti unum in eadem navi deportatos, aliumquemdam sacerdotemDiconsonum nomine(2) et duos laicos in Gallias dimiserunt cum literis magistratus hujus sententiae, istos sua majestas jubet dimitti et pacifice discedere, quia non volunt se conformare religioni suae majestatis.

[Endorsed:] + 1585. Remis a Domino Alano 29 [sic] februarij. De exulibus Anglorum ex Anglia. [Then a sentence largely illegible.]

[Translation :]

From the Tower of London.

Fr. Jasper Heywood of the Society.

Fr. [James] Bosgrave of the same Society

Fr. John Hart, who entered the same Society in prison.

Fr. [Arthur] Pitts

Fr. [Thomas] Worthington

Fr. [Richard] Slack

Fr. [Robert] Nutter

Fr. [Christopher] Thomson

Fr. [Thomas] Stephenson

Fr. [John] Barnes

Fr. [John] Collington[or Colleton]

Mr. [Henry] Orton, layman

Students of both Seminaries

LIST OF BANISHED PRIESTS

From the Marshalsea prison.

Fr. [William] Bishop

Fr. [William] Tedder

Fr. [Richard] Norris

Fr. [William] Hartley

Fr. [William] Warmington

Fr. [William] Smith

Fr. [Samuel] Conyers

From the prison called the Kings Bench.

Fr. [Edward] Rishton .

From Newgate prison.

Fr. [William] Deane.

From the Seminaries

However, we do not know the reason why they should have chosen out these men from the different prisons, and have left others who were imprisoned on the same judgement and cause , unless they wished to show clemency to some, to others [severity?] Turn the page This alone is certain, that they themselves try every possible means to obstruct the work of these priests Up to the present time they have used prisons, bonds, deaths, proscriptions and the confiscation of goods, but to no avail Now they apply this remedy: partly to gain the reputation for clemency which they greatly desire. partly to see if by this means they can be rid of these priests, so that if the plan succeeds with these , they may decree the same for many others. They say that, having taken this path of clemency once, if hereafter the priests return or pursue the work they have undertaken, they are immediately to be put to death; but there is no stratagem against the Lord, and hitherto by His goodness all that they have cunningly and cruelly plotted against us and this work of God has turned to good. So, if God were to give us good patrons, as He has done hitherto , and taking account of the difficulties of our affairs, and such as are commonly met with in the conversion of the gentiles, above all of heretics, we are in no doubt that we will prevail. All men of sagacity easily perceive what great benefit we daily gain from the enemy, even from those extraordinary tricks which they are forced to use, and from other very great efforts made against us. And those priests who know the wonderful ardour of souls in England to embrace the Catholicfaith, understand very well, and speak of it to our great joy and consolation But let these things whichI write concerning all those matters be common to yourself and to the Rev. Referendary Owen [Lewis] Those ambassadors are said to be going to press diligently for our expulsion from France, at the same time, that is to say, as the English have expelled others of our brethren into France. A little before the deportation of those twenty one in the same ship, they sent over

LIST OF BANISHED PRIESTS

a certain priest, named Diconson,(2) and two laymen, into France with government letters containing this sentence , that her Majesty orders those men to be released and to depart peacefully, because they will not conform to her Majesty's religion.

(1) Cf. Note 2 to No. 52 supra (2) The man thus sent over may have been Roger Diconson (or Dickenson), ordained from Rheims in April 1583, and sent to England a month later (Knox, D.D. pp 194, 195) He was in the Gatehouse by 8 April 1584 (C.R.S.2, p 235). The French Ambassadorin England, Mauvissière, interceded for him in December 1584, saying that, if the request was granted, the priest would promise never to return to England, but would retire to a monastery. (Mauvissièreto Walsingham, London, 30 December 1584 , o.s. For. Cal. Aug. 1584-Aug 1585, p 208). The date of his subsequentreturn is not known, but he appears to have worked in Winchester for several years. He was martyred there on 7 July 1591. (Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests, pp 168, 596)

*55. ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA. Rheims, 8 March [1585]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.73v. Grene's note ,

2a Lettera Dicit secreto Patri Generali R. Patrem Gasparum bene, et honorifice hoc modo Dei fortasse salutari providentia , e carcere, et Insula fuisse liberatum: ne rende in poche righe le ragioni , quarum praecipua est, quia in hoc opere Anglicanonon ambulat eodem pede cum Patre Personio, et in eadem regula nobiscum. sicut et adhuc dicitur habere privatum spiritum in hac re, et sensum suum . Rhemis 8 Martij.(1)

[Translation :]2nd Letter He writes privately to Fr. General [Aquaviva] that Rev. Fr. Jasper [Heywood] had, perhaps by the saving providence of God, been in this manner well and honourably freed from prison and from the island He gives the reasons for this in a few lines, of which the principal is, that in this work in England he does notwalkin step with Fr. Persons, nor according to the same rules as ourselves. In suchmatters he is to this extent said to follow his private notion and ideas. Rheims, 8 March [1585].(1)

(1) Aquaviva's answer, dated 9 April 1585, is in C.R.S. 9, pp 96-7 . Heywood was to be summoned to Rome temporarily, before being sent elsewhere He never returned to England

ALLEN TO AQUAVIVA

*56. ALLEN TO [AQUAVIVA]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.73v

143

Rheims, 18 March 1585 .

Grene's extract.

3a Lettera di Alano R. P. Gasparus dum hic in Gallijs vestram de se dispositionem expectat Rhemos ad nos commodum divertit ubi nunc mecum est. Rhemis 18 Marzo

[Translation :]3rd Letter of Allen. Rev. Fr. Jasper [Heywood] whilst he awaits here in France your decision as to his destination, has made it his convenienceto come to Rheims, where he is now with me . Rheims 18 March [1585]

*57. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. 20 March 1585.

A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f.13v Grene's note from a list of Barret's letters to Agazzari

20 Martij 1585.(1) P.Personiusnuper fuit nobiscum hicRhemis Bagshaw arryved at Rhemes Doctor, proude, etc.

[Translation :]20 March 1585.(1) Fr. Personswas recently here with us at Rheims. Bagshawarrived at Rheims , Doctor, proud etc. (1) Grene seems to have placed together sentences from two separate letters, for though Persons had recently been at Rheims (cf. Allen to Agazzari, 22 March 1585, infra), Bagshaw did not arrive back there until 2 April 1585 (cf. No. 59 infra and Knox, D.D. p. 205).

58. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Rheims, 22 March 1585

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f 21. Holograph

Admodum Reverende ,

Proximis literis plene et fuse de sacerdotum nostrorum exilio et ad nos adventu; paulo post R. P. Gasparus recessit etiam , et tandem noster P. Robertus cum P. Joanne Harto; unde cum mihi tum ipsis ut facile potestis conjicere mutua maximaque existit consolatio colloquimur item ut spero utiliter de modo procedendi in hoc opere dominico , in quo videmus et ipsi, et isti ita declarant nos sic hactenus per dei gratiam profecisse, ut maxima pars difficultatis paucorum libentissime suscepta morte, aliorum vinculis ac laboribus librorumquescriptione plane superata esse videatur Eo certe hostium res redactae sunt ut quid consilii capiant prorsus ignorent. Tentarunt cruces, carceres, bonorum rapinam, exilium, quibus omnibus confessorumconstantia et patientia superatis, quid porro tentandum sit, in suo parliamento jam disquirunt: ubi et

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

incredibiliter dicunturanxii quod non a Catholicis jam sicut prius dicebatur, sed a quodam Gulielmo Parreo et socio alio, ipsius Reginae delitiis et exploratoribus , quorum opera utebatur contra catholicos vitae Reginae insidiatum esset (1) Dico uno verbo deus pugnat pro nobis, et non praevalebit homo. Nunc de aliis rebus.

Scitis Bagshaum substitissePatavii ut pilio donaretur doctorati, quocum Georgius Giffordius ;(2) Potterus tandem post 9 hebdomadas appulit;(3) quemmultum objurgavimus P.Laurentius Webbus et ego quod inordinate apud vos ambulaverit , quod se seditiosis adjunxerit, quod relicto vero patre et superiore cui ego ipsum ad urbem subjiciendum misi, et se ultro supposuerit P. Christophoro , qui utcumque [p. 2] fuerit bonus vel malus, aut quacumque polleat prudenter in illum tamen jus non habebat. Ille lachrimabatur etc: et recepimus eum in Collegium nisi tantum conditione quod nunquam factum suum inter nostros defenderet nec aliter de patribus et gubernatione illius collegii [loqueretur](4) quam deceat. Atque bonum est fortasse ut omnes istic apud vos cognoscant me imposterum non recepturum quemquam in istius domum qui illic ambularunt inordinate ; ut ita magis sedulo pietati paci et humilitati studeant ne utroque collegio fraudentur .

De rebus pecuniariis quae proxime scripsistis Covertus respondebit; et mox pensionariis solvendum curabo; solum de 16 A quae dicitis Coverto missa esse pro Tristramo in Octobri , dubitat idem Covertus, illa 15 quae mihi ad ipsum misistis jam dedi.

Meminerit V.R.P. vos dedisse mihi facultatem per literas, solvendi Domino Polo 40 aureos, ante 3 menses, quos et solvi, praeter ea quae pro ipso in pecuniis misistis per schedulas bancharias. Praeter ea nihil novi est quod sciam, proinde vos commendo Deo nostro, qui vos diutissime nobis conservet. Rhemis. 22 Martij 1585 .

Vester totus G. Alanus.

[Addressed by Allen:] Admodum Rdo Patri in Christo Patri Alfonso Collegi Anglorum Rectori [? digni]ssimo.

Romae.

[No seal.]

[Endorsed:] + 1585. Remis a D. Alano. 22 Martij.

[Translation :] De P. Ruberti et Gaspari adventu. De Popami appulsu.

Very Reverend ,

In recent letters I wrote fully and at length about the exiling of our priests and their coming to us; a short while afterwards

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Rev. Fr. Jasper [Heywood] also retired here, and finally our Fr. Robert [Persons] with Fr. John Hart. From this, as you can easily imagine, there arises the greatest mutual consolation, not only to me, but also to them We also confer together, usefully as I hope, about the way to carry on the Lord's work, in which we ourselves see , and these men so declare, that we have thus far progressedby the grace of God, that the greatest part of the difficulty seems to have clearlybeen overcome by the death, most willingly accepted , of a few, by the imprisonment and labours of others, and by the writing of books. The affairs of the enemy are certainly brought to such a state that they are altogether in a quandary what plan to adopt They havetrieddeath, imprisonment, the seizing ofgoods, exile, all of which things being surmounted by the constancy and patience of the confessors , they are now discussing in their Parliament whatelse is to be attempted. They are said to be extremely worried that it was not by Catholics, as was previously declared , that a plot had been made against the Queen's life, but by a certain William Parry and another companion, spies and favourites ofthe Queen herself, whose labours they were employing against Catholics. (1) In a word, God is fightingfor us, and man shallnotprevail. Now to other matters

You know that [Christopher] Bagshaw has stopped at Padua, in order that he might be given the doctor's hat George Gifford is with him.(2) [George] Potter has, at last, arrived after nine weeks.(3) Fr. Lawrence Webb and I very much rebuked him for behaving in a disorderlymanner with you, and for allying himself with the seditious, and for having abandoned his true father and superior, to whom I sent him as a subject to the City [Rome] He had, moreover, subjected himself to Fr. Christopher [Bagshaw], who, however good or bad he was, or by whatever means he may cunningly exercise powerful influence, had, however, no lawful authority over him He wept etc., and we received him into the College only on the condition that he should never defend his conduct among our students, nor otherwise [speak](4) of the Fathers and of the government ofthat College than is fitting. And it is perhaps as well that all there with you understand, that from now onwards I will receive no one into the house of this College, who has behaved disorderly there: thus the students may pursue their studies more sedulously, in piety, peace and humility, and neither College may be victimised by fraud

[Thomas] Covert will answer concerning the financial matters about which you wrote recently, and I will soon take steps to pay the pensioners Only about the sixteen crowns whichyou say were sent to him for Tristram [Winslade] in October, is Covert doubtful . I have already handed over thosefifteen whichyou sent to me for him

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Your Reverence will remember that authority you gave me by letter three months ago to pay 40 gold crowns to Mr. Pole, which I paid, besides the sum in cashwhich you sent for him by banker's exchange note. Beyond this there is no further news, as far as I know, so I commend you to our God: may he very long preserve you to us

Rheims, 22 March

1585

.

Yours wholly, W. Allen.

(1) Parry was executed for high treason on 2 March 1585, o.s. This case is fully treated by L. Hicks, S.J. , The Strange Case of Dr. William Parry: the Career of an Agent-provocateur, Studies (Dublin), September 1948 Cf. also the same author's An Elizabethan Problem, 1964 , pp 61-70, 151-6

(2) Bagshaw and George Gifford arrived back at Rheims on 2 April 1585 (cf. No. 59 infra and Knox, D.D. p 205) This Gifford was one of the younger brothers of Gilbert Gifford He appears to have been educated partly at Pont-à-Mousson and partly at Rheims, before being admitted to the English College in Rome, aged 23, on 20 October 1584. He left again in January 1585 because of ill-health, having received only minor orders. (Cf. Knox, D.D., various pages; C.R.S. 37, p 52) No later referenceto him has been discovered Allen's strong disapproval of seminary students obtaining doctorates without leave or approval of their own superiors, is voiced in his letter of 3 July 1585 (No. 64 infra), with relation to the cases of Stafferton and J. Cecil On the whole question of doctorates obtained without adequate studies , vf C.R.S. 41, p 53, note 5, p 120, notes 16-18; also C.R.S. 51, pp. 294, 301, note 24

(3) George Potter (vere Stransham) had been expelled from the English College with Bagshaw in January 1585 (cf. Sega's Report, printed in A. O. Meyer, op cit p 504) Why he had taken so long to make the journey does not appear. For an outline of his career, cf. C.R.S. 51, p 117." (4) Word supplied to completethe sense .

59. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f 23 + Jesus

Rheims, 3 April 1585 . Holograph

Adhuc de appulsu Domini Bailei nostri nihil audivimus; hesterno tantum vesperi venittandem pater et jam doctor ut aiunt Christophorus, cum Georgio quos adhuc non vidi.

Magnae jam videntur futurum [sic] in Galliis rerum motus et mutationes; nos bono et tuto nostrique amante Civitatesumus , sed in mediis tamen bellis quae maxime hic eruperunt (1) Sed spero omnia futura fausta De pecunia tantum solliciti sumus, qua si hic conclusi careamus, omnino nec vivere nec fugere licebit, proinde curare quaeso quantum potestis ut ex Bassetti et Gilberti legatis nobis pecunijs quam potest fieri tempestive nobis per Parisios semper succurratur

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 147

Misi V. Reverentiae authenticum testamentum piae memoriae Caroli Bassetti, spero vos recepisse De quibus omnibus potestis cum DominoBayleo dum istic subsistit rationes ducere. Plura non possum nunc scribere Vale ergo mi Pater vere charissime

Rhemis 3 Aprilis 1585 .

V.R.P.filius amantissimus G. Alanus

[P.S.] R.P. Ro. Personius post dierum decem colloquiumet collationem nobiscum necessariam , heri discessit de qua re scribam vel hoctempore vel per proximumtabellarium ad Reverendissimum P. Generalem, licet non dubitem P. Rob omnia illi significasse(2)

[Addressedby Allen:] AdmodumRdo in Christo Patri P. Alfonso Collegij Anglorum Rectori Romae.

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] Alanus 3° Aprilis 1585

[Translation :] + Jesus

We haveheard nothing sofarabout the arrivalof our Dr.Bailey. Only yesterday evening there at length arrived Father, and now , as they say, doctor Christopher [Bagshaw], with George [Gifford], whom up to nowI have not seen .

Great changes and commotions in the affairs of France seem about to take place. We and ours are well and safe in the friendly city [ofRheims], despitethe fact that we are in the midst of battles , which have broken out most fiercely here.(1) But I hope all will turn out favourably Only about money are we anxious. This we will lack if we are shut up in this place, and will be quite unable either to live here or to flee. I beseech you, therefore, to take whatever steps you can that we may always and betimes receive aid by way of Paris, from the legacies of [Charles] Bassett and [George] Gilbert.

I sent to your Reverence the duly executed will of Charles Bassett, of holy memory. I hope you have received it. You can obtain an account of all these matters from Dr. Bailey, whilst he is with you there . I can write no more at present, so adieu, most truly beloved Father. Rheims, 3 April 1585

Your Reverence'smost loving son , W. Allen.

[P.S.] Rev. Fr. Robert Persons left yesterday, after ten days' conferenceand conversation with us I will write about this matter either now, or by the next post, to the most Rev. Fr. General

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

[Aquaviva], although I do not doubt that Fr. Robert has informed him of all things (2)

(1) The death in June 1584 of the Duke of Alençon, heir to the French throne, had given new vigour to the Catholic League, led by the Guise family. The League's main aim was to prevent the French crown passing tothe Huguenot Henry of Navarre on the death of Henry III Conjunction of interests had led to mutual promises of support between the Guises and Spanish representatives in December 1584, and the commotions mentioned by Allen were occasioned by clashes between supporters and opponents of the League's policies Henry III was for a time reconciled with the Guises by the Treaty of Nemours in June 1585, but many years of civil war in France, though spasmodic , had in fact begun. (2) No letter of Persons to Aquaviva of the right date now survives, but Persons mentioned that he had written "molt' a lungo" on his departure from France, in one to Aquaviva of 10 May 1585, from Louvain (A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, n.f. inedited)

*60. ALLEN TO [AQUAVIVA].

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.73v Grene's extracts

4 April 1585

4a Lettera. fecerunt isti novi, et generales in Gallijs motus , ut paulo citius quam designaveramuscoiremus Pr. Robertus et ego.

Nel fine De Patre Gasparo binis jam pridem literis admonui audacter, bonum esse virum, sed huic operi Anglicanonon omnino commodum; sed spiritus Christi vos docebit omnia 4 Aprilis 1585.

[Translation :]4th Letter. These new and general commotions in France have made Fr. Robert [Persons ] and me meet together rather more quickly than we had planned.

At the end. Already in two separate letters I have had the hardihoodto give warning concerning Fr. Jasper [Heywood] He is a good man, but not altogether suitable for work connected with the English mission: but the Spirit of Christ will teach you all things 4 April 1585 .

61. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 30 April [1585]

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f 26. Holograph

AdmodumReverende Pater ,

Dilectissime et desideratissime in Domino, laeta non erant et quae nuper a Bayleo meo, a vobis ab illustrissimis Cardinalibus Comensi et S. Stephani de suae Sanctitatis super nostris postulatis responsione, deque rei istic pecuniariae difficultate ad me scripta

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 149

sunt Sed illud de beatissimi pontificis , patriae nostri patroni optimi et maximi, morte, tristissimum superveniens mox nuntium omnis priorisde rebus privatis (si hujus collegiirationes in publicispotius ducendae non sint) doloris sensum sustulit, vel obruit magis (1) Certe nescio an de ulla re mortali ita hoc tempore lugere possem aut debeam . Tantum Ecclesiae lumen, tam amantem nationis nostrae, tam insignem Domus Dei zelatorem, fulcrum Christiani Orbis vere currum Israel et aurigam ejus, nobis collegiis his suis , mundo tolli. Heu mi pater nos speravimus quod Christus perillum restauraturusesset gentem nostram; sed vel satis poenarum ut video , non luimus , vel isto in coelum pro gloriosissimis vereque immortalibus in nos meritis recepto per alium quem secundumcor suum ad reliqua complenda dabit, nos plane consolabitur, vel dabit ut aequanimiter suain nos justa juditia tolleremus, ut tandem videamus bona Domini in terra viventium . Hoc solum credo et in illo me consolor quod Deus Ecclesiam suam et acquisitam plebem non deseret; sed etiam alium pastorem his calamitosissimis temporibus consentaneum, et summo huic Gregorio similem concessurum ; quod ut faciat nos nocte dieque interea orabimus Optoque etiam me illic esse , cum donatum a Deo patrem et pastorem liceret coram colere et colloqui Sed hoc officium pro nobis, pro Collegiis, pro natione spero Reverendissimum D. Audoenum vestramque Paternitatem facturos multomagis utiliter : Christus vos omnes conservet ac nos consoletur in omni tribulationenostra . 30 Aprilis [1585]

G. Alanus.

[Addressedby Allen:] Admodum Rdo in Christo Patri P. Alfonso Agazario Collegii Anglorum Rectori [? dignissi]mo

[Endorsed:] Alano 30 d'Aprile Luctus de morte Gregorii

[Translation : ]

Very Reverend Father, Romae.

Mostbeloved and longedfor in the Lord, they were notcheerful tidings which were written to me recently by my [Dr.] Bailey, by you, and by the most illustriousCardinals of Como and St. Stephen, concerning the reply of his Holiness to our requests, and about the financial difficulties there. But the very sad news of the death of the most blessed pontiff[Gregory XIII], the bestand greatestpatron of our country, reaching us soon after, took away orrather drowned the feeling of all previous sadness about personal affairs (if the affairs of this College be not rather accounted a public matter): rather the news weighed us down further (1) Certainly I do not know of any other mortal matter at this time which could and

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

should cause me more grief than that such a great light of the Church has been taken from the world, from us, and from these his Colleges, such a great lover of our nation, one so notably zealous for the house of God, the pillar of the Christian world, trulythe chariot of Israel and its charioteer Alas , my Father , we hoped that Christ would restore through him our people; but as I see it, either we have not suffered punishment enough, or having received him into heaven on account of his most glorious and truly immortal merits gained by his charity towards us, God will appoint us another such after His own heart, to complete the rest of the work, and will altogether console us; or He will give us grace to bear with equanimity His just judgements against us , so that at length we may see the good things of the Lord in the land of the living. This alone I believe, and am consoled therein, that God will not forsake His Church nor His redeemed people; but even that He will give us another pastor, like to this very great Gregory, suitable for these calamitous times That He will do this for us we will meanwhile pray both day and night. And I wish that I was there, so that I might make reverence before and speak with the father and pastor to be given us by God But I hope that the most Rev. Dr. Owen [Lewis] will much more usefully perform this office for us , for the Colleges and for our nation May Christ preserve you all and console us in all our tribulation 30 April [1585]

(1) Gregory XIII died 10 April 1585 .

W. Allen

. *62 . BARRET TO AGAZZARI 7 May [1585].

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II, f. 74v. Grene's note, in a list of 1585 letters

Lettera delDottore Barreto. Parlamentum Anglicanum tandem dissolutum est: nel quale si stabilirno le pene da darsi a chi ricevea Sacerdoti, o Giesuiti , e si dieda licenza a chiunque li trovasse di ammazzarli in ogni luogo (1) Remis 7 Maij ad Agazzarium

[Translation :] Letter of Doctor Barret. Parliament in England is at last dissolved In it penalties were laid down for anyone who received priests or Jesuits, and licence was given for anyone who found them to slay them anywhere (1) Rheims 7 May to Agazzari.

(1) This does not appear among the provisions of the Act against Jesuits, Seminary Priests, etc., though certain penalties were decreed against those who did not reveal their knowledge of any such persons, after the forty days allowed, as also against those justices , etc., who did not take action ,

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 151

as specified in the act, on such information being laid Barret's words would appear to be an interpretation of the possible effects of these particular provisions, as far as the priests themselves were concerned , if subsequently caught

63. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Rheims, 12 June 1585 .

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , ff 29-30 Holograph

Admodum Reverende Pater,

Charissime et colendissime in Domino quae scripsisti septimo Maij de ea quam habetis illic spe, quod hic sanctissimus Pontifex sit futurus in nos nationemque nostram benignus et misericors secundum exemplum predecessoris sui et quod de provisionibus collegiorum ordinariis non est dubium , ipsiusque benignum super viatico presbyterorum mittendorum responsum in horas expectaretis, atque quod postremo eos in conspectu admiserit et largis benedictionibus spiritualibus impartiverit, omnia ista fuerunt mihi gratissima et eorum quae porro speramus a sua bonitate , felicia auspicia et bona signa . Quod autem additis, suam tamen sanctitatem non esse bene informatam de rebus Anglicis, non miror, quia praeter Societatem quae in simili spiritualis aucupij genere continuo versatur, nullus est pene omnium exterorum qui id luculenter sciat,() quia pauci sunt qui animum in id attendant, qui contemnant res tam longuinquas plurimi; pene nulli qui ad se pertinere putent. Ex tot libris quos de persecutione, de martyriis, de collegiorum institutionibus et missionibus sacerdotum, ex tot ad protectorem, ad Commensem, ad alios scriptis literis, ex tot nuntii apostolici et aliorum oratorum testificationibus , ex tanto effuso sanguinecoram toto mundo, ex tam multis et tam truculentis contra conatus nostros et vestros scriptis et publicatis legibus, poterant ista esse principibus maxime ecclesiasticis cognita, et quid aliud addi possit non video Optarem me illic esse apud vos, et experiri semel quid queam apud istum pontificem et eos qui administrant res ipsius viva voce, opto supra modum; sed diffido viribus meis ad tantum iter iterum suscipiendum; et quid possem [p. 2] in praesentia apud patronos nostros facere Deus scit.

Multa possem de statu Reipublicae ac rerum nostrarum coram utile dicere quae sine difficultate scriptis tradi non queant; et quae abillis sine taedio legi non possent; atque plurimaforsan quae alii multi explicate narrare non valent : nec quisquam fortassis praeter P. Rob. nostrum; qui si venerit ad vos (profecturum eum existimo ad urbem in Septembri) abunde nostram absentiam in omnibus compensabit; quocum saltem conferemus exactissime per dei gratiam ante profectionem; licet si vires et caetera commoda essent ac in promptu, mallem me comitem adjungere.(2)

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Spero vos antequam istae pervenerunt, recepisse literas nostras ad suam Sanctitatem et protectorem etc. (3) Si cuiquam praeterea putatis mihi scribendum, admonete quaeso et fiet. Dicitis Illustrissimum Rusticutium esse Secretarium, et magno loco esse apud S.D.N. Cardinalem Alexandrinum, quibus sum prorsus incognitus Sed Deus dabit nobis, ut inveniamus gratiam in oculis ipsorum.

Fortassis audivistis de sanguinariis legibus nuper contra patres et omnes alumnos collegiorum seu Jesuitarum seu nostrorum collegiorum editi[s]; sed visum est mihi mittere exemplar statuti seu decreti illius latine versi ut vel ex eo intelligant patroni nostri, et quantum sategerimus pro communi causa, et quantum profecerimus, cum non alio modo quam isto, ac nec isto ut speramusopus hoc Dei impedire queant.

Atque sicut his diebus experti sumus, major quidem est metus in nobilibus ac laicis qui sacerdotes recipere ac alere deberent, quam in ipsis sacerdotibus; utrique generi factum est capitale, sed sacerdotes et propter sacrum ordinem ac professionem, et quia caelibes sunt ac sine gravi incommodo [p. 3] aut impedimento fugere [possunt] ab uno loco in alium, minus sunt trepidi; at vero patres et matres familiarum qui prole et aliis rebus humanis gravantur non tam facile vitare pericula possunt: et his est capitale etiamsi principes fuerint, aliquid dare ulli Jesuitae aut presbytero, ut in lege videbitis .

Dicuntur etiam hoc tempore pulsuri omnes quos habent in vinculis sacerdotes in exilium sicut illos priores paulo ante jam expulerunt , quorum numero et necessitatibusmirabiliter prememur atque quomodo de iis disponemus deus scit. Sed ille erit adjutor in tribulationibus quae invenerunt nos nimis. Reliqua ex horum decretis capietis.

Illam pecuniam 1000 aureorum pro qua voluimus ibi jam tandem in monte collocari, non potuimus adhuc recipere, et nescio an reciperemus.

Covertus fecit Parisiis nostrum procuratorium approbum faxit Deus ut sic tandem reddatur authenticum; quod cum resciverimus aliud mittemus pro pecunijs legatis D. Assaphi (4)

Jam D. Nortonus est mortuus et sic cessabit ejus provisio, de qua re potestis cogitare Obiit in navi, dum volebat traicere in Scotiam, et sepultus in oceano; Deus absolvat ipsius animam Multum debet hic; sed spero reliquum provisionis fore satis ut omnibus solvatur.

Famulus P. Personii Alfildus nomine, est magnus Catholicorum delator in Anglia Rogerus optime se gessit, non obstante priori rumore de ejus lapsu qui non fuit verus ; est enim constans etzelosus , et nunc in vinculis (5) Intercaeteros P. Gratleus venithuc ex Anglia.

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 153

Catholicis omnibus arma sunt ablata illic ab haeretico Magistratu sub praetextu nescio cujus invasionis Quid praeterea addam nescio Sed speroquod hoc crudele decretum curabitis italicamanu transcribi , et ostendipatronis nostris [p.4] et praesertimReverendissimo Patri Generali cujus sacras manusex animo osculor Salutate omnes in osculo sancto, et multiplicentur orationes pro nobis ut Deus sortem suam conservet Mi Pater charissime vale Rhemis. 12 Junii 1585 .

V.R.P. conservus

G. Alanus.

[Addressedby Allen:]AdmodumRde in Christo Patri, P.Alfonso Agazerio Collegio Anglorum Rectori [? digniss]imo

[Seal mark]

[Endorsed:] Alanus . 1585. 12 Junii. P. de edicto et aliis.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father,

Whatyou wrote on 7 May, most beloved and honoured in the Lord, of that hope which you have there, that this most holy Pontiff [Sixtus V] will be kindly disposed and clement towards us and our nation, according to the example of his predecessor , that there is no doubt about the ordinary payments for the Colleges, that you were hourly awaiting his liberal reply about the journey expenses of the priests who are to be sent, and lastly that he received them in audience and imparted to them large spiritual blessings, all these things were most grateful to me , and a happy augury and a favourable sign of what we hope in the future from his goodness. But that which you add, however, that his Holiness is not well informed about English affairs, does not surprise me , for apart from the Society, which is immediately engaged in the same kind of spiritual hunting, there is almost no one else besides who has any extensive knowledge of them.(1) For there are few who apply their minds to it, and many who scorn such far-off matters, and almost none who consider that it has anything todo with them From so many books written about the persecution, the martyrs, the institution of the Colleges and the sending of priests, from so many letters written to the Protector , the Cardinal of Como and others, from the testimonies of so many apostolic nuntios and other ambassadors , from so much blood shed before the whole world, from so many and such cruel writings and public laws published against our and your efforts, these things could have been very well known by the leaders of the Church , and 1

Romae

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do not see what else could be added. I wish I were there with you, to try but once what I might achieve in private conference with this pontiff, and with those who administer his affairs. I desire it beyond measure , but I have no faith in my strength to undertake so great a journey again, and God knows whatI could achieve personally with our patrons.

Icould usefully inform him in person of many things aboutthe state of the kingdom and of our affairs, which cannot without difficulty be committed to paper, and which could not be read by them without weariness; and many things, perhaps, whichmany others are not up to explaining clearly, nor anyone except, perhaps, our Fr. Robert [Persons]. If he should come to you, (I believe he will be setting out for the City in September), he will abundantly make up in all things for my absence. At least I will, by the grace of God, confer with him most particularly before his journey, though if strength and other matters were propitious and in readiness, I would choose rather to accompany him.(2)

I

hope that before this letter has reached you you will have received ours for his Holiness and the Protector, etc.(3) If you think that there is anyone I ought also to write to, please tell me and it shall be done You say that the illustrious Cardinal Rusticuccio is the Secretary[ofState],and that Cardinal Alexandrino is in a high position about his Holiness, to both of whom I am wholely unknown But God will grant to us that we find favour in their eyes .

You have perhaps heard ofthe sanguinary laws recently passed against the priests and all students of the colleges, whether our own or of the Jesuits, but I thought it good to send a copy of the statute or decree about this, translated into Latin, so that our patrons mayunderstand from it, both how much we are oppressed for the common cause, and how much progress we have made , since they were not ableto stop this work of God by other methods than this, and not by this either, we hope.

And as we have found lately, fear is indeed greater among the nobility and lay people who should receive and support the priests, than among the priests themselves . It is a capital offence on both sides, but priests, both on account of their sacred order and profession, and because they are celibate and can flee from one place to another without grave inconvenienceordifficulty, are less fearful. But fathers and mothers of families, however, who are burdened with children, and other human affairs, are not so easily able to avoid danger. And it is a capital offence for these, even if they should be leading men, to give anything to any Jesuit or priest, as you will see in the statute.

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 155

They are also said at this time to be about to exile all priests whom they hold in prison, as they expelled that first lot a short while ago, by whose number and poverty we are very greatly afflicted, and how we will dispose of them God knows. But He will be our helper in the tribulations which have beyond measure fallen on us You will gather the rest from the decrees .

That money, 1000 gold crowns, for which we in the end wished a payment to be made into a bank there, we have not yet been able to receive, and I do not know whether we will receive it.

[Thomas] Covert has drawn up our approved procuratory instrument at Paris God grant that it be thus at length duly executed When we have ascertained this, we will send another for the money bequeathed by his Lordship of St. Asaph [Bsp Goldwell].(4).

Mr. Norton is now dead and so his pension will cease . You can consider this matter. He died on board ship, whilst he sought to make the journeyto Scotland, and was buried at sea. God have mercy on his soul. He had many debts here, but Ihope the residue ofhispension will be enough to pay all.

A servant of Fr. Persons, [Robert] Alfield by name, is a great betrayer of Catholics in England. Roger [Yardley] has behaved very well, in spite of the earlier rumour of his lapsing, which was not true, for his is constant and zealous and now in prison (5) Amongst others Fr. [Edward] Gratley came here from England Arms are taken away from all Catholics there by the heretical government, on the pretext of I know not what invasion I do not know what else to add, but I hope that you will see to the transcribing of this cruel statute in an Italian hand, and to showing it to our patrons, and above all to most Rev. Fr. General [Aquaviva], whose sacred hands I kiss with all my heart. Greet all with a holy kiss , and may prayers be multiplied for us that God will preserve His own Farewell my most dear Father.

Rheims, 12 June 1585. Your Reverence'sfellow servant , W. Allen

(1) Sixtus V had been elected Pope on 24 April 1585. Though a change of Popes would always tend to exacerbate any difficult situation, since the holders of all major offices would be changed by the new Pope, this particular change had unusual features For, as Cardinal Perretti, Sixtus had held no office at all under Gregory XIII, who disliked him, and had lived in retirement during the whole of the previous reign (cf. Knox, Allen, p lxxii) He was thus quite new to the whole question of the English Colleges and the mission Apart from this, however, the finances of the Papal States were at this time in a lamentable condition, and the new pontificate became noteworthy for the steps instituted by Sixtus V to remedy the situation (Cf. Mourret -Thompson, History of the Catholic

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

Church , Vol V, 1947, p 538) Meanwhile, however, there was small ground to expect financial help for the Seminaries (Cf. Note 1 to No. 78 infra) As far as the situation concerned lack of information , this position was, in part, remedied when Allen himself went with Persons to Rome in September 1585 (2) In spite of the desires to go to Rome here expressed, they do not appear to amount yet to a definite plan (cf. Note 1 to No. 64 infra). As far as Persons was concerned , he had most earnestly petitioned the General that he might come to Rome, to enter on his third year of probation, preparatory to taking his final vows, according to the Society's Constitutions, in a letter dated 12 February 1585 (A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , n.f. inedited) This request was granted by Aquaviva, 9 April 1585 (cf. C.R.S. 39, p lxxi) In a further letter dated 28 May 1585, Persons stated that he hoped to come in September (A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f. 44. inedited).

(3) These letters have not survived. (4) Thomas Goldwell, consecrated Bishop of St. Asaph in 1555, had died in Rome, 3 April 1585, aged 84

(5) Robert Alfield and Roger Yardley had both been servants to George Gilbert, and to Persons during part of his stay in England Both men went to Rome during 1582, and obtained a Papal pension Later, when they became discontented , they were for a time imprisoned in Rome. (Cf. C.R.S. 4, pp. 54-5, 84-5; C.R.S. 39, pp 136-41). In England later Alfield became a betrayer of Catholics, as here stated (cf. also No. 67 infra) Roger Yardley (wrongly identified by the editor of C.R.S. 4, p 54, as Rogers alias Berden, the spy) was imprisoned for a time in England, but reached Rouen again about June 1585 (cf. No. 64 infra) Subsequentlyhe appears to have become a servant of the exile Earl of Westmoreland, sometimes using the name of Early He seems to have been of a mercenary nature, and to have played a decidedly equivocal rôle in the affairs of the exiles He was killed in France, probably late in 1590. (Cf Cal S.P.D. Add 1580-1625, pp 174, 291, 318)

64. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI Rheims, 3 July 1585

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, ff. 31-33 Holograph Also notes by Grene in A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.77v.

Admodum Reverende Pater,

Literas P.V. 3° Junii scriptas recepi, et quas ad R. P. Robertum eodem tempore dedistis una cum epistola Reverendissimi P. Generalis misi ad ipsum in Flandriam quocum mihi coram conferendum censui antequam quidquam de ea re quam desideratis decernamus . Uterque nostrum idem cogitat, idemque cupit quod vos optatis; et ego rationes vestras ad P. Barrettum nostrum fuse scriptas perpendi omnes , urgentesque esse confiteor, sed quia in alteram partem plurima dici possunt, adhuc anceps sum animo , nec nisi post unum mensem possum aliquid constituere Interea nos saepius quid sperandum, quid faciendum, quid metuendum, in hac re sit, significabitis Hoc solum ingenue sincereque dico, si nulla esset alia causa, me tamen infinite hoc cupere quod a tot talisbusque amicis ut faciam desideratur (1(1)

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 157

Mitto nunc sicut D. Baileus postulabat, ad quosdam patronos nostros qui illum juverunt et Collegia dicuntur amare, istas pro gratiarum actione literas Nempe ad Illustrissimum Cardinalem Sabellium,(2) ad 4 coronatorum , et unas quibus nihil adscripsi in dorso, quae ita sunt scriptae ut vel ad Cardinalem Alexandrinum vel ad Cardinalem Rusticucium pertinere possint, et relinquo vestro arbitrio ut cui malletis ascribatis et tradatis. Utrique seorsim non scripsi hoc tempore quia sum plenas occupationum nec quemquam habeoqui me in talibus rebuscommode adjuvare possint, sed magis quia spero vos jamdudum accepisse et reddidisse literas nostras ad Papam ac Protectorem, et cum illis quandam chartam vacuam, cui nomen subscripsi, in qua cupiebam formari per V.R.P. epistolam tradendam illi quem putaretis esse in majori apud pontificem gratia ; hinc enim qui essent ignorabam [p 2] Puto D. Baileum antequam ista appellant sive illi successerit sive non, in via futurum , ideo ad ipsum frustra scripsero.

Falsissimi sunt, et forsan artificio conficti rumores, quos illic de persecutionis in Anglia mitigatione sparsos intelligo;(3) nunquam enim ita a prima suscepta fide fuerunt Catholici oppressi sicut hoc ipso tempore,quod velex novo illodecreto quod latineverbatim versum ante mensem misi, certe scire potestis , et nos quotidie Catholicorum illinc ad nos fugentium sermone aliorumque continuis literis exploratum habemus: Istud mire turbavit hostium animos et ad crudelitatem illam in Catholicos majorem exercendammovit quod omnium procerum primus et maximus, Comes Arundelius , ducis Norfolciae filius et haeres ante duos menses se e Regno subducereet mare traijcere conatus, in navi comprehensus infauste Londinumreductus et in carcerem conjectus, (4) cum de causafugae suae a Reginae consiliarijs examinaretur, responderit nobiliter et constanter, se solum id tentasse, etiam cum omnium possessionum patriaeque amissione, ut conscientiae ac saluti suae consuleret; et cum illi interrogarintsi Papista esset, respondit se jam diu Catholicum animo fuisse, et supra modum conscientia vexatum quod hactenus fidem suam palam profiteri sine honorum bonorumque amplissimorum amissione et nec sine vitae periculo fuerit ausus Interim rapiuntad supplicia et quaestionesejus familiares, in nobilissimam conjugem et sororem saeviunt, fratres et patruum custodiae tradunt, diligentissime autem omnium quaerunt presbyterum quendam quem putant istum principem ecclesiae reconciliasse , sed nuspiam reperiunt Principes autem viros quosque, illi familiares cognatos ac affines suspectos habent Omnes nobiliores Catholicos per totum Regnum quos antea certis conditionibus e carceribus in liberiores custodias dimiserunt , revocantur ad vincula. In bona ipsorum undique eo praetextu quod haereticorum ecclesias et sacramenta adire recusant, Reginae nomine involatur Catholicorum arma omnia , ne hac miseria intollerabilipermoveantur ad se tuendos,

abstulerunt prorsus [p. 3]. Qua ipsa calamitate, licet supra quam dici queat omnes ordines graventur, tamen et illi fere omnes constantissime fidem confitentur , et ipsa rei indignitate fiunt, in religionis amore et hereseos odio ardentiores, factumque est ut ad hoc genus injustissimae oppressionis etiam ipsi protestantes offendantur graviter In summa, Pater mi, ad hujus temporis saevitiam in Catholicos nihil potest addi, et proinde expectamus ut exurgat deus et dissipentur inimici, ne diu contra dominum praevaleat homo. Atque haeretici, quique illic potiuntur rerum athei, non tam ista religionis odio aut suae sectae amore, licet id praetendant, faciunt, quam status sui conservandi causa quem vident in summo esse discrimine , propter ingentem Catholicorum indies succrescentium multitudinem .

Quam summam animorum ad Romanam fidem propensionem ac conversionem, quia attribuunt solum sacerdotum ac patrum constantiae, labori ac diligentiae, hinc tam saeva[s] nuper contra illos eorumque receptores leges, tam gravia proposita supplicia.

In istis tamen maximis mortis comminationibus et sanguinariis legibus presbyteri qui illic sunt animose procedunt, et isti qui apud nos sunt nunquam institerunt importunius, quam ut nunc mittantur vel ad messem vel ad martyrium. In quo genere ita meorum tamen affectibus moderor ut nec tam multos promiscue mittam, et non nisi aptissimos ad id deligendos curem Ex vestris qui nuper appulerunt duos per Flandriam ubi P. Personius est in Angliam direxi, qui et ipsi supra ceteros urgebant, Broshfordum et Thuleum,(5) reliquos adhuc retineo .

Hostes sperabant fore ut isto sanguinario decreto publicato, sacerdotes omnes ex Insula discederent cum non solum ipsis sed omnibus recipientibus morte sint ex legis sententia mulctandi Sed cum ad diem exilii designatum animadverterant septem vel 8 tantum sacerdotes legi paruisse,(6) et supra ducentos adhuc in regno manere et solita officia facere et novos quotidie venire, multum et attoniti et irati redduntur . In ijs qui persistunt, est imprimis frater vester, vir vere insignis et qui non minores fructus vel majores potius quam ullus suorum unquam anteafacere dicitur Hoc cupio dici R.P. Generali, quem humillime in domino cupio per vos exosculari [p 4] Et licet portus omnes diligentissimis excubijs observentur tamen octo hac septimana adolescentes incolumes hic studiorum causa appulerunt in quibus sunt tres nobiles

Secilius ut video Patavii in coenobio dominicanorum haeret, Stavertonus redijt auctus doctoratu ; de quo multis mihi cum illo sermo, cur et me inscio et vobis prorsus reclamantibus : eum scholasticum honorem, cum vel propter factum Bagshawi qui primus hoc tentaverat minimo faciendum erat : faciendum sibi propter multas causas dixit, sed rationem nullam reddidit. Sed

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 159

sentio plane hoc ostium occludendum neque enim est collegio aut ipso honorificum . (7) Ad D. Secilium quam primum possum scribam , ne eorum exemplum in hac re sequatur; qui civilius mecum in hoc negotio egit, cum se nihil facturum sine meo consilio per D. Stavertonum scripsit Sed ne forte literae nostrae ad illum tardius venerint, fortassis commodum esset ut P. Warfortius hoc ipsi significet; a me id non probari omnino, neque a re aut honore suo futurum me existimare, nam ipse hoc tempore scribere non possum ; nec ad ipsum quidem Warfortum meum a quo tamen suaves admodum per Stavertonum literas accepi

R.P. Personius valde vult ut frater suus primo quoque tempore se det in viam ad vos, etiam non expectato ejusdempatris adventu, hoc ipsius rationibus consentaneum esse dicit et ita est

Pecunias illas pro P. Georgio habere a Morgano non possum, ut proinde de illis 1000 A aliter ordinandum sit.

Non est quod miremini patris Roberti nomen non fuisse procuratorio nostro adscriptum; (8) partim quia notarii, nisi fuisset praesens tum cum instrumentum fiebat, non poterant ipsius nomine aut authoritate quidquam facere; neque ille poterat opportune tempore esse nobiscum ad subsignandum, partim vero quia isti legati et practici dicebant illum esse religiosum nec posse esse executorem, aut constitueri procuratorem; quam id sit verum, maxime in testamentis ad piam causam, nescio; sed hoc dixerunt: et hoc secuti sumus ; si animadvertistis in causa D. Gilberti piae memoriae, nec illic id reprehendistis: quicquid fit spero vestram cum prudentia conjunctam charitatem istas difficultates superaturam.

Si provisiones nostris laicis non restituenter actum erit de vita multorum, nam undese vitam, familiamquesustententprorsus nihil Deus det optimo max pontifice facultatem et [p 5] inspiret voluntatem illis succurrendi

Nortonus mortuus est circa diem 20 Maij ut antea significavi De Stephano Brinkleo, Polo, Clemente, Tyrello, Thwingo, Coffino, Fitzherbertis utrisque, Gilberto Giffordio, Verstengamo, Warnero, Whittingtono, Tristramo , Trevethano, Stokero(9), Rogero etiam famulo piae memoriae Georgij Gilberti, qui optime se gessit et multa bona officia fecit in Anglia, atque nunc demum e summis evadens periculis appulit Rhotomagi Habetis ibi quoque alios quam quos nominavi in ipsa Urbe, qui sine hoc adjumento non possunt vivere. Multi cupiunt ad Urbem redire ut suam quisque causam ageret, sed hactenus prohibui et quantum possum impediam, donec quem successum sit commune omnium nomine porrecta memoriale habiturum De numero scholarium aut qualitate mittendorum nihil hactenus admonetis; valde multi ambiunt incessanter

ALLEN

TO AGAZZARI

De pecunia Parisios ultima vice missa ad nos, Covertus respondebit ut alias

Manus mea fatigata est scriptione, et tamen mihi non possum satisfacere erga vos, sed caetera Barrettus noster supplebit. Vale ergo in Christomi dilectissime et desideratissimefraterin Domino; et osculare P. Confessarium , Ministrum, praefectoset praeceptores, et simpliciter omnes charissimos mihi fratres et filios. Dominus Jesus vos custodiat Rhemis 3 Julij 1585.

[P.S.] De Alexandro et socio suo miror. Totus vester in Christo G. Alanus.

Cogor vobis committere quarundam literarumsuperscriptionem quia personarum nomina non novimus, praesertim D. Cardinalis 4 Coronatorum.

Paenitet me quod jam pridem vobis non commendaverim nobilem juvenem D. Hillum R.P. Gasparis ad Urbem comitem.(10) Id nunc facio majori affectu, quia est multumdilectus eidem Patri ipsique ac P. Roberto multa egregia officia praestitit , atque istius quoque amantissimus discipulus, plurimam quoque a me quaeso salutem eidem P. Gasparo

[Addressed by Allen:] Admodum Rde. in Christo Patri P. Alfonso Agazerio Collegii Anglorum in urbeRectori [obser]vantissimo.

[No seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] Alano 3 Julii de multis.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father , Romae.

I received your Reverence'sletter written on 3 June, and that which you sent to Rev. Fr. Robert [Persons] at the same time , together with a letter of the most Rev. Fr. General [Aquaviva ] These I forwarded to him in Flanders. I thought I ought to confer with him personally before we decide anything about that matter whichyou desire Both of us are of the same opinion and desire what you wish for. I also examined lengthily all your written reasonsin the presence of our Fr. [Richard] Barret, and I confess that they are pressing, but because much can be said on the other side, I am still in two minds about it, and even after a month I cannot make any definite decision Meanwhile, youwillfrequently let me know what there is to hope for, what is to be done, and what to be feared in this matter This alone I say frankly and sincerely, that if there was no other consideration, I would, however, infinitely wish for what such great friends desire me to do.(1)

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 161

I now send , as Dr. Bailey asked, these letters of gratitude to certain of our patrons who helped him, and are said to haveregard for the Colleges; one certainly to the most illustrious Cardinal Sabelli,(2) another to the Cardinal of the 4 Crowns, and one on which I have inscribed nothing on the back, written so that it can apply either to CardinalAlexandrino or to CardinalRusticucci, and I leave it to your judgement to inscribe and consign it to whom you prefer. I have not written to both separately at this juncture , because I am very busy and have no one who can help me in such matters A more compelling reason was that I hope you have long ago received and delivered our letters to the Pope and the Protector, and with these a certain plain paper, to which I signedmy name On this paper I desired a letter to be composed by your Reverencefor sending to him whom you consideredmost in favour with the Pontiff: for from here I could not learn who they were I believe that Dr. Bailey will be on his way back before this letter arrives, whether success has attended his efforts or not, so that I would have written to him in vain.

Therumours about the lesseningof the persecution in England , which I understand are current there [in Rome], are most false , and perhaps cunningly invented.(3) For never since the faith was first planted, were Catholics oppressed as they are at this very time, which you can certainly ascertain, for instance, from that new statute which I sent a month ago, translated verbatim into Latin We have also daily confirmation of it by the report of Catholics who have fled thence to us, or by the continual letters of others. What has marvellously disturbed the minds of the enemy, and has moved them to use this greater cruelty towards Catholics is this: that the first and greatest of all the nobles, the Earl of Arundel, son and heir of the Duke of Norfolk, tried two months ago to withdraw himselffrom the kingdom and to cross the sea . He was unfortunately taken aboard ship, brought back to London and thrown into prison (4) When he was examined concerning the cause of his flight by councillors of the Queen, he replied nobly and firmly that he had only attempted it, even at the loss of all his possessions and of his country, in the interests of his conscience and salvation; and when they asked him if he was a Papist, he replied that he had nowfor long been a Catholicat heart, and was above measure worried in conscience , that up to now he had not dared openly to profess his faith because of loss of honours and very ample possessions and danger to his life Meanwhile they drag away to torture and interrogation his servants , they rage against his wife and sister, and imprison his brothers and uncle. Most diligently of all, however, they seek a certain priest whom they believe had reconciled this nobleman to the Church, but they have nowhere discovered him Certain principal men ,

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

moreover, friends and relatives of the Earl, are held in suspicion. All the more noble Catholics throughout the realm are recalled to gaol, whom before they had dismissed, under certain conditions , from the prisons into freer custody. Their possessions are everywhere fallen upon in the name of the Queen, on the protext that they refuseto frequent the churchesand sacramentsof the heretics. They have taken away altogether all the arms of Catholics, lest they be provoked by this intolerable misery to protect themselves . In this very calamity, however, although all sorts of people are more oppressed than can be described, almost all are most constant in confessingthe faith, and by the indignity itself ofthe situation, they become more ardent in their love of religion and in hatred of heresy. And it comes about that even the Protestants themselves are gravely offended at this kind of unjust oppression . In short, my Father, nothing can be added to the barbarity against Catholics at this time, and therefore we wait on God to arise, and for his enemies to be overthrown, so that man prevail no longer against the Lord And the heretics, and the atheists there who are in power, do not do these things so much from hatred of religion or from love of their own sect, although they make that pretence, as in order to preserve their state, which they see to be in the greatest danger from the great and daily growing multitude of Catholics.

Because they attribute this very great inclination and conversion of souls to the Roman faith only to the constancy, labour and diligence of the priests andfathers, hence suchbarbarous laws , recently, against them and their receivers, and such heavy punishments decreed .

Amidst these extreme threats of death and sanguinary laws , however, the priests there proceed with their work courageously, and those who are here with us have never urged with greater importunity than at present to be sent either to the harvest or to martyrdom. In this matter I set such bounds to the desires ofmy men , that I may neither send so many at one time, nor preclude proper care in choosing the most apt. Of your men who arrived here recently I sent two, [John] Brushford and [Christopher] Thules, to England by way of Flanders, where Fr. Persons is (5) More than the rest, they themselves urged this The remainder I retain for the present.

The enemy were hoping that, having passed this sanguinary statute, all priestswould leavethe island, since not only themselves, but all their receivers may be put to death, after sentence under this law. But when, by the appointed date of exile, they had realised that only seven or eight priests had obeyed the law , (6) and that above 200 still remain in the kingdomand performtheir accustomedoffice, and that new men daily arrive, they are reduced

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 163

to great astonishment and rage. Amongst those who remain is above all your brother [i.e. William Weston], a truly outstanding man, and one who is said to gather no meagre harvest, more even than anyof his has hitherto done. I desire this to be reported to Rev. Fr. General, whom I wish to salute , by your means , most humbly in the Lord And although all ports are watched with most diligentguards, duringthis week, however, eight youths have arrived here safely to study, amongst whom are three from the nobility.

[John] Cecil, as I remark, has got stuck in theDominican house at Padua [William] Stafferton has returned, having acquired a doctorate . I had much to say to him about this, as to why he had done it without my knowledge, and absolutely against your will, telling him that he ought in no way to have sought this scholastic honour thus, on account, if for no other reason, of the example of [Christopher] Bagshaw, who was the first to attempt it. He said, however, that he had to do itfor many reasons , but he gave not a single one. But I am completely convinced that this door ought to be barred, for it is neither an honour to the College, nor to theman himself.(7) I shall write to Fr. Cecilas soon as possible, not to follow their example in this matter He acted more courteously with me in this affair, since he wrote by Stafferton thathe would do nothing without my advice; but in case, perchance, my letter should reach him too late, perhaps it would be as wellthat Fr. [William] Warford should tell him this, namely, that I do not approve ofit at all, nor do I think it will be either to his advantage or honour, for I myself am unable to write at this present moment , not even to my Warford, from whom by Stafferton I nevertheless received a very pleasant letter

Rev. Fr. Persons is most desirous that his brother should set out at the first opportunityon his journeyto you, without awai,ting the arrival of the same father [Persons]. He says thatthis willaccord with his brother's wishes, and it is so .

I am not able to get that money for Fr. George [Powell] from [Thomas] Morgan, so some other arrangement about those 1000 crowns must be made.

You neednot be surprised that the name of Fr. Robert [Persons] was not added to our procuratorialinstrument (8) The reason was partly because the notaries could not do anythingin his name , or with his authority, unless he had been present when the instrument was drawn up, and he was not able to be with us at the appropriate time for signing. Partly, however, it was because the representatives, and those active in the affair, said that being a religious, he could not be an executor or be appointed a procurator. I do not know if this be true, especially in wills relating

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

to pious causes, but they made the statement, and we acted on it. Yet you have yourself attended to the case of Mr. [George] Gilbert of pious memory, without any question being raised about it. Whatever is done I hope your charity, united to prudence, will overcome these difficulties

If the pensions for our laymen are not restored, it will be all up with the lives of many, for there is absolutely nothing with which to maintain themselves and their families Godgrant to the supreme Pontiff the ability and inspire him with the will to help them.

Norton diedabout 20 May, as I wrote before. [I also wrote](9) concerning Stephen Brinkley, Pole, Clement, Tyrell, Thwing, [Edward] Coffin, both Fitzherberts, Gilbert Gifford, [Richard] Verstegan, Warner, Whittington, Tristram, Trevethan, Stoker, Roger [Yardley] also, the servant of George Gilbert of pious memory, who behaved very well, and did many good offices in England, and now at length, escapingfrom very great perils, has arrived in Rouen You have there in the City itself others than I have named, who cannot live without this aid Many desire to come to Rome, each one to press his own case, but up to now I have forbidden it and will prevent it so far as I can, until the general memorial, drawn up in the name ofall, has achievedsome good result You give me no advice up to the present concerning the number of scholars, or the qualifications of those to be sent: a very large number clamour incessantly for this

[Thomas] Covert will reply, as at other times, concerning the money sent to Paris for us the last time

My hand is fatigued with writing, but I cannot feel satisfied, as regards you, with what I have written Our [Richard] Barret, however, will supply in all other matters Farewell, therefore, in Christ, my most beloved brother, most desired in the Lord. Salute Fr. Confessor, Fr. Minister, the prefects and teachers , and in short all the brothers and sons, who are most dear to me The Lord Jesus keep you . Rheims, 3 July 1585.

Wholly yours in Christ, W. Allen.

[P.S.] am astonished at Alexander [Markland] and his companion.

I am obliged to leave to you the addressing of certain letters, because we do not know the persons ' names, particularly that of the Cardinal of the 4 Crowns.

I am sorry that I did not commend to you some while ago that young man of good birth, Mr. Hill, who accompanied Rev.

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 165

Fr. Jasper [Heywood] to Rome . (10) I do it now with the greater affection, in that he is much loved by the same Father himself , and rendered many eminent services to Fr. Robert [Persons], and is also a most devoted disciple of his. I beg also the greatest salutations to be made as from me to the same Fr. Jasper.

(1) The reference in this paragraph is almost certainly to a plan that he should visit Rome in person, in view of the financial and other difficulties besetting the Seminaries and the English Catholic cause at this time, and also to expose certain intrigues (see note 3) Apart from his own poor health, mentioned by Allen in his letter of 12 June (supra), it is clear from a later one (No. 69 infra), that he had had no order or invitation from the Pope, or any other superior, to make the journey T. F. Knox was thus incorrect in assuming some such command, when he discussed this journey in his Introduction , and its absence puts the whole matter in a different light than he there suggested (Cf. Knox, Allen, p lxxii) When Allen did finally depart in September , even the Nuncio in Paris had no knowledge of his journey (cf. Ragazzoni to Cardinal Rusticucci, Paris, 1 October 1585, though he later forwarded to the Cardinal a recommendation of Allen, Same to Same, 7 October 1585, in Girolamo Ragazzoni , Evêque de Bergame .... Correspondencede sa Nonciature 1583-1586 , Ed. P. Blet, S.J. , Rome-Paris, 1962, pp 454, 458. The second letter, wrongly ascribed as being to the Cardinal of Como, is printed from the Roman Transcripts, in Knox, Allen, p 435) (2) Cardinal Jacopo Sabelli (or Savelli) was head of the Inquisition or Holy Office, which had charge of English affairs He died in 1587. None of the letters mentioned in this paragraph have survived.

(3) This propaganda, emanating originally from the English government, and spread by agents such as Solomon Aldred, had had considerable effect in deflecting attention in Rome from the real position with regard to the persecution in England (Cf. L. Hicks, S.J. , An Elizabethan Problem, 1964, pp 70-3, 127, and references there)

(4) Cf. C.R.S. 21 , for documents concerning the capture in April 1585 and subsequent treatment of the Earl of Arundel

(5) John Brushford had been ordained in Rome on 14 October 1584 (C.R.S. 37, pp. 29-30, Vicariate Register). He died at Wisbech in 1593 (Bellesheim , Allen, 1885, p 275) Christopher Thules was ordained in Rome on 16 December 1584 (Vicariate Register) For other details, cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 117

(6) The confessions , dated 5 & 8 May 1585, of two priests who wished to leavethe realm under the statute, are noted in Cal S.P.D. 1580-91 , p 239

(7) Concerning English students and doctorates, cf. references in Note 2 to No. 58 supra.

(8) This has relation to the will of Charles Bassett (9) Allen's sentence is without a verb applying to any name given, except the last, and requires an opening such as that suggested in the translation No letter to Agazzari survivesto indicate what Allen had previously written concerning the persons here listed Of those mentioned, Gilbert Gifford , cousin of William Gifford, was the later notorious spy and English government agent, closely connected with the ruin of Mary, Queen of Scots . From the time of his expulsion from the English College in Rome, about mid 1580, his activities were a source of trouble and anxiety to his coreligionists. (Cf. references in Allen's letters, Knox, Allen; C.R.S. 4. pp. 68-9, 80-3; C.R.S. 2, pp 204-5; also J. Morris , S.J., The Letter-Books of Sir Amias Poulet, 1874; J. H. Pollen, S.J., Mary Queen of Scots and the Babington Plot, 1922; L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, 1965; and Cals S.P.D. 1581-90 and Add . 1580-1625).

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

(10) This was probably the James Hill of Bath, who was received at the English Flospice in Rome on 16 June 1685 (Foley, Records VI, p. 557). With many others he was involved on the fringes of the affairs of the Earl of Arundel (cf. C.R.S. 21). After coming abroad he served the Guises, later Mayenne, and then Mercoeur, and was involved in the final peacemaking betweenMercoeur and Henry IV in 1596. His later emigré associations were with C. Paget, W. Tresham and others, and he was of considerable assistance to the Appellant priests at the time of their second appeal against the Archpriest in 1602. (Cf. Cambridge Thesis (1960) by J. A. Bossy, Elizabethan Catholicism: The Link with France, and references there noted; T. G. Law, Archpriest Controversy, II, 1898; also unpublished manuscripts, now at Lambeth Palace Library and noted in C.R.S. 51 as then at St. Paul's Cathedral Library)

. 4 July 1585 .

A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f 14. Grene's extract from a list of Barret's letters to Agazzari

IdemBarretus ad Agazarium Rhemis scribit4 Julij 1585. Eodem feretempore a vobis binae literae mihi traditae sunt longiores illas plenissimae amoris, consilij , providentiae, solicitudinis de patria nostra legi libentissime has statim misi ad P. Robertum qui in Belgio est, et hic Rhemis expectabitur mense Augusti.

[Translation :] The same Barret wrote to Agazzari from Rheims on 4 July 1585. Two of your letters reached me almost at the same time. Iwas glad to read the longer one, full of love, counsel , forethought and solicitude for our country. I sent it at once to Fr. Robert [Persons] who is in Belgium He is expected here at Rheims in August *66 . BARRET TO AGAZZARI. 3 August [1585]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II, f 74v

Grene's note, in a list of 1585 letters.

Lettera del medesimo all'istesso, nella quale da ragguaglio dell' infermità di Alano.(1) Remis 3 Agosto.

[Translation :] Letter of the same [Barret] to the same [Agazzari], in which he gives an account of Allen's illness .(¹) Rheims 3 August [1585]

(1) Allen fell ill on 27 July 1585, with stone in the kidney or the bladder (Knox, D.D. p. 207). A week later he set out for the Spa, near Liège, in the hope that the medicinal waters there would cure him (cf. 67 infra)

67. BARRET TO AGAZZARI Rheims, 8 & 15 August1585 .

Stonyhurst Anglia VI, n 13. Holograph Short notes in Italian by Grene are in A.R.S.J. Angl 38.II.f.74v.

Jesus +Maria

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater,

Scripsi binas literis ad vos de morbo quo D.Alanuspericulose laborat, quarum posteriores in ipsius discessu dedi qui fuit dies septimus ab eo tempore quo ceperat aegrotare. Die autem 9° ab initio istius morbi cum progressus esset in via Maceriam usque quo fecisset duorum dierum itinera eo modo se habuit quem istae literae exponunt quas videtis inclusas P. Sothwellus vel aliquis alius interpretabitur . Manemus in magna atque ingenti solicitudine inter timorem nimis vehementem et spem tamen aliquam. Quam in Deo magis collocamus quam in humanis remedijs quae plane deficiunt nobis nisi aquae illae efficiantur ei salubres: quodtamen ex Deo omnino dependet Quam saepe evenerit ut ego sciam aliquid de ejus valetudine toties illud vobis scribam, quicquid erit. Deus det ut possim aliquando laetiores literas parare Quotidieexpecto A , qui cum venerit statim proficiscetur eo quo D. Alanus antea est progressus .(1) Cras mane putamus DominumAlanum perventurum esse ad illas aquas si imbecillitas corporis non retardaverit iter De quo non multum dubitamus quod cum fluminis impetu in scapha velocissime decurrent Atque hoc modo omne fere iter conficient quod reliquum est

Nuper in Anglia duobus martyribus aucti sumus. Alter vocatur Aufeldesacerdos et frater Robertiquondamfamuli P.Rob.Personij quem Romae vidistis qui hodie in Anglia pessima quaequemolitur contra Catolicos et facit quantum potest ut omnes apprehendantur quos aliquando noverat Neque movetur constantissima morte amantissimi sui fratris. O quam dissimilis et fide et moribus qui tamen sanguine erat conjunctissimus Alter est laicus cujus nomen non audivi.(2)

Isaac Higgins omnes superat et malitia et arte qui hactenus fuerunt Apostatae in Anglia (3) Atque propter intimam familiaritatem quam hic habuit cum et 4 et 7 et duobus multanovit ex quo Pater Georgius Powell in turrim Londinensem nuper detruditur et alij multi quotidie capiuntur . Ipse in habitu laico monstruosissimo in plateis ambulat cum exploratoribus si quem forte Catholicum posset agnoscere [p. 2]. Immo patrem suum et amantissimum atque indulgentissimum patrem accusavit quod esset Catholicus et quod pecunias miserat in istas partes pro Catholicis Caveantilli qui hujus mores sequuntur. Fuit enim ut nostisomnium inobedientissimus ut contra superiores et disciplinam Collegij semper clamaret atque in irridendis penitentijs et ejusmodi exer-

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

citijs humilitatis, memini eum fuisse praecipuum. Apud nos fuit in omni genere levitatis et superbiae multum notatus a quibusdam et alia graviora in lucem ex eo tempore adducta sunt et manifestata etiam ab ijs qui nimiumfuerunt ei amici etfamiliares praeter gravissima illa scandala quae in discessu commisit

Cum essem in scribendo allatae sint vestrae literae ad D. Alanum datae 18 Julij quas mittam quamprimum aliquid acceperimus boni de ejus valetudine.

Gaudeo equidem D. Bailleum jam esse tam longe progressum in itinere . Nam si quid evenerit de D. Alano quod nollemus ejus presentia erit imprimis necessaria(4) Quod tam multi tam turpiter insaniunt in Collegio sintque impudentissimi atque dementissimi vehementerdoleo Sed vestraprudentia et diligentiasicut et aliorum stultitiam atque ferociam invenit et sepius antehac compresserit sic et istos turbulentes homines facile ut spero superabit P. Sothwellus scribit tantum de rebus quae pertinent ad Congregationem sed ex paucis facile est et reliqua colligere (5)

P. Baggshaus cum quattuor alijs nuper est captus in ingressu in Angliam. Erat in Scotiam profecturus sed mutavit sententiam et Deus ad sui gloriam omnia disponet uti spero et ad salutem ipsorum qui sunt incarcerati (6) Cum venerit P. Robertus scribam plura interim valete in Christo. Rhemis 8° Augusti 1585

V.R. filius et servus in Christo Richardus Barretus . [p.3]

Hodie festum estAssumptionis beatae Virginis Nam hactenusnon inveni opportunitatem aliquam mittendiParisios. P. Robertus jam sex dies mansit hic nobiscum Rhemis Quamprimum huc venit misit nuntium ad D. Alanum qui non redijt adhuc neque poterit adesse ante 18m hujus mensis Interim forte nihil audiemus de aegroto propter incommoda viarum Raro enim ex illis partibus huc accedunt neque certus tabellarius invenitur per quem mittant

In magnam spem adducimur eum meliori esse valetudine quod tot dies intercesserint in quibus nihil audivimus De statu hujus collegij et difficultatibusin quibus sumus V.R. accipiet longissimas literas R.P. Rob quare non est opus ut aliquid scribam .(7)

Pro bono ille sene qui vocatur Doche quidam mihi in manus hic tradidit 9 pistolles quae summa hic apud nos tribus julijs minor est quam 9 aurei vel scuta. Si sit in via ut quidem arbitrantur hic a me recipiet. Sin vero manet apud vos quaesomi ReverendePater ut totidem illi faciatis numerari ego vero tradam , re audita, hanc summam in manus D. Bailei. Valete 15 Aug.

Barretus vester.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 169

[Addressedby Barret :] AdmodumRdo in Christo Patri D. Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu Collegij Anglorum Rectori. Romae.

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] 1585. Remis a Barretto 16 [sic] Aug.

De morbo D. Alani

De duobus Martyribus

De Igonni [sic]

De 9 aureis solvendis seni

(2) Barrett 1585. 8 Aug.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father in Christ,

I wrote to you two letters about the dangerous illness of Dr. Allen The later one I penned, when he left, on the seventh day after the beginning of his illness On the ninth day, when he had got as far as Mézières, two days' journey, his conditionwas such as described in the letter which you see enclosed . Fr. [Robert] Southwell, or someone else, will translate it for you We remain extremely anxious, fearing greatly on the one hand, yet clinging to some hope on the other. This our hope we place rather in God than in human remedies, whichfail us, unless those waters prove efficacious, and that, too, depends wholly on God. As often as Iget news of his condition, I shall let you know, whatever it be God grant that I may sometime be able to write a more cheerful letter.

I expect [Persons ] daily, but on his arrival he will at once set out on the road taken previously by Dr. Allen (1) We think that Dr. Allen will have arrived at those waters [The Spa, near Liège]by tomorrowmorning, unlesshis weakness hascausedsome delay on the journey. But we have not much fear of that, since in a light boat they will hurry along very quickly, carried forward by the flow of the river. It is in this manner that they will complete nearlyall the rest of the journey.

Recently in England two martyrs have been added to our list. One of them is a priest, called [Thomas] Alfield He was the brother of that Robert whom you saw in Rome, and who was formerly Fr. Robert Persons' servant Today this servant contrives all manner of evil against Catholics, and does what he can to have all apprehended whose acquaintance he has made Nor is he moved by the great constancy in death of his most devoted brother. Oh, how dissimilar in faith and conduct are those who are most closely allied by blood. The other martyr is a layman whosename I have not learned (2)

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Isaac Higgins surpasses in malice and cunning all who have , upto now , apostatised in England (3) And because of his intimate friendship with [W. Gifford] and 47, and the two he learned a good deal In consequence Fr. George Powell has recently been thrust into the Tower of London, and many others are daily captured. He himself , dressed very extravagantly in lay clothes, walks the streets with spies, to see if perchance he can recognise any Catholics More than this he brought an accusation against his most devoted and indulgent father, that he was a Catholic, and that he had sent money for Catholics into thoseparts. Let those who imitate his conduct take warning; for he was , as you know, the most disobedient student of all, ever crying out against superiors and the discipline of the College, and I recall that he was second to none in ridiculing penances and such exercises in humility. When with us he was particularlynoted by some for every kind offrivolity and pride, and other grave matters have come to light since, and have even been made known by those who were too friendly and intimatewith him; and this apart from the very serious and scandalous offences he committed at his departure.

As I waswriting this letter, yours to Dr. Allen of the 18th July, was brought to me; I shall forward it as soon as we have some good news of his health.

Iam glad, indeed, that Dr. Bailey has progressed so far on his [return] journey; for should anything untoward happen to Dr. Allen, his presence here will be of the first necessity.(4)

Iam very sorry, indeed, that so many students in the College behave in such a disgraceful manner, as if they were out of their minds, and are utterly devoid of shame and reason But as your prudence and diligence has up to now very often checked the folly and the untamed natures found in others, so now, I hope, you will easily curb these turbulent spirits. Fr. [Robert] Southwell writes only of matters concerning the Congregation, but from a few remarks it is easy to gather therest (5)

Fr. Bagshaw with four others was recently captured as he was entering England. He wasto go to Scotland, but changedhis mind. God will, I hope, dispose all things for His glory, and for the salvation of the prisoners.(6)

When Fr. Robert [Persons] arrives, I shall writefurther. Meanwhile farewell in Christ. Rheims, 8 August 1585 . Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ, Richard Barret

Today is the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin. Hitherto I have not found any opportunity of sending to Paris.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 171

Fr. Robert [Persons] has now remained six days here with us at Rheims As soon as he arrived he sent to Dr. Allen a messenger who, so far, has not returned, nor can he be here before the 18th of this month. Meantime we have no news of the sick man , because of the difficulties of the roads; for rarely, indeed , does a courier come here from those districts, nor is anyone found whom they may safely send We have great hope of an improvement in his health, seeing that we have had no news for so many days.

Of the state of the College and the difficulties we are in , your Reverence will receive a very long letter from Rev. Fr. Robert [Persons], so there is no need for me to write anythingaboutit (7)

A certain individual handed me 9 Pistoles for that good old man, called Doche Nine Pistoles in our money is equivalent to three Julii and less than nine crowns. If he is on his way, as some think, he will receive them from me. If, however, he remains with you, put that sum, I beg your Reverence , to his account , and once informed, I shall hand over that amount to Dr. Bailey Farewell. 15 August

Your Barret

(

1) Persons arrived at Rheims about 9 or 10 August (see later this letter) About the time when Allen fell ill Persons, who was then concluding arrangements before his own forthcoming journey to Rome (cf. Note 2 to No. 63 supra), sent a messenger to Rheims for final resolutions from Allen about their joint mission affairs, which he was to negotiate. The messenger returned with the news that Allen was on the point of death from his complaint, and with an instant request from Allen himself, Barret, Stillington and others, that Persons would abandon all other plans and come at once to Rheims He did so, only to find that Allen had left for the Spa six days before, with Mr. Frizon as companion, "leaving instructions that as soon as I arrived I should follow him to the Spa, because he said he had important matters to discuss with me before he died, which he now held as most certain to happen if he continued the same , as he made Mr. Frizon write from Mézières on the journey" . Another letter from Mézières , however, announcedanamelioration in Allen's condition Persons, therefore, sent a messenger to him (see second part of this present letter). He himself remained at Rheims to make some necessary arrangements about the succession to the presidency of the College, should Allen die He related that this was Allen's main worry during his illness , and that it was thought necessary that he [Persons] should warn Agazzari of the possibility that rumours of Allen's grave sickness or death, coming to Rome from other quarters, might lead someone to obtain promises of the succession to the presidencyfrom the Pope of an unsuitable person: for the matter was of particular concern both to the Spanish King, and to the house of Guise and the Cathedral Chapter of Rheims, under whose protection the College existed. Should Allen die, the Cardinal and the Duke of Guise would take over the governmentof the College at once, untilthe Pope appointed a new president, and they would confirm in office those already governing there, and would command all, under pain of expulsion, to pursue their studies quietly as before, without making any commotion All these matters Agazzari was to keep secret .

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

These interesting details appear in a letter of Persons to Agazzari, Rheims, 12 & 16 August 1585 (A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, ff 35-6, discovered after the publication of C.R.S. 39) Allen's condition continued to improve, and Persons remained at Rheims until 23 August (cf. No. 68 infra)

(2) Thomas Alfield and Thomas Webley, laymen, were martyred at Tyburn 6 July 1585

(3) Isaac Higgins was admitted to the College in Rome 4 October 1580 , but returned to Rheims 2 November 1581. Ordained on 31 March 1584, he left the College on 21 February 1585, presumably in view of Barret's words here , in circumstances causing scandal (C.R.S. 37, p 24; Knox, D.D., pp 183, 200, 204) He was committed by the Council from the Star Chamber to Newgate on 1 July 1585. It is not clear whether his activities against his co-religionists preceded or followed this committal. He continued to appear in prison lists until 1587 (C.R.S. 2 , various pages) In the latest he was noted as "fitte for Wisbiche" , and may be the prisoner "Higgins" who, with others, was the object of charges before the Justices of Ely on 1 September 1587 (Cal S.P.D. 1581-90, p 425) Three of the cipher signs in this letter occur too infrequently in Barret's extant correspondenceto be interpreted. (4) Dr. Bailey remained at the English Hospice until 15 July 1585 (Foley, RecordsVI, p 556) (5) The "Congregation" here means the Sodality of Our Lady in the English College in Rome (6) Bagshaw had been sent to England with one other priest from Rheims on 17/27 May 1585 (Knox, D.D., p 206) He must have been captured at once, for he was committed to the Tower on 2/12 June 1585 (Tower Bills, C.R.S. 3 , p 20) Two letters from him, one to the Council, one to Walsingham, both dated 4 September 1585, are in S.P.D.E. Vol 182 (incorrectly given as Vol. 282 in C.R.S. 51, p 19), nn 3 & 4. In that to Walsingham he begged him to "continyue my good friende as yow have begune" . For further details, cf. C.R.S. 51 , passim The identity of the four others mentioned by Barret is uncertain. (7) See Note 1 above , for Persons' letter

68. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. Rheims, 22 August 1585.

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f 34. Holograph

Jesus + Maria

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater, Istas literas libentissime scribo cum tanta animi laetitia et exultatione in domino ut omnemanxietatemetmaestitiam superioribus temporis hodiernus nuncius penitus videatur abstulisse. Nam D. Alanus plane convaluitex gravissimo et periculosissimo morbo praeter omnem fere spem et expectationem A domino factum est istud et est mirabile in oculis nostris Praeter istas literas quas hic includo P. Robertus accepit a D. Alano bene quidem longas quas propria manu conscripsit Dicant nunc qui timent dominum quoniam in seculum misericordia ejus

Uterque et D. etiam Frizonius iter illud infra unum mensem suscepturi videntur Quae P. Robertus ad vos scripsit de mente D. Alani si aliquid ei humanitus contigisset infinitis de causis opus

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 173

est ut sit secretissimum Quod in ea re fuit praecipuum et maxime ad honorem dei et salutem animorum quodque non pro unius vita sed in perpetuum stabiliri potest hoc curate cum venerit ut executioni dum ipse vivat mandetur (1) Non loquor de aliquo in particulari sed de ijs quos eodem in loco habiturus sum qui Reverendissimum et charissimum colendissimum meum Patrem Alfonsum. Quaeso mea opera in ea re aliquid posset efficere Video enim quod in causa dei pro tali regimine quantum deberem contendere Quicquid de aliquo in particulari in illa causa admixtum fuerit est per [arduum?] de eo nolite curare Videre ne impediat causamcommunem: et ne forte sic melius sineexceptione cujuspiam vel nunc vel in posterum rem tanti momenti tractare Ista sunt obscura sed Pater meus est optimus interpres voluntatis meae ex P. Roberto cum venerit meam sententiam (si ista forte abstrusiora videantur) facillime intelligetis.

Cras mane P. Robertus et D. Decanus profecturi sunt ut D. Alanum salutent et eum forte cum D. Frizonio domum reducant

Heri D. Hortonus venit Rhemos quem Cardinalis tractavit humanissimebenignissime. Naminter suos domesticoseumadmisit et singulis annis praeter vestitum et comitatum unius famuli concessit ei centum scuta. Quae in hominem pauperem et exulem magna certe est liberalitas et eximia quaedam bonitas atque munificentia Agnoscit se omnia debere V.R. et Reverendis Patribus Societatis. Multum laetor quod inter multos quos maximis beneficijs affecistis inciderim in unum qui gratum animum et memorem ostendit Deus det alijs meliorem mentem

Novi ex Anglia vel parum vel nihil nisi quod rumor sit sexaginta sacredotes brevi in exilium esse exterminandos. Valete . 22 Aug. 1585 Rhemis.

R.V. filius et servus in Christo Richardus Barretus.

Narratur mihi de Tempestio et de conniventia D. Bailei in illo tumultu apud vos quia mihi magnopere displicuerintcupio veritatem scire in causa tam bona debuerunt certe vel meliorem mentem vel saltem fortiorem animum ostendisse si recte in causa senserant quod arbitrabor donec aliud intellexero Nimis forte erant indulgentes in suas conterraneos sed valete in Christo.

[Addressedby Barret :] Admodum Rdo in Christo Patri P. Alfonso Agazario SocietatisJesu Collegij Anglorum Rectori Romae.

[Seal mark]

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

[Endorsed:] (1) 1585 Barettus 22 Augusti.

(2) 2 lines in cipher undeciphered, then patres curam , colegi, then most of a line scribbled out.

(3) S. Ut Patres habeant curam Collegij [All hands unknown]

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father in Christ,

It is a great pleasureto write this letter, and I do so with such great joy in the Lord and exaltation of spirit as the news today seems to have swept away all the anxiety and grief of these latter days For it is clear that Dr. Allen almost beyond all hope and expectation has recoveredfrom a veryseriousand dangerousillness. The Lord has brought this about and it is wonderfulin our eyes.

Besides the letter enclosed , Fr. Robert [Persons]received quite a lengthy one from Dr. Allen written in his own hand . Let those hold forth whofear the Lord, for His mercy endureth for ever .

Dr. Allen and Fr. Robert and also Mr. Frizon are to start on their journey, so it seems, within a month. What Fr. Robertwrote toyou ofthematters proposed by Dr. Allen in view ofhis possible death, must of necessity for innumerable reasons be kept most secret. And as for those plans of his which greatly concern the glory of God and the good of souls, and whichcan be consolidated not for the span of one man's life but in perpetuity , see you to it that when he arrives, they be put into execution during his lifetime (1) I am not referring to any individual in particular, but to those whom Iam to have in the same position as my mostreverend , dearest and most cherished Father Alphonsus. I pray that my efforts might be able to achieve something in that matter . For I realise what great efforts I ought to make in the cause of God on behalfof such a government In that cause do not have regard to any great difficulty concerning any particularindividual See to it that it does not hamper the common cause, and consider, without regard to anyone, if it be better to treat of a matter of so great consequence now, or in the future. I write in an obscure manner, but my Father is an excellent interpreter of what I desire, but when he arrives, you can very easily get to know my views from Fr. Robert, should the above prove somewhat too obscure .

Tomorrow Fr. Robert and the Dean will set out to greet Dr. Allen and, may be, to bring him back with Mr. Frizon

Yesterday Mr. Horton came to Rheims. The Cardinal [of Guise] has treated him with the greatest humanity and kindness. For he has made him one of his household, and besides providing clothing and food, has granted him yearly a hundred crowns.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 175

Certainly, to do this for a poor exile shows great liberality, and a somewhat exceptional benevolence and generosity Mr. Horton acknowledgesthat he owes it all toyour Reverenceand the Fathers of the Society I am very glad to come across one, among those many for whom you have procured great benefits , who shows he is mindful of it and is grateful May God make others better disposed.

Of news from England there is little or nothing, except that according to rumour sixty priests are shortly to be driven into exile Farewell. 22 August 1585. Rheims

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ. Richard Barret

A report has reached me that [Robert] Tempest and Dr. Bailey were implicated in the disturbances in your seminary As by this they have caused me very great displeasure, I desire to know the truth. Certainly, in such a good cause, they should have shown better dispositions and greater strength of character , had they had a right appreciation of the matter: and I shall hold to this opinion until I learn otherwise May be they showed too great indulgence to their own countrymen. But farewellin Christ.

(1) This passage contains the first definite intimation that Allen had decided to go to Rome himself at this time (cf. Note 1 to No. 64 supra) The letter of Persons, in question, is that to Agazzari, 12 & 16 August 1585, of which some account is given in Note 1 to No. 67 supra It seems clear that the letters of Allen , referred to here by Barret, must have contained further plans to safeguard the seminaries after Allen's life-time , beyond the emergency ones discussed by Persons in his letter Allen's letters have not survived, so that no details in his own hand of his plans are forthcoming, but it would appear from the remainder of Barret's paragraph, in spite of its obscurities, that Allen's intention, in the event of his death, was that the seminary at Rheims was to be put in charge of the Jesuits Such a plan clearly had Barret's approval.

69. ALLEN TO AGAZZARI The Spa, 22 September 1585.

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f 37. Holograph.

Jesus.

Admodum ReverendeinChristo, Pater ac frater desideratissime in Domino, jam tandem mihi per deum utcumque restituta valetudine, post varias cum sapientioribus amicis deliberationes Christi etiam a multis ad consiliorum nostrorum directionem permultum et saepe invocato, de profectione Romana resolvi tandem, iter meum quanto possum ac debeo affectu vestris ac vestrorum id est

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

meorum charissimorum filiorum assiduis orationibus commendans. Nunquam enim hactenus in viam illam cum majori vitae et valetudinis ut videtur periculo me dedi; sed causae collegiorum ac nostrorum necessitates tam sunt urgentes ut apud me omnibus personae meae incommodis facile praeponderent (¹)

Hoc enim profiteor quod pro omnibus hujus mundi emolumentis hac corporis viriumque mearum imbecillitate , istud hoc tempore iter non susciperem ; sed nunc pro adamata patria mea facio, et lubens quidem quidquid evenerit facio hoc fortasse postremum amoris obsequium in collegia, in meos, in Angliam ipsam

Atque in caeteris quidem, in hoc toto genere, difficultatibus ac timoribus , et incerti etiam istic successus dubitatione summa , id me mirificerecreat; quod videor per dei gratiam propinquam habere spem , vestram dilectionem complectendi, collegium ita his annis auctum et ornatum lustrandi , dilectissimam denique turmam meorum filiorum conspicendi et amplexandi, quo nihil in hac pene vita mortali potest gratius a me expeti aut a Deo concedi [p. 2]

In hac ergo vos omnes brevi videndi spe, omnia quae scribenda essent pro variarum epistolarum vestrarum in aegritudine receptarum responsione lubens differo in illud tempus.

Per has literas adjunctas propositum etiam hoc meum Reverendissimo Archidiacono inscrivo [sic], et hoc consilium suae etiam prudentiae probaricupio; etut probet magis, illi causas profectionis hujus reddo Vide si per vestram R.P. non sit etiam honesto aliquo modo et praetextu meus adventus in urbem praesignificandus quibusdam e superioribus nostris, et honestae aliquae rationes hujus propositi nostri insinuandae; nempe quod in his primis sanctissimi Domini Nostri auspiciis obsequii faciendi causa, et ut suae Sanctitati ac aliis excellentioribus personis apud ipsam cupiam propter collegiorum missionum, facultatum spiritualium, ac similiumpatriae negotiorum tractationem, sim utcumque cognitus, et similia pro sapientia vestra

De aedibus commodis V.R. relinquo cogitandum.(2) Interim charissime hominum vale, et meos omnes in osculo pacis multum saluta Spero vos R. Patri Generali ac patribus omnibus iter nostrum largiter commendaturos, ut nostri apud deum sint memores: de comite nostro gaudebitis Iterum vale in Christo Jesu Apud Aquas Spadanas 22 Sep. 1585 .

Confrater et conservus dilectissimus G. Alanus

[Addressed by Allen:] Admodum Rdo. in Christo Patri, Patri Alfonso Collegii Anglorum Rectori Romae

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI 177

[No seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] Alano. 22 7bre V.

[Translation :]

Jesus

Very Reverend in Christ, Father and brother most desired in the Lord, my health being now through God at length in some sort restored, I have at last made up my mind about my coming to Rome, following various consultations with wiser friends, and having very much and often invoked, through many persons, Christ's guidance in my plans I commend my journey with the greatest affection that I can and should to your continual prayers and those of yours, that is, of my most dear sons: for never hitherto have I set forth on that road with, it seems , greater danger to my life and health The cause of the Colleges, however, and the needs of ours are so pressing that they easily outweigh in my mind all my personal inconvenience(1)

This I confess, however, that for all the rewards of this world I would not have undertaken this journey at this time, in the present weak state of my body and strength. But I do it now for the sake of my most beloved country, and indeed willingly, whatever happens, do I do this, which may be my last office of love for the colleges, for my sons, for England herself.

And even in other difficulties and fears, in this wholematter , and also in the extreme doubt here about the uncertain outcome , it is a wonderful source of joy to me that I appear to have, by the grace of God, the approaching hope of greeting your beloved self, of seeing over the College so increased and beautified these last years, and finally, of seeing and greeting the beloved band of my sons , than which nothing in this mortal life more welcome can be asked for by me, or granted by God

In this hope, therefore, of seeing you all in a short time, 1 willingly defer till then all those matters which should have been written about in answerto various letters of yours received during my illness .

In the enclosed letter, also, I acquaint the most Rev. Archdeacon [Lewis] with my decision, and I hope this plan will, in his wisdom, be approved: that he may the more completely approve, I outline the reasonsfor this journey. See also if, by your Reverence's means , my coming to the City may not, by some good way or pretext, be made known beforehand to certain of our superiors, and some good reasons for it insinuated: namely, in the first auspicious beginnings of the pontificate to do obeisance, to comply with my desire to become somewhat known to his Holiness and other excellent persons, for treating of the affairs of the colleges,

ALLEN TO AGAZZARI

missions, spiritual faculties and suchlike matters concerning our country, and any similar reasons that occur to your wisdom .

I leave to your Reverence the arranging of suitable accommodation,(2) Meanwhile I bid you farewell, most beloved of men , andheartily greet all mine withthe kiss of peace. I hope that you will greatly commend my journey to Rev. Fr. General [Aquaviva ] and all the Fathers, that they may remember us in their prayers You will rejoice in my companion Again farewellin Christ Jesus The Spa, 22 September1585.

Your most devoted fellow brother and servant ,

W. Allen.

(1) Concerning this visit to Rome, cf. Note 1 to No. 64 and Note 1 to No. 68 supra. (2) Allen was received at the English Hospice on 4 November 1585 , and remained there, or in a house belonging to the Hospice, until he received the Cardinal's hat on 7 August 1587. (Foley, Records VI, p 558) The "xix sc[udi] per month" with which the entry ends, probably relates to some monthly payment made for his living expenses Persons travelled to Rome with Allen (cf. No. 70 infra)

70. BARRET TO AGAZZARI Paris, 29 September 1585.

Stonyhurst Anglia I, n 26. Holograph. Existence of this letter is noted by Grene in A.R.S.J. Angl 38.II, f 74v.

Jesus+ Maria

Admodum Reverende in Christo Jesu , Sedecim jam dies sunt quod Rhemis abfueram cum Stillingtono nostro et Greeno(1) qui omnes pariter et ad recreandos animos et ad corroboranda corpora iter satis longum suscipimusquod pedibus jam fere confecimus in eum modum ut multa loca sancta visitaremus. Hodie autem sumus Parisiis cras mane facturi sacrum apud S. Dionysium ubi ejus corpus religiosissime conservatur et colitur. Hinc igitur ex hac nostra absentia factum est quod superiores vestras literas, quas ex istis ad D. Alanum intelligo et ad me et ad R.P. Robertum scriptas fuisse adhuc non vidimus Heri vero accepi a D. Coverto quas V.R. scripserat 10 Septembris ad D. Alanum Vehementer satis doleo de illa vestra mortificatione quod Tabellarius suo tempore non tradiderat eas literas quae certiores vos redderent de valetudine Domini Alani, quam singulari Dei beneficio, praeter omnem fere expectationem miraculose plane recuperavit. Nam V.R. tam multas habet quotidie et tam graves mortificationes ex illa ingratitudine et impudentia Academicorum et aliorum stultorum adolescentium ut minime sit opus aliunde

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 179

aliquid accidere quod tristitiae aliquid aut doloris afferat. Mirarer equidem tantis oneribus et quotidianis istis molestiis V.R. non succumbere nisi antea essem expertus patientiam vestram et amorem singularem qui facit ut omnia, etiam gravissima quaecumque sufferatis. Atque quo major est istorum stultitia et ingratitudoet contumelia et indignitas eo magis apud bonos elucebit vestra virtus, et amor ille singularis in omnes Anglos eo magis constabit, quo isti nituntur sceleratius eum disrumpere atque divellere Sed Alfonsus indulgentissimus et benignissimus Pater [p.2] propter paucorum impietatem et scelus nunquam relinquet reliquos suos filios quos semper habebit charissimos conjunctissimos et obedientissimos.

D. Alanus et R.P. Personius sunt in itinere jam a tredecim diebus (2) Deus conducat eos et reducat incolumes 150 scutaquae D. Covertus recepit a doctore quodam Sorbonico hic Parisiis jam misit Rhemos quod voluit in istis literis vobis significari . Laetor plurimum de Jonsonio et reliquis qui ad mentis sanitatem redierunt et gratulor eos in Domino.

Curabo ut D. Elie scribat ad Antonium promisit etiam mihi antea se velle scribere Dixi item P. Bishopo de suo cognato ut eum literis adjuvet (3) Hoc idem faciam de aliis.

P. Hodsonus plurimum nocet juventuti hujus nostri collegii in eo quod unumqueque quem putet esse aptiorem ad literas et de quo habet aliquem vel timorem vel suspicionem de ingressu in Societatem ipse solet ejusmodi adolescentes modis omnibus a Patribus avertere Hoc fecit in Bishopo, ut intellexi post ejus discessum . Non desistam admonere hominem sed non est capax consilii. Utinam D. Alanus vellet vel hujusmodi dimittere vel liberrime admonere Nam quod ille in hac parte est clementior ex eo est quod audeant asserere et affirmare multarum suarum opinionum eum esse patronum.

Cum erit otium scribam ad Stratfortium si ille sit quem vestra Reverentia appellat nomine Joannis Apud nos vocabitur Arthurus(4) [p 3]

Literas Cardinalis Rusticuciiaperio ut ostenderemD. Frizonio qui nostra causa hic est Parisiis atque ut si quid consolationis contineant impartiam Domino Bayleio et easdem inclusas remitto ad vos ut custodiaris usque ad adventum D. Alani cum easdem legeritis

D. Baileius fuit cum D. Alano usque ad ejus discessum . Leodi autem eum constituerat relinquere Atque sic ille Romam iste Rhemos discessit

ReverendePater de remediis adhibendis ego sumin ea opinione utin aliorum exemplum severitas sit plane necessaria ut quos amor non possit metus paenarum contineat in officio.

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Omnes qui aliquando fuerunt Romae, et, similiter cum istis , sic stulte et seditiose se gesserunt , laetantur plurimum alios jam inveniriqui eodem sunt animo in illa causa et quamplurimos habent Parisiis et Rotomagi quos sibi adjungunt in excusandisvel laudandis illis seditiosis hominibus qui vos et collegium tantopere conturbant . Atque propter hos et alios quos decipiunt in causa opus est ut justitia potius et severitas ostendatur quam ut suaviter tractentur. Ne scilicet aliqui qui causam non norant existiment eos sine culpa fuisse si sinepaenadimittuntur Christus Jesus conservetvos omnes incolumes Parisiis, 29 September 1585.

V.R. filius et servus in Christo, Richardus Barretus.

[AddressedbyBarret :] Admodum Rdo in Christo PatriP. Alfonso Agazario SocietatisJesu CollegiiAnglorum Rectori Romae

[No apparent seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] D. Barettus 1585 . 1585 (in another hand). (2) De adventu Alani, de severitate, de Hodsono.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend in Christ Jesus , I have been absent now from Rheims for some sixteen days, together with our Stillington and Green (1) For our recreation and to restore our strength all of us undertook quite a long journey, nearly the whole of which we made on foot, and by a route that let us visit many shrines Today, however, we are at Paris, and tomorrow we say Mass in the church of St. Denis, where his body is most devoutly preserved and venerated. Our absence, thus , was the cause why we have not yet seen your former letters, whichI understand from that to Dr. Allen, were written to me and Rev. Fr. Robert [Persons].

Yesterday I receivedfrom Mr. [Thomas] Covert the letter you wrote to Dr. Allen on 10 September. I am very sorry indeed, that you were upset because the courier did not deliver at the right time, the letter informingyou of Dr. Allen's health, and his clearly miraculous recovery, beyond all expectation. For your Reverence has daily so much and so considerable vexation from the ingratitude and impudence of students and other witless youths, that you by no means want anything outside this to add to your anxiety and depression Indeed, I should be astonished that your Reverence is not overcome by such burdens and daily vexations , had I not had formerexperienceofyour patience and singular devotion ,

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 181

that makes you bear with everything, even the most grievous trials. The greaterthe ingratitude and insultingbehaviour ofthese students, and their stupid want of gravity, the more your virtue will be appreciated by the right-minded, and the more clearly be established your remarkable affection for all the English, an affection that they are too wickedly attempting to uproot and destroy. But the most indulgent and benign Father Alphonsus will never, on account of the unfilial and bad conduct of a few, forsake suchsons of his as will ever hold him in the highest regard, and be most united and most obedient to him

Dr. Allen and Rev. Fr. Persons are now thirteen days on their journey.(2) May God be their guide and lead them back in safety.

The 150 crowns which Mr. Covert received here in Paris from a certain Doctor of the Sorbonne, he has already sent to Rheims. He wished me to inform you of it in this letter.

I am very glad that [William] Johnson and the rest have returnedto sanity and I felicitate them in the Lord.

I shall see that Dr. Ely sends a letter to Anthony [Major]; he promised me earlier that he was ready to do so. I also told Fr. [William] Bishop to write to his kinsman and help him in this way (3) I shall do the same as regards others

Fr. [Christopher] Hodson is doing very great damage to the young men of this our seminary, in that he is wont to use every means to turn against the Fathers anyone whom he thinks more fitted for studies, and about whose entrance into the Society he has some fear or suspicion. He acted so with [James] Bishop, as I got to know after the latter's departure. I do not cease to admonish the man, but he is incapable of accepting advice Would that Dr. Allen were willing to dismisssuch men or warn them with greater severity. For it is because he is too mild in this matter that they dare to assert and affirm that he favours many of their opinions.

When I have leisure I shall writeto Stratford, if he is the person your Reverencerefers to by the name of John. When hewas with us, he was called Arthur (4)

I opened the letter of Cardinal Rusticucci to show it to Mr. Frizon , our agent here in Paris, and if it contained good news , to impart the same to Mr. Bailey I send the letter back to you that after reading it, you may keep it till the arrival of Dr. Allen

Mr. Bailey was with Dr. Allen up to the latter's departure, but at Liège he decided to bid him adieu, and so Allen left for Rome and Bailey for Rheims

As to what remedies should be applied, Reverend Father, I am of that opinion that for the benefit of others, severe dealing

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

is clearly needed for those who cannot be held to their duty by affection, butmay be byfear.

All those who have at some time been at Rome, and with the present students behaved foolishly and rebelliously, are extremely glad to find others now who are of the same mind in this matter; and they have very many indeed at Paris and Rouen, who join withthem in excusing and praising those unruly studentswhocause such disquiet to you, and such great disturbance in the college. And for the sake of these and others whom they deceive in this matter, there is need rather to act with justice and severity than to treat them mildly: and this, lest some who have no knowledge of the matter, should think them blameless, if they be dismissed without any punishment May Jesus Christ safely preserveyou all Paris, 29 September1585.

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ, Richard Barret

(1) Probably Richard Green

(2) He corrected this information in his letter of 8 October (infra)

(3) Anthony Major apostatised in England in June 1594 (cf. C.R.S. 51 , p. 184). William Bishop's kinsman was James Bishop, who had entered the English College in Rome on 25 April 1585 , but was sent back to Rheims in June 1591. He left there on 1 August 1592. (C.R.S. 37, p 57; Knox, D.D., pp 245, 247) He does not appear to have been ordained A later report, from the Nuncio in Flanders, indicates that he became a spy against Catholics in England (cf. Frangipani to Aldobrandino , Brussels, 10 October 1598, Correspandance d'Ottavio Mirto Frangipani, Rome, 1932, II, p 392; cf. also Persons, Certayne Aparent Judgments , C.R.S. 2, p. 209)

(4) An Arthur Stratford, aged 28 years, entered the English College in Rome on 25 April 1585, where he was ordained in November 1586 (C.R.S. 37 , p 55) He is noted, however, as John, in Sega's Visitation Report A. O. Meyer, op cit p 498) He passed by Rheims on his way to England in September 1588 (Knox, D.D. p. 220).

*71 BARRET TO AGAZZARI Rheims, 8 October 1585 .

A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f 14 (1) and A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II , f. 74v (2); Grene'sextracts and notes from same letter of Barret in two different Collectanea.

(1) Idem ut supra Rhemis 8 Octob 1585. Cum essem nuper Parisijs ... scripsi eos (Dr. Alan and F. Persons) tot jam dies in via fuisse ... quia sic erat constitutum sed postea intellexi eos distulisse illud tempus discessionis usque ad 23 ejusdem mensis ... qui si salvi pervenerint Romam ...

(2) 8 October : Del medesimo (a) Il Personio e l'Alano partirono di Remis per Roma li 23 di Settembre Dove il Barrettodice di sopra, che gia eran 13 giorni che stavano in viaggio, cioè

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

che partissero di Remis alli 16 di Settembre; cio disse perche gia si era stabilito partire in tal giorno : et il Barretto per ritrovarsi lontano non sapeva che havessero differito piu oltre

(b) Missi nuper sunt in exilium 21 Sacerdotes et jam sunt Rhotomagi ex carceribus Eboracensibus, et Hullensibus, omnes fere sunt senes . .

(

c) Di 32 altri sacerdoti che si aspettavano da Londraessiliati di colà, ne giunsero a Remis 5 mentre egli scrivea la lettera , e si attendevano anche li altri (1) Remis 8 Octob.

[Translation :]

(1) 8 October 1585. The same as above from Rheims. When I was recently at Paris, I wrote that they (Dr. Allen and Fr. Persons) had already been so many days on their journey; for so it had been arranged But later I learned that they had postponed the time of their departure to the 23rdofthe same month ... who should they reach Rome safely ...

(2) 8 October. Letter of the same (a) Persons and Allen set out from Rheims on their journeyto Rome 23 September When Barret states above [i.e. in his letter of 29 September]thatthey were already 13 days on their journey, that is, thattheywould have left Rheims 16 September , this he wrote because it had already been arranged to depart on that day, and Barret, being far away, did not know that the departure had been postponed.

(

b) Recently there sent into exile 21 priests, who are now at Rouen. They come from prisons in York and Hull, and almost all of them are old men .

(c) Of 32 other priests who were waiting at London to be exiled 5 arrived at Rheims whilst he was writing this letter, and others also were expected(1) Rheims, 8 October .

(1) On these banishments , cf. Note 2 to No. 52 supra Five newly banished priests are noted as arriving at Rheims on 8 October 1585 (Knox, D.D. p. 208)

*72. BARRET TO AGAZZARI 20 October 1585.

A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f 14v Grene's extracts from a list of Barret's letters to Agazzari

Idem. 20 Octob 85. Literas vestras . . . after having spoken somewhat of the troubles in Rome he addeth nullos habemus hic magis aversos a Patribus quam eos qui Romae et in Collegio

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

aliquando vixerunt Laetor plurimumet maximas gratias debemus omnes Deo et deinde vestrae prudentiae et charitati, quod ex tantis tragaedijs aliqua saltem pax et tranquillitas sit consecuta. Nam de ruina totius seminarij et eversione agebatur . Gaudeo adventum D. Alani incidisse in istud tempus quo incipiunt quiescere ...

[Translation :] 20 October 1585. The same . Your letter .. after having spoken somewhat of the troubles in Rome he addeth: we have none here more opposed to the Fathers [of the Society] than those who for a time have lived in the College at Rome. I am exceedingly glad, and we owe the greatest debt of gratitude to God, and in the second place to your prudence and charity, that after such great disturbances, at least some peace and tranquillity has been restored. For there was question of the ruin and subversion of the whole seminary ...I am glad Dr. Allen's coming happened at a time when the disturbances began to subside

*73 . BARRET TO AGAZZARI. 3 November 1585

A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f 14v ( 1), and A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.75 (2), perhaps from the same letter Grene's notes from a list of Barret's letters to Agazzari

(1) 3 Nov. 1585 he writeth of F. Persons as att Rome haec nemini scribo nisi P. Personio et vobis (2) Descrive le qualità di Bennetto alunno del Collegio di Roma .

[Translation :]

(1) 3 November 1585. He writeth of Fr. Persons as at Rome. These things I write only to Fr. Persons and to you. (2) He describes the qualities of [John] Bennett, once student of the College in Rome

*74 . BARRET TO AGAZZARI 19 November 1585.

A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f 14. Grene's note from a list of Barret's letters to Agazzari

19° eiusdem Nov. [i.e. 1585]. He cleerly supposethF. Persons at Rome as in an other dated 5 December

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

*75 . [BARRET] TO [AGAZZARI]

185

Rheims, 5 December [1585].

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II.f.75 Grene's notes, in a list of 1585 letters

(a) Si rallegra dell'arrivo del Dottore Alano a Roma. (b) Dicunt centum et 40 ad hanc Urbem his proximis diebus advolasse, ut coram Archidiacono profiterent fidem Catholicam , quod essent de heresi suspecti Idem . Remis 5 Decemb

[Translation :]

(a) He is glad of Dr. Allen's arrival at Rome.

(b) They say that 140 have come to this city [i.e. Rheims] in these last days, to make profession before the Archdeacon of the Catholic faith, for they were under suspicion of heresy. The same [Barret] Rheims 5 December [1585]

*76 . BARRET TO AGAZZARI Rheims, 25 January 1586 .

A.R.S.J. Anglia 37, f 15v Grene's extractsfrom a list of Barret's letters to Agazzari

Januar. 25. 1586. Admodum Reverende . . . Ex literis D. Alani quae summi doloris et tristitiae causam attulerunt de numero scholarium diminuendo, ex vestro silentio quod ultimo huic tabellario nullas literas dedistis, ex quodam etiam rumore quod octo Cardinalescreati sint, etde eo nihil quem antealios omnes nominari maxime et expectavimus, ex his inquam valde suspicor negotia vestra non ex animi sententia successisse Deus forte non patitur ad istum splendorem et magnificentiam eum tam alte ascendere in hac vita ut possit in futura pleniorem retributionem et mercedem recipere (1) certe nostra peccata in causa sunt. Angustiae hic de re pecuniaria tantae sunt, quantae nunquam antea, et tam intimus dolor ex dimissione scholarium quae necessario facienda est , ut maxime indigeamus consolatione modo tamen PaternosterAlanus recte valeat et redeat incolumis , ejus praesentia satis erit ad istas molestias superandas . . . Ex Anglia nihil novi , nihil boni, aut scriptione dignum quare vale mi Pater .. . Rhemis .. . filius et servus in Christo , R. Barretus

[Translation :] 25 January 1586. Very Reverend ... From a letter of Dr. Allen about cutting down the number of students, which caused us the greatest distress and sadness; from your own silence, for you sent no letter by the last courier; from a certain

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

rumour that eight Cardinals have been created, and from the fact that there is no mention of him whom we were in the highest expectation of being nominated before all others ,-from all these circumstances I strongly suspect that your affairs have not turned out so successfully as you wished May be, God does not allow him in this life to beraised sohighly to this splendour and honour , that he may receive a fuller recompense in the next (1) Our sins , without doubt, are responsible for this

Here we are straitened fiancially, as never before , and so great is our distress at dismissing students, which has to be done, that we are in need of the greatest consolation However, provided our father Allen keeps well and returns safely, his presence here will suffice to overcome these troubles Nothingnew from England, no good news, nor anything worthreporting, so farewell, my Father. Rheims. Your son and servant in Christ, R. Barret

(1) No correspondence of either Allen or Persons survives to illustrate Allen's failure, at this time, to gain any new financial aid for the seminaries from Sixtus V. The Pope had, indeed, stopped the monthly pension of his predecessor to the English College in Rome (Cf. L. Hicks, S.J. Fr. Persons and the Seminaries in Spain, Part I, The Month, March 1931, p 203) The Papal policy, by reducing the number of students who could be supported in Rome, would, apart from other measures, redound unfavourably on Rheims, whence most of the young men came

From Spanish sources it is clear that Allen played some part, at this period, in the protracted negotiations between the Holy See and Spain with regard to plans for an enterprise against England, if only by giving information to the Pope about English affairs Persons appears , also, to have pressed a suggestion that Allen should be created Cardinal, as an encouragementto English Catholics The Spanish ambassador in Rome, however, was in no hurry to implement this idea in advance of the general state of the negotiations This attitude accounts for the disappointment voiced in this present letter by Barret (Cf. Count Olivares to Philip II and Memorandum, Rome, 24 February 1586, Knox, Allen, pp 251-61 and part translation in pp. lxxiii-lxxxiv; cf. also Persons to Juan de Idiaquez. Rome, 20 May 1586, C.R.S. 39, pp 276-80) The spy, Nicholas Berden , alias Thomas Rogers gave details of what he had heard, or been told, about the reasons for Allen's journey to Rome, of his negotiations with Parma and Guise before going, of the state of the Pope's financial affairs the restrictions of subsidies to the Colleges and of Allen's missing the cardinal's hat, in dispatches to England from 30 September1585 to 15 May 1586 (printed in C.R.S. 21, pp 80-8) Not all he reported was correct, but useful generalconfirmation of several points is obtainable from his letters

77. BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Stonyhurst Anglia I, n 27 Rheims, 21 February 1586. Holograph Jesus + Maria

Admodum Reverende dilectissime in Christo Pater , Cum scholaribus causa devotionis, et pietatis, una profectus est vir admodum gravis, et bene doctus, qui et presbyter est et talis

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 187

quidem,et tam dignus eo nomine, quales utinam multos haberemus . Venit non ut ibi diu maneat neque ut quicquam petat a S.S. aut a quopiam neque ut molestiae aliquid exhibeat aut negotii V.R. (quod in multistimeo qui vel Romae nuper fueruntvel hodie forte manent vel qui in via sunt et ad urbem appropinquant). Sed nullius consilii ab hoc itinere potuerunt diverti Habent ejusmodi aliquid pecuniae qua consumpta quiescent opinor si forte invenerint ubi commorentur. Ceterum praetermissis istis commendo non vulgariter virum maxime ex animo hunc Reverendum Sacerdotem D. Walleium charissimum fratremet amicum meum et cupio eum V.R. fieri notissimum et rogo humillime ut mea causa tantum benevolentiae et humanitatis erga talem virum ostendatis quantum ego non soleo pro multis petere: polliceor vobis quod se prestabit gratum et bonum virum .(1)

Nomina scholarium sunt ista Barkerus quem propter modestiam et suavitatem morum multum diligo [in domino] de quo antea multa scripsi ad V.R. et pro isto recipio in me quod futurus sit obedientissimus filius. Est cognatus P. Confessarii cujus paternae curae cupio eum esse commendatissimum . Mihi videtur aptus ad positivum et ipse eo animo venit Prestonuset Richardus Smythus statura sunt parvuli sed paulo minores etate quam videntur ingenio vero reliquis duobus aliquantulum praestant et de priori polliceor quod erit bonus et intelligat quaeso me suscepisse hoc unius de posteriori magnam habeo spem et dubitationem vel [minimam] quidem nisi quod adhuc moribus sit puer et timeo de statura. Sed quoad naturam et indolem est valde flexibilis et multum mihi placet Concipio certe magnam spem de ejus progressu. (2) Bellus et Brittonus ambo physici sunt et duo priores ingenio et aptitudine ad studia doctrinae et pietatis non multum dispares non tam apti ad literas [discutiendas?] non tanto acumine ac illi superiores: de reliquis tamen reprehendar ego si non fecerint omnia quae postulatis et quoad studia licet non fuerint in primis habuerunt tamen secundas partes Sextus est [Bucklandus] [p.2] de cujus laudibus tam multa scripta antea ut nihil opus sit hoc loco repetere. Jam ingressus est in cursum theologiae et invenietis eum valde idoneum ad ea studia et ad reliqua omnia Pro isto ego ero fidejussus de obedientia et de reliquis modo non sit nimium deditus studiis de quo aliquid timeo Quaeso mi Pater habe de isto adulescentulo meo rogatu eam curam quam erga illum amor desiderat et petit pro eo et pro reliquis omnibus (3) Septimus discessit Verduno et est metaphysicus vocatur Harrisonus habet aliud nomen et est nobilis etnemini inferior ita mihi placet ut neminem potius putarem mittendum.(4) Iste accessit ad numerum quia et Alanus scripsit ut mitterem sex vel septem. Omnes valde bene affecti sunt erga Patres Societatis postremus vero in eo genere pietatis excellitet est fidelissimus, Denique hac vice accipietis tales quales vos expectatis

188

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

aptiores meliores dare non sint hujus Collegii quam revera non reliquimus (meo judicio) qui in istis quoad viam sint comparandi. Deus V.R. et eos omnes conservet incolumes et faciat obedientissimos filios erga optimum et communem omnium nostrum Patrem Alfonsum . Vale Rhemis 21 Feb. 1586 .

V.R. filius et servus in Christo, Richardus Barretus.

[Addressed by Barret:] Admodum Reverendo in Christo Patri P. Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu Collegii Rectori optimo clarissimo. Romam.

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] D. Barrettus 1586. De scholaribus missis.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend and beloved Father in Christ,

With the students there sets out to satisfy his devotion and piety a man of great dignity and considerable learning He is a priest, and of such a character and so worthy of the name, that we wish we had more like him His intention is not to make a long stay there, nor to ask anything of the Holy Father nor of anyone else . He will cause you no trouble nor propose to you any matter for negotiation, as I fear is the case with many who were recently at Rome, or still remain there at present, or are on the way and nearing the city Such men cannot by anyone's advice be diverted from making the journey: they have a little money, and this once spent, they linger on, I think, in the hope offinding some place where they may stay. But setting aside men of this sort, most heartily I commend, in no common terms, this reverend priest, Mr. [Robert] Whalley, my dear brother and friend; and I desire him to become very well acquainted with you, and with all humility I beg you, for my sake, to treat him with such benevolent kindness as I am not wont to request for many He will show the gratitude of a fine character, I promise you (1 )

The names of the students are these: [William] Barker, for whom, for his modesty and gentleness of character, I have a deep affection in the Lord. Before this, I have written about him to your Reverence , and Itake it upon myself he will be amost obedient son. He is a kinsman of Father Confessor, to whose fatherly care I desire him to be highly commended He seems to me fit to study positive theology, and comes therefor that purpose. [Roland] Preston and Richard Smith are ofsmallstature and a little younger

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 189

than they appear, but in talent they surpass the other two . The former, I promise you, will behave well, and please understand, I beg you, that I am sure of this for him; of the latter I have great hope, but the very smallest doubt, indeed, about him, because he still behaves as a boy, and I havesome apprehensionon account of his stature. As regards his nature and character he is very tractable and gives me great satisfaction Certainly I have great hope of his progress .(2) [Henry] Bell and [Matthew] Britton are both for the class of physics, and in talent and aptitudefor the study of doctrine, and of a piety not dissimilar to the two above , though not so able, nor with such keenness of mind as these to discussliterary matters. For the rest, however, I shall err in judgment if they do not do what you ask of them, and though they are not in the first rank as regards studies, they have had their place in the second

The sixth is [Ralph] Buckland, in whose praise I have written so much before, that there is no need to repeat it here. He has already entered on his course of theology, and you will find him an apt pupil for such subjects and for all others. I stand warrantfor his obedienceand for all other matters, provided he does not immersehimselftoo much in study, of which I have some apprehension. I beg you, Father, at my request, to have that care of this youth that affection wishes and seeks for him and for all the rest (3) The seventh has left Verdun and is to study metaphysics. He is called Harrison, but has another name. He is of gentle birth and inferior to none, and gives me such satisfaction that I think he should be sent rather than any other.(4) He completes the number, for Allen wrote that I might send six or seven All are very well-affected to the Fathers of the Society, the last-named, however, is particularly outstanding in this kind of devoted affection, and he is most loyal.

Finally, this time you will receive the more talented pupils you expect. The college has not any better to offer and truth to tell we have not, in my opinion, any comparable to them left here to be sent .

May God safely preserve your Reverence and all the rest, and make them most obedient sons to their excellent common Father Alphonsus. Farewell. Rheims, 21 February 1586 .

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ, Richard Barret.

(1) Robert Whalley was received at the English Hospice on 2 April 1586 , and stayed for nine days (Foley, Records VI, p. 559). Nothing else is known of him. (2) William Barker was ordained in Rome 16 April 1588 and was sent to England (C.R.S. 37, p 58; Vicariate Register) Roland Preston left the College to enter the Benedictine Order at Monte Cassino in 1591. His religious name was Thomas In December 1602 Papal consent was given

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

for English members of the Cassinese and Spanish Benedictine Congregations to serve on the English mission Preston was one of the first two Cassinese to arrive, in March 1603. He soon began to have connections with the English government, being later the writer, under alias, of several books in favour of the oath of allegiance , which had been condemnedby the Pope For his career in England, cf. W. K. L. Webb, S.J., Thomas Preston , alias Roger Widdrington, 1567-1640, Biographical Studies (now Recusant History), Vol 2, n 3, pp 217-268

Richard Smith: a short summary of his career, including his appointment as second Bishop of Chalcedon in 1624, will be found in A. F. Allison, Richard Smith, Richelieu and the French Marriage: The political context of Smith's appointment as bishopfor England in 1624, Recusant History, Vol 7. n 4 (January 1964).

(3) Henry Bell was ordained in Rome in 1589, and went via Rheims to England in July 1591. (C.R.S. 37, p 58; Knox, D.D., p 240) He entered the Society in Spain early in 1596. The date of his death is not known (Foley, Records VII). Matthew Britton (or Bretton) was ordained in Rome and retuned to Rheims on 29 July 1592. He was sent to the old college at Douay, as prefect, on 20 February 1593. (C.R.S. 37, p 58; Knox.D.D. , pp 246, 249) Heappears in the list of Staffand Students of 3 December 1594 (Appendix B infra). He gained his doctorate in theology some time before the first reference to him, in June 1599, in the Third Douay Diary He left to work in England 29 May 1604. (C.R.S. 10, pp 7, 57) Ralph Buckland was ordained in Rome on 7 August 1588. and passed by Rheims some weeks later on his way to England (C.R.S. 37, p 59; Vicariate Register; Knox, D.D., p 220). (4) There is no referenceto any student called Harrison, or anyone under another name , leaving Rheims on 22 February with the six others named by Barret, nor was any such person received at the Hospice or College in Rome

78. ALLEN TO LUDOVICO MASSELLI, S.J.

Rome, 27 September 1586

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f 24. Holograph

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater , Rem communem, id est Collegii nostri Rhemensiscausamaliis multis modis tuae R.P. satis notam ac commendatam scio: et nescio an charitas in nos vestra petitionibus aut cohortationibus nostris quidquam augeri queat Damus saltem unde exerceatur in dies, novam materiem, novos nempe hospites ac labores novos. Cogimur etenim quia non suppetit aliunde miseriis ac necessitatibus nostris remedium, novam istam mendicationem subire: ad quam rem secundum literas apostolicas istos in Christo nobis charissimos fratres nostros in provinciam vestram destinamus;(1) quibus peculiariter mandavimus ut vestrae R.P. ac suorum in omnibus consiliis ac directionibus obtemperent, rationesque omnis undecumque collectae pecuniae cujusque Collegii superiori reddant, ac apud eos reponant omnes eleemosynas , exceptis ad victum ac vestitum necessariis expensis , quas et accipient secundum judicium Rectorum eorum locorumin quibus erunt. Hos ergo causamque totam

ALLEN TO MASSELLI 191

quantum possum V. charitati commendo, peculiariter autem eum qui V.R.P.istas literas dabit, suum sodalemP.Thomam Warcopum et Richardum Coling[um], qui peracto hoc [p. 2] collectionis munere , cupiunt nobis relinquere spirituale et in vestrum faelix consortium ex mundo transire ut ibi unis caelestibus ad salutem et aeternitatem saginentur: (2) Uterque in collegio irreprehensibiliter hic vixit semper, ut plane sperem eos in omnem partem vobis futuros commodus hoc ut peculiariter de illis testificer meus in ipsos amor, et in Societatemvestram observantia cogit, nec pluribus ero molestus Domine Deus V.R.P. ac suos sanctos sodales omnes in sua gratia et pace conservet

Romae

5 Kal. Oct. 1586

V.R.P. filius et servus in Christo, Gulielmus Alanus.

[Addressed by Allen:] Admodum Rdo. in Christo Patri, P. Ludovico Masselli, [Pro]vinciali Societatis Jesu Siciliam Patri multum colendo.

[No seal mark]

[Endorsed:] + 1586. Roma. Dni Alani 5 Kal 8bris Queste lettere l'hanno da conservare perche furono suelte.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father in Christ,

Iknowthat the common cause, that is, the cause ofour College of Rheims, is in many other ways well known and commended to your Reverence, and I know not whether your charity towards us could in any way be increased by our petitions and exhortations . At all events we give you new material, namely new persons to maintain and new works by whichyou can daily exercise it. For we are forced, because no remedy for our needs and miseries is to hand from other sources, to enter upon this new begging, in which matter according to an apostolic brief, we destine for your province these our brethren, most dear in Christ (1) We have particularly commanded them that they should follow all counsels and directions of your Reverence and yours, and that they render accounts of all money collected to the Superior of the college in anydistrict, and deposit with them all alms, excepttheir necessary expenses for food and clothing, which they will receive according to the judgement of the Rectors of those places in which they shall be . I therefore commend them and their whole cause with all my heart to your charity, in particular he who shallgive this letter to your Reverence, his companion, Fr. Thomas Warcop, and Richard Couling, who when they have performed this office of collectingmoney, desire spiritually to leave us, and in your happy

ALLEN TO MASSELLI

company to abandon the world, to be feasted, for their salvation and for eternity, on heavenly things alone.(2) Both men have always lived blamelessly here in the College, so that I certainly hope that they will be in every way suitable for you. My love for them and my devotion to your Society, compels me to give this particular testimony of them. I shall not burden you with other matters. May the Lord God preserve your Reverence and all your holy companions in His grace and peace. Rome, 27 September 1586.

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ

William Allen

(

1) Though Sixtus V refused to make any new financial grant for the College at Rheims, he was at last persuaded , after earnest representations from the Cardinal Protector, seconded by Allen and Persons, to issue a Brief exhorting the faithful to contribute alms for its support, dated 3 September 1586. (Cf. C.R.S. 39, Introduction , p lxxiii, and Persons to Cardinal Farnese, Rome, 22 August 1586, Ibid , pp 280-5) This Brief was the occasionfor this present letter How much this collection, or others made at the same period, realisedis notknown . (2) The unnamed bearer of this letter was almost certainly John Cecil (cf. C.R.S.37, p 49, and Note 3 to No. 33 supra) Thomas Warcop, cf. Note 4 to No. 30 supra Richard Couling (or Cowling) was not ordained until August 1587, so he was sent on this mission whilst still a student (C.R.S. 37 , p 31) He arrived at Rheims on 8 April 1588, and left five days later to stay for a time at Douay (Knox, D.D., p 218) He then entered the Jesuitnovitiate at Tournai 17 April 1589. In 1593 he was appointed English Penitentiary in Rome, and was then for a time on the staff of the English College (Foley, Records VII ) For a short note on his later career , cf. Note 5 to No. 109 infra) Foley lists two men of the same name, but there was, in fact, only one

*79 . ALLEN TO DR. THOMAS BAILEY.

[Rome, after 7 August 1587]

Cited by T. Worthington , Relation of Sixteen Martyrs, Douay. 1601 , p 77;(1) original not now extant Spelling modernised

You are all glad and rejoice for my promotion. God grant it be , as I trust it is, to his more honour and good of our country, for else I had rather have kept my black cape still. But how much soever you have to rejoice in this behalf, so much more , all you that love me so dearly, are bound by a new obligation to love and be grateful to the whole Society, and namely to our own special good father and chief co-operator. For nextunder heaven F. Persons made me Cardinal (2)

(1) T. F. Knox printed an abbreviated Latin version of this extract (Knox, Allen, p 299), as given in H. More, Historia Provinciae Anglicanae S.J. Lib IV.

ALLEN TO THOMAS BAILEY 193

(2) Persons had first broached the question of Allen's promotion, during his visit to Spain in 1582. He had not ceased to urge the matter from the time of the arrival of Allen and himself in Rome in November 1585 (Cf. C.R.S. 39, pp lxxv-vi)

80. ALLEN TO [LOUIS, CARDINAL OF GUISE].

Rome, 10 August 1587

Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Dupuy 300, f 204. Autograph

Illustrissime ac ReverendissimeDomine, patrone humanissime.

Etsi de, mea in sacrum Cardinalium Collegium cooptatione forsan jam pridem tua Celsitudo audivit, (1) tamen putavi illud mei quoque esse officii, ut ipse tam amantem ac singularem meum atque nationis meae patronum, et de nostris incrementis semper laetantem, meis quoque verbis certiorem facerem. Idque facio lubentius quod non mediocriter me ad hunc dignitatis gradum (licet nostris meritis valde imparem) vestrae ac excellentissimi Ducis literis ac commendatione adjutum existimem: de quibus in me et Collegium illud maximis meritis et gratias ago, et nostris nostrorumque precibus quantum possum satagam ut largissimam a Deo compensationem habeatis: Interim si quid mihi ex hoc honoris incremento accrescatfacultatis aut commoditatis ad Vestrae Illustrissimae Dominationiinserviendum, plurimumin Dominogaudebo, et ut meo obsequio utatur obnixe rogo. Vacavit Canonicatus Rhemensis quam mihi Celsitudo vestra donavit , ex hac mea promotione; et (ut aiunt) est in donatione Pontificis : sed curabo ne in alium conferatur quam in aliquem alumnum vestri istic Collegii; quod (ut spero) tuae Illustrissimae Dominationinon eritingratum.(2) Dominus Jesus tuam amplitudinem conservet, Collegiumque illud tuo patrocinio protegat. Romae, 10 Augusti 1587 .

[In Allen's hand:] V. Illustrissimi ac Reverendissimi D. Humillimus servus

Cardinalis Alanus

[Address and endorsement missing ]

[Translation :]

Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord, my very kind Patron. Although, perchance, your Eminence has already heard of my being elected to the sacred College of Cardinals,(1) yet I thought that I ought by my own letter to send the news to you, seeing

ALLEN TO [THE CARDINAL OF GUISE]

you are such a kind and outstanding patron of myselfand of my nation, and ever glad of our advancement. And this I do with greater pleasure because I consider my elevation to this post of dignity, unworthythough I be, has been helped by letters of commendation from your Lordship and the very distinguished Duke [of Guise] For this very great favour I, and that College of yours there, thank you, and by the prayers of myself and my fellows I shall see to it, so far as possible, that God may very lavishly reward you for it. Meanwhile if by my elevation to this honour , I can have more occasion and facility in being of service to you, I shall be glad in the Lord, and ask you very earnestly that you make use of me .

On account ofmy promotionthe Canonry of Rheims , to which your Eminence presented me, has become vacant, and report has it that it is in the gift of the Pope; but I shall take care that it be conferred on no other than a scholar ofyour College there, which I hope will not be contrary to the wishes of your most illustrious Lordship.(2) May the Lord Jesus preserve your Eminence and protect that College by your patronage. Rome, 10 August 1587. Your most illustrious and reverend Lordship's most lowly servant , Cardinal Allen.

(1) Allen was created Cardinal on 7 August 1587. He took the formal oath of his office on 11 August (cf. Appendix A infra). The contents of this letter make the identification of the addressee certain, namely the Cardinal of Guise , for many years Allen's patron at Rheims. (2) Dr. Barret was the person selected, and he was promoted to Allen's canonry at Rheims on 6 October 1587 (Knox, D.D., p 217)

81. ALLEN TO Mgr GUALTERUCCIO

N.D. [Probablyearly 1588]

A.V. Misc Arm 11.84, f. 139. Holograph Copy also in Roman Transcripts, PRO . 31/9, 84b, f. 171

ReverendissimeDomine,

Vix a nobis heri discesseras cum quidem ad me nomine ponti- ficis venit, ut D. tuam accerserem , curaremque primo quoque tempore, mihi dari omnia illa quae ad Cardinalis Poli legationem pertinent;(1) igitur quod ego ultro heri postulavi , et tu humanissime facturum te receptisti, id nunc S. Sanctitatis mandato ut quam primum fiat requiro: si hodie haberequeam, opportune cras possem ad pontificem mecum deferre: nam petam fortasse audientiam

ALLEN TO GUALTERUCCIO 195

De aedibus quae dixistis , Rectori collegij mox significavi, et concessitquod requiritis, et quandocunque videbiturmittet magistrum domus qui cum architecto vestro lustrabit rem pro more. In summa sum vester

Reverendissimae D.V. uti frater

G. Cardinalis Alanus

[Addressed:] Al Monsignor Gualteruccio.

[Seal.]

[Translation :]

Most Reverend Sir,

Hardly had you left us yesterday, when someone came to me in the name of the Pope, ordering me to ask you and to see that you give me, on the first possible occasion, all the material concerning the legation of Cardinal Pole (1) So, what I asked of my own accord yesterday, and you very kindly agreed to do, now by command of his Holiness, I ask you to do as quickly as possible. IfI may have ittoday, I could opportunely take itwithme to the Pope tomorrow, for I shall perhaps seek an audience

Concerning the buildings which you mentioned, I soon after notified the Rector of the College, and he has agreed to whatyou demand, and whenever it shall seem good to you, he will send his majordomo who will, as the custom is, discuss the matter with your architect .

Finally I remain yours,

Most Reverend Sir, as a brother, W. CardinalAllen.

(1) This information was probably required with a view to an appointment for Allen in connection with the sailing of the Spanish Armada for England in 1588. Mgr. Gualteruccio appears to have been a member of the Papal secretariat (cf. Knox, Allen, p 302)

*82. ALLEN TO [? 1588]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.11.f.77v Grene's note, placed in the 1589 list, but obviously of 1588

Parla dell'Armata Spagnuola mandata in Inghilterra, numero de soldati, delle navi di Spagnuole, come Inglesi, e perditadi esse e de Soldati fatta nel canaled'Inghilterra.

ALLEN TO

[Translation :] He speaks of the Spanish Armada sent to England, of the number of soldiers, the ships both Spanishand English, and of the loss of the former, and of [Spanish] soldiers in the English Channel.

83. BARRET TO CARDINAL CAETANI .

Rheims, 6 January 1590

Latin copy annexed to the second Diary printed in Knox, Douay Diaries, pp 251-2 .

[Translation :] Copy of a letter of the Reverend Mr. President, Dr. Richard Barret, to the most illustrious Cardinal Caetani, ApostolicLegate (1)

Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord.

May your most illustrious Eminence with your notable kindness pardon me, if what I should have done in person, with all submission and due regard, I do now, and in my own name and in that of my fellows, express my dutiful respect, not by words in your presence, but in some way or another by a letter in my absence For on every side all approaches by road are closed , or so closely kept under observation by those who throw heaven and earth into confusion, that we are unable even to go out of the city without manifest danger

By this letter, therefore, we, each and every one of us, so far aswecan according to our lowly station, dojoyfully welcomeyour arrival in France, not indeed, solely because in these difficult times you, a renowned Cardinal , have come to us as a most important Legate with the greatest authority; for though that is a matter of great distinctionand highest repute, and hence most worthyofyour prudence and other outstanding qualities, and one on which the safety of the whole nation and of the Church in France depends, yet our joyful welcome in this respect is common to many But there is another reason why we Englishmen chiefly, and above all others, are glad to rejoice; for what do you imagine were our sentiments when we heard there had come to France from his Holiness as legate the most benign patron of our nation, the best and most faithful parent and guardian, as it were, of both our seminaries at Rheims and at Rome, our most renowned Protector and very distinguished Cardinal , CardinalCaetani How true and sincere in the sight of God was our joy. The consent of all our rejoicingin common has, therefore, laid it upon me to offer in our great joy our congratulations.

BARRET TO CAETANI 197

But there are other duties laid upon us, and of the gravest kind, which, were we to neglect, we should of necessity be held to be the most ungrateful people of all Our greatestthanks, therefore, do we offer you for so many and so great favours conferred by you on our nation, on our seminary in Rome, by which moreover you haveraised the prestige of our Cardinal of England, Allen, our country's sole honour and ornament, and have bound us to you for ever. For, indeed, he writes quite frequently about these matters, in such a way that it may be clear what an immense and almost immeasurable debt we owe you, both on his part and on ours

Since, then, by your beneficence in the conferring of so many and so great favours, you have bound to yourself so closely Cardinal Allen, and with him all Englishmen at home and abroad who are true Catholics, grant, I beg you, that this seminary of Rheims, the mother, as it were, of all our other seminaries, may in the name of all Englishmen signify to your Eminence that it is mindful of and grateful for it

Finally, this also I very humbly beg, that you may be pleasedever to have us alland this seminary of Rheims under your jurisdiction and patronage We, on our part, shall ever pray to God, as we have hitherto done, that he may for years preserve you for his own honour, the good of the Church and the consolation of us all Given at Rheims , 6 January 1590.

Your Eminence's etc.

(1) The occasion for this letter was the embassy to France of the Papal Legate, Cardinal Henrico Caetani, sent by Sixtus V to bring about a union of all the Catholic elements in France , in view of the growing chaos following the assassination of Henry III before the walls of Paris on 1 August 1589. The Legation, after visiting various princely courts on its route, eventually reached Lyons 9 November 1589. Henry of Navarre, the heir to the throne, and by many already considered to be Henry IV of France, after winning a victory over League forces at Arques, near Dieppe, in September 1589, was continuing to make progress, and the Cardinal's journey was interrupted, and he was forced to remain at Dijon for some weeks Finally, escorted by troops of the Duke of Mayenne, he entered Paris on 21 January 1590. The League suffered another severe defeat at Ivry on 12 March 1590, and in May Henry started a blockade of Paris, which lasted until the Dukes of Mayenne and Parma advanced to relieve the city in early September 1590. The Legate and his suite remained in Paris during the siege, only leaving in September , when he was summoned to Rome to attend the conclavefollowingthe death of Sixtus on 27 August (Cf. J. Brodrick, S.J., Robert Bellarmine, London, 1961 , pp. 96-105. Bellarmine had accompanied Caetani) The Cardinal had been appointed Protector of England by Papal Brief dated 30 June 1586 (cf. P.R.O.31 /9/82a) which wasthe reason for Barret's particular recourse to him His letter had been taken to Paris by Robert Tempest, who left Rheims 15 January 1590 The Legate's answer assured Barret of his goodwill , regretted that his embassy was made in such troubled times, but hoped to be able to visit Rheims before leaving France . It is dated at Paris, 6 February 1590. (Cf. Knox, D.D., pp 227, 252-3). The Legate did visit Rheims on his journey

BARRET TO CAETANI

back to Rome He and his suite were received in the city on 3 October 1590, and on that day heard a short address of welcome from Barret. The following day he visited the College itself, and Gifford made an elegant congratulatory address (Ibid pp 234-5).

84. BARRET TO CARDINAL CAETANI

Rheims, 31 March 1590 .

Latin copy annexed to the Second Diary printed in Knox, Douay Diaries, pp 253-4

[Translation :] Copy of another letter of the Reverend Mr. President, Dr. Richard Barret, to the same Legate

Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord.

Our exile, which in itself is a sort of calamity, bringing with it its plenitude of misery, is made much more grievous by thefact that in our exile we are compelled to think of a second exile For as twelve years ago we were driven to flee from Douay to Rheims , so I have some grave apprehensionthat on account of these times , we may be forced to leave Rheims and go backto Douay.

For though wefind the people and clergy of Rheims very kindly and benevolently disposed to us, and we owe a great obligation to them , in that we seem rather to be at home among our own people than dwelling in a foreign land, yet the turbulence of war and the fury of heretics has approached these parts; ifforno other cause , and of this, indeed, we have great fear, certainly on account of our great want and poverty we shall be subjectedto the greatest danger. For as the state of our affairs is at present, we seem hardly able to continue in this place any longer, for there is scarcely any money left, nor has any been brought to us for many months , except from Rome alone.

Wherefore, most illustrious Eminence, we very humbly beg and beseech you to be allowed in these difficult times to ask your counsel, and to appeal to your authority whether you wish and order us to remain here at Rheims, or think it better that we go elsewhere. Secondly, whether we are to remain or depart, permit us to inform you, that this seminary can be supported only with the greatest difficulty, unless his Holiness grant us an extra subvention, by which we can bear the expense of the journey or alleviate the troubles and poverty of these times. (1) With us, however, in whatever place we stay and whatever happens to us , this will ever be our firm conviction, that this cause which we embraced for the glory of God and the salvation of souls, must not be relinquished but, if possible, protected and defended more and more , and with greater alacrity

BARRET TO CAETANI 199

May your Eminence, therefore, I beg, extend the right hand of your assistance and protect your very lowly servants under the shadow of your wings, that we may be able to gather together in one and the same place, whether at Rheims or Douay or elsewhere, and keep the form of a seminary. If we effect this, we do not doubt that, as many labourers have gone forth from this seminary, so in the future many will go forth from the same to the English harvest.

May God long preserve you for his Church, for all good men and for us and our fatherland, and may he grant you eternal joy, for the very great consolation which we receive from your letters full of benevolence Given at Rheims, 31 March 1590.

(1) Caetani's reply to Barret's pleas, dated at Paris, 4 April, though inevitable in the circumstances of the war, can have brought little comfort He did not at all approve of any proposal to remove to Douay, since he was of the opinion that as things were, the city of Rheims was not in any danger, being in a good natural position and garrisoned; also, that Catholic affairs were not so broken, but that in a short time the armies could be re-formed, and the enemy's advance thrown back. The College would not find such kind treatment elsewhere. As for money, any move might cause the cancellation of their pensionfrom Rome, if the College were no longer at Rheims, or a move might make great difficulties in obtaining any new grant. His best counsel , since no money could be hoped for in France , was to send more men to Rome or elsewhere , to reducethe number of students, and to stay at Rheims. Meanwhile he would not cease to recommend them diligently to the Pope, nor cease to have their welfare in mind. (Cf. Knox, D.D., pp 254-5). The College Diary does not show any unusual movementsduring the months following the Legate's letter In September , however, two groups of ten were sent to Spain (Ibid p 234)

*85. ALLEN TO THE DUKE OF PARMA . Rome, 4 May 1590

Naples, Arch di Stato, Carte Farnesiane , fascio 1706 , destroyed in the last war Extract cited by R. Lechat, Les Refugiés Anglais aux Pays-Bas , Louvain, 1914, p 163 , note 3.

mi sarebbe gratissimo . . . che almeno sia mandato fuori di quei dominii di S. Maestà, che sono sotto il governo dell'Altezza V ... essendo egli persona che con suoi traffichi potrà dare disturbo ... (1)

[Translation :]I should be very pleased ... that at least he be sent forth from the dominions of his Majesty [of Spain] which are under the government ofyour Highness ... he being a person who, with his intrigues, will be able to cause trouble.(1)

(1) The occasionfor this letter, of which unfortunately only this fragment remains, was the imprisonment and trial of Thomas Morgan in Flanders

200

ALLEN TO THE DUKE OF PARMA

in early 1590. Allenwas giving his opinion as to his disposal (Cf. L. Hicks , S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, London, 1964, pp 77-80; also No. 87 infra)

86. [ALLEN] TO GREGORY XIV .

A.V. Instr Misc 6744, fasc 6. Copy or draft

Endorsed at top: Card. Halanus Gr. XIV. Beatissime Pater. N/D [1590/1]

Devotissimus filius et servus Sanctitatis Vestrae Cardinalis

Alanus habet ex sorore nepotem, Thomam Heschetum, a puero secum educatum, aetate, literis, ac rerum usu utcunque maturum nunc virum, atque vitae ecclesiasticae et sua sponte, et avunculi voluntate jamdiu deditum Supplicatur igitur S. Vestrae ut, quod hactenus nunquam obtineri potuit, eidem de aliquo honesto beneficio aut pensione ad titulum presbyterij ac praedicti Cardinalis avunculi qualemcunque exonerationem benigne providere dignetur (2)

[No signature]

[Addressedin same hand:] SanctissimoDomino Nostro. Pro Thoma Escheto nepote Cardinalis Alani

[Translation :]

Cardinal Allen Gregory XIV. [Endorsement]

The most devoted son and servant of your Holiness, Cardinal Allen, has a nephew, Thomas Hesketh, his sister's child Having been educatedwithAllenfrom boyhood, he has nowreachedman's estate, quite mature in age, learning and the managementofaffairs, and of his own accord and according to the wish of his uncle, has for a long time embraced the ecclesiastical state. He begs his Holiness, therefore, by reason of his priesthood, and his close relationship to the aforesaid Cardinal, to vouchsafe in his goodness to provide him with what he has hitherto failed to obtain, some relief in the form of an honourable benefice or pension (2)

(1) Gregory XIV reigned from 5 December 1590 to 15 October 1591. The letter cannot be dated more exactly (2) This letter is included because, though perhaps not written by Allen, it would appear to have been presented by him to Gregory XIV. Thomas Hesketh (alias Allen, which name he took after his uncle's death) was educated by the Jesuits at Verdun, and not yet a priest, accompaniedAllen to Rome in 1585. (Knox, D.D., pp 183, 207; Knox, Allen, p 372; Foley, Records VI, p. 558). He did not become a student at the English College, but remained in Allen's household The date of his ordination is not recorded During the disturbances in the College following Allen's death,

ALLEN TO GREGORY XIV 201

Hesketh sided for a time with the malcontents, and allowed his name to be used by the anti-Spanish party as one of their nominees for the cardinalate (Cf. [Persons] to Philip II, 26 March 1596, Valladolid , Serie II, Leg 1). During 1596, however, he had a change of heart, and gave information about Hugh Griffin's leading part in the troubles (Testimonio di Tomaso Alano contro Hugone Griffidio [?1597], Grene's note, A.R.S.J. Anglia 38.II, f. 125V; Agazzari to Persons, 27 August 1596, Westm V. n . 66 and 25 September1596, Knox, D.D., p 389) Later he opposed the proceedings of the Appellant priests in Rome in 1602. (Cf. T. Allen, R. Haddock & T. Fitzherbert to Clement VIII, Rome, 23 February 1602, A.V. Borg III, 124, g 2, f 23; also Hesketh to J. Mush, 5 January 1602, Appendix C infra) (3) What direct response the Pope made to this appeal is not known, but Allen was permitted, at some period, to transfer to his nephew a pension of 700 scudi on Pavia, given to him by Gregory XIV (cf. Sesa to Philip II, Rome, 24 October 1594, also List of Allen's Household, 1594, Knox, Allen, pp 363, 374)

*87. ALLEN TO

CHARLES PAGET

. Rome, 4 January [1591]

Stonyhurst Coll M. 129. Grene's extracts Small portion printed in Knox, Allen, p. 319, from Persons' A Briefe Apologie (see note 1 infra)

Alia Alani epistola ad Carolum Pagetum 4 Jan. 1592 [sic](¹)

Good Mr. Paget, you that had some suspicion of myaversion from you upon the failing ofmy answer to some of yours-(which yet in truthe came not of any default in me) may have more just cause now to complaine of this my long silencebut you may easily without my excuse consider the cause of this defectwhen I received yours dated 8 AugustI was in a grievous sicknesse , and at the first entring finding them to be of melancholy matter I layd them aside . . . Before I was half recovered upon the death of Pope Sixtus I entered into the conclave etc. . .. But now at length finding more freedome both of body and minde , I could not omitt to reade and answer your sayd letter, although to say the truth that foule dissention about Morgans matters is very loathsome unto me and therefore I pray you . . . write only for other matters ... for I mean not to meddle any further withany such foule broken matters ... (2)

As for F. [William] Holt,(3) whome you specially charge and insinuate that he is guilty and by you to be charged with foule and shameful matter and such as you doe not put in paper: ifI knewwhat that matter were, and that it were such as you say he should neither finde favour nor defence at my hands: but things being spoken by you so vehemently and yet not touched in particular, you must give me leave to suspend my judgment till I see

man

ALLEN TO PAGET

all pretences proved and particularised, whichreason and conscience binde me to doe in all mens matters, much more in a mans cause that for honor of religion and particuler opinion I [f.129v] have of his honesty and fidelity towards God and the world hath bin much gratefull unto me and employed by me both in England Scotland Italyand that placealwaies commendably andto his praise amongst the principal where he hath lived, and continueth now , in very good favour of his Altezza .. . who would heareyour just complaintes against him, or if you doe it not, because you would not open the turpitude of our nation . . . to strangers, yet you might write them to me or to the head of the order, that we might trye the weight of the accusations you lay against him , without which you must give us leave to leade our consciences rather to think good than ill of any man, specially of one that I think would dye to do you good, nor ever had any particular quarrel against Morgan nor any of his complices And to say more of the man I promise you of my faith he medleth not heer by wryting nor any way that I know against the sayd person nor any of you, notwithstanding so many waies he be complained of in generall, as well as to the Superior of his order heer specially by a Scotch monk, late bishop of Dumblan , who hath intermedled too much for a Carthusian in our affaires, whereof I think he findeth as little meritt before God as he shal reape rewarde before (4) Howsoever it be you may sett down if it please you F. Holt's particularerrors in writing and I shal cause the General to call him to account, and to his answer for the same : till that be done you must not marvell that I alter not my meaning and good opinion towards the man: and to say more plainly (because you use plaine dealing with me as you say and I like well [f.130] in everybody) I see noe Jesuit nor other priest clerk or religious of our nation that detesteth not Morgans foule dealing towards me, and consequently against the common cause wherofyou must needes give me leave to be the leader, because soe it hath pleased God, his holiness and his Majesty to count me [From: A Briefe Apologie , p. 26: and not for my owne private but for the advancement of that service have put me in this roome] . . . wherbyit followeth that all those who seditiously conspire my disgrace . the same doe band themselvesdirectly and trayterously against the good oftheir countryand against the service of the highest princes in Christendome by whome only we expect succours and relieffor our afflicted and unfortunate country And when I name priest and religious, you must not inferre (as you seeme to doe in your letter) that the priests band themselves against the nobility, as though all the nobility in banishment or at home were of Morgans faction or that priests were not dyverse of them of as good nobility as most of those few that be addicted to Morgan . I can not tell

how you count nobility there, or whome there be that be of the faction, but in our reckoning we finde both Earls Barons and many good knights and squiersthat detest the mans proceedingsin those matters and dyverse of them have sett to their hands sundry times from thence from France and Spaine to desire my helping hand to the punishment of that seditious person, much blaming my patience, rather than challenging(5) of violent proceeding, as Morgan doth in his letters written to the sayd Chartereux.

As for servants and followers in England which you say I shal finde by following an other course, rather than this I doe, God send us to come to the tryall and happily arrive there: then shal you seebythe effectwhat lackoffriends Ishal there have, excepting my place and dignity I am now in. I think I was never since I was of mans state, but I might finde as many [f.130v] as Thomas Morgan, and to say farther I think verily to have you my friend there , (which shal be best for you and very gratefullto me) howsoeveryou heerehave unadvysedly intangled yourself in my adversary's broken matters, which I impute to your constancy in the love of your friend, alwaies remembring you of Amicus usque ad aras. And this may serve for such matters as your last letter contained: praying you . . . From my lodging in Rome this 4 of January 1592. [= vere 1591 , see note1].

(

1) Christopher Grene, S.J., the 17th century copyist, sometimes altered dates in copying letters, evidently on the assumption that his 16th century compatriots had used the old style With the exiles this was not usually the case, and in this instance the reference in the first paragraph to the death of Sixtus V (August 1590), makes it clear that Allen was writing in January 1591 and not 1592. The date is given correctly in the extract cited in Briefe Apologie, p 36v, from which also a small portion, not copied by Grene, is supplied in the text printed here, between square brackets Concerning Charles Paget, cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 266, note 14; also L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, 1964, passim, and Note 1 to No. 102 infra

(

2) Thomas Morgan had been imprisoned in Flanders on the orders of the Duke of Parma in January 1590, ostensibly because of a quarrel with another gentleman, but really because of the many signs reported to Parma that Morgan was a spy for the Queen of England He was subsequently tried before the King's Attorney, in the presence of the Auditor General. The summaries of the process reveal how wide a survey was made of Morgan's career, and how many things his accusers held against him For a full discussion , cf. L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, London, 1964, Chapter IV; cf. also No. 85 supra. (3) William Holt was ordained at Douay in 1576 and entered the Society in Rome 15 May 1578 (Foley, Records VII). He arrived in England in August 1581 , and after a short while there went to Scotland Here he remained , in prison and at large, for several years (cf. C.R.S. 39, various pages) He was Rector of the English College in Rome, in succession to Agazzari, from about October 1586 to the end of 1587. (Stonyhurst, Coll M. f. 156). In February 1588 he was sent, with Cresswell , to Flanders in readiness for the Armada. (C.R.S. 39, p lxxv) At the period of this present letter he was Allen's representative at the court of Brussels , and

ALLEN TO PAGET

was much trusted by the Spanish authorities As adviser, with Hugh Owen and Sir William Stanley, on matters affecting, in particular, the pensions allowed to the English exiles , he became the focus of much rancour on the part of a certain number of them, and the object of many false rumours Allen in April 1594 recommended Holt to Stephen de Ibarra, after the new Governor, the Archduke Ernest , had entered the Low Countries (cf. No. 102 infra) For later intrigues against Holt, cf. Note 1 to No. 108 infra.

(4) William Chisholm, Bishop of Dumblane, and from 1574, after hehad left Scotland, of Vaison in France, resigned his see and became a Carthusian monk in 1584. He was involved in efforts by Morgan, and other supporters of Owen Lewis, in 1589, to have the latter raised to the purple as a rival to Allen (Cf. Persons, A Briefe Apologie, p 31. The whole of the letter of Morgan to Dumblane, dated 20 August 1589, there cited by Persons, will be found in the Calendar of Scottish Papers, Vol X, pp 229-37 , whereit is incorrectly placed under January 1590. Cf. also Certayne Aparent Judgments , C.R.S. 2, p 205; also L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, 1964, p 13, note 37).

(5) Allen treated of this question of faction more fully, in two letters to one of Morgan's supporters , Thomas Throgmorton , dated 4 January and 20 February 1591 (Knox, Allen , pp 320-9; cf. also A Briefe Apologie, pp 30v-7).

88. ALLEN TO PHILIP II.

S.C.R.M.

Rome, 10 July 1591 .

Simancas Est Leg 957. Autograph signature.

Aunque ha muchos dias que no escrivo a Vuestra Magestad no ha sido porque yo este olvidado de mi antigua y grande obligaçion, sino por el respecto que siempre tengo de no interrumpir con cartas no necessarias a V. Magd que de ordinario esta tan bien ocupado en tantos y tan graves negocios como de sus Reinos y de toda la Christiandad le acuden, y quiero mas serviendo con mis continuas oraciones y sacrificios, callando esperar lo que Dios nuestro Señor y V. Magd de mi disponen, como de persona que sabe estoy del todo dedicado a su real servicio, que no con nota de importunidad sin ser llamado ingerirme, especialmentecreyendo yo que de aqui los Embajadores de V. Magd y de ay el Padre Personio testificaran el gran deseo con que vivo de emplear la vida, y rematar con la muerte en servicio de V. Magd y cierto V. Magd. que si esta esperança no me entretuviesela vida, ninguna razon ay para con gusto pasarla en tiempos tan infeliçes y lamentables, por lo qual suplico a V. clementissima Magd que estomesmo sienta deste su tan humilde y devoto servidor, y como a hechura suya me emplee, y disponga de mi

La raçon de escrivira V. Magd la presente, es haver entendido que demas de los infinitos beneficios con que en tan prolongado destierro, tantos años y en tantas partes ampara y sustenta a mi

ALLEN TO PHILIP II 205

y a mi pobre naçion, de nuevo ha sido servido que en Valladolid se funde y con su acostumbrada magnificencia se sustente /p.2 un Colegio para los Ingleses semejante al de Remis y Roma, cuyos principios entiendo han sido tan prosperos que por primiçias del fructo que promete, ha ofrecido ya a Dios y a V. Magd, ocho sacerdotes que ha embiado a Inglaterra bien instituidos y amaestrados para trabajar en aquella mies (1) y heme sumamente alegrado con esta nueva, ansi porque sé lo mucho que estos Colegios importan para remedio desta juventud , y de toda nuestra gente, como por la experiencia que tengo de que con tales benefiçios V. Magd gana y rinde a su amor y servicio los animos de los Catolicos y Su Santidad a quien por menudo referi la mucha merced que V. Magd siempre nos haçe, se alegro en tanta manera que muchas veces y con palabras muy tiernas dió a V. Magd. su benedicion por esta singular misericordia que con nosotros ha usado Y en nombre de toda mi naçion yo a quien mas particularmente toca este beneficio con la humildad y reverencia que puedo, por el beso a V. Magd sus reales manos y alSeñor suplico y siempre suplicaré que en esta vida vea con suma felicidad los deseados fructos destas sus tan Christianas y costosas obras cuyo permio y muy copioso gozará en el eterno Reyno de Dios. De Roma a 10 de Julio mil quinientos noventa y uno . De Vuestra Sagrada Catholica Magestad

[In Allen's hand:] Humilissimo et obedientissimo servitor et subdito

Il Cardinale Alano

[Addressed:] A la S.C.R.M. del Rey nuestro Señor.

[Sealed with the Cardinal's seal.]

[Endorsed:] Roma a su Magestad, 1591. Encomienda el colegio de Valladolid

[Translation :]

S.C.R.M.

Although I have not written to your Majesty for a long time, it is not out of forgetfulness of my great and long-standing obligation, but out of a continual desire not to take up the time ofyour Majesty, who is wont to be so occupied by so many and such important affairs, concerningyourkingdom and the whole Christian world, which demand your attention and support Rather would I serve you by my continual prayers and Masses , hoping in silence that God and your Majesty may dispose of me as of one known to you as wholly devoted to your royal service. I prefer to act thus rather than, with a note of importunity, to meddle in matters

ALLEN TO PHILIP II

without being asked to do so There is, too, a special reasonfor this, since I feel sure that from here the Ambassadors of your Majesty, and from there Fr. Persons, may give testimony of the great desire of my life to employ and end it in the service of your Majesty. Certainlyhad I not this hope to support me in my life, I have no reason to relish its prolongation in such unhappy and lamentable times as these Hence I beseech your most merciful Majestyto think so of your so lowly and devoted servant, and to use me and dispose of me as one who owes all to you.

The reason I write this letter to your Majesty is this I have come to know that besides the innumerable benefits by which, duringso protracted an exile in so many different places, you have protected and supported me and my afflicted people, you have with your customary liberality recently allowed to be founded and aided in Valladolid a college for the English, similar to those in Rheims and Rome . It has been so successful in its beginning, as I am informed, that as the first of the fruits it promises to produce it has already presentedto God and yourMajesty eight well-instructed and qualified priests, sent to England to work in that harvest.(1)

This news has caused me great joy, not only because I know howimportantare these colleges forthe reclamation oftheseyoung men and of our whole nation, but because I have learned by experience, that by such benefactions yourMajesty gains and binds toyour love and service the hearts of Catholics, and of his Holiness himself . To him I gave a detailed report of the great favoursyour Majesty always extends to us So glad was he to hear it, that many times and in very affectionate terms he imparted his blessing to your Majestyfor the loving-kindness you have shown to our people.

With all possible lowliness and reverence, and in the name of all my people, I whom this benefaction more particularlyconcerns , kiss your Majesty's hands and beg God, as I shall always continue to do, that in this life you may see , with the highest satisfaction , the desired fruits of your so Christian and costly works, and in His eternal kingdom enjoy a very copious reward thereof From Rome 10 July 1591 .

The most lowly and obedient servant and subject of your sacred and Catholic Majesty, Cardinal Allen

(1) For an account of Persons' journey to Spain at the end of 1588 , to appeal in person to Philip II to aid the College at Rheims, and for his later plans and efforts, which led to the founding of a new College at Valladolid , cf. L. Hicks, S.J., Fr. Persons, S.J., and the Seminaries in Spain, Parts II and III, The Month, May and June 1931. The first eight

ALLEN TO PHILIP II

207

students were admitted at Valladolid on 1 September1589, and eight priests left for England on 13 and 14 November 1590. (Cf. Valladolid Registers C.R.S. 30, pp. 4-8)

89. ALLEN TO PHILIP II.

S.C.R.M.

Rome, 5 October 1591

Simancas Est Leg 957. Autograph signature.

Por mano de los embajadores reçevi la que a 30 de Junio Vuestra Magestad fue servido escrivirme, y juntamente me significaron ser su voluntad que yo vaya a Flandes, avisandome tambien de la ayuda de costa que su real magnifiçençia me provee para esta jornada, y mas lo que con summo contento entendi, el cuydado que V. Magd, se sirve tener de mirar y proveer lo que a mi persona y estado fuere necessario , (¹) y aunque ha tanto tiempo que ansi por los antiguos y innumerables beneficios que mi afligida nacion ha reçevido como por los nuevos y cotidianos que cada dia yo recivo, soy del todo hechura, servidor, y subdito de V. Magd por la particularmerçed que aora haçe a este su indigno capellan beso mil veces sua reales manos, y me ofresco como devo para obedecer con toda prompteza en lo que V. Magd manda, no solo por la obligacion en [p 2] que me tiene la mucha merced que en lo temporal de V. Magd . he reçevido, sino porque estoy cierto que el servicio que en esto se le hiçiere no es tanto de V. Magd, quanto a Jesu Christo nuestro Señor, y de su santa y necesitada Inglesia, por lo qual Vuestra Sagrada Magestad puede mandar a este su aficionadissimo servidor como a hombre que mucha ha tengo dedicada mi vida y muerte a la obediencia de su real voluntady servicio. De lo que toca al tiempo y modo de mi partida, y a lo demas que fuere necessario , o para residiryo en aquellas partes, o para qualquiera otra cosa del servicio de V. Magd. a que yo tengo la mira, me remito a sus embajadores que han bien conocido mi animo y pecho para con V. Magd. y sé que con fidelidad se lo havran significado Dios nuestro Señornos conservea V. Magd por muchos años, guarde a sus Altezas, y en todo prospero su imperio, como para toda la Christiandad es necessario De Roma 5 de Octubre, 1591

S.C.R.M.

besa sus reales manos su capellan y vasallo el Cardinal Alano [autograph].

[Addressed ] a la S.C.R.M. la Magd del Rey nuestro Señor.

[Sealed with the Cardinal's seal ]

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ALLEN TO PHILIP II

[Endorsed:] Roma, a su Magestad, 1591. El Cardenal Alano a 5 de Octubre Recevida a 9 de Noviembre.

[Translation :]

S.C.R.M.

Your Ambassadors handed me the letter of 30 June which your Majesty was pleased to write to me, and at the same time informed me that you wished me to go to Flanders. I was also told of the provision made for me by your royal liberality, for the expenses of the journey Furthermore, I learned with the greatest satisfaction of the care your Majesty is pleased to have in attending to and providingfor my personal requirements, and for those of my position.(1) For the innumerable benefactions of old bestowed on my people by you, as well as for the recent and daily favours granted to me, I am your Majesty's subject wholly devoted to you as one who owes all to you. For this singular favour, however, which you now bestow on me , your unworthy chaplain, I kiss your royal hands a thousand times and offer myself, as in duty bound, to carry out with all obedience and expedition what your Majesty commands This I do not only out of obligation for the many temporal benefits I have received from your Majesty, but also because I am convinced that the service I shall render is not only for your Majesty , but for Jesus Christ our Lord, and His holy and harassed Church So , may your Majesty command this most devoted servant as one who holds himself dedicated, indeed, in life and death to your royal wishes and service. As regards the time and manner of my departure, and other necessary particulars concerning either my stay in those parts, or any other matter for the service of your Majestywhich I have in view, I refer myself to your Ambassadors, who know well my cordial affection for your Majesty and who, I know , will have faithfully signified the same to you. May God, our Lord, preserve your Majesty for many years, protect their Highnesses and in every way grant prosperity to your empire, as it is needed for the whole Christian world From Rome, 5 October 1591.

S.C.R.M. I kiss your royalhands as your chaplain and servant. Cardinal Allen.

(1) T. F. Knox traces in some detail, from contemporary documents , the long drawn out negotiationswhich followed Philip II's nomination of Allen to the war-devastated archbishopric of Malines in Belgium, in a letter to Sixtus V , dated 10 November 1589. With a long intermission in 1593 and part of 1594, when the suggested appointment was switched to another candidate , the matter was in hand until terminated by Allen's death on 16 October 1594. Though personally always willing to obey Philip's wishes. Allen's exiguous financial resources renderedhim unable to do so without further help from the King Delays were also occasioned by Allen's preoccupations in Rome, and by the deaths of four Popes between August

ALLEN TO PHILIP II

209 1590 and December 1591. (Cf. Knox, Allen, pp cxv-vii, and D.D., pp. lxxxvi-ix). This present letter indicates that Knox was incorrect in supposing that Philip accepted his ambassador's suggestion of April 1591 to let Allen remain in Rome for the time being Philip's letter of 30 June, mentioned by Allen here, is not available, but clearly his desire for Allen to proceed to Flanders was re-iterated, and financial aid to make the plan feasible was provided The death of Gregory XIV on 15 October 1591 caused another delay. The two Spanish ambassadors in Rome at this moment were Count Olivares, who had filled the post for several years, and who later left Rome, a few days before the death of Innocent IX (on 30 December 1591), and the newly arrived Duke of Sesa , who took over after Olivares' departure (Cf. Pastor, History of the Popes, Vol XXIII, English edit 1933 , pp. 7-8).

90 (a) RELACION DE COSAS DE INGLATERRA . I.

[22 December 1591](¹)

Simancas Est Leg 958. Copy Enclosed with letter of Sesa to Philip II, of above date, same reference

Relacion de cosas de Inglaterra.

Puede haver un año que se han movido platicas (aunque muy a la sorda) sobre el casamiento de Arbela con el Principe de Parma.

Acreçento la fama y sospecha desto el impensado camino que el Principe hizo a Flandres, y ha se aumentado estos ultimos meses por las ydas y venidasque muy a menudo se ha visto haver hecho algunos Ingleses de Inglaterra al Principe.

Otros dizen que lo que pretendese es tratar que se conceda a los catolicos livertad de Religion a que la fee catolica sea restituyda en Inglaterra . Dizen estan muy inclinados el Gran Cancillery el Arçobispo de Canturbia con algunos otros que estan puestos en favoreçer este casamiento, y añaden que han de embiar personas al Papa por la causa de la Religion, pero es cierto que con semejantes tratados han engañado al pueblo otras vezes (2

En esta materia no sabemos aca cosa çierta, pero no lo tendriamos a mal quando se hiziesse con consentimiento y autoridad de la Magestad Catolica, ni tampoco sabemos si la Reyna tiene noticia dello Quando fuesse verdad que estas cosas se tratassen fundamento paresçe que se vendrian a comunicar con el Papa a lo menos , porque es tenido por aficionado a casa farnes , y algunas vezes se le cae de la boca hablar en la conversion de la Reyna.

Quanto a los Ingleses , no es de creer que ellos verdaderamente , y de coraçon traten deste casamiento porque haviendo tratado otras vezes por medio de muchos christianos destas materias, y

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particularmente en persona de la misma Reyna mientras estuvo en años de poderse casar al fin el effecto de las platicas ha mostrado que yvan encaminadasa diversos engaños assi como agora lode Arbelaa efectode algun artificio o designoquetienen pensado, aunque se puede muy bien creer que este casamiento le dessearia el de Parma.

Y primeramente suelen usar de semejantes platicas y artes para divertir los animos de los catolicos para que ni procuren,ni admitan socorros ni ayuda de estrangerosy para que no ayuden ni acudan al Rey Catolico en la expedicion contra Inglaterra de la qual siempre estan reçelosos antes piensenque a la religion y al Reyno le yra mejor por razon deste matrimonio que le yria por la via de las armas

Con este designo y esperança piensan y entretendran al Sumo Pontificè para que conçiva esperanças de la conversion de Inglaterra por otro camino que por las armas de España.

Con el ofrecimiento de un casamiento tan grande y importante piensan tener impedido al Duque de Parma para que notenga gana de moverse contra los Ingleses o escussarse del cargo de la expedicion contra ellos, pues no podria con razon ofender a los que estan de veras le tuviessen obligado

Puede tambien este tratado hazerque con mas floxedad y menos diligencia haga el de Parma la guerra en flandes

Todo lo qual dexo a la consideracion de Vuestra Excelencia y lo demas entendera de las cartas traducidas que en diversos tiempos he recibido de flandes, a las quales solo me queda añadir lo que en la de noviembre me escrivio de Milan el Coronel Staelo [sic] por estas palabras traduzidas :

Aqui he topado con el señor Richardo Stanhorst [sic] rezien venido de flandes y va a España, el qual enclarece mucho la beninidad con queel Principe de Parma trata los Ingleses, y quando esta con el exercito siempre manda que mi compania de Ingleses este junto a su persona Esto dize el Richardo , y añade el Standli [sic], sin duda que esto encubre algun misterio aunque yo no lo he podido penetrar.

[Translation :] It may be a year since these negotiations were started, thoughvery secretly, for the marriage of Arabellaandthe Prince of Parma [i.e. the son of theDuke]

The unexpectedjourney of the Prince to Flanders has increased the rumours and suspicion about it, and in the last months these have grown, owing to the continual goings and comings of certain Englishmen from England to the Prince

RELACION DE COSAS DE INGLATERRA 211

Others say that the aim of these Englishmen is to negotiate the concessionof religious liberty to Catholics, or the restoration of the Catholicfaith in England They say that the Grand Chancellor and the Archbishopof Canterbury are inclined to this, together with some others who favour this marriage: they add that some personswill be sent to the Pope to treat of religious matters Certain it is, however, that similar negotiations at other times deluded the people.(2)

Here we have no certain knowledge of the affair, but we would not consider it a bad business provided it was conducted with the consent of the Pope and of his Catholic Majesty We are not less ignorant that the Queen has knowledge of the negotiation. Should it be true that the matter is being negotiated, it seems a fundamental point that they would communicate at least with the Pope; for he is held to be well affectedto the house ofFarneseand sometimes has let fall words about the conversion of the Queen.

However, it is not to be believed that the English treat of this marriage with sincerity and cordiality; for at other times they have treated of such matters by means of many Christians, and particularly of the Queen herself duringthe years when she was eligible for marriage, but the result of such dealings has shown in the end that they were carried on for very deceitful purposes Even so this present affair of Arabella has behind it some crafty design, which they have planned, though it may very well be that Parma would desire such a match

In the first place it is usual for them to use such negotiations and sly dealings to turn the Catholics from procuring or admitting succour and aid from foreigners, and from giving support to the Catholic King in an attack upon England; for without any foundation for it, they have always held forth that religionand therealm will fare better by means of marriage than by way of arms.

By this design they think and hope that they will induce the Pope to look for the conversion of England by other means than by the forces ofSpain.

With the offer of such a great and important marriage they hope to lead the Duke of Parma to have no stomach for any attack on England, and to decline to lead an expedition against them , since it would be reasonablefor him not to offend those to whom he is under an obligation.

This negotiation may have as its aim, to lead the Duke of Parma to conduct the war in Flanders with less diligence and persistence

All this I leave to the consideration of your Excellency. The rest you will learn from the translation of letters which at times

RELACION DE COSAS DE INGLATERRA

I have received from Flanders; to which it only remains for me to add whatColonel Stanley wrote to me from Milan in November, a translation of which runs: -

Here I have come across Richard Stanihurst, who has recently arrived from Flanders He has brought to light the graciousness of the Prince of Parma's conduct towards the English, for when he is with the army he always orders my company to be about his person: so spoke Richard , and Stanley adds: undoubtedly there is something mysterious at the back of this, but what it is I have not been able to discover.

(1) This Relation, and the one following, of the same date, composed by Allen , were enclosed in a letter of the Duke of Sesa to Philip II, Rome, 22 December 1591 (Simancas, Est Leg 958) He informed the King: "Cardinal Allen has communicated to me in great secrecy certain points from letters which he has received from Antwerp, the copy of which, translated by the Italian , I send your Majesty enclosed in this [i.e. Relation II infra], together with two other papers or discourses which he has drawn up regarding this matter. [One is now missing]. And although he says that the persons who wrote thus to him are Englishmen, dispassionateand affected to the service of your Majesty, yet being so prudent as he is, he cannot but think that they are either matters which have been invented, or such as your Majesty had notice of, and which go forward by your will It has seemed good to me that, in any case , it will be well for your Majesty to know what has been translated, and I have assured him that the secret will be well kept, since it touches the person concerned; the Cardinal pointed out to me the danger he would run were it known that this information has come from him. " [Translation] Oneof Allen's informants was probably Richard Verstegan ; anothermay have been Richard Hopkins or Hugh Owen The "matters" referred to in Sesa's dispatch were evidently moves in the endless series of intrigues and bogus "peace moves" , which filled the years of more or less open hostilitybetween England and Spain between 1585 and the end of the century In these moves various of the exiles were often implicated, in particular membersof the faction led by Thomas Morgan and Charles Paget, and considerable traces remain in the State Papers and Hatfield Papers of the period L. Van der Essen's Alexandre Farnèse, Prince de Parme, Gouverneur Général des Pays Bas, Vol V, 1937, has some useful material for the period up to Parma's death in December 1592. The whole matter has never yet been thoroughy investigated , however, and no connected account of the intrigues exists The only certainty is that none of them resulted in any benefit to English Catholics, or amelioration of the circumstances of the persecution at home. Allen's suspicions that any such negotiations were , from the English side, insincere, were well justified (2) One such Englishman concerned in these negotiations was Charles Paget cf. Allen to Persons [Rome], 7 January 1592, reprinted in Knox, Allen, pp 338-40, from Persons' Briefe Apologie Persons disguised Paget's name by "N.N." , but a brief extract from another letter of Allen to Persons, of 26 October 1591 (printed in C.R.S. 9, pp 42-3), makes it clear that Paget is the person in question

RELACION DE COSAS DE INGLATERRA 213

90 (b). RELACION DE LAS COSAS DE INGLATERRA . II.

[22 December 1591](¹)

Simancas Est Leg 958. Copy Enclosed with letters of Sesa to Philip II, of above date, same reference . Relacion de las cosas de Inglaterra.

Per lettere de Ambersa delli XI de otobre si scrive cossi: quando Barnes vene in queste Paesi, per sorte io hebbi notitia che lui era mandato con comissione di tratenuto qua dal Varon Pageto et li suoi sequaci li quali negotiavano per lui le sue cause in corte, et per quel mezzo a chi storno a loro istessi tal credito qua che si vivesse ancora il detto Varon Pageto , questa corte sarebe stata tutta per lui, si come ella di quel tempo in qua e stata sempre ben afetionata a quelli sui sequaci ,(2) li quali seguitano tuttavia le medissime pratiche insin' a questo giorno et di quelle hanno magior speranza che mai, cioe di concludere un matrimoniofra il figliolo del Duca di Parma et la Signora Arbela, del qual tratto subito dopo l'ariba del detto Barnes io averti il padre Holto il quale come io spero ne havera gia dattoraguaglio a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima spesse volte a quel tempo io dissi a quello padre che in queste paese non era nessun Inglese il quale havesse quella oportunita che havevo io a scoprire quella practica et la speranza che di quella si potrebe havere per rispecto della intrinsica familiarita et inteligenza che io hebbi con la avola et tutti parenti di quella Signora. Il Padre alora mi domando si mi bastava l'animo d'intrometermi in quella pratica, al che io risposi risolutamente di no, senza esser sicuro che il Re di Spagna la vedrebbe per bene et la ratificasse.

Il modo per il qualle io scopriva il negotio era per mezod'uno que hebbealcune lettere di quel Barnes in custodia, nelle quali era contenuto questo tratatto, la practica di quel tempo in qua e statta sempre continuata et e adesso piu calda che mai perche uno chiamato Mondi [sic](3) é ito poco fa in Inghilterra a pigliare il retrato della Signora Arbella si come egli stesso ha confessatoet per conto di questo matrimonio il figliolo del Duca di Parma (si como io sono informato) vene di Italia in Fiandra, per me tanto io sono di oppinione che tutto tornera in fiume et mi pare che quelli hanno poca notitia delle pratiche in Inghilterra, li quali pensanoche loro hanno in questo negotio alcuna vera intentione ne manco sanno la falace dispositione di quella Regina la quale non meno potra comportare lesito di tal tratato che di quello, cosa che piu d'ogni altra lei aborisce et oltra questo quanto malamente comportarano li Inglesi de haverse per Re un Italiano ogni uno puo ben giudicare, il tratatodi questo negotio va coperto sotto ombra che quelli negotiatori haveranno da brugiare tutte le nave della Regina con la

RELACION DE COSAS DE INGLATERRA

casadove sta tutta la sua provisone per il mare comun che si sia delli negotiatori possanointrare et uscire di Inghilterracossi sicuramente como noi andiamo qui alle chiese che non puotrebbe essere senza buona intelligenzia della una et della altra parte, ma quanto si avere simile che tali huomini haveranno di esseguire tale impressa Dio sa, et il mondo puo ben giudicare, questi simile inventione, servano per tratenere il tempo et per rovinare io dubito que li migliori et piu profitevoli disegni che sono forse in intentione et in manegio per il bene della Christianita .

Per una altra lettera di Bruselas delli 16 de octobre si scrive cossi: Per conto del matrimoniofra il figliolo del Duca di Parma et la Signora Arbella questi di qua non vogliono parere de pretendere o dessiderare tal cosa per paura io credo che il Re di Spagna lo potrebe pigliare per male il che non e ancora certo che egli cossi vorrebbe, ma tuttavia lo tengano per buono di andare al sicurro et in questo mi pare che fanno saviamente, o quando si atendesseroa tal negotio non di meno io sono di opinione che quelli di Ingilterra non ne sinclinassero mai per rispeto che la lor cose per questi ultimi tre anni passati sono yti [?] cosi prosperamente che divertano piu tosto insolenti che timidi (4)

Per una altra lettera d'Ambersa delli 2 de novembre si scrive tuttavia che il tratato del matrimoniofra il Principe de Parma et la Signora Arbella va innanzi caldamente piu che mai.

[Translation :] By a letter from Antwerp dated 11 October it is thus reported : When [Thomas] Barnes came to these countries [Low Countries], by chance I got to know that he was sent with a commission to treat here with Baron Paget, and his supporters who are managing his affairs for him at Court [Brussels ], and by means of these, who have gained such credit for themselves, had the said Baron been still alive, this Court would be wholly in his favour, as it has been from the time he made friends of these his supporters.(2) Yet these men still pursue the same project even to this day, and have greater hope of it than ever, namely to conclude a marriage between the son of the Duke of Parma and Lady Arabella.

Immediatelyafter the arrival of BarnesI informed Fr. [William] Holt of this negotiation and he, as I hope, has written frequently to your Eminence about it. I informed Fr. Holt at the time that in these countries there was no Englishman who had such opportunity, as I had, of discovering this negotiation and the hopes they derive from it This opportunityI owe to my intimate acquaintance and correspondence with Lady Arabella's grandmother and all her relatives. The Father then asked me if I intended to have

RELACION DE COSAS DE INGLATERRA 215

part in it; to which I resolutely answered , No, not without assurance that the King of Spain would approve of it and give his sanction to it.

I discovered this negotiation by means of one who had in his keeping some letters of Barnes which dealt with it: and sincethat time this negotiation has always continued, and is now being more warmly pressed forward than ever. For one, called Moody,(3) not long since, as he himself has told me, went to England to procure a portrait of Lady Arabella: and in connection with this match the son of the Duke of Parma came from Italy to Flanders.

However, I myself think the whole business will end in smoke: and it seems to me that these men have little knowledge of the practices those in England conduct, who think that in this negotiation they have any sincere intention of promoting it, nor do they know the deceitful disposition of that Queen, who will not tolerate the conclusion of such a negotiation as that. It is a matter for which she shows more abhorrence than for any other. Moreover, everyone can judge how all the English would take it to have an Italian as their king.

The negotiations are conducted under cover of a plot that they are weaving to burn all the Queen's ships, and the house which contains all maritimestores, seeing that these negotiators can enter and leave England as safely as we go to church, and this could not be without the knowledge of both parties Still, however true this is, how far these men have means to carry out such an enterprise God knows, and the world may well think that suchlike invented stories serve only to gain time and to bring to ruin, I think, better and more profitable designs that are perchance in mind and in preparation for the good of the Christian world.

Another letter from Brussels dated 16 October reports thus: As regards the marriage between the son of the Duke of Parma and Lady Arabella , those who do not wish to express an opinion or to favour it, act thus, I believe, for fear that the King ofSpain would take it ill; for it is not yet ascertained that he would desire it; so they think it good policy to play for safety and in thisthey seem to me to act wisely. Even if they should give their minds to it, I am notless ofopinion that those on the Englishside would never yield to it; for their affairs these last three years have prospered to such a degree that they have become insolent rather than timid.(4)

It is reported in another letter from Antwerpdated2November , that the negotiations for a marriage betweenthe son of the Duke of Parma and Lady Arabella go forward more warmly than ever .

(1) Cf. Note 1 to Relation I, supra

(2) The career of Thomas Barnes, as an agent of the English government,

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was one of unprecedentedlength for such a profession, covering a period which lasted from at least the time of the Armada until years after the accession of James I. Traces of his activities and intrigues are numerous in documents of the period, but he has as yet received no proper biographical treatment Like others of his kind, he may at times have served two masters simultaneously, as some references to him suggest. Thomas Paget, third Baron, had died early in 1590 (3) Michael Moody was another English government agent (4) These intrigues and rumours concerning a possible marriage between Arabella Stuart, who had some claims in the matter of the English succession, and the Duke of Parma's son, probably served to add to the growing mistrust of the Duke which was being fostered in the Spanish court from several other sources. From the English side, no evidence exists to show that Elizabeth would ever really have sanctioned such a match .

91. ALLEN TO CLEMENT VIII

25 March 1592

Archives d'Etat, Ghent, Fonds Jesuites, bundle 74. Original, with ending in Allen's own hand

Beatissime Padre

Il sacro Concilio Tridentino per impedire libri, che prima se stampavano secretamente con preiudicio della fede Catholica, ha prohibito, che non si stampino cose apertinenti alla Religione, senza nome dell'autore , et stampatore, et luogo dove si stampa. Pure essendo il caso d'Inghilterra differente dal resto della Chiesa, e tale, che per potere divulgare con manco pericolo le cose buone et Catholiche, bisogna stamparle senza dette circunstanze, li Pontifici passati hanno dispensato in questo per Inghilterra Pero si supplica a V. Santità che sia servita confermare detta permittione , et dare faculta all'Illustrissimo Signore Cardinale Alano di constituire alcuni, che egli conoscera sufficienti et idonei, cosi dentro Inghilterra, come fuore a quest'effetto di confutare le calunnie delli Heretici che divulgano in preiuditio della fede, atteso che è cosa necessaria per servitio de Dio et non contraria all'intentionedel Conseglio. Et questa licenza se dimanda solamente per andare piu fondatamente conforme alla subordinatione di Santa Chiesa et pregaremo Iddio per V. Santità che le dia lunga et felicissima vita a gloria sua.

[From here in Allen's hand:]

Nos hanc facultatem a S. domino nostro concessam impartimur RR. PP . Roberto Personio et Josepho Creswello G. Card. Alanus.

Sanctissimus D.N. vivae vocis oraculo concessitut petitur, die 25 Martij 1592. Gulielmus Card Alanus

ALLEN TO CLEMENT VIII

[Addressed in the same hand as the body of the letter:]

Alla Santità di N. Signore. Per Inghilterra.

[Endorsed:] 1592 Mart. 25. Licenza de imprimir libros sine nomine authoris.

[Translation :]

Most blessed Father

The sacred Council of Trent, to stop books which were being printedsecretly to the prejudice ofthe Catholic faith, has prohibited the printing of matters appertaining to religion without author's and printer'snames and place of printing. However, since the case of England is different from that of the rest of the Church, and such that to be able to publish good and Catholic things with less danger, there is need to print them without these details, past Pontiffs have issued dispensationsin this matter for England. Your Holiness is therefore implored thatyou will be pleasedto confirm this permission, and to give the faculty to the illustrious Cardinal Allen to appoint those whom he knows to be sufficient and suitable, as well inside England as outside, to the business of confuting the calumnies which the heretics publish to the prejudice of the faith, seeingthat it is a thing necessary for the service of God and not contraryto the Council's intention And this dispensation is asked solely in order to proceed more deeply in conformity with subjection to holy Church. We pray God for your Holiness, that He will to His glory give you a long and happy life.

Ihave granted this faculty, concededto me by His Holiness to Revv . Frs. Robert Persons and Joseph Cresswell

W. Card. Allen.

His Holiness conceded this petition by word of mouth on 25 March 1592. William Cardinal Allen.

92. ALLEN TO PERSONS. Rome, 13 April 1592

Archiv Eng Coll Valladolid , Serie II, L.1 Holograph

R. Patri Personio

R Vestra petat quaeso a D. Avilesno meo illic procuratore, singulis annis quinquaginta aureos, quos potest de mea pensione super episcopatum Palentinum subducere , atque Rectori Collegii Anglicani qui pro tempore fuerit, ad beneplacitum nostrum , pro meo servitio per duas mediates secundum terminos in quibus eiusdem pensionis colatio fieri solet, hoc est pro festo Natalis Domini 25 et pro festo Nativitatis S. Joannis Baptistae totidem

ALLEN TO PERSONS

numero, incipiendo a festo Natalis proxime praeterito ante datum praesentium. Quem colationem et de pensione praedicta subductionem gratum ac ratum per praesentem schedulam mea manu scriptam et subscriptam me habiturum spondeo Datum in Urbe 13 Aprilis anno 1592

Gulielmus Card. Alanus.

[Addressed:] Al Padre Personio.

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] Literae Illustrissimi Cardinalis Alani ad Dominum

[In a later hand:] Esta ya no sirve .

[In the hand of the Rector Philip Mark Perry:] ex Legaxo 35 : Legaxito 2º.

[Translation :] Aulaenum pro solutione 50 scutorum singulis annis in sustentationem etc.

To Rev. Father Persons.

Demand, I beg you, of Mr. Avilenus, my procurator there, fifty gold crowns each year, derived from my pension on the bishopric of Palencia, and give them atmy will andfor my service to whomsoever for the time being is Rector of the English College. You may demand them in two halves, as my pension is so paid, that is, twenty five crowns on the feast of Christmas, and the same number on the feast of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist, beginning from last Christmas before this letter The said withdrawal of this sum from my pension and its above assignment I promise to consider as granted and ratified by this present letter, written and signed by my own hand Given in Rome 13 April 1592.

William Cardinal Allen

93. ALLEN TO PHILIP II.

S.C.R.M.

Rome, 24 April 1592

Simancas Est Leg 960. Autograph signature

Por orden de sus superiores y a peticion mia, va a ese Reyno JosephCrisuelo Ingles, religioso de la Compañia, y que por algunos años ha governado el seminario de Ingleses que aqui tenemos ,(1) servira de aliviar al Padre Roberto Personio ayudandole en las necesidades y negocios de los Ingleses , y particularmente del

colegio que con la real magnificencia y liberalidad de Vuestra Magestad en Valladolid se ha levantado, y aora de nuevo establecido con los privilegios que su Santidad le ha concedido: (2) hele dado orden que ante todas cosas en nombre mio bese a V.Magd. sus reales manos y con toda reverencia le de las gracias que se pueden, ya que no sea posible llegar a las que se deven por los immensosbeneficios y dignos de eterna memoria con que V.Magd mi personay infeliz naçion honrra y ampara Y juntamente signifique a V. Magd el gran deseo con que vivo de emplearmeen su real servicio sin esperar en esta vida cosa que pueda aliviar mi sentimiento hasta que de Dios y de V. Magd alcanze lo que con tantas lagrimas y con el copioso sangre que mis conterraneos y compañeros han derramado, en el acatamiento de Jesu Christo tantas veces he pedido Suplico a V. Magd reçiva con su acostumbrada clemencia al dicho Joseph Crisuelo, y admita lo que en favor de mi pobre naçion le representara, pues oy dia se halla mas /p.2. neçesitada de su protection, como gente que por causa de la catolica Religion y de V. Magd que della y dellos es unico amparo viven en mayor afliction y opresion: es hombre pio y zeloso del servicio de Dios y de V. Magd. participante de mis deseos y negocios , y en todos ellos fidelissimo coadjutor, y como a tal suplico humilente que V. Magd le de credito y haga merced. Dios nuestro Señor conserve a Vuestro Sagrada Magestad con los serenissimosPrincipes y Infantapor tantos años y con tanta prosperidad como para bien de su Inglesia santa es neçesario de Roma , 24 de Abril 1592

[In Allen's hand:] Di V.S.C.R.M.

devotissimo et fidelissimo subdito et servidor Card Alano

[Addressed:]A la S.C.R.M del Rey nuestro Señor

[Sealed with the Cardinal's seal]

[Endorsed:] Roma, a su Magestad 1592. El Cardinal Alano a 24 de Abril.

[Translation :]

S.C.R.M.

By order of his superiors and at my request there is going to that kingdom [Spain] Joseph Cresswell, an English religious of the Society, who has been for some years Rector of the English seminary here.(1) He will be of use in affording some relief to Father Persons, helping him in his needs and in his negotiations on behalf of the English, and especially of the college which, by your Majesty's royal generosity and liberality, has been founded at

ALLEN TO PHILIP II

Valladolid, and the establishmentofwhich has now beenconfirmed by the privileges granted to it by his Holiness.(2)

I have commissioned him on my part, and before all things, to kiss your royal hands and with all reverence to render all possible thanks to your Majesty , though these cannot reach to what is due for the immense benefits, worthy of eternal memory, with which your Majesty honours and assists my own person and my unhappy country.

I have also given him a commission to tell your Majesty the great desire I have to employ myself in your royal service, nor is there hope in this life of mitigatingmy concern untilfrom God and your Majesty that is attained, for which with due reverence I have made so many petitions to Jesus Christ, and for whichso many tears have been shed and so much blood by my countrymen and companions

I beseech your Majesty to welcome the said Joseph Cresswell withyour accustomed generous kindness, and to concede what he will represent to you in favour of my afflicted country, for today there is more need ofyour assistance for its people, who on account of their Catholic religion and of your Majesty, who is the sole support of that religion and of them, live in greater misery and oppression.

Father Cresswell is devoted to and zealous for the service of God and of your Majesty, a sharer in my desires and affairs, in all of which he is a most loyal co-operator, and as such I humbly beseech your Majesty to give him credit and favour him. May God our Lord long preserve your sacred Majesty and their Excellencies, the Princes and the Infanta, and in suchgreat prosperity as is necessary for the good of His holy Church. From Rome , 24 April 1592 .

Of your S.C.R.M.

Your most devoted and loyal subject and servant, Cardinal Allen

(1) Joseph Cresswell (cf. Note 6 to No. 31 supra), who had been sent with William Holt to Flanders in 1588, had been recalled to Rome when Persons went to Spain He arrived on 4 February 1589, and before 12 April of that year was installed as Rector of the English College. He left for Spain on 30 April 1592, his place in the College being taken by Mutius Vitelleschi (later General S.J.) (List of Rectors, Stonyhurst, Coll M. f 156).

(2) Clement VIII's Brief confirming the erection of the College atValladolid was dated at Rome, 25 April 1592, and is printed in C.R.S. 30, pp 246-51

ALLEN TO THE DUCHESS OF GUISE

94. ALLEN TO THE DUCHESS OF GUISE.(1)

221

Rome, 20 May 1592

Paris , B.N. Fonds Clairambault 358, f. 186. Autograph signature

Illustrissima et Eccelentissima Signora

A Mons . l'Abbate d'Orbais, che mi ha presentato la lettera di V.E. di 22 di Febbraio et salutato per parte di lei, mi sono offerto prontamente in tutte le cose che concerneranno il servitio et il commodo della persona di V.E. delli Illustrissimi suoi figli, et della casa tutta Et cosi mi adoprarò con gli effetti sempre che da lui ne sarò richiesto, ò ch'à me si offerirà particolaroccasione di servirla, la quale abbracciarò sempre volentieri sendo desideroso del servitio et della grandezzadi cotestacasa La ringratiò grandemente del favor' che mi ha fatto in salutarmi con la sudetta sua , et della confidenza che mostra haver' in me, assicurandola ch'ella non ne restarà mai ingannata Con che à V. Ecc. quanto posso mi offerisco et raccomando pregando il S. Dio a conservarla sana , et in sua gratia sempre. Di Roma li XX di Maggio 1592 .

[In Allen's hand:]

[At bottom left-hand corner:]

Madonna la Duchessa di Guisa.

[No contemporary endorsement.]

[Translation :]

Most Illustrious and Excellent Lady,

Di V. Eccelenza, Humillissimo servitore Il Cardinale Alano

The very Rev. Abbot of Orbais has presented to me the letter of your Ladyship of 22 February, and has greeted me on your behalf I have offered to be of prompt avail in all things that concern the service and good of your Ladyship, ofyour illustrious sons, and of your whole family; and so I shall always use my efforts to obtain those things that your Ladyship shall request, or to seize willingly any particular occasion that may be offered me of serving you, since I desire whatever tends to the service and greatness of your family I thank you very much for your kindness in sending me your greetings in the said letter, and for the confidence that you show that you have in me, assuring you that it willnever be in vain. Thus, as much as in me lies, I recommend and offer myself to your Ladyship's service , begging Almighty God to give you health and ever keep you in His grace Rome, 20 May 1592 . Your Ladyship's most humble servant, Cardinal Allen.

ALLEN TO THE DUCHESS OF GUISE

(1) The lady in question here was the widow of Henry I, Duke of Guise , assassinated at Blois on 23 December 1588, at the instigation of Henry III, King of France. In 1570 Guise had married the young widow of the huguenot Prince of Portien, formerly Catharine of Clèves Born in 1547 , she was one of the three daughters of the Duke of Nevers and Marguerite of Bourbon, sister of Anthony of Navarre After the Duke's murder, his widow held a position of some importance in the affairs of the Catholic League . At the time of this letter her eldest son, Charles , Duke of Guise , was nearly 21 years old The Duchess's letter, dated from Rheims, 22 February 1592, to which Allen was replying, is printed in Knox, Allen , pp 341-2 .

95. ALLEN TO DUKE OF SESA

.

N.D.

[? mid 1592] (1)

Simancas Est Leg. 959. Contemporary copy

A quello che l'altro hieri V.E. mi propose in nome di S. Mtà oltra le cose all'hora ragionati insieme ho pensatodi rispondere in scritto in questa maniera.

1. Quanto alla persona mia, senza alcuna eccettione, o rispetto del proprio commodo, desiderio, o della volonta mia, esser pronta, et apparechiata a risederein qualsivoglia luoco dove S. Mtà comandara, et dove giudicara ch'io sia per essere di piu utile a gloriadi Dio et al servitio suo .

2. Ma S. Mtà alla qual sola sono noti i secreti delli consegli, et pensieri suoi, puo molto meglio di me, et piu utilmente al servitio suo, disponere della persona mia, et dell'attioni tutti: Nondimeno poiche per sua benignità ricerca ancho il parer mio, et vuol sapere quello ch'io pensi, o desideri, le diro liberamente quello che qui segue

3. Anchor che in tutte l'altre cose concernenti l'honor di Dio, l'utilità della Chiesa, et il bene della Republica Christiana sempre, et in ogni luoco io mi adoperi di compiacere, et servir alla Mtà. S: nondimeno sopra tutte le cose desiderarei servirla (come credo ch'ancho ellarichieda) nelle cose pertinenti alla Patria miain quella sorte, o maniera che gli officij della servitù mia potessero essere di gran lunga molto piu fruttuosi, et necessarij. [p. 2]

4. Quanto dunque al servitio della Republica Christiana in comune, il quale è il medesimo che del Papa, et della Mtà. S. a mi pare di poter risedere piu utilmente in Roma, che in qualsivoglia altro luoco: perciòche qui cosi come per debito dell'ordini, et dell'officio mio di continuo per quanto posso, spendo la opera mia non ingrata nel servitio di Sua Santità in varie Congregationi, etConsulte,cosi anchomaisonomancato sin hora, ne meno possono mancar' per l'avenirevarie occasioni di poter' dimonstrare almeno

ALLEN TO SESA

223

la volontà mia verso la Mtà S. Ma con qual frutto ciò si faccia, le lascio giudicare all'Eccellenza Vostra .

5. Qui ancho occorreno giornalmente molte cose da trattarsi col Papa, per la nostra afflittissima Inghilterraet ancho per Scotia , et per Hibernia, che tutte appertengono alla salute et consolatione di Cattolici, cosi di coloro che stanno nelle proprie case, come d'altri, che hora si trovano fuori le quali tutte da nissun' altro possono, o piu commodamente esser' intesse o cosi bene espedite

6. Et certamente stando noi in Roma, di gran lunga con minori spese di quello che converrebbero farsi in altro luoco (di che da Cardinali di povera fortuna non sene deve tenere leggier' conto) sostenemocomunque se sia lo stato, et la dignità nostra Con ciò sia cosache qui sulla [p 3] presenza del Principe nostro , etin cosi copioso numero di Cardinalinon si ricerca tanto apparato di cose , ne tantosplendore nel vivere, o vestire, quanto sene ricerca altrove, mentre siamo soli dell' ordini nostro

7. In questa Città , et appreso il lato o persona del Pontifice , vi è il proprio luoco, et la regolar' residentia di Cardinali dove ancho io in questa desolatione, et destruttione d'Inghilterra et nella particolar' persecutione della persona mia, posso in servitio della Sede Apostolica et della Mtà S. menar la vita mia, con maggior sicurezzadel corpo stando lontano da nemici, et con piu tranquilità d'animo, non vedendo le miserie di coloro che mi son cari

8. Ma dall'altra parte, se consideramo il servitio della Mtà. S. et il particolare desiderio mio verso la riforma d'Inghilterra(il che deve essere il capo, et lo scopo di tutti i consigli et pensieri nostri), per conseguir questo stimiamo non solo doversi disprezzar gli otij et negotij di Roma; mà tutti i pericoli della vita, et della morte istessa Et in tal caso il parer' mio è questo Se l'espeditione, o impresa d'Inghilterradovesse farsi in breve, cioè nelli mesiprossimi o vero in quest'anno in nissun' modo la persona mia dover essere tanto lontana; ma trovandosi nell'essercito istesso, o almeno nei luoghi vicini, poter essere sopra tutto utile o forse necessaria per far bene la cosa [p 4]

9. Et benche l'impresa non fusse per farsi di corto, nondimeno in questo mentre per ritenere, et confirmar' gl'animi dell'amici che sono in Patria, et fuori in esilio; acciòche per cosi longa miseria, et dilationedi speranzanon vacillino, o desperino, et per conciliare et render' benevoli verso noi, et la commune causa, le volontà degl'altri, et ancho per tentare gl'animi d'alcuni nobili nel Regno con continuimezzi secreti, con lettere, promesse , et anchocon doni, et finalmente per fare molte altre cose tali, la nostra presentia non sarebbe inutile in quei luoghi vicini.

10. Maperchequeste cose non si posson'fare senza gran spesse, et di gran lunga inequali alle nostre facultà, i quali al tutto sono

ALLEN TO SESA

di nissun' momento, meglio sarà ritroversi lontano , che stando in cosi vicino luoco, non potere far poi quelle cose che sopra tutte l'altre in questa causa parenoappertenersi al servitiodella Mtà. sua .

11. In oltre per promovere la comune causa, sarebbe anco molto espediente la presenza nostra in Fiandra; se però vi fusse qualche facultà, o modo di poter dare alcuno aiuto, o consolatione in cosi estremi bisogni, à tanto gran numero d'esuli che si ritrovano in quel luoco. Ma quando io non possa far' questo, non solo non farei alcun profitto, ma piu tosto metterei a gran pericolo la causa istessa et la persona mia, et insieme [p. 5] esporrei questa dignità, et la commune calamità de miei , ad essere schernita dagli nemici, et ad haverne compassione gl'amici.

12. V. Eccellenza appenacrederacon quante lachrime, et pianti inconsolabili , da Fiandra insino a Roma gridino verso di me, con molti altri nostri , come ancho alcuni miei chari , et parenti, i quali havendo seguitato la fortuna, et il consiglio mio, han' lasciato per amor di Christo grandissime facultà : le cui calamità se a me concurra vedere et sentire personalmente et non sarò modo bastante da socorrerli, tutti li gl'altri miei officij saranno vani per l'avenire, et tutto il resto della mia vita mi sara acerbo, et duro Alle quali difficultà tutte se dalla Regale munificentia non si dona rimedio, qualunque se siano i nostri servitij , paiono in Roma doveressere piu utili alla Sede Apostolica a S. Mtà et alla patria mia, che non sarebbono altrove Imperoche ne ancho dall'istessa Inghilterra ci manca qui occasionedi haver' frequente intelligenza con i nostri.

13. Quanto poi a quello che fusse bastante per sostentare honestamente questo grado, o per eseguire gl'altri servitij necessarij, ne io certamente lo sò nemeno ci conviene di metter legge à S. Mtà in cosa tale. Ma V. Eccellenza ha (come iocredo) conosciuto,quanto siamo lontani dal desiderar' cose soverchie, et quanto io soglia esser' contento di poche cose, et [p 51 moderate. Ma quelli che sono piu prudenti frequentemente mi scrivono,etdavero mi avertiscono, che noi non potremo vivere in quei luochi benche moderatissimamente secondola dignità, con meno di dodeci mila scudi della qual somma partendo io di questa corte, et levandome si l'ordinaria provisione che sua Santità mi da ciascun' mese , a me restarà poco piudi duemila scudi, il che tutti facilmente conoscono.

14. Quelli che sono piu prudenti , et che conoscono me , et le cose mie, possonomolto ben sapere, in quante angustie, et stretezze delle cose necessarie alla casa io sia visuto in questi cinque anni, et piu,dal tempo ch'iofui promossoet con quanto dolore, et rossore io sia stato astretto per mancamento di conveniente provisione lasciar' molte occasioni di servir' utilmente a S. Mtà et alla Patria mia Ma s'il medesimo avenisse in Fiandra , il rossore, il pericolo mio, et anco il publico danno sarebbono molto maggiori ; et ogni

ALLEN TO SESA 225 consolatione, et aiuto che di questa mia promotione aspettavano gl'Inglesi , tutto sarebbe impeditoda questa troppa povertà nostra, et dalla mancanzadelle cose necessarie bene et prudentementedisse un' certo grand' huomo, ch'a chi voglia far' gran' cose, conviene ancho ch'egli sia insieme ricco et gran' sprezzatore di ricchezza. Questo secondo dalla misericordia del Señor Dio mi è stato conceduto: Ma quel primo dalla sua providenza [p.7] mi è stato denegato

15. Ma per concludere, stimare esser' meglio la mia residenza in Roma ch'in Fiandra, quando pero l'impresa d'Inghilterra non fusse vicina o che à meno si concedesse qualche piu larga provisione da poter' sostenere il servitio della Mtà S. et la dignità dell'ordinemio Nel che nondimeno, come in tutte l'attioni della vita mia, io mi rimettohumilmente alla volontà della Mtà S. il cui servitio, et insieme ogni bene della Patria mia, anteporrò sempre a tutte le commodità della vita Questo solo reverentementedomandando, che quanto piu presto si potrà la Mtà Sua deliberi, et risolvadi me conforme all'arbitrio, et beneplacito suo, impercioche l'età diviene piu grave, et la strettezza delle cose domestiche, et li debiti ogni giorno diventano maggiori Dalli quali volentieri desidero di essere liberato ; et insieme, prima che io mora, fare qualche singulare, et salutare officio per la Chiesa di Dio et per sua Mtà.

16. Finalmente quanto all'Arcivescovato di Malines, perche quello era dato solo per pretesto della nostra andata in quelle parti,(2) la quale altrimente sarebbe stata sospetta alli nemici, se sua Mtà risolverà ch'io riseda in questa corte, et non vogliach'io vada in Fiandra, la supplico a voler' commettere ad altri questa cura, la quale sendo io absente [p 8] in nessun modo posso tener' con bona conscientia: atteso che l'afflittissimo stato di quella Chiesa grandemente richieda homo piu atto di me, et che di continuo sia presente al bisogno di essa

Il dire piu cose a V. Eccellenza non è necessario . Questo solo quanto posso richiedo, che le cose hora ricordate, ella in mio nome humilmente le significhi alla Mtà S. o se quelli paiono troppo longhi le scriva almeno la somma, et sostanza d'esse, afinche in questo modo la Mtà S. possa dispor' di mi sua humilissima creatura, servo, et subdito conforme al saggio arbitrio suo.

[Endorsed in same hand :] Risposta del Cardinale Alano a quello che le propose il Duca di Sessa

[Translation :] To that proposition which your Excellency made to me in the name of his Majesty [of Spain] the day before yesterday, besides the other matters we then discussed together, I have decided to answer in writing as follows.

ALLEN TO SESA

1. As to my own person, without any exception or regard for my own convenience, desire or wish, I am ready and prepared to reside in whatever place his Majesty will command, or where he will judge me to be more useful for the glory of God and his Majesty's service.

2. His Majesty, however, to whom alone are known the secrets of his own designs and thoughts, can dispose of my person and ofall my activities more usefully for his service much better than I myself Nevertheless, since in his kindness he asks also for my opinion, and wishes to know what I think and desire , I shallfreely set down what follows.

3. Although in all other matters concerning the honour of God, the good of the Church and the benefit of Christendom , always and in every place do I endeavour to please and serve his Majesty, yet above all things I should desire to serve him (as I believe he himself would demand) in matters pertaining to my fatherland , in such sort or manner that the activities ofmy service might be in the long run more fruitful and necessary .

4. As regards, therefore, serving Christendom as a whole , which is the same as serving the Pope and his Majesty, it seems to me that I can reside more usefully in Rome than in any other place, since here, as bound by the duty of my dignity and office ,

Ibestow my labour so far as in me lies, and not to his displeasure, in the service of his Holiness, in various congregations and committees; so also these have not failed up to the present, nor can they less fail in the future, to offer various occasions for showing, at least, my good will towards his Majesty: but with what fruit this may be done I leave to the judgment of your Excellency.

5. Here also many affairs come to be treated of daily with the Pope concerning our most afflicted England, and also Scotland and Ireland, all of which concern the well-being and consolation of Catholics, as well those who remain at home, as others who are now in exile, and which cannot be so easily grasped or so well expedited by anyone else.

6. And certainly, in the long run, by being in Rome, we keep ourselves as befits our state and position with less expensethan would be possible in another placea point that must be of no light consideration to cardinals of small fortune Added to this, in the presence ofour head [the Pope] and with so many cardinals, there is not required so great outward show nor so much high living or rich dress, as is required elsewherewhere we may be the only member of our order.

7. The proper place and regular residencefor cardinals is in this city, at the side ofthe Pope: and here also, despite the desolation and ruin of England, and the particular persecution of my

own person ,I can lead my life in the service ofthe Holy See and his Majesty in greater security of body, being farfrom my enemies , and withgreater peace of mind, by not witnessing the miseries of those who are dear to me.

8. On the other hand, however, if we consider the service of his Majesty and my particular desire for the reform of England, which ought to be the aim and scope of all our counsels and thoughts, and to obtain which, we think, we ought not only to despise the leisure and affairs of Rome, but also the danger to our life and even death itself, with these considerations in mind, my opinion is as follows: if the expedition or impresa of England is to be carried out shortly, i.e. in the coming months or even this year, in no way ought I to be so far away, but being with the army or at least in places near by, I could be above all useful, or perhaps necessary for the good of the cause .

9. And even though the impresa were not to be carried out shortly, yet our presence in those neighbouring places would not be ineffective, by keeping up and animating the spirits of friends at home and in exile, so that they do not vacillate or despair after such a long time of misery and deferment of hope; and by conciliating and rendering favourable to us and the common cause the minds of others, and also by probing the disposition of some nobles within the kingdom, by continuous secret means and letters and promises, as well as by gifts, and finally by doingmany other similar things.

10. But because these matters cannot be carried out without great expense, very far beyond our means, which all told are of no great account, it will be better to be at a distance, rather than in soneighbouring a place and yet unable to do those things which above all appear to be of service to his Majestyin this cause .

11. Furthermore, for promoting the common cause, our presence in Flanders would also be more expedient, provided indeed there was some provision for or means of my being able to give some help or consolation in such extreme need, to so great a number of exiles as are found there. But supposing that I am not able to dothis, then not only wouldI not be of any use , but much more I should place that same cause and my ownperson in great danger, and at the same time I should exposethis my cardinalitial dignity and the common misfortune of my fellow countrymen to be the sport of my enemies and a subject of compassion to my friends

12. Your Excellency will hardly believe with how many tears and disconsolate sighs, from Flanders even to Rome, they make their moan to me, together with many others of our countrymen, and even some dear and related to me, who having followed my

ALLEN TO SESA

fortunes and counsel have for the love of Christ left very great possessions Should I in person happen to witness and experience their unhappy lot, and yet be unable to bring relief to them, all other efforts on my part will be useless for the future, and all the remaining days of my life will be bitter and hard for me . If from his regal munificence some remedy be not afforded for these difficulties, whatsoevermay be my services , they must of necessity , so it seems, be of more use to the Holy See and to his Majesty and to my country, being here in Rome than elsewhere Moreover, here there are not wanting occasions of having frequent communication with ours, even in England.

13. As to what would be sufficient to sustain my cardinalitial dignity, or to put into effect the other necessary services , I certainly do not know; nor does it become me to lay down any ruling in such a matter for his Majesty Your Excellency has knowledge, I believe, of how far we are from desiring superfluities, and how accustomed I am to be content with a small and moderate provision But those who are more prudent, frequently write to me , and indeed warn me, that we cannot live in those places, even moderately, according to our station, with less than 12,000 crowns [scudi]. Of such a sum , should I leave this court and take with me the ordinary provision his Holiness allows me monthly, there will remain little more than 2,000 crowns; and this willeasily come to the knowledge ofall.

14. Those who are most prudent and know me and are acquainted with my affairs, are well able to realise in whatstraits and want of necessities I have lived in this house these five years and more, from the time I was made cardinal, and with what grief and shame I have been constrained, through want of suitable provision, to let pass many occasions of doing useful service to his Majesty and to my country Should, however, the same occur in Flanders, the shame, the danger to myself, and the public harm would be much greater. And all the consolation and help thatthe English expected from my being raised to the purple, would be hindered by our extreme poverty, and the want of things necessary . Well and prudently did a certain man of great position say, that whoever wishes to carry out great things must himselfat the same time be rich, yet a great despiser of riches. The latter, thanks to his mercy, God has granted me, but the former has, by his providence, been denied me.

15. In conclusion, I think it better that I stay in Rome, rather than in Flanders, if the impresa of England is not to take place soon , or at least, unless some large provision be made for me to do service to his Majesty, and uphold the dignity of my position. Nevertheless, as in the actions of my whole life, I humbly remit myself to the wishes of his Majesty, whose service, together with

ALLEN TO SESA 229

the good of my country, I always place before any convenience of my own . This alone do I ask with all reverence, that his Majesty considersthe matter as soon as possible, and makes what decision about me he wills and pleases, because I am ageing gravely, and the straits of my domestic affairs and debts daily increase. From these I willingly desire to be freed, and at the same time do some signal service for God's Church and his Majesty, before I die.

16. Finally, as regards the Archbishopric of Malines , as this was only conferred on me on the supposition ofmy going to those parts(2) which otherwise would have caused suspicion in my enemies should his Majesty decide that I remain in this court, and not wish me to go to Flanders, I beg him to vouchsafe to commit this care to others; for in my absence, in no way can I hold the see with a good conscience , seeing that the very afflicted state of that church imperatively demands a man more apt than myself, and one who is on the spot, attending to its needs.

To say more to your Excellency is not necessary This alone , so far as I am able, do I request, thatyour Excellency may make known to his Majesty the matters here mentioned, or should this memorandum appear too long, that you write at least the summary and substanceof it, so that his Majesty, in this way, may dispose of my lowly person, his servant and subject, according to his wise judgment

[Endorsed:] The reply of Cardinal Allen to that which the Duke of Sesa proposed to him .

(1) This memorandum cannot have been written earlier than the end of 1591, because Sesa did not become Spanish ambassador in Rome until after the departure of Olivares in late December 1591 (cf. Note 1 to No. 89 supra). The references in paragraphs 8 and 9 to the "impresa of England" would appear to assign it to 1592, rather than later, since after the death of the Duke of Parma in December 1592, such plans had little to do with the Spanish authorities or with the army in Flanders Later efforts were planned directly from Spain. (2) As already noted, Philip did, for a time, propose another candidatefor Malines early in 1593. This man was, however, also deterred , as Allen had been, by the financial plight of the archdiocese (Cf. Note 1 to No. 89 supra)

*96. ALLEN TO PERSONS.

Stonyhurst Coll M. f. 109. Grene's notes 15 February 1593 .

In a letter of Cardinal Allen to F. Persons 15 Febr. 1593 the Cardinal saith thus [John] Arden F. Robert's [i.e. Robert Arden , S.J.] that was with you last yeere in Spaine is now come hither

ALLEN TO PERSONS

. . . (tum multa de eo narrat ex quibus videtur colligi quod esset explorator ...[Trans.: Then he narrates many things about him from which it can be gathered that he was a spy.(1)] Now he goeth to his brother who is at the present at Loreto ... (1) Robert Arden, a native of Chichester, had joined the Society at Louvain on 7 April 1567. At this time he was residing at Loreto John Arden, gentleman, was a much younger brother of the above, and appears from his own account not to have known the Jesuit previously, in person. He was in prison, and was examined on various matters in December 1590 (cf. Cal . S.P.D. 1581-90, p. 705). After his visit to Spain in 1592, mentioned by Allen, he arrived in Rome, but did not visit the English Hospice till 4 March 1593 , where he stayed for only four days (Foley, Records VI, p 565). About a dozen letters from John Arden to Q. Elizabeth, to Burghley, Heneage and the Secretary of State, between April and November 1593, and an Instruction to him in Burghley's hand, exist in the State Papers, Italian States and Venice From these it is clear that he had been freed from prison with deceptive leniency, on protestations of doing "service" abroad The whole episode in Rome, to which Allen's two letters to him, of 21 March and 4 September 1593 infra, belong, was another in the series of alleged peacemaking intrigues between England and Spain, already noted (cf. Note 1 to No. 90(a) supra). In the course of this parti- cular one Allen wrote a letter to the Council in England "to the end that the Queen and your honour might perceive his good meaning to his country to be a dealer in this motion" (Arden to Burghley, Venice, 10 November 1593, S.P.99/1 , f 222; cf. also Note 4 to No. 101 infra) The Council appears to have written something to Arden to pass on, signifying the Queen's likingfor the plan (Same to Q. Elizabeth, 10 November 1593 , Ibid f 220) From his letters it seems that Arden himself believed that he could be of some use in the proposed peace-making by his conferences , whilst Allen's letters to him suggest that he was willing to clutch at straws , if he could thereby effect anything of use to English Catholics. Allen's memoranda of Sesa of 22 December 1591 supra and of 11 December 1593 infra show that he must have been accustomed to the devious channels through which these peace and other negotiations had for long been pursued, so that John Arden's visit would not have failed to engage his efforts simply on account of its unofficial character His scepticism about the value or genuineness or such approaches appears , however, when writing to Sesa. Burghley's real purpose in using Arden can be gatheredfrom his Instructions (about May 1593, S.P.85/1 , f 132) : the gleaning of information about Englishmen in Rome, and the spreadingof the English_government's propaganda that there was no persecution for religion in England Two years later, after his return to England, Arden was again in prison, apparently under suspicion for his dealings abroad (cf. Arden to R. Cecil, Marshalsea, 4 January 1596, Cal S.P.D. 1595-7 p 159) This John Arden is not the man, of the same name, who escaped from the Tower with John Gerard in October 1597

97. ALLEN TO JOHN ARDEN. [Rome], 21 March [1593]

S.P. 85 (Italian States)/ 1 , f. 130. Holograph.

Mr. Arden, yours written in the morning I received but now two houres after dinner : to whichI say onely this, that the things

ALLEN TO JOHN ARDEN 231

that passed yesterday were doon on our part of necessity, and with as much respect to your estimation as could be divised; all being don with as much secrecy as could be, and so may be kept still; although, whether any thing coom abrode or no, all will be to your justification. Therefore lett not yt nor any thing els discourage you for any good enterprise in God's service. Fare you well, from my house this afternone 21 Martij [1593]

Your owne surely

The Cardinall

[Addressed in another hand:] Al Signor Gio Ardeno Inglese.

[Seal.]

[Endorsed:] The Cardinall letter to Arden.

98. ALLEN TO JAMES TYRIE, S.J. Rome, N.D. [but between May and September 1593] (1)

A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651, f. 98. Holograph

Reverende Pater ,

Id quod de quodam Bello obscure insinuat, ita habet: Docuit ille cum adhuc pro Catholico haberi voluit, ecclesias haereticorum sine peccato adiri posse, et multos in eam sententiam duxit. Cui cum patres et meliores quique presbyteri restiterent, atque hinc etiam de illo per censuras coercendo scriberent; ortus est per Angliam rumor illum hic pontificis authoritate publice excommunicatum fuisse; cum tamen nihil tale tentatum fuerit, nec id ullo modo pontifex faciendum censerit; sicut nos semel per literas nostras ad patres scripsimus, (2) sed an eas receperint, nescio. Jam vero patres scientes a quo ille falsus rumor de Belli excommunicatione ortus sit; de hominis in caeteris fide timent ; et ne impostor aut proditor evadet , metuunt cum omnia ipsorum secreta ac loca ubi morentur cognoscit: etsi nihil in eo hactenus praeter illud de Bello excommunicato figmentum deprehenderunt (3)

Bellus vero ille jam a fide prorsus apostatavit ; nec illi ulterius a Catholicis ulla fides adhibetur Ita res habet; valeat in Christo Jesu V.R. Paternitas, ex aedibus nostris sub Serandinum [?].

Vester totus

G. C. Alanus.

[Addressedby Allen:]AdmodumRdo Patri Jacobo Tyrio al Jesu .

ALLEN TO JAMES TYRIE

[Endorsed, evidently at a later period, though not by Grene:] De quodam Bello, qui docuit Ecclesias haereticorum adiri posse : inde a fide prorsus defecit. est an 1593. Res haec pertinet ad literas P. Garneti scriptas 15 Maii 1593. Ille de quo timebat ne revelaret etc. erat Jo Schidmorus ut constat ex literis P. Garneti ultimo Septembris 93. Vide alia de eo.

[Translation :]

Reverend Father,

What he [i.e. Henry Garnet] insinuates obscurely concerning a certain [Thomas] Bell, is as follows: He [Bell], since up to the present he wished to be accounted a Catholic, taught that the heretics' churches could be attended without sin, and he led many to accept this opinion. When the Fathers and the better priests resisted him, and wrote also from there for him to be restrained by censures , a rumour was started in England that he had been excommunicated publicly by authority of the Pope, though, however, no such thing was attempted, nor did the Pope intend in any way to do it; as I once told the Fathers in a letter.(2) Whether they received the letter, I do not know, but now the Fathers, knowingfrom whom [i.e. John Skidmore] this false rumour about Bell's excommunication arose, are fearful about the man's good faith in all matters: they are afraid lest he [Skidmore] may become an impostor or betrayer, since he knows all their secrets and the places where they dwell, although up to the present they have caught him out in nothing except this fiction about Bell's excommunication (3)

But Bell himselfhas now apostatisedcompletely from the faith, and no further credence will be accorded him by Catholics . The matter stands thus. May your Reverencefare well in Jesus Christ. From my dwelling at Serandinum [?]

Wholly yours, W. Card. Allen.

[Endorsed:] Concerning a certain Bell, who taught that heretical churchescould be attended. After that hefellwholely from the faith. It is 1593. This matter relates to a letter of Fr. Garnet written 15 May 1593. The man about whom he was afraid that he would reveal, etc. was John Skidmore, as is evident from a letter of Fr. Garnet 30 September 1593. See other things about him [Skidmore]

(1) The letter can be dated approximately by comparing its contents with matters contained in the endorsement James Tyrie, a Scot, was at this

ALLEN TO JAMES TYRIE

time one of the four Assistants to the Jesuit General

(2) ConcerningThomas Bell, cf. C.R.S. 51 , p. 184, note9 and p. 205, note 6 Allen's letter to the Fathers in England, here mentioned, has not survived , but Garnet in June reported that he had learned that the story of Bell's excommunication was false (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 10 June 1593 , A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f. 101) (3) John Skidmore (or Scudamore ) was admitted to the English College in Rome on 10 January 1591, aged 28 years He was ordained on 7 May 1592, and went via Germany to England (C.R.S. 37, p 78) He arrived in August 1592 and began to distribute large quantities of devotional articles, which he saidhad been blessed by the Pope During the summer of 1593, however, Garnet was informed by Cresswell that Skidmore's story was quite untrue. Garnet also reported, in September 1593, that strong rumours were circulating that Skidmore had gone to the Archbishop of Canterbury immediately on arrivingin England, and that he was suspected of being a traitor. These rumours were mentioned again in November Skidmore had returned abroad during the summer , and his re-appearance in England was much feared. (Cf. Garnet to Aquaviva, 15 May, 10 June, 30 September and 12 November 1593, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , ff 190, 101, 102, 103) Skidmore's business abroad is not known, but he turned up in Rome on 29 September 1594, and stayed at the Hospice for 27 days (Foley, Records VI, p. 567) Years later he was known as an apostate, living with the Archbishop of Canterbury, and a betrayer of Catholics. (Cf. R. Blunt to Persons, 7 December 1606, Stonyhurst AngliaIII, n 72)

99. ALLEN TO PHILIP II

S.C.R.M.

Rome, June 1593

Simancas Est Leg. 962 f 115. Autograph signature.

No sera necessarioque yo informa a V.M. cuanta aficion tiene la nacion Inglesa a la Duchessade Feria i lo que estimasu persona dessea su larga vida, particularmente sus parientes que despues de la muerte de su marido, an desseado con licencia de V. Md que ellasaliesse de España por la falta de salud quetieneen ella i fuesse a vivir a los estados de flandes donde por estar mas cerca de su patria, gozara de aires mas saludables, consolaria i ayudaria a sus parientes i animaria a otros muchos Catholicos desterrados, i serviria mejor a V. Md ayudaria en cuanto pudiesse a la causa Catholica i aunque ella lo a desseado siempreno a podido ponerlo en execucion hasta aora, por no desamparar a su hijo en su mocedad,viendoseaorafuera deste cuidado seria muygranconsuelo para sus deudos, i servidores, que V. Magd se sirviesse de mandarle dar esta licencia i para mi mui grande merced por lo que deseo la salud, contento de la Duquessa i el beneficio que podria hazer a los de su patria estando tan cerca della (1) Dios quarde i prospere la S.C.Ral . persona de V. Magd como yo deseo .

De Roma [?] de Junio 1593 .

ALLEN TO PHILIP II

[In Allen's hand:] De vestra Magd humilde servitor El Card. Alano

[Addressed:] A la S.C.R.Md. En manos de Francisco d'Idiaquez su secretario

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] Roma a Su Md. 1593. el Car¹ Alano Junio. Encaresçe lo que importaria para la causa Cattolica y la salud de la Duquesa de Feria, que se fuesse a los estados de Flandes.

[Translation :]

S.C.R.M.

It will not be necessary for me to inform your Majesty what affection and esteem the English nation, and particularly her relatives, have for the Duchess of Feria or of their desire for her long life. After the death of her husband they desired her, on account of her failing health, to leave Spain with permission of your Majesty , and to live in Flanders where, being nearer to her own country, she will enjoy a more salubrious climate. There she would give comfort and support to her relatives, bring encouragement to other Catholic exiles, be of greater service to your Majesty and help as far as she could the Catholiccause. She has always desired this change but, so as not to be separated from her son in his youthful years, she has never yet been able to put it into execution. Now that she is free from this charge, it would be a great consolation for her relatives and servants It would then be a service to her if your Majesty would vouchsafeto order this permission to be granted to her It would also be a very great favour to me , in as much as I wish her to enjoy good health and contentment, and desire the benefit she could confer on her countrymen by being so near to her fatherland . (1) May God preserve and prosper your Royal person as I desire. From Rome [?] June 1593

Your Majesty's humble servant Cardinal Allen.

(1) A full account of Lady Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria, is given by A. J. Loomie, S.J., The SpanishElizabethans, New York, 1963, Chapter 4. The Duchess was at this period drawn into certain intrigues of Morgan in Flanders against Allen's leadership of English Catholics, in which her coming to Flanders, as figure-head, was to play a part Allen was mis-led by representations of the Duchess's ambitious sister, Lady Hungerford, herself a friend of Morgan, into writing this letter .

ALLEN

TO JOHN ARDEN

100. ALLEN TO JOHN ARDEN.

S.P. 85 (Italian States)/ 1 , f 159 + 235

Rome, 4 September 1593. Holograph

Mr. Arden, least you should thinke your last to me were lost, I thought good to give you thes lines for answer of that secret poynt you wrote of: videlicet that if any such thing shall fall out as you seeme to foresee and foresaye, then shall those that perhaps accompt of me as an enimye, find more faithfull and proffitable frendshipand servise for them and our country then theylooked for; which I write with myne owne hand because you wold have all goe secretly: And so not doubting but you know the hand and matter , I bid you fare well

Rome 4 Sept. 1593 . [No signature.]

[Addressed in another hand:] Al [dignissimo?] Signore Giovan Ardeno Gentilhuomo Inglese in Venetia

[Seal ]

[

Endorsed: by Burghley :] 4 7br. 1593. Card Allyn to Jhon Arden.

101. ALLEN TO DUKE OF SESA. Rome, 11 December 1593

Simancas Est Leg 962. Contemporary copy

Billetedel Cardinal Alano al Duque de Sessaen Roma a XI de Xbre 1593.(1)

Le lettere ch'io scrissi al mio agente in Ambersa in risposta alla sua prima intorno alla propositione della pace con toleratione di religione, egli l'hebbe alli XI di Settembre et le mando via al consiglio d'Inghilterra immediatamente dopo cosi sicuramente (come egli dice) che non dubita del bon recapito,(2) non dimeno per quello che si vede per le ultime sue delli 6 di novembre non hebbe havuto ancora risposta alcuna che mi fa pensare non sono cosi soleciti como si dimostrorono [al] principio o al meno che dependino del evento di alcune cose ancora dubiose nel concetto loro massimamente le cose di Francia secondo il successo delle quali si risolverano come anco parino dubiosi delle cose di Fiandra si ne haverà succedere alcuna mutatione sopra la venuta del Serenissimo Arciduca(3) questaè tale occasionein quanto si puo imaginare [che] li retiene di non risolversi,

ALLEN TO SESA

Niente di meno per quell[o]altr[o] intelligent [iero]Inglesech'alli 9 di novembre mi vene da Venetia intorno a quella materia pare che non hanno abandonato quella cogitatione, il quale sicome intendo mandò subito un huomo aposta alla Regina con la mia risposta fattoli in scrito corrispondente a quello che scrissi prima al detto mio agente in Anversa (4)

Che risposta mi [faranno] o al'un o altro o si persevereranno [nel]la detta lor intentione o no, non posso dire, solamente mi da sospetto che non procedano sinceramente percio che appare che tutta questa pratica sia subordinata a questa fittione della conversione di Navarra per procurare dal Papa più facilmente in quel modo la sua assolutione et admissione al regno di Francia,(5) et di questo io resto piu facilmente persuaso per le sequenti ragioni

1. Perche questa proposta fu fatta giusto intorno a queltempo che Navarra era per fare la sua pretensa riconciliatione .

2. Perche tutti quelli che trattano la causa sua offeriscono tra lealtrecose ch'esso Navarra tirara la Regina d'Inghilterraa qualche bono accordo essendo gia ella da se ben inclinata

3. Perche si sà che il Gran Duca tratta adesso con la Regina del medesimo negotio il che senza dubio debe havere corrispondenza con la causa di Navarra.

4. Perche mi è dato ancora di intendere che si trova adesso in Venetia un agente di Don Antonio il quale attende a tal negotio et ha cercato di trattare di ciò con il Papa per mezo mio si come per il presente suo discurso si puo vedere per il quale si scopreche essi sono tra loro hogi tanto avansi come di stendere la loro intentione in articoli (6)

Perqueste circonstanzedi persone, tempi et luoghi etl'experientia ch'habbiamo delle pratiche delli heretici possiamo ben dubitare si procedono sinceramente o no in questa propositione di pace con S.Maestà sotto pretexto di toleratione di religione, et pero in questo negotio bisognaprocederecautamenteetcon grande circonspettione como spero che faremo per ciò che nel non fidarsi troppo et dubitando sempreil peggior rare volte l'huomos'ingana.

Niente di meno io dell'altra banda certamente credo ch'essi sarannosforzati da dovere di cercarequesta pace con la toleratione di Religione si non per altro interesse lor proprio per ciò che io sono ben informato che non solamente la Regina stessa ma la maggior parte ancora del consiglio hanno gran paura delle cose di Francia et non meno di quelle di Fiandra sopra la venuta del Arciduca, ma sopra tutto della nobiltà di Scotia et particularmente ancora del Rè stesso perche egli ha cominciato da poco in qua pigliare grande disgusto si del procedere della Regina contradi

ALLEN TO SESA 237

lui come anco delli suoi proprij suditi heretici adherenti alla Regina.

Per conto delle cose di Francia la Regina dubita che le Stati de se cercarono di venire a qualche accordo con sua Maestà al danno delli Inglesi, et pero lei lo vorrebbe prevenire nel accordarsi prima, et di più grande contrasto si trova tra loro per sodisfare le spese de la guerra delli Stati et oltre questo grande difidenza et sospettod'altrui procederenel trattare pace con S. Maestà senza saputa l'uno dal altro et certo è che questi mesi passati vi è stato grande pratica dell'Inglesi con li ministri di S. Maestà in Fiandra intornoal trattare di pace.

La Regina specialmente si trova da se stremamentestracadelle sue grande spese et similmente ancora tutto il regno si sente gravemente esaust[o] et impoverit [o] di mantenere di cosi larghe guerre in Francia, in Fiandra, et al mare assai forza di quel reame

Questa ultima peste ancora è stata ecessiva et molto extraordinaria la quale ha impedito assai di lor trafichi etiam con li heretici di lorvicini et amici et ancora delle città di Inghilterraun con lo altro sicome anco haveva impedito la maggior parte delle lor speditioni per mare di modo che mancono totalmente li modi di sustentare il peso di più guerre et pero non saranno atti di agiutare [= ajutare] tropo ne Francia ne Fiandra et molto meno di fornire al mare alcuna armata che sia d'importanza

A questo si puo giungere che dubitando il consiglio la morte de la Regina insieme con la incertezzadi successione la quale essi sanno rovinarebbe ogni cosa, si stesssero in inimicicia et guerra con li lor vicini come hora stanno et pero hanno senza dubio grande dessiderio di accordarsi con S. Maestà ma questo si fusse possible vorranno ottenere senza conditione di religione quantum che non me dubito che questa ancora accetteranno più tosto che di esser privi della lor cosi desiderataet necessaria pace.

Et potra ben essere che il tardimento della lor procedere con Sua Santità et meco procedesolamentedi qualche punto di honore spettando che io facessi qualche instanza per la toleratione di Religione havendo gia havuto da parte loro cosi honesto incitamento a quella et sarebbe cosa da consideratione s'io da me non havessi da procedere in questo trattato con mandare uno spressamente in Inghilterra con tali instruttioni che sarianno necessarij per la detta causa il qual punto io rimetto al guidiciodel Papa et di S. Maestà.

Comunche si sia sotto ombra di questo trattatoet tratenimenti delli Inglessi con questa speranza di pace S. Maestà potra ben coprire qualsivoglia intentione che egli havera per la Impresa d'Inghilterra

ALLEN TO SESA

[Translation :]

Note from Cardinal Allen to the Duke of Sesa in Rome on 11 December 1593.(1)

The letter whichI wrote to my agent in Antwerpin replytohis first letter concerning peace with toleration of religion, he received the 11 Septemberand sent it immediately to the Councilin England, by so secure a way (as he says) that he has no doubt of its safe delivery.(2) Nevertheless, from what appears from his last letter of 6 November, he had not yet had any reply. This makes me think that they are no so eager as they showed themselves at the beginning, or at least that they are dependent in their plan on the issue of certain matters which are yet in doubt, particularly the affairs of France, according to the outcome of which they will make up their minds They also appear doubtful about affairs in Flanders, whether any change may take place by the arrival of the Archduke [Ernest].(3) This is the state of affairs, which so far as can be imagined, is keeping them back from coming to any conclusion

Nevertheless, by another English intelligencer, who came to me from Venice on 9 November regarding this matter, it appearsthat they have not abandoned the idea; for he, so far as I understand , sent at once a man expressly to the Queen with the written reply I gave him , which corresponded with what I wrote at first to my agent in Antwerp.(4)

What reply they will write to me to the one or other [letter], or whether they will persevere in their intention or not, I cannot say. But I suspect that they are not proceeding sincerely; for it appears that all this negotiation is subordinated to the fiction of Navarre's conversion, in order to procure from the Popemore easily in this way his absolution and admission to the crown of France (5) And of this I am more easily persuadedfor the following reasons .

1. Because this proposal [of peace] was made just at the very time that Navarre was to make his pretended reconciliation .

2. Because all who are negotiating his cause , offer amongst other things that this Navarre will draw the Queen of England to some good agreement, she herself being already inclined thereto

3. Because it is known that the Grand Duke [of Tuscany] is at the present time treating with the Queen about the same matter , which without a doubt has some connection with the cause of Navarre.

4. Because I have also been given to understand that there is at present in Venice an agent of Don Antonio, who is implicated in this negotiation and has endeavoured to treat of it with the Pope by means of me, as can be seen by his present discourse ,

ALLEN TO SESA 239

which shows that some among them have now proceeded so far in their plan as to presenttheir intention in articles (6)

From these circumstances of persons, times and places, and from the experience we have of the practices of heretics, we can well have doubt whether they proceed sincerely or not in their proposal of peace with his Majesty, with the condition of toleration for religion: and hence it is necessary in this negotiation to proceed with caution and with great circumspection, as I hope we shall do; for not to be too trusting, and to suspect always the worst rarely leads a man to be deceived.

Nevertheless, on the other hand, I certainly believe that they will be constrained to seek peace seriously, with toleration ofreligion, if not for other reasons , then for their own interests; for I have reliable information that not only the Queen herself, but the greater part also of the Council , have great fear about the affairs of France, and not less about those of Flanders, at the coming of the Archduke : but above all they have fears about the Scottish nobility, and particularly also about the Scottish King, for he began a little while ago to be greatly displeasedwith the Queen, on account of her measures against him, as also with his own heretical subjects in league with the Queen.

On account of the condition of affairs in France, the Queen thinks that the States of themselves have sought to come to some accord with his Majesty, to the disadvantage of the English; and hence she would wish to anticipate this by coming to some agreement before them. What is more, there is great opposition amongst them to paying the expenses of the war in the States; and apart from this great distrust and suspicion of others negotiating peace with his Majesty without the knowledge of the other party, certain it is that there has been considerable negotiation in these past months on the part of the English, with the ministers of hisMajesty in Flanders, concerning this treatingof peace.

The Queen, especially, is extremely weary of her great expenditure and similarly also the whole kingdom feels itself exhausted and impoverished by supporting such great wars in France and Flanders, and in maintaining on the sea sufficient force for that realm

This last plague also has been extremely grave and quite out of the ordinary; so that it has hindered somewhat their co-operation with their neighbouring heretics and friends, and so also between one city and another in England itself, as it has also impeded for the most part their expeditions by sea, in so much that they are wholely wanting in the means to sustain the burden of so many wars: and for this reason they will not be able to give much help either in France or in Flanders, and much less fit out an armada of any importance for the sea .

ALLEN TO SESA

To this may be added that the Council are doubtful [about the outcome] ofthe death ofthe Queen, considering the uncertainty of the succession ; which they know would ruin everything, were they at enmity and war with their neighbours as they are now. Hence, without a doubt, they have a great desire to come to some accord with his Majesty; but this, were it possible, they will wish to obtain without consideration of religion, though I do not doubt that they will accept even this, rather than be deprived of the peace they so much desire, and which is so necessary for them .

And it may well be that the delay in negotiating with his Holiness and myself is due solely to some point of honour, they waiting for me to make some demand for toleration of religion, since they on their part have given such honest encouragementfor it; and it should be a matter for consideration whether I, on my part, should not proceed in this negotiation by sending someone expressly to England, with such instructions as would be needed for this cause . This point I leaveto the judgment of the Pope and his Majesty. With allthis it may be that under the shadow of this negotiation and treating with the English with this hope of peace, his Majesty could well cover whatever plan he has for the impresa of England

(1) The context of this memorandum was the peace intrigues already mentioned (cf. Note 1 to No. 90(a) supra) This present paper, together with others, not apparently contributed by Allen, on the same subject, were forwarded to Philip II by Sesa on 22 December 1593 (Simancas, Est Leg 961, n.f.). The ambassador was as sceptical as Allen about the negotiations. He told Philip that he had thanked Allen in the King's name for his care and good will, and had treated with him of a plan for Allen to go to Flanders, should there prove to be anything in the peace moves This may have led to the negotiations for Allen to become Archbishop of Malines being re-opened in the summer of 1594. (Cf. Knox, D.D., pp lxxxviii-ix). (2) Cf. Allen to Richard Hopkins, 14 August 1593 (Knox, Allen, pp 34851) This seems to be the letter in question

(3) The Archduke Ernest, appointed Governor of the Low Countries in succession to the Duke of Parma, entered Brussels on 30 January 1594.

(4) This anonymous intelligencer may have been John Arden, cf. Note 1 to No. 96 supra.

(5) Henry IV first broached the matter of his conversion to the Catholic faith in a letter to Clement VIII, dated 8 October 1592, and announcedhis formal conversion in late 1593. His decision, later undoubtedly sincere , had probably been at first a politic move, to secure the end of the religious wars. Spain, as a main supporter of the League, showed no disposition to trust Henry's motives or sincerity, and the Spanish ambassador in Rome protested again and again about the negotiations for his reconciliation , which took over two years. The bull granting him absolution was dated 17 September 1595. The course of the negotiations is discussed in Pastor, op cit. Vol XXIII, Chapters I-III; cf. also Knox, Allen, pp 351-4 .

(6) One of the papers sent to the King by Sesa outlined the articles in question (Est. Leg 962) The "agent" is there said to have been an English priest, but is not named,

ALLEN TO IBARRA

* 102 ALLEN TO STEPHEN DE IBARRA.

Stonyhurst Coll M. 130. Grene's note. 241 9 April 1594

In the Arch. also there is the Copia della lettera del Cardinale Alano mandata 9 Aprile 1594 al Secretario dell'Arciduca , Stefano Yevares [sic], in favore del P. Holto Sig Hugo Oeno D. Gul Stanleo e Sig . Hopkins.(1)

[Translation :]In the Archives [i.e. at the English College] also there is the copy of the letter of CardinalAllen, sent 9 April 1594 to the Secretary of the Archduke [Ernest], Stephen de Ibarra, in favour of Fr. [William] Holt, Mr. Hugh Owen, Sir William Stanley and Mr. [Richard] Hopkins.(1)

(1) Concerning Holt, cf. Note 3 to No. 87 supra Biographical sketches for both Hugh Owen and Sir William Stanley are in A. J. Loomie, S.J., The Spanish Elizabethans, New York, 1963, Chapters 3 and 5 respectively For Hopkins, cf. Note 1 to No. 4 supra Allen appears also to have written to Ibarra, after the Archduke Ernest's arrival as Governor of the Low Countries, not to trust Charles Paget (Cf. Ernest to Philip II, 10 December 1594, Simancas Est Leg 607, f 105) An intercepted copy of Ernest's letter is summarised in Hatfield Cal V, pp 34-5. In this the name given as "Rergel" , should read "Paget" , as appears from the Spanish original.

103. BARRET TO Mgr MALVASIA.(1)

Douay, 3 December 1594 .

A. V. Nunz di Fiandra 3.II f 323. Contemporary copy Very poor MS.

Illustrissime et Reverendissime Domine.

Cum Collegij nostri Parens ac conditor nuper sit mortuus (is autem fuit Alanus faelicis recordationis Cardinalis Angliae)(2) quo nos animo arbitraris esse in quanto luctu, squalore lachrymis O quam verum est illud quod ad B. Martinum [discipuli] ejus ei dolentes [rogabant]: Cur nos [Pater] deseris aut cui desolatos relinquis ? [Qui invadunt enim] gregemsunt lupi rapaces. Ad hunc etiam dolorem, quo discipuli a Magistro, a Patre filij, membra a capite divellimur, accedunt tot tantaeque difficultates, quae ut nunquam antea, vel ab ipso initio Seminarij acciderunt Quas ego non posso in hac epistola, quia nimis longa esset, si singulas enumerarem , neque a me sine lachrymis scribi possunt Ex uno vero capite tua prudentia reliqua poterit facillime colligere. Illud autem est, quod difficillimis istis temporibus coacti sumus Rhemis migrare Duacem, (3) relictis rebus omnibus, quae nobis usui esse possunt. Nam de libris, de vestibus, de reliquis vel transportandis

BARRET TO MALVASIA

vel aeque aliquaconditione vendendis, tantum abfuithoc negotium hactenus ab omni spe, et opportunitate , ut praeclare nobiscum actum esse , magnum dei beneficium putemus, quod sani et incolumes, licet plerique nudi et spoliati, male semper a militibus tractati, vel sic tandem evasimus Dominus autem Giffordius, utriusque Seminarii et Romani et Rhemensis Alumnus, studiorum Praefectus , et qui sacramTheologiam in Collegio nostro Rhemensi, cum magna et ingenii et doctrinae et pietatis et diligentiae laude, annis duodecim continuo docuit, quique mihi in Christo conjunctissimus frater, et humanissimi optimique Patris nostris Alani charissimus semper et in Christo filius, et theologus praestantissimus, hic cum statum Collegii et angustiasnostras praeclare noverit, de omnibus respondebit, quae Illustrissima D. tua pro sua humanitate et pietate interroganda putaverit . (4) Quae si non indigna inveniantur benignissimo tuo patrocinio et auxilio humillime supplicamus ac petimus in Christo Jesu per viscera misericordiae ejus, ut digneris negotium istud, quod Parens noster Alanus, ante annos viginti quatuor pro salute animarum et conversione Angliae authore ac Duce Deo inchoaverit , et in eodem tantos progressus fecerit [p. 2] ut praeter numerosam prolem sacerdotum, qui in messem Anglicanam missi sunt (ex quibus circiter centum sanguinem suum gloriose pro Christo effuderunt) ipse adhuc vivens ex hoc uno Collegio, quod reliquorum est Mater, quatuor alia Seminaria conspexerit: digneris, inquam, tantae pietatis opus, tam egregie institutum, ac tot Sanctissimorum Patrum Summorum Pontificum et Regis Catholici munificentia ad hunc usque diem auctum ac conservatum, tua eadem authoritate et commendatione, qua apud Sanctitatem Patrem ac Papam [frueris uti quantum]potes, promovere et adjuvare, ut omnia ista extraordinaria incommoda, quibus opprimimur, aliquo extraordinario auxilio sublevantur . Vale Reverendissime Domine, et mihi ignoscas , quia ingens telum necessitas (5) Datum Duaci tertio nonas Decembris, 1594.

Illustrissimae Dominationis Tuae servus in Christo Richardus Barrettus Collegii Anglorum Rector

[Signature same hand as the letter.]

[No address, seal or endorsement shown on microfilm]

[Translation :]

Most Illustrious and Reverend Sir, (2)

When the father and founder of our College, Allen, Cardinal of England, of happy memory, died recently, you can imagine in what state of mind we were, how great was our grief, and how many our wretched tears Oh, how true is what his grieving disciples said to Blessed Martin: "Why do you desert us , Father ,

BARRET TO MALVASIA 243

and to whom do you leave us desolate; for rapacious wolves are attacking the flock" . To that grief, moreover, caused bytheseparation of disciples from a master, sons from their father, members from one head, are added so many and so great difficulties as never before, from the beginning of this seminary, have afflicted us. TheseI cannot relate in this letter, for were I to mention each one, the letter would be too long, nor can I write about them without tears

From one item your prudence will easily be able to gather the rest. This is that in these most difficult times we have been forced to migrate from Rheims to Douay, (3) leaving behind all that can be of use to us; for there was no hope or opportunity of transporting books, clothes and other things, or of selling them under fair conditions So much so was this the case that we consider we have fared excellently, and think it a benefit of God just to have arrived safe and sound, though very many were stripped, despoiled and on all occasions badly treated by the soldiers.

Mr. [William] Gifford, however, since he knows wellthe condition we are in and our difficulties, will answer all questionsabout our affairs that your very illustrious Lordship, according to your humanity and duty, thinks should be asked This Gifford was a student of both the Roman and Rheims Seminaries, is Prefect of studies, and for twelve continuous years in our College at Rheims has taught theology, to the great praise of his talent, doctrine, piety and diligence He is most united to me as a brother in Christ, and was ever a very cherished son in Christ of our most kind and beloved father, Allen; he is also a pre-eminent theologian.(4)

This College which our founder Allen, with the aid and guidance of God, began twenty four years ago for the salvation of souls and the conversion of England, made such progress during that period that, besides bringingforth a progeny of priests who have been sent to the English harvest, and of whom about a hundred have gloriously shed their blood for Christ, he himself. during his lifetime, saw four other seminaries spring from this one College, the mother of all the rest, which to this very day has been preserved and augmented by the munificence of the supreme Pontiffs and of his Catholic Majesty.

Should, then, a work of such piety, so excellently established, befound not unworthyof your very beneficent patronage and support, we very humbly beseech you, by the merciful heart of Jesus Christ, to vouchsafeto help and promote it by your commendation , and to use that authorityyou possess with his Holiness, our father, the Pope, to help this College, that these extraordinary difficulties by whichwe are beset, may be relieved by some extraordinary aid.

BARRET TO MALVASIA

Farewell, very Reverend Sir, and pardon me; for need is a mighty weapon. (5) Given at Douay, 3 December 1594. Your most Illustrious Lordship's servant in Christ, Richard Barret, Rector of the English College.

(1) Innocent Malvasia, born at Bologna of a patrician family, had studied law and entered the personal administration of the Papal States In December 1592 he was chosen to succeed to the post of Apostolic Commissary of the Papal forces aiding the League in France . Following Henry IV's conversion, he fixed his residence at Antwerp. He was appointed the first Nuncio in Flanders by Briefs dated 17 September1594. (Cf. R. Maere Les Origines de la Nonciature de Flandre, Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique VII, 1906, pp 564-84, 805-25) He was recalled to Rome on 17 September 1595 , on account of his unfriendly attitude to the Spaniards (Cf. Malvasia to Aldobrandino , Brussels, 27 October and 3 November 1595, A. V. Nunz. di Fiandra 32, pp 466, 468; Ibarra to Philip II, 22 August 1595 , Simancas Est Leg 609 , f 249; Nuncio in Madrid to Aldobrandino , Madrid , 30 December 1595, A. V. Nunz di Spagna, 46, f 496) Malvasia forwarded Barret's letter to the Cardinal Secretary of State, with his own recommendation, together with a memorial to the Nuncio in Spain for the King, to obtain a special subsidy for Douay College, and an order for the payment of pensions already assigned (Cf. Malvasia to Aldobrandino , Brussels, 8 December 1594, A. V. Nunz di Fiandra, 32, f 325; copy of the Memorial, N/D, Ibid f 327) This memorial for the Nuncio in Spain must have originated with Malvasia, for the tone of Barret's remarks later in this present letter about Spanish aid is not one of complaint A payment of the pensions must have been received shortly before he wrote to Malvasia (Cf. his letter of 4 January 1597, No. 109 infra, where he says that they had not then been paid for two years and three months) He had also found a warrant for 4000 crowns from Spain awaiting him when the College had moved to Douay in mid-1593 (Cf. Persons to Aquaviva, Valladolid, 4 & 16 June 1594, A.R.S.J. Hisp CXXXVI, f 362).

(2) Cardinal Allen had died on 16 October 1594

(3) The announcementof Henry IV's conversion in July 1593 (cf. Note 5 to No. 101 supra), though definitive in the final pacification of France after years of civil war, came too late to forestall the enforced migration of the staff and students at the College at Rheims to Douay The movement of various persons to Douay from February 1593 are noted in the Diary Barret himself left on 23 June, leaving James Vavasour in charge of those who remained More followed after the latter's death on 6 July 1593. (Cf. Knox, D.D., pp 249-50; also opening entry of the Third Douay Diary C.R.S. 10, p. 1).

(4) More than one inaccuratestatement has appearedin the past in accounts of Gifford's career, relating to the period just before and after Allen's death. His movements can, however, be traced continuously from contemporary sources From this present letter it is clear that he had taught theology continuously at Rheims for twelve years, that is, from his return from Rome in 1582, and that when sent to Malvasia he was still Prefect of studies at the College, now at Douay. Short absences in Paris, the Spa or Brusselsare noted from time to time in the Diary All entries in this cease after 8 August 1593, but it is known from another source that he arrived in Rome on 30 November, and stayed at the Hospice for eight days. (Foley, Records VI, p 566) He was back again in Flanders by January 1594, for a priest in England, who had been captured three weeks before examination on 21 March, giving details of his own visit to Brussels in January 1594, said of Gifford that he was at Brussels, having come from Rome. (Examination of Robert Barrowes , alias Walgrave, 21 March

BARRET TO MALVASIA 245

1594, Cal S.P.D. 1591-4, p 469) There seems to be nothing in Barret's words to suggest that Gifford's visitto the Nuncio was intendedto terminate his career at the College Gifford, however, never returned to teach at the College, but went to live with the Nuncio, and entered his service (cf. Malvasia to Aldobrandino , The Spa, 27 June 1595, A.V. Nunz di Fiandra 8, f 320) He was then appointed Dean of St. Peter's in Lille by a bull dated 6 May 1595. (Cf. E. Hautcoeur, Histoire de L'Eglise Collégiale, et du Chapître de St. Pierre de Lille, 1896-9, II, p 258) (5) Barret probably sent to Malvasia, with his letter, the list of Staff and Students , also dated 3 December 1594 (Appendix B infra).

104. BARRET TO THE BISHOP OF CASSANO .

Douay, 12 December 1594

A.V. Nunz. di Fiandra 3.II, f 325. Contemporary copy.

Lettera del Rettore del Collegio Inglese di Douai in Fiandra scritta al Vescovo di Cassano. Molto Illustrissimo et Reverendissimo Signor mio osservantissimo.

La morte del Cardinale de Inghilterra nostro Padre et Signor ci ha tantoabbatuto di doglia et tristezza. Etio in particolare sono stato questi giorni passati tanto travagliato d'infermità che spero V.S. Reverendissima me pardonnerà si non li ho scritto primahora. V.S.Rma, mi perdoni, questo mancamento è venuto della perdita del mio Signor et Patrone, et farami gratia di lasciarmi raccommandar[mi] questo Collegio alla carità, favore, aiuto, et protettione di V.S.Rma, secondo ch'haveremo bisogno d'autorità et facultà spirituale , per presentare persone degne alli sacri ordini o per le missioni in Ingleterra et dispensationi et assolutioni, o per alcun' altra cosa che toccarà al stato di questa povera casa, affin che in tutte le nostre necessità et occorrenze per la causa di Dio et bene del nostro paese possiamo arditamente ricorrere a V.S.Rma , et per mezzo sua a S. Santità Degnisi donque procurare per me facultà di presentarealli ordini con tutte quelle altre che la prudenza sua sa esser necessarie a quel che governa in questo luogo (1) Mentre viveva il Cardinale di bona memoria io haveva quelle facultàche bisognava da lui per via di substitutione, le quali per morte sua sono estinte per quanto io ne sappi Molti desiderano esser presentati, et altri vorriano [sic] andare in Ingleterra et in somma questo Collegio patirà gran danno si quelle facultà non vengono inanzi la quaresima Pero supplico V.S.Rma , di favorirmi in questo et con ogni diligenza possibile di procurarmi quelle facultà che sua prudenza et bontà guidicherà necessarie, per il che obligaràme et questo Collegio a honorare et servirla sempremai

Quanto al numero de scolari ch'è di cento persone , et altre temporali necessitate da povertà, per occasione di nostro mutare

BARRET TO OWEN LEWIS

paesi et stanze et di queste guerre ancora n'ho scritto a Monsignor Malvasia Nuntio [p. 2] di S. Santità a Brusellas, et ho pregato il P. Dottore Giffordo d'informarlo più particolarmente d'ogni cosa , come so che farà, et cosi spero S. Santità n'havera notitia benche tardi Ma di queste spirituali facultà non ho fatto a lui mentione alcuna, anzi la mia principali speranzaè nell'agiuto di V.S.Rma non solamente per la dignitàet luogo che tiene ma ancora per la particolare cura et affettione ch'ha sempre mostrato verso questo Collegio et a me in particolare Nostro Signore conservi etc. Di Douay alli 12 de Decembre 1594. Di V.S.Rma

Humilissimo servitore in Christo Ricardo Barretto.

[No endorsementon microfilm ]

[Translation :]

Letter of the Rector of the English College of Douayin Flanders written to the Bishop of Cassano .

Very Illustrious and Most Reverend Sir , my most honoured Lord

The death of the Cardinal of England, our Father and Lord, has depressed us with grief and sadness : and I myself have these past days been so harassed by sickness, that I hope your very Reverend Lordship will forgive me for not having written toyou before now. Pardon me, very Reverend Sir , -this neglect has been due to the loss of my Lord and Patronand allow me to recommend this College to the charity, favour, help and protection of your very Reverend Lordship, (in as much as we have need of authorisation and faculty to present persons worthy of sacred orders, either for the English mission, that they may dispenseand give absolution, or for some other matter whichconcernsthe state of this house of poverty), so that, in all that we need and want for the cause of God and the good of our country , we may boldly have recourse to your very Reverend Lordship , and by your means to his Holiness Deign, then, to obtain for me the faculty for presenting candidatesfor holy orders, as well as those other faculties which your prudenceknows to be necessary for one who governs in this place (1)

Whilst the Cardinal of happy memory was alive I had the faculties needed from him as his deputy By his death these , so far as I know, have lapsed Many desireto be presentedfor orders, and others would wish to go to England, in a word, this College will suffer harm if these faculties do not reach us before Lent. Hence I beg your most Reverend Lordship to do me this favour and with all possible diligence to procure for me those faculties

BARRET TO OWEN LEWIS

which your prudence and goodness shall judge necessary. Bythis you will make me and this College ever to serve and honouryou.

As regardsthe number ofstudents, whichamountsto a hundred persons, and other temporal necessities arising from our poverty occasioned by our changing countries and houses and the present war, I have written about these to Mgr Malvasia , the Nuncioof his Holiness at Brussels , and have asked Dr. [William] Gifford to inform him in greater detail of everything, as I know he willdo , and so I hope that his Holiness will get to know of these matters, though late . But I have made no mention to the Nuncio of these spiritual faculties : rather is my chief hope placed in the help of your very Reverend Lordship, not only because of the dignity and position which you enjoy, but also because of the particular care and affection you have always shown for this College and for me in particular.

May God preserveyou, etc. From Douay 12 December 1594. Your very Reverend Lordship's most lowly servant in Christ, Richard Barret

(

1) Dr. Lewis had been consecrated Bishop of Cassano on 3 February 1588 Immediately after Allen's death Lewis's supporters, inside and outside the English College in Rome, and in Flanders, began an agitation to have the powers exercised by Allen transferred to the bishop, with regard particularly to the granting of faculties to English priests going on the mission (Cf. Cardinal Sega's Visitation Report, 14 March 1596, Foley, RecordsVI, pp 11-2; Persons, A Briefe Apologie, pp 48vff; Persons to Idiaquez, 22 May 1597, Westm VI, n 36; C.R.S. 51, p 175 , note 6 and references there given). Barret probably knew of these moves, and although he may only have been appealing to Lewis as to one who had for many years been one of the Referendarii utriusque Signaturae , and thus in a position to obtain favours, it seems likely that he also dealt with the bishop as his possible newsuperior,for there is no record otherwise of any close relations between them. The Pope, however, confirmed that Allen's powersand authority over the English mission affairs belonged only to the Cardinal Protector. (Cf. Stonyhurst Anglia VII, n 22) Lewis probably passed on this letter, since before Barret wrote to the Protector on 25 April 1595 , repeating his request for faculties (No. 105 infra), the Cardinal had granted them in a letter dated 14 April 1595 (Westm B . 24, n 5)

105. BARRET TO CARDINAL CAETANI

.

Douay, 25 April 1595 .

Caetani Archives, Rome, 8127. Original.

[Opening greeting not noted ]

Quis sit rerum nostrarum status et quantae angustiae in quibus hic Duaci versamur, propter haec tempora quae sunt dificilima, et

BARRET TO CAETANI

emigrationem Rhemis et multa alia incommoda quae hinc inde nascuntur , non dubitoquin tua praestantissimaprudentia et bonitas, sicut ipsa per se et aliis narrantibus facilime intellexerit , ita sit paratissima semperpro more solito ad sublevandum. Quare liceat mihi cum bona venia uno quasi verbo duas praecipuas et maximas difficultates proponere, in temporalibus unam, in spiritualibus alteram.

In temporalibus eo sumus redacti ex inopia et indigentia ut cogamur non solum recusare et repellere eos qui ex Anglia huc confugiunt, verum etiam dimittere quamplurimos ex iis qui antea fuerant recepti et inter alumnos coaptati Sed verumque cum quanto dolore et intimo cordis gemitu non opus est neque possum quidem exprimere

In spiritualibus vero difficultas est ista Quod Brevia Apostolica quibus facultas data est praestandi ad minores et sacros ordines etiam sinetitulo et dimissoriis , etiam extra Tempora,certis de causis apud quosdam Episcopos hic in Belgio et postea in Galliis, eo tempore quo Dominus meus felicis mem card Alanus fuit hujus Collegii rector, jam ex morte ejus videntur revocata Supplicamus igitur humilime ut praedicta brevia et facultates quae vel Pius V vel Gregorius 13 fel record pontifices maximi concesserunt hujus collegii rectori qui eo tempore fuit, et sine quibus labores nostri pro messe Anglicana inanes quasi et inutiles redduntur, renoventur et confirmentur ; (1) ita ut Brevi Apostolico vel scripto aliquo authentico idipsum appareat Nam Rdi episcopi hic in Belgio plane negant se admissuros quempiam ad minores vel sacros donec breve apostolicum in hanc partem habuimus. Unde factum est quod nonnulli alumnorum qui et moribus et doctrina sunt idonei et promoveri cupiunt ut possint mitti in messem Anglicanam, jam saepius suo tam sancto proposito sunt frustrati, et deinceps erunt destituti nisi praedicti Rdi. Dni. Episcopi intellexerintantiqua illa brevi esse confirmata

Placetne igitur haec pro vestra benignitate intimare apud SS P. et D.N. Clementem De reliquis vero facultatibus in particulari R.P. Collegii Anglorum Rector jam antea, uti spero, significavit et supplicavitapud Illustrissimam V. Dominationem , sicut etiam et de superioribus Datum Duaci 25 Aprilis 1595 .

Richardus Barrettus

Collegii Anglorum Rector.

[No address or endorsement noted.]

[Translation :] The state of our affairs and the great straits we are experiencing at Douay, owing to these hard times and the emigration from Rheims, and many other difficulties which arise from that, I do not doubt but that your exceeding prudence and

BARRET TO CAETANI 249

goodness, whichI easily gather from your selfand from the report of others, is ever ready, as usual, to alleviate. With your good leave, therefore, may I be allowed in a word to set before you the two principal and greatest difficulties : one concerning our temporal condition , the other our spiritual

As regards our temporal condition we are so straitened by lack of means and poverty that we are compelled, not only to refuse and reject those who flee hither from England, but also to dismiss very many of those who before had been received and admitted among the studentswith what grief and inward anguish of heart it is unnecessary , nor am I able to express

Concerning spiritual matters the difficulty is this: that the Apostolic Briefs by which, for certain reasons, faculty was given for presenting candidatesforminor and majororders, even without title or dimissorial letters, and outside the prescribed times , to some bishops here in Belgium, and later in France, at the time when Cardinal Allen of pious memory ruled the College, have by his death been withdrawn We, therefore, humblypetitionthat the aforesaid Briefs and faculties, which either Pope Pius V or Pope Gregory XIII of happy memory granted to the then Rector of the College, and without which our labours for the English mission will be rendered, as it were, vain and fruitless, may be renewed and confirmed :(1) and in such a way that the same may be knownby some ApostolicBriefor authentic documentinwriting; for the bishops here in Belgium definitely refuse to admit anyone to minor or major orders until we have an ApostolicBrief to that effect. Owing to this some students, who by virtue and doctrine are suitable and desire to be ordained, so that they can be sent to the English harvest, are now often frustrated in their holy desire , and will be henceforth destitute unless the very reverend bishops know that the old briefs have been confirmed.

Out of your goodness, then, vouchsafe to let this be known to our Lord Pope Clement The other faculties, in particular, the Rector of the English College [in Rome] has , I hope, already made knownto and asked your Illustrious Eminence for, as also for the above. Given at Douay, 25 April 1595.

Richard Barret, Rector of the English College

(1) Cf. Note 1 to No. 104 supra

BARRET TO PERSONS

106. BARRET TO [PERSONS] (1) Rome, 10 April 1596.

Westm . V, n. 48. Holograph. Also printed in Tierney-Dodd III, p. lxxiii, but with spelling and punctuation not as in the original Extract printed in Persons, Briefe Apologie, 1601 , pp 54v-5v

Loving father the causes of these shamefull sturres I fyndeto be these (2) Imprimis that schollers weare permitted to deale in publick affaires, for a Card[inal] for faculties etc. Wherein being persuadedthat the Societiewas of a contrarie mynde, the [sic= they] conceavedan indignation and aversion as thoughe the fathers weare enemies to them in theire cause and theire countrie and so the fundation of peace and unitie cleane overthrowen and a faction cunninglie brought in before the Rector suspected yea the Rector of ignorance was as earnest as the other untill the [they] weare gone to farre that yt was to late to recalle them

2

° Some of the same faction heare in Rome weare in hope to have goten the fingering of the rents under the name of a congregation, and promised the heads of this troble in the College offices and roomes to theire contentment and manie priveleges to the schollers.

3

° There is one vehementle suspected for a false brothersent ofpurpose (3)

4

5

° I fynd such heare as I expelled owt of Rheims (4)

° I fynd verie manie receaved at all adventure

6

° During these troblesome broiles wheare nether studie of learning nor exercise of vertue kepeth them ocupied no mervell yff some yonge men would willing [sic] looke back to the world and take anie occasion to be gone with the rest.

7

° I fynd theire heads full of false brutes [bruits] and differences betwixtyours and ours in England. Yea the selfsame faction at Bruxellsto be heare against the Spaniers [Spaniards] and such as take that way.(5)

8

° The [they] are gone so farre and have committed so manie [p. 2] owtrages that the [they] dispaire to go back ether in yelding heare or going hense and the multitude sworne together maketh them more bolde These causes and some other I shewed to his Holiness in more ample maner then I can stand to wryte nowe and withall made yt plaine that manie of those youthes weare pittefulle[sic] deceaved craving pardon most humblie for such as would come to acknowledge theire faults, and beseching also his Holines to have consideration of those that have bin brought up hearetofore or maye be heareafter in the College lamenting theire madnes, that under the colour of doing good to the College and our countrie , the [they] tooke the readie waye to overthrowe both

BARRET TO PERSONS 251

this and all other Colleges yea and the works so well begune in England. The which I shewed to consist in the concorde of the woorkers and these men to make a division not onlie betwixt us and the fathers , but betwixt our selves and concerning thefirst part I tould my mynd of the obligation and dutie wherwith for manie respects we are most bounden to the Societie and could not breake with them withowt wonderfull shame and the undoing of Gods cause in our countrie Concerning the second I declared to be against these same factious heads the whole College at Dowaye, the Colleges in Spaine and at St. Omers, the preists in England and generallie all our nation Catholike a fewe onlie [p. 3]excepted by whose ill counsell these youthes were deceaved This was the effect of my speach to his Holines Who answered much to my contentment, willing me to attend to the remedies and to consult with the Card[inal] Protector, and his Holines would allowe ofthat we should conclude So upon Thursdaye last the Card F. General F. [James] Tirius the Rector and myself have agred upon the remedies expecting his Holines authoritie for the exercise of the same. Thus yt standeth and within fewe dayeswe hopeforan ende .

Well father theire must needs be a Rector that is skilfull in the affaires of England and sucha one as can and will gyvecorrespondence to the Colleges and your frends abrod and besides he must be a man of gravitie, of countenanceand authoritieand such as deale for matters of England and for the Colleges in Flanders must concurre with your frends at Dowaye otherwise yt is not in me to helpe nor in all yourfrends theare O, but these be generalities Well I fynd heareand theare manie particularityes that must be amended whereof I meane to conferre with F. General whom Ifynd most willing to heareme and you will concurre I hope. This Rector [Jerome Fioravante] will never be able to rule in this place (6) [p.4]

Manie things I can tell you of that must be amended concerning this College in the maner of government and concerning better correspondencewith the College of Dowaye or els you will never have peace Trust those that be your trewe frends, although the [they] wright [write] not alwayes to your mynd and beware of those that speake faire and make all well and condemneall but them selves . Your letter in 10bre [December] I have and for Worth [Dr. Thomas Worthington] you litle knowe the man I see by your letters, nor shall not knowe by me except we happ to meete (7) Fare youwelland remembre the poore CollegeatDowaye from whenseI wait such letters as F. [Joseph] Cresswell required. God graunt the [they] do anie good. Rome the xth ofAprill 1596 .

Your owne R. Barret

BARRET TO PERSONS

[Fold marks , but no address or seal now extant.]

[Endorsed by Persons :] Doctor Barrets relation of the causes of the styres in Rome X April 1596

(1) Since the contemporary address is missing, the extract printed in Briefe Apologie confirms that the letter was written to Persons (2) Barret had arrived at the English Hospice on 12 March 1596 (Foley, RecordsVI, p 568). He had come expressly to oppose the factious students in the College, in the name of all at Douay College, and to see if he could appease the tumults (Cf. R. Couling to O. Tesimond, Rome, 8 April 1596, Westm. V, n 47; Persons, A Briefe Apologie, p 54). Concerning the outbreak of trouble after Allen's death, cf. Note 1 to No. 104 supra. Disturbances in the College had continued ever since, in spite of the visitation of Cardinal Sega from November 1595 to March 1596. The best printed account of the troubles between 1594-7, is still that in Briefe Apologie, Chapter V, in which many documents were cited which still survive; but cf. also Fisher's Confessions , 8-14 March 1598, C.R.S. 51, pp 230-82 .

(3) This may have been Robert Markham (cf. C.R.S. 51, p 265, note 8 and p 280, note 78), or Robert Sheperd (Ibid p 265)

(4) One suchwas probably Robert Fisher, cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 264, notes 2 & 4 (5) Concerning these false reports, cf. C.R.S. 51, pp 202, 205, note 3, 289 , 296, note 2; also Sega's Report, Foley, Records VI, pp 19-20, 50-1

(6) Jerome Fioravanti , S.J., had been appointed Rector of the English College on 27 May 1594, in succession to Vitelleschi He was removed from office on 17 May 1596, when Alphonsus Agazzari was appointed for a second term, remaining until about June 1597. (List of Rectors, Stonyhurst, Coll M. f 156)

(7) After his exile from England in January 1585 with twenty others (cf. No. 52 supra), Thomas Worthington remained abroad He served for a short time as a chaplain with Sir William Stanley between April 1587 and May 1588, before returning to Rheims on his way to the Jesuit College at Triers, where he gained his doctorate in theology In January 1589 , two months after Dr. Barret had become the College's second President , Worthington returned to Rheims, took over Dr. Bailey's post of vicepresident and steward (oeconomus ), and gave a course of lectures from May 1590. In December 1590 he was succeeded as steward by Robert Tempest, U.J.L. and in July 1591 left the College and went to Brussels. (Knox, D.D., various pages) He had no further direct connection with the College until in July 1599 he returned to it, on appointment as third President after Barret's death (C.R.S. 10, p 7) He appears to have resided mainly in Brussels during the intervening years At some time during 1596 Worthington , who had not been on the College staff for about five years, and another man, Dr. William Piercy (or Pierce), who had never been on the College staff, and had not figured in the College Diary after his ordination as sub-deacon in February 1578, sent a long memorandum to the Cardinal Protector about the causes of the disturbances in the English College in Rome (Knox, D.D., pp 368-75) Because of their lack of first hand knowledge, their remarks in the course of this paper on the faults of Dr. Barret's government and financial managementof the College at Douay must be treated with considerable caution (Cf. supra Introduction , Part II)

107. BARRET TO PERSONS

Rome, 28 September 1596

Westm V, n 70. Holograph. Originally printed in Knox, Douay Diaries, pp 384-6 Parts of the letter are in English, the remainder in Latin, which is here translated and printed in italic

Reverend and my loving Father, the death of Card . Tolledo hath been the cause of my longer abode, for that yt importeth much to have in his place such a one as wilbe content to understand our cause and the estate of our countrie and to concurre accordinglie. And these busie-headed fellowes beganne to conceave some hope of removing the fathers Besides F. Generall made suite to his Holines to have the Societie delivered of this government. The which his request together with the inclination of his Holines and the desires of these schollers put me in greatefeare, lest his Holines would have graunted, seing both parts so willing thereunto (1) Wherefore having obteyned audience I spake and made supplication after this sorte.

After having kissed your sacred feet and given most humble thanks for the benefits, both spiritual and temporal , recently received for the support of your English College at Douay, may it please your Holiness to allow me to indicate the manifest and very great danger threatening at this time not only the English College in Rome, but also all the other seminaries which have been founded for the conversion of England, and even the whole Church in England, unless your Holiness in your goodness and prudence, vouchsafe to apply a remedy as quickly as possible

This is the danger Rev. Fr. General, on accountofthe frequent annoyances , opposition and insolent conduct which his subjects suffer at the hands of the seditious students, has definitely decided to beg your Holiness to be allowed to relinquishthis charge and government. Should this befall, the danger is that the College may either in a short time come to an end, or what is worse . becomethe home of the seditious only For those in it at present who are of good conduct and obedient, will leave at once if the Fathers are sent away. In England, moreover, those who are well disposed will betake themselves to other Colleges. Hither none will come, except those of like disposition to those at presenthere, that they may join with them; and so they will try to raise altar against altar, and that in Rome in the sight of your Holiness. If those students who are of good conduct leave at one and the same time , the scandal here in Rome will be much greater than if the factious and turbulent students were dismissed And in England itself, indeed, practically nothing could befall that could cause greater affliction to Catholics. For amid the seizure of their possessions, their imprisonment and other misfortunes which , for

BARRET TO PERSONS

Christand the authority ofthe ApostolicSee they willingly endure , it has been the greatestconsolation to them that they have Colleges under the government of the Fathers to which they could send their sons This is the reason why there are being educated in Seville 70 students, and as many at Valladolid, and 40 in Belgium, under the care of the same Society The College at Douay, though it is not and never has been governed by the Jesuits, nevertheless , it has always been very closely associated with the Society, without the help of which, it seems to me, it cannot continue.

Wherefore, in all humility I beg you, Holy Father , not only in my name , for that would be of little weight, but in the name of my brethren who with the Fathers labour in the English harvest, and carry on the struggle even to the shedding of their blood; in the name of all the Catholics in England, in the name of all the other Colleges , which are most united to the Fathers, and also in the name of the martyrs, whofrom the seminaries of Rheims and Rome number more than one hundred, and in the name of the whole Church in England, I beg your Holiness not to permit the College to be taken away from the Fathers, and to give ear to all those who are united with them, rather than to those few who are opposed not more to the Fathers than to the other seminaries (2)

Having spoken thus much and in such sorte as his Holines well perceaved my greif and sorere and the daunger I tooke our countrie to be in, he stayed a litle before he answeared anie woorde. Then he said (I suppose to give me occasion to answeare the objections of others):

Do you think that the whole world would perish if the Society relinquished the government? Would not Stapleton come if I sent for him?"(3) To the first 1 replied: "What may befall the whole world, your Holiness may judge better than I; but as regards the Church of England, I have stated and do state what in my conscience and before God I think to be true, and whatever happens to me, my conscience is clear in this, that I have declared my opinion and that of my brethren and of the Catholics in England" . To the second I made answer that I did not know what he [Stapleton] would do; for he has an excellent post there [in Belgium], and furthermore he is advanced in age and wholly occupied in his studies. Recently, said the Holy Father, I have received letters from Belgium about a certain Jesuit Father who dominates there and tyrannises, and they write the same of the Fathers in England To this, as regards the Jesuits in England, I replied, indicating many things that were well known to me, and I affirmed that the counter-charges were the suspicions and calumnies arising from the jealousy of certain persons I even

BARRET TO PERSONS 255

made excuses for Fr. [William] Holt, many more than hehimself will easily believe (4)

My second petition was that a Vice-Protector should be appointed He named two, Cardinal Baronius and Cardinal Borghese , and promised to appoint the latter of the two: and he has already received his nomination .

My third petition was that the Protector should simply and definitelytell the students not to entertain any idea oftheremoval of the Fathers. He agreed.

The fourth petition was that he should give them a severe warning not to meddle with the government This also he conceded .

Since F. Rector had verie gratiouse audience and hath wrytten to yow thereof . We are nowe in great hope that all wil be well (5) This [Edward] Benet is the greatest dissembler and most perilous fellowe in a communitie that ever I knewe (6) Well, I leave other things to F. Rector and Mr. [Roger] Baynes (7) For God's sake gett our pension and some certen ordere to have yt better payed. Our adversaries are well monied, and manteine their factionmore by that meanes then anie thing els Men followe such as are able to pleasure them. My canonrie is as good as lost.(8) Helpe me to some pension, yf yow can, to manteine my self and my man

am loth to lyve of the college, yf I could otherwise provide Fare yow well. Roome, the 28 of Sep[tember] 1596.

Your owne ,R. Barret

[AddressedbyBarret in Latin. Translation :]To the very Reverend Father in Christ, Fr. Robert Persons, or Fr. Joseph Creswell, priests of the Society of Jesus At Valladolid or Madrid

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] Doct Barret, 26 [sic] 7bris 1596 His speech to the Pope.

(1) The demand of some students that the Jesuits be removed from the government of the English College,, as also the opposition of others to the demand , are noted in Sega's Visitation Report (Foley, Records VI, pp 26, 28) Early in 1596, on account of the disturbances and the scandal being caused in Rome, and because the Society's aims in originally taking charge of the College were being completely frustrated, the General petitioned the Pope to be freed from its government This was, at the time, refused (Cf. Petition and reasons [January 1596], A.V. Borg II, 448, ab f 416-7; Aquaviva to Persons, 15 January and 11 February 1596, A.R.S.J Boet 3, p 251 & Cartell 6, p 237; to Englefield, same date, Ibid Tolet 5, f 431 ) The adverse propaganda , especially from Flanders, continued,

BARRET TO PERSONS

and on renewed petition being made in the summer of 1596, the Pope proved willing to listen to Aquaviva. Matters in the College had deteriorated considerably between May and September 1596, because of the policy of temporising with the unruly students pursued by Cardinal Toletus This man, himself a Jesuit, had been appointed Vice Protector in the absence abroad of the Protector on a papal mission. (Cf. C.R.S. 51, p. 217 , note 7) Toletus died suddenly 14 September 1596, and his removal from the scene probably accounted for Barret's successful intervention with the Pope, as outlined in this present letter The reasons for Toletus's actions lay in his general relations with the Society, and particularly with the history of the Spanish province at this period (cf. A. Astrain, S.J., Historia de la Compañia de Jesus en la Assistencia de España, 1909, Vol III)

(2) Cf. also Sega's Report, Foley, Records VI, pp 50-1

(3) Dr. Thomas Stapleton had been appointed by Philip II Regius Professor of Scripture at Louvain on 13 July 1590. Four letters relating to invitations to him to come to Rome in 1596 and 7 are printed in Knox, D.D., pp 289-94. He died at Louvain 12 October 1598 . (4) Concerning the intrigues against Holt, cf. Note 1 to No. 108 infra (5) Cf. Agazzari to Persons, Rome, 25 September 1596, Knox, D.D., pp 386-9

(6) Concerning Edward Bennett, cf. C.R.S. 51, p 266, note 10; also No. 110 infra.

(7) For a brief biographical note on Roger Baynes, cf. C.R.S. 52, p xx, note 1. In spite of Barret's efforts, however, troubles at the College continued until after Persons arrived from Spain early in 1597. A pacification was effected through his efforts in May 1597; but there were further disturbances during the summer, when he was absent in Naples, and a fina settlementwas not made until autumn 1597 (cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 230, note) (8) i.e. at Rheims Cathedral

108. Dr. BARRET'S LETTER SUPPORTING [End 1596] THE ATTESTATION OF THE DOUAY PROFESSORS

Westm. V, n. 85 (ii). Holograph.

Attestatio haec, quae in mea absentia, a fratribus meis majoribus natu Collegii nomine reliquorum omnium conscripta et subsignata est, tam de venerabili Societate Patrum in Anglia, quam de Reverendo P. Guilielmo Holto in Belgio degente, mihi non solum probatur , verumetiam hoc tempore maxime videtur necessaria, ut omnes intelligant, (quod saepe coram Sanctissimo Domino, et Illustrissimo Protectore asserui ) Collegium nostrum cum universa Societate et singulari quodam modo cum iis qui in messe Anglicana laborant, vel extra Angliam Collegium Anglorum gubernant vel eorum negotia administrant ,(¹) et propterea cum Reverendis Patribus P. Personio et P. Holto esse conjunctissimum idque maxime spectare ut communem causam communi studio et voluntate defendamus, nosque Alani filios esse probemus, qui et vivens et moriens hanc nobis pacem et unionem et inter nos et cum Patribus mirum in modum commendavit Quod de nostro Collegio dico, idem attestor de reliquis omnibus, quae et Hispali

BARRET AND THE DOUAY PROFESSORS 257

in Hispania et Valisoleti et hic apud Sanctum Odomarum sub Patribus optime et quietissime se habent; idem de sacerdotibus in Anglia qui conjunctim et concorditer cum Patribus causam Dei agunt cum tanto fructu ut plane appareat nunquam eos majores fecisse progressus Idem de Catholicis in Anglia quibus Patressunt charissimi; idem de Anglis in Belgio (paucis admodum exceptis) qui Patres unice colunt et (nominatim P. Holtum) multum diligunt. De his omnibus affirmo hic in Belgio existens quod Romae coram Sanctissimo Domino sum protestatus Nempe quod unanimi consensu detestentur[sic] eorum facta et conatusqui Romae in Collegio Anglorum tam pueriliter et scandalose se Patribus opposuerunt: Item eorum, qui per literas vel nuncios vel alio modo videntur cum illis seditiosis velle insanire et concordiam tam inter nos quam cum Patribus Societatis quibus multis nominibus arctissimequidem sumus devincti jam tandem post tot annos et tantos labores in messe Anglicana unanimiter susceptos velle cum tanto scandalo disrumpere. Quod nunquam futurum firmissime spero in Christo Domino qui laborantibus in vinea pacem hactenus dedit et in posterum nunquam denegabit.

Richardus Barretus

The address, now on a small piece of paper pasted on the back of the above, belongs to the letter of the Douay Professors , to which Barret makes reference:

Reverendo Domino D. Richardo Barretto Sacrae Theologiae doctori, in seminario Anglorum, et in absentia sua, reverendo Patri P. Alphonso Agazario Rectori eiusdem seminario Romae

Endorsed by Persons on another slippastedon the back of Barret's letter, but relating to both letters:

Testimonium President et Doct. Collegii Duaceni Anglicani nationis pro patribus Anglis Societatis Jesu 1596. Pro Patre Holto

[Translation :] This attestation, drawn up and signed by my elder colleagues of the Seminary, in the name of all the rest, concerning the Fathers of the Society in England, as well as Fr. William Holt in Belgium, is not only approved by me, but even seems to me at this time to be in the highest degree necessary : so that all may know, as I have often said to his Holiness and to his Eminence, the Cardinal Protector, that our College is most united to the whole Society, and in a particular way to those who are toiling in the English harvest, or outside England govern the College of the English, or manage their affairs (1) Thus, that union is most close with the Reverend Fathers, Persons and Holt,

BARRET AND THE DOUAY PROFESSORS

and has for its end that we may defend the common cause by conjoint zeal and will, and so prove ourselves sons of Allen, who both in his life-time and at his death singularly commended to us that peace and union betweenourselvesand with the Fathers What Iassert ofthis Seminary, the same do I attest of the other Collegesat Seville and Valladolid in Spain, and of the one here at St. Omers: that they are in a flourishing condition and enjoy great tranquility under the government of the Fathers. The same do I attest of the priests in England, that in close union and harmony with the Fathers, they advancethe cause of God , with sucheffect as appears from the progress they have achieved, as never before. Thesame do I assert of the Catholics in England, who show affectionate esteem for the Fathers; the same, too, with very few exceptions, of the English in Belgium, who are singularly devotedto and cherish the Fathers, and in particular Fr. Holt. And of all these , I here in Belgium affirm what I have personally testified to the Pope, that with one accord they detest the acts and efforts of those who so childishlyand scandalously have opposedthemselvesto the Fathers in the English College, Rome. They detest also the conduct of those, who by letters or messengers or by other means appear to wish to join with those rebellious students in their folly; and who, after such immense labours in the English mission having been undertaken with such unanimityfor so many years, seem to desire to break , with such great scandal, that concord among us and with the Fathers, to whom by so many ties we are bound most closely. That breach of concord I have a most assured hope will never take place, for that hope is in Christ, who up to now has given peace to those labouring in the vineyard, and will never deny it in the future .

Richard Barret

(1) Concerning the campaign against Holt and the English Jesuits , cf. C.R.S. 51, p 199; also Persons, A Briefe Apologie, pp 87-9v,and No. 107 supra. The Attestation of the Douay Doctors and Professors , here referred to, was dated 12 November 1596 and was signed by seven persons (Westm V. n. 85). Severel other favourable testimonies still survive (cf. C.R.S. 51, p 217 , n 8) These documents reached Rome in February 1597. Almost all the English exiles joined in such testimonials, only one memorandum with the names of six clerics, headed by Gifford , and including Thomas Covert, and of eight laymen, headed by the Earl of Westmoreland and Paget, indicated refusal to do so (Cf. Peña's Papers, Bib Vat Lat 6227 , ff. 119, 120; Westm V, n 97, printed in Knox , D.D., p 408).

109. BARRET TO AGAZZARI. 259 Douay, 4 January 1597.

Westm VI, n. 2. Autograph signature Part printed in TierneyDodd III, p xcii

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater , Cum essem Bruxellis binas dedi literas ad Paternitatem tuam deferendas, multo tardius quam vester erga me amor et desiderium de itinere meo audiendi postulavit ; spero tamen jam expectationi vestraein ea parte esse satisfactum Restat jam ut de communibus negotiis plenius et apertius scribam. Praeter alias difficultates quae mihi Romae in communi causa et ipsa veritate defendenda occurrerunt istae duae satis molestae fuerunt Prima quod seditiosi illi quiCollegii pacem tantopere perturbarunt conati sunt Sanctissimo Domino et illustrissimis Cardinalibus persuadere quod sacerdotes et Catholici in Anglia eodem cum illis essent animo, id est, alienissimo a patribus Societatis cum quibus tum constat eos esse conjunctissimos, et majores fructus et progressus in fidejam facere quam unquam forte antea Idem constat de reliquis omnibus Anglorum Seminariis in quibus quietissime et obedientissime sut patribus vivunt De nostro quid dicam? sunt enim tam inter se et cum patribus concordes ut ad unum omnes maxime detestentu separationem illam qua se non solum a patribus sed a fratribu suis conantur sejungere Altera difficultas fuit de statu et anim Anglorum hic in Belgio, nam hos conati sunt ad suas parte! attrahere, atque in eum finem et literas et nuncios miserunt sicu etiam et in Anglia obtinuerunt etiam a quibusdam literas in eorun favorem et contra patres aliquot Societatis Quibus ego quantun in mefuit apud Sanctissimum Dominumet illustrissimos Cardinale me semperopposui; et putavi necessariumut SanctissimusDominu certior fieret de statu Ecclesiae Anglicanae per ipsos sacerdote qui in messe Anglicana laborant : item de animo Catholicorum i Belgio per aliquos Anglos alicujus nominis et authoritatis : sed ecce, mi pater, in causa tam bona tamque justa tuenda, quam multa acciderunt ante meum adventum: quae mihi certe non probantur , et vereor ne Sanctitatem suam et Illustrissimum Pro tectorem offendant Intelligo de subscriptionibus istis quae passim a militibus, mulierculis et vulgaribus hominibus fiunt habent enim speciem (ut dicitur) mutinantium (1) Quod a Collegio nostro factum est libenter, quidem approbavi quia pauci et ijdem seniores reliquorum omnium declararunt sententiam quod commode fieri potuisset in aliis locis sine singulorum examinatione; (2) accedit quod ille qui singulorum subscriptiones procuravit vir sit parum prudens et quamplurimis nimis ingratus(3) ut propter eum multi negarunt qui alioquin praeclarum dedissent de Societate testimonium atque idem ille mea sententia plus nocet patri Houlto quam forte ejus adversarii : nam cum in generali significatum

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

fuisset sine nomine cujuspiam venisse literas ex Belgio in gratiam illorum qui Collegium perturbant et in particulari contra aliquem patrem, ecce iste et alij similes ex fervore quodam benevolentiae erga suos, et animo nimis perturbato et alieno ab aliis accusant nominatim multos qui se per suas literas purgarunt apud Illustrissimum Protectorem nostrum : ex quo tamen malo hoc natum est boni quod qui minus inter omnes Anglos in exilio putantur affecti erga Societatem multa praeclare de Societatevidenturscripsisse; ut nullo modo liceat in posterum seditiosis illis ad istorum patrocinium confugere de quibus inter se et apud alios tantopere solebant gloriari Literae illae contra Patrem Houltum videntur conscriptae [p. 2] a Norricio et Buttono nomine quidem ut arbitror aliorum sed nulli jam inveniuntur qui palam audent partes illas defendere: (4) seditiosi illi videntur a suis derelicti nisi forte in secreto quod audio de quibusdam et in particulari de quodam procuratore nostro Antwerpiae quem ego quam primum ex illo officio statui removendum nam magni refert ut habeamus Antwerpiae prudentem aliquem et fidelem qui velit et possit communia negotia ad communem sensum concorditer nobiscum et cum patribus tractare; et ex Angliaea referre quae spectantad aedificationem Ecclesiaeet concordiam fratrumnon vero ad seditionesetdiscordias disseminandas.

De statu Collegii nostri sic habitote; ex pestilentia mortui sunt tresnon quidem in ipso Collegio sed in aedibusadjunctis : cogimur enim propter angustias aedium alias vicinas domos conducere Collegium igitur quasi integrum et incolume permansit; et qui propter pestis metum discesseruntjam a duobus mensibusredierunt exceptis illis qui Romam et in Hispaniam et in Angliamsuntmissi quo ad numerum sumus quidem pauciores quam antea; nam una cum famulis non sumus plures quam octaginta vel circiter veniunt tamen quotidieex Anglia: nudius tertius venerunt quatuor et quam plurimi in Anglia, ut scriptum est ad me, expectant quotidie commoditatem navigandi Obsecro igitur, mi pater, et in Christo Dominoobtestor ut pensiones menstruaesingulis mensibustranscribantur Antwerpiam: sicque agatur cum benignissimo protectore et cum SanctissimoDominosi opus sit, ut non patianturob defectum solutionis alumnos suos vel fame perire, ut ita urgeri ut cogantur discedere. Pensiones autem ex Hispania per duos annos et tres menses non solvuntur; ex quo tua paternitas facillime colliget in quo sumus statu quoad temporalia. Fieri etiam potest ut cogamur hinc migrare Lovanium propter contagionem pestis quae Duaci satis est periculosa, et propter ampliores aedes et alias commoditates quae Lovaniae offeruntur. In quo casu prospiciendum est ut cum licentia et bona venia Sanctissimi Domini possimus locum mutare: in omnem igitur eventum procuretur nobis quaeso per tuam paternitatem ista licentia Quamvis enim ipsa necessitas

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 261

excusaret factum, licentia tamen praestabit securitatem De scholaribus mittendis cupio ut Vestra R. quam primum si esset pecunia pro viatico, post maximas enim pluvias jam successit serenitaset propter gelu tempus itineris commodissimum .

De scrupulo quem significavi in literis meis Lauretto V.R. nihil respondit, tamen res est maximi momenti ad pacem et concordiam conservandam.

Pater Richardus Coulinus ob nimium fervorem eumque nimis appertum parum placuitR. Patri Oliverioqui putat ejusmodi zelum etiam in Anglia parum profuturum . (5) R. P. Ministrum, P. Confessarium, P. Praefectum, P. Tichbornum ,(6) P. Laurentium , P. Jochimum et reliquos omnes et patres et famulos saluto ex animo; item omnes fratres meos charissimos, id est, filios obedientissimos Vestrae Reverentiae nam alios non agnosco pro fratribus nisi se humillime submittant P. Alfonso qui communis omnium nostrum estpater amantissimus. P. Chamberusnominatim salutabit omnes meo nomine amantissime quia longum esset eorum nomina sigillatim scribere (7)

Omnes nostri Doctores et professores salutant V.R. et agunt gratias de munusculis quae fuerunt illis gratissima. Jodoctius semper loquitur de patre suo Laurentiocui video eum esse obligatissimum et non sine causa quidem sicut et Reverentiae Vestrae imprimis et P. Ministro et multis aliis, vale in Christo R. Pater; cupiome et Collegium nostrum commendari et vestriset reliquorum omnium sacrificiis et orationibus. Duaci, quarto Januarii 1597 .

Vestrae Reverentiae filius et servus in Christo Richardus Barretus .

[Addressed by clerk :] AdmodumRdo. in Christo Patri P. Alfonso Agazario Societatis Jesu et Collegij [Ang]lorum de urbe Rectori dignissimo. Romam.

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed by Persons :] Barrettus 4 Jan. 1597. Contra literas commendatitias collectas a D.Worthingtono.

[Translation :]

Very Reverend Father in Christ, When I wasat BrusselsI had two letters sent to your Reverence , though much later than was demanded by your affection for me and your desire to have news about my journey. Now, however , Ihope that on this pointyour expectations are satisfied. Itremains

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

for me towrite more clearly and openly about our common affairs. Besides other difficulties that I encountered in Rome, in defence of the common cause and of truth itself, the two following caused me considerable worry and trouble The first was that those rebellious students, who caused such disturbances to the peace of the College, endeavoured to persuade the Pope and their Eminences the Cardinals, that the priests and Catholics in England were of the same mind as themselves , that is, completely estrangedfrom the Fathers of the Society; whereas it is certain that they are most united to them, and now bring forth such fruit and make such progress as regards the faith, as was never experienced before. The same is evident of the other English Seminaries, where the students are most obedient and tranquil under the government of the Fathers . But what shall I say of our own Seminary? Those in it are, indeed, in concord among themselvesand with the Fathers of the Society, and all to a man most heartily detest this division, by which those students not only endeavour to sever themselves from the Fathers, but also from their own brethren.

The other difficulty concerned the position and attitude ofthe English here in Belgium; for those students have made efforts to draw them to their side, and for that purpose sent letters and messengers from certain persons , just as they also obtained letters in their favour and against some Fathers of the Society from certain individuals in England To these I took exception, so far as I could, when I was with the Pope and their Eminences the Cardinals, and I thought it necessary that the Holy Father should be informed of the state of the Church in England, by those priests themselves who are working in the English harvest. I considered the same should be done by persons of some note and authority, as regards the attitude of Catholics in Belgium But, take note , my Father, how many things, before my arrival, were done in defenceof so good and just a cause whichdo not win my approval and which may cause offence, I fear, to his Holiness and his Eminence, the Protector. I am referring to the signatures, which were here and there obtained from soldiers, young women and common folk: for such signatures, it is said, have a semblance to those of a mob in revolt ) My warm approval, indeed, is given to whatwas done in our own Seminary, for those who signedwere few, and the senior members of the staff, who declared the attitude ofall the rest . The same procedure could have beenaptlyfollowed in other places, without interrogating each individual .(2) Furthermore he who procured the signatures of the above individualswas a man of little prudence, and to quite a number unacceptable to a degree.(3) That was why many refused their signatures, who otherwise would have given a splendid testimony to the Society. And in my opinionthe same man may perhapscause more damage

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 263

to the reputation of Fr. Holt than his own adversaries: for when it was reported in general, without specifying anyone, that letters had come from Belgium in favour of those who were causing disturbance in the College, and against one Father in particular, this man and others of the same ilk, out of the fervour of theirfriendship for their own friends, and in a spirit oftoo great perturbation and unfriendliness to others, accused many by name, who by letters have cleared themselvesof this charge with the Cardinal Protector From the above ill-conceivedprocedure, however, there has sprung this good effect that many English exiles who were thought to be less well-affected to the Society, appear to have written many excellent testimonies in its favour; nor can those rebellious students in future look for support to those, of whom amongst themselves and to others, they were wont to brag so much.

Those letters against Fr. Holt seem to have been written by [Sylvester] Norris and [Richard] Button in the names , indeed, as I think, of others, but none are now found who openly defend that faction (4) The seditious students themselvesappear to have been abandoned by those who favoured them, with the exception perhaps, as I hear, of those who support them in secret. One such , in particular, is a certain procurator of ours at Antwerp, whom I have decided to have removed from office as soon as possible; for it is of great importance that we have at Antwerp someone who is prudent and loyal, and who is willing and able to treatof our common affairs according to generally agreed policy, and in concord withourselvesand the Fathers, and to report from England what concerns the growth of the Church and not what tends to strife and division

Here is the news of the state of our College Three students have died of the plague, not indeed, in the College, but in adjoining houses; for on account of the restricted quarters of our own house we are compelled to rent others The College itself, therefore, remains untouched and healthy, and those who forfear of the plague left it, have been back in residence now for two months , except those who were sent to Rome, Spain or England. We are fewer in number than before, for together with the servants we are not more than eighty or thereabouts But every day some come from England The day before yesterdayfour arrived, and very many in England, so it is written to me, are waiting daily for an opportunity to obtain a passage.

I beg you, Father, and conjure you in Christ, our Lord, that our monthly pensions be made over to us at Antwerp. If need be , so deal with our most beneficient Protector and with the Holy Father, that, on account of their non-payment, they do not allow their students to die of hunger, or to be in such straits that they

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

are compelled to depart. The pensions from Spain have not been paid for two years and three months So your Reverencecan easily gather in what state we are as regards temporal matters We may even be compelled, forfearof contagion from the plague, to migrate from here to Louvain, for Douay is quite a danger spot, and at Louvain there are more spacious houses and other conveniences . If this migration is to take place, we must see beforehand that we can change our residence with permission and good will of the Holy Father, so whatever befall, please see to it that your Reverence procure for us this permission; for though the verynecessity would excuse us for having made the change, yet permission will give us warrantfor it.

As regards the students to be sent , I do not want your Reverence to have any anxiety; for I will give you the best , and had 1 the money to pay their travelling expenses, I would send them as soon as possible, for fine weather has followed the very heavy rains, and frost has madeit a very convenient time for the journey

About that delicate matter which I told you of in my letter from Loretto, your Reverence in reply has said not a word. Yet the matter is of great consequence in preserving peace and concord. Fr. Richard Couling is over zealous and shows his feelings too much, and for this reason is not very acceptable to Fr. Oliver [Manares, S.J.], who thinks, too, that zeal of this kind will be of little avail even in England.(5)

Isend hearty greetings to Rev. Fr. Minister, Fr. Confessor, Fr. Prefect, Fr. [Henry] Tichbourne, (6) Fr. Lawrence, Fr. Jochimus and the rest of the fathers, and to the servants as well, and also to all my own most dear brothers, that is, those who are most obedient sons of your Reverence , for others I do not acknowledge as brothers, unless they humbly submit to Father Alphonsus, who is the common and most devoted father of us all Father [Robert] Chamberswillin my name greetall very affectionately;for itwould be a lengthy task to write down each name separately.(7)

All our Doctors and Professors send greetings to your Reverence , and thank you for those small gifts, which pleased them very much. [Jodoctius?] is always mentioning Fr. Lawrence , to whom I see he is under a very great obligation, as indeed , he is also to your Reverence, in particular , and to Fr. Minister and many another Farewell in Christ, Reverend Father I wish to commend myself and our College to yoursacrifices and prayers, and to those of all the rest. Douay, 4 January 1597.

Your Reverence's son and servant in Christ, Richard Barret

(

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 265

1) This particular testimonial may have been the one printed in TierneyDodd III, pp lxxxix-xc . It bore 117 signatures : 18 clerics , 51 officers and others in Stanley's regiment, 38 other gentlemen , 4 lawyers and 6 women. Two copies of this paper are in Westm V, nn 95 & 96, and another, with five less signatures noted, though otherwise similar, in Bib Vat Lat 6227 , ff 121-2 One of the Douay staff, Dr. James Younger, also disliked the method by which signatures to such testimonies were being gathered; but it is a little ironic that the man to whom he protested was Gifford, who had, in fact, been jointly responsible with Paget, for much of the campaign against Holt and the Jesuits at this time (Cf. Younger to Gifford, 12 November 1596, Tierney-Dodd III, pp xc-i ; C.R.S. 51, pp 199, 248, 266, note 14)

(2) i.e. the Douay Doctors and Professors ' Attestation, 12 November 1596 (cf. Note 1 to No. 108 supra).

(3) i.e. Dr. Thomas Worthington, cf. endorsement to this letter, also Younger's letter in Note 1 above

(4) Concerning SylvesterNorris and Richard Button, cf. C.R.S. 51 , pp. 174 , 197, 224. Barret was incorrect in thinking that such letters had been written by these two, but theircomposition may well have been procured by them on their way to England during 1596. The first paper in question, asking for the recall of the Jesuits from England, signed by certain exiles in Flanders, was sent to Rome about August 1596 (cf. Peña's Papers, Bib Vat Lat 6227 , f 119)

(

5) For Richard Couling's earlier career, cf. Note 2 to No. 78 supra After leaving Rome some time in 1596, he would appear to have remained for a time in Flanders He was certainly in England by July 1597 (cf. Couling to Aquaviva [from England], 11 July 1597, A.R.S.J. Fondo Gesuitico 651 , f. 154), and had returned abroad by about September 1600 (cf. Same to Same, 25 September[? 1600], Ibid f 180) The details of his subsequent career are as yet largely unknown.

(6) Henry Tichbourne (or Tichburn) had entered the Society in October 1587 , and had been a member of the staff at the English College from early 1596. (Cf. Tichbourne to Persons, 15 June 1596, Westm V. n 60) He was later sent to the College at Valladolid . (7) Robert Chambers arrived at Rheims as a boy in December 1582, and receivedminor orders there in August 1590. He was sent to Spain in June 1592, but was captured on the way, and returned to Rheims via Paris two months later. In January 1593 he set out for Rome with five others , and was admitted to the English College on 24 February 1593. He was ordained in April 1954. (Knox, D.D., various pages; C.R.S. 37, p 87) Though at first one of the troublesome after Allen's death, he was listed among the dutiful students by Cardinal Sega (Foley, Records VI, p. 3). About 1597 or 8 he wrote a long account of the disturbances(Stonyhurst Anglia II, n 45) It is not known when he left the College, nor where he gained his doctorate in theology, but in 1599 he became first chaplain of the English Benedictinenuns in Brussels , and so remaineduntil 1628 (Foley, Records VI, p. 190) Details of his career after 1600 may be traced in the Third Douay Diary (C.R.S. 10 & 11).

110. BARRET TO AGAZZARI Douay, 14 January 1597

Westm. VI, n. 6. Autograph signature, with long postscript in Barret's hand.

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater , Praeter eas quas scripsi Laureti quinque jam dedi ad V.R. literas; Bruxellisduas Duaco vero tres. Heri accepitertiamvestram

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

epistolam et cum ea alias multas partim ad me partim ad D. Harrisonium a scholaribus scriptae; quae mihi et reliquis omnibus valde placuerunt Ostendunt enim se lates esse quales vos expectastis, et ego promiseram Qua de re vehementer gaudeo, imo nos omnes hic laetamur in Domino, gratias semper agentes et orantes ut qui tam bonum opus inceperit ad finem usque perducat. Illis vero congratulamur in omnibus, et praecipue quod tam cauti fuerunt ab illis perversis et tumultuantibus , et praecipue ab eorum Confessario quem ego tanquam lupum ab agnis ita ab istis, puto semper esse evitandum : est enim periculose [sic] factionis contra patres et reliquaAnglorumCollegia et sacerdotes inAnglia Author pessimus (1) Quod tantum desiderium de me audiendi habuistis, et cum aliquo ut scribitis fastidio propter tam diuturnam expectationem, hoc ipsum plane declarat (quod ego certissime expertus sum) paterni vestri erga me amoris vehementiam quandam et sollicitudinem Ego vero ingenue fateor nimis me in itinere fuisse in scribendo negligentem; ignoscat mihi tua paternitas literarum enim frequentia compensabo Si literae Pontificis proxima vel sequenti hebdomada fuerint allatae satis quidem opportune putabuntur venisse . De pecunia vero non transmissa propter absentiam et valetudinem D. Justiniani satis incommode accedit praesertim hoc tempore cum nihil ex Hispania sit receptum. Quod Moritius sit mortuus precor ut illi bene succedat quoad animam sicut spero Certe quoad statum Collegii non incommode neque sine Dei providentia videtur accidisse: tumultuantes enim et consilio et opera nimis adjuvabat (2) Vellem etiam quod Marcamus ab Urbe abesset longius; tales namque consilarii perturbant omnia (3) Ut primum licebit propter pericula in itinere atque hic in Belgio idque a nostris militibusmittam pro prima opportunitate scholaresaliquot ejusdem generis cum his qui jam venerunt, id est optimos, et alienissimos abilla Benetti factione A. P. Chambero accepi literas valde bonas et mihi et D. Webbo et omnibus gratissimas Rogo eum sicut et alios qui scripserunt ut in bonam partem accipiant me singillatim ad singulos non scripsisse : videor enim mihi cum omnibus loqui quotiescumque ad V.R. scribo : estis enim et mihi, etillis omnibus communis pater Ex Anglia nihil novi nisi quod maxima est annonae inopia, et tanta inundatio Thamesis et aliorum fluviorum quanta ab hominum memoria in illis locis non est audita; magnus etiam apparatus belli navalis Operarij in messe Anglicana mirum in modum proficiunt, summoque animorum consensu et alacritate ad opus Deiquotidie progrediuntur . Inter eos ut audionullae rixae , nulla dissentio. Utinamilli seditiosi paulisper ad unum aut alterum diem essent in Anglia ad videndam illam suavissimampacem quam nimis absurdenimisque turbulente conantur disrumpere, sed frustra, jam enim omnes intelligant causas illius tumultus et tam aperte quidem ut nihil sit periculi ab illis quocumque venerint nisi inter

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 267

suos qui satis sunt perspecti et cogniti : neque [p 2] audent eorum partesnisi insecretodefendereNovicios omnes amplector in Christo cum eorum praefecto P. Chambero, qui mihi est charissimus; qui meo nomine salutabit nominatim P. Batteum(4) et reliquos omnes quantum potest officiosissime Non scribo adhuc ad Reverendum P. Ministrum, cui tantum debeo Dabo scholaribus ad eum literas ne forte putet me sui esse oblitum, quem semperhabeo in animo, quasi ante oculos meos Restat ut me et Collegium hoc nostrum vestris omnium sacrificijs et orationibus commendem Duaci Decimo quarto Ja 1597

[Barret's hand from here :]

Vestrae Reverentiae servus in Christo , Richardus Barretus

[P.S.] Scripsit quidam ex discipulis Benetti ad Franciscum Foulerum ut in secreto ageret cum alumnis hujus Collegii qui Romam essent mittendi ne eorum quispiam confiteretur peccata sua alicui ex Patribus atque unum Benettum illis in confessarium commendaret: (5) hanc asserens rationem se non posse partes suas diutius tueri nisi persuasum fuisset scholaribus nostris hic Duaci ut Benettum sequerentur tanquam Magistrum et Ducem et conscientias suas ad ejus arbitrium componerent Una etiam cum praedictis literis venit epistola Benetti ad eundem Foulerum in qua rogavit ut habeat curam illius negotii quod in amici sui literis tantopere fuit ei commendatum Ex quo manifestum est quod ego tam saepe inculcavi idemque iterum atque iterum repetendum censeo apud Illustrissimum Protectorem huic sanctissimo muneri audiendi confessiones prefectum esse ipsum authorem et ducem illarum turbarumet seditonum. Quod quam sit periculosum videat sua IllustrissimaDominatio. Ego in conscientia mea coram Deo protestor et etiam coram hominibus affirmo et vestro et nostro Collegio et universis presbyteris Anglicanis maximum imminere periculum nisi pessimus iste seditionis author et moderator ab audiendis confessionibus amoveatur idque quam primum Nam tumultibus et clamoribus extorquere talem confessarium qui sanctissimum hoc munus adhibeat tanquam medium non solum ad illud verum etiam ad nostrum Collegium perturbandum quis non videt quo tandem deventurum sit hoc malum nisiremedium adhibeatur.(6)

[No address or seal mark now survive .]

[Endorsed by Persons :] D. Barrettus 4 [sic] Jan. 1597

[Translation :]

De Benetto et factiosis Keep this letter

Very Reverend Father in Christ , Besides those which I wrote at Loreto, I have already sent your Reverence five letters, two from Brussels and three from

BARRET TO AGAZZARI

Douay. Yesterday I received your third letter and with it many others, some to me, some to Fr. Harrison, written by students , which were very acceptableto me and the rest. For they showed that they were behaving as you expected and as I had promised. This has given me great satisfaction: indeed, we all rejoice in the Lord, ever giving thanks and praying that he who began such a good work may conduct it to its end Certainly, we congratulate those students on their conduct in general, but particularly because they were wary of those perverse and rebellious students, and especially of their confessor, whom I consider should always be shunned by them, as a wolf is by the sheep; for he is the most mischievous author of this dangerous faction against the Fathers and the other English Colleges and the priests in England.(1)

That you were so eager to hear about me, and with a certain annoyance, as you say, at having to wait so long, clearly shows , as I have certainlyfound to be so, the ardour of your paternal affection for me and your anxiety about me For my part, I frankly confess that on my journeyI was too backward in writing. Pardon me, your Reverence, for I shall make up for it by the frequency of my letters.

If the Pope's letter is brought the next or the following week, it will arrive, 'tis thought, at quite a convenient time The failure, however, to send the money, on account of the absence and illhealth of Mr. Justinian, causes considerable inconveniences, especially at this time, when nothing is received from Spain.

[Nicholas] Morris having died, I pray and hope that all is well with his soul; but as regards the state of the College his death appears to have occurred by God's providence at no unsuitable time, for he gave considerable support to the rebellious students by his advice and effectual co-operation (2) I could wish that [Robert] Markham was further removed from Rome than he is , for such councillors throw all things into disorder.(3) As soon as possible, having regard to the dangers of the road, and from our own soldiers here in Belgium, I shall take the first opportunityto send some students of the same calibre as those who have already come, that is, excellent ones, and such as are most opposed to that Bennett faction

From Fr. [Robert] Chambers I received a very fine letterwhich was most acceptable to me and to Fr. Webb and to all I ask him, as I do others who have written, to take in good part my not replying to each individual letter; for I seem to speak with all whenever I write to your Reverence, for you are to me and to them the common father of us all.

There is no news from England, except that there is a great dearth of corn . There were such excessive floods in the Thames

BARRET TO AGAZZARI 269

and other rivers as have not been known in these places within living memory. Great provision is being made for a naval war. Workers in the English harvest make extraordinary progress and apply themselves fervently to the work of God in deepest concord . There are, so I hear, no disputes or dissensions amongst them. Would that those rebellious students could, from time to time, spendone or two daysinEngland, to witnessthat most agreeable peace which, absurdly enough and somewhat tempestuously they are striving to disturb. But in vain do they strive; for now all know the causes of that tumult and, indeed, so clearly, that there is no danger from them, no matter to what place they come , except among their own supporters, who are sufficiently marked down and known, nor do these dare to defend theirfaction, except it be in secret .

Iembrace in the Lord all the newly arrived, together with their prefect, Fr. Chambers, who is a very dear friend of mine. He will, with all possible courtesy, greet in my name , Fr. Bates(4) and all the rest. I am not on this occasion writing to Rev. Fr. Minister, to whom I am under so great an obligation. I shallgive a letter for him to the students in case he should think, perhaps, that I have been unmindful of him, whom I have always in my mind, and as it were, before my very eyes It remains for me to commend myself and this our College to the sacrificesand prayers ofyou all Douay, 14 January 1597

Your Reverence's servant in Christ, Richard Barret.

P.S. One of [Edward] Bennett's followers has written to Francis Fowler to deal secretly with the students of this College who are to be sent to Rome, that they do not go to confession to any of the Fathers [of the Society]; and to recommend Bennett alone as their confessor.(5) The reason he gives, is that they cannot uphold their faction any longer, unless our students here at Douay are persuaded to follow Bennett as their master and leader , and to settle their consciences according to his direction Together with this letter came one from Bennett to Fowler asking him to undertake the task so earnestly commended to him in the letter of his friend. From this it is manifest whatI have so often urged, and what I think should again and again be called to the notice of his Eminence, the Protector, that he who has been appointed to this sacred office of hearing confessionsis the author and leader of these broils and seditions Let his Eminence understand how dangerous this is Driven by my conscience , 1 protest before God, andI affirm the same before men, that the greatestdanger threatens your Seminary and ours and all English priests, unless this most

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evil author and contriver of sedition is removed from the office of hearing confessions, and that as soon as possible For [the unruly], by uproars and clamours, to extort [the appointment of] such a confessor, who uses this most holy office as a means of causing disturbance, not only in that College, but also in ours , who is there, who does not see to what this evil will eventually lead, unless a remedy be applied?(6)

(1) This student confessorwas Edward Bennett (see later in this letter). As leader ofthe unrulystudents he had dealt with Cardinal Toletus (cf. Note 1 to No. 107 supra), and had by him been appointed confessor (Cf. Agazzari to Cresswell, 28 July 1596, Westm V, n 63) Other biographical details in C.R.S. 51, p 266 (2) Nicholas Morris, cf. C.R.S. 51, p. 268. (3) Cf. Note 3 to No. 106 supra (4) Probably Reginald Bates, entered in the Liber Ruber as Batteus (C.R.S. 37 , p 80), and as Bott in the list of dutiful students in Sega's Report (Foley, Records VI, p 3) He had been ordained in March 1594 . (5) Francis Fowler, born in Flanders, had been admitted to the English College in Rome on 3 December 1592, aged about 15 years, and was one of those taking part in the disturbancesafter Allen's death He was sent to Douay in December 1595 on account of ill health (C.R.S. 37, p 87; Foley, Records VI, pp 3 , 44) No further informationabout him survives. As there are no entries concerninghim in the Third Douay Diary, beginning January 1598, it may be inferred that he had left the College before that date, still some yearstoo young for ordination This student may have been a son of Francis Fowler, brother of John Fowler (1537-79), the printer of Catholic books (cf. Allen to Agazzari, 15 November 1583, Knox, Allen, p. 216)

(6) Agazzari, then Rector, also wanted Edward Bennett removed from the College (cf. Agazzari to Cresswell , 28 July 1596, Westm V. n 63) Barret appears to have been able to take some steps to counter these moves of Bennett and Fowler. Eight students were admitted to the English College in Rome together on 14 April 1597, and immediately afterwards the turbulent addressed a memorial to the Vice Protector, Cardinal Borghese, pro- testing against Barret having been allowed, as they said, to send students to Rome sworn to go to a Jesuit confessor , and to be united to them in all matters They judged this to be injurious to Douay and themselves , and pernicious to their country (Memorial of the unquiet to Borghese [? 16 April 1597], Westm VI, n 23) Any oath on the subject is most unlikely; more probably, the students had been strictly adjured to behave quietly, and had been warned of Bennett's manoeuvres In May 1597 Persons so pacified animosities that all students were happy to go to confessionto the Jesuits, whilst at the same time not being forbidden to go to Edward Bennett, or his brother John, the latter having come to Rome with Persons from Spain. (Cf. E. Bennett to H. Griffin, 16 May 1597, Westm VI, n 28i, printed in Tierney-Dodd III, p lxxxii, and Same to Gifford, of same date, Westm. VI, n 28ii, not referred to by Tierney)

Liège, [10 August 1597]

Extract printed in Persons, A Briefe Apologie or Defence of the Catholike EcclesiasticalHierarchie, etc., 1601 , pp 93v-94, where the letter's date appears in a marginal note Two copies of a Spanish summary of part of the letter exist, one in Westm VI, n 49 and the other in Bib. Vat Lat 6227 , f 29. Original letter not extant.

Very loving and reverend Father,

This Iwryteat Liege, where I am in myway homeward There passed by this towne one [Robert] Fisher, that was sent by the seditious schollers into England,(1) from hence he went to Bruxelles, thence to Lisle, and so toDoway, and thence to Cambray. He hath bin as I am informed in every shire in England to styrre up men against Jesuits and Spaniards, which he uttered to a good man in this towne . Imarvaile he escaped at Bruxels, seing they are advertised out of England of his secret conference with a cheefe man of the councel of England and with Sacheverel the Apostata in the said councelors house (2) Heere he tould one in great secret , that he was to go to M. Ch[arles] Pa[get] and D. Gifford, and to M. Morgan (3) about matters of importance, he said also that they were in good hope to have liberty of conscience in England in case they might get the Jesuits thence, no doubt this is one part of his busynes , he left his bag at Liege, and I have seene it, yet nothing of importance therin, saving a little compendious note of all their Articles against the Jesuits at Rome which he carried with him to dilate to the faction in England as appeareth, for it is very old and almost worne out, I am to go to Bruxels and to make meanes to have the man examined, in case he maybefound, before he returns to this towne, for he is to come backe hither, and to one inthis place, he wasat his going into England earnestly commended by D. Gifford, etc.

(1) Fisher himself gave an account of his journey to England on behalf of the troublesome students in the English College (cf. Fisher's Confessions , 8-14 March, 1598, printed in C.R.S. 51, pp 230-63 . For this particular episode, pp 241-2, 259)

(2) John Sacheverell , cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 216, note 4 (3) In the two copies of the Spanish summary of this letter (see note at the head of the letter) Morgan's name does not appear. The equivalent passage translates: " that he [Fisher] was to speak to Paget in Brussels, and to Gifford in Lille, and to Hugh Griffin in Cambray about important matters" . (Cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 276, note 62) The summaries , however, are rather longer than Persons' quotation from the letter given here, and seem to constitute an explanation of the letter's contents rather than a direct translation It would thus appear, from the differences noted , that the original letter must have been of considerably greater length than what we now possess Persons might have made a mistake in transcribing the letter in Briefe Apologie, but it seems an unlikely one, for he had known

BARRET TO PERSONS

for years of both men as belonging to the same faction Morgan had, indeed, been exiled from Spain in 1595, as from Flanders in 1592 (cf. L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, 1964, p 198) Official memories, however, were often short and erratic, as Morgan's own career demonstrates , and he might well have been in Flanders again at the period of this present letter

*112

BARRET TO [? PERSONS] 1 December 1597.

Bib Vat Lat 6227, f 88. Contemporary extract. +

Capitulo d'una lettera del Dottore Bareto Presidente del Collegio dell'Inglesi in Douaco de Fiandra scritta dell' primo di Decembre 1597 .

Ho visto una lettera da Parigi scritta a uno delli nostrisacerdoti di questo collegio, da parte del sre Harrigo Conestabile Inglese, de chi ho scritto già per il passato , (1) nella quale egli nel nome de Monsignore d'Ereux [sic] alias Perone, cerca de fare venire a Parigi , duo o tre delli nostri Dottori Inglesi, parte per agiutarli a fare un libro de controversie, et parte per fondare là, un seminario Inglese,dicendo ch'il Re ha dato per quell'effetti 12000 scudi l'anno con concenzo del clero sopra le decime di Francia, li quali il Cardinale Legato ha preso l'assunto de farli pagare, et d'agiutare il negotio. Vestra Reverenzame dia il suo parere et conseglio, che cosa s'haverà da fare quà in quel negotio.

A me pare che quello seminario non sarà altro ch'un ricettacolo di tutti quelli Inglesi che saranno nimici delli Spagnolli et delli Padri della Compagnia di Giesù, et che sarà agiutato del Carlo Pageto, il Dottore Giffordo, et tutta quella fattione , gli quali senza dubio cercaranno de tirare a quelli bande quanti Inglesi essi possono , et da Inghilterra, et forse anco da questi nostri collegij de quà, con speranza de maggiori commodità che non trovano quà, massimamente in questi tempi che la nostra pensione in Roma è cosi mal pagata, (2) et però sarebbe bono far ogni bon officio in Roma per impedire il fondamento d'una tanta discordia et divisione che ne nasciarebbe tra li stessi Catolici Inglesi, del che l'heretici piglieranno grand' piacere, et forse hanno parte in questo conseglio et trattato che per quel effetto si fà adesso in Francia

[No endorsement.]

[Translation :]

Extract of a letter of Dr. Barret, President of the English College of Douay in Flanders, written on 1 December 1597

BARRET TO PERSONS 273

Ihave seen a letter from Paris writtento a priest of this College byHenryConstable, an Englishman, ofwhom I have already written in the past.(1) In this letter, in the name of Mgr. d'Evreux, otherwise Perron , he seeks to make two or three of our English Doctors come to Paris, partly to help him in composing a book of controversies, and partly to foundthere an English seminary He states that the King, withthe consent of the clergy, has assigned for this purpose 12,000 crowns a year, levied on the tenths of France. The Cardinal Legate has taken upon him the task of having the money paid and of helping the venture Would your Reverencegive your opinion and advise me as to what is to be done here in this matter

To me it seems that this seminary will be nothing else than a house for all those Englishmen who are inimical to the Spaniards and to the Fathers of the Society, and that it will obtain support from Charles Paget, Doctor Gifford and all that faction. They, without a doubt, will endeavour to draw to that part of the world as many Englishmen as they can from England and, may be, also from these Colleges of ours here, by the hope that there they may find greater conveniencesthan they do here, particularly in these times when our pension from Rome is so badly paid (2) Hence it would be well to make every effort in Rome to prevent the establishment of such great discord and division among English Catholics themselves , as would arise from this affair, from which the heretics will take great satisfaction Maybe these latter have a part in the plan and in the negotiation that for this purpose is being conducted at present in France.

(

1) For an account of Henry Constable, cf. George Wickes, Henry Constable, Poet and Courtier (1562-1613), Biographical Studies (later Recusant History), Vol 2, n 4, July 1954.

(2) It appears that little came of the project for another College, though in December 1598 certain priests tried to induce Henry IV to create a new seminary in Mignon College (Wickes, Constable, ut supra) Concerning the fortunes of the proposal from 1602, cf. C.R.S. 41, p 52, note 4.

*113 . PRESIDENT & DOCTORS OF DOUAY COLLEGE TO THE PROTECTOR. Douay, 25 October 1598.

This translation was published in Persons, A Briefe Apologie, etc. , 1601 , pp 125-5v; the Latin of the same letter was printed from a contemporary copy by T. G. Law, Archpriest Controversy, I, pp 134-5, Camden Society, 1896. The original no longer survives.

Intelleximus nuper pro certo, etc. We have understood of late for certayne, which before by uncertaine rumors was brought unto us, that two priests, Bishop and Charnock, are gone forth of England towards his Hol[iness] to perturbe the comon peace and

concord of our English Church under this pretence that the subordination most wisely and wholesomly instituted there by his Hol.(¹) and receyved with the applause of all good men doth not please certaine of them to wit eyther those which upon a certaine emulation do take it ill, that themselvesare not put in dignity, or els, which is worse, through the desyre of faction do styrre up discord. Theyare sufficiently knowne to us, and some of them are said to have had their parts in those late Roman broiles which were so troublesome both to his Hol and your grace and ignominious to our nation. Wherfore seing that by no example, nor by any peril, into whichthey have cast both that Roman Colledge and our publike cause of our countrey, they will amend , neyther are moved to a better mynd by any thing or remedy hithertoused; and seing they wil not yeild eyther to his Hol or your wil and authority but by force, our opinion is (yeildingalwayesto a better) that someexample of severe correction should be used upon these two, to the end that other of the same faction and boldnes should be held in their duty, etc. Duaci ex Collegio vestro Anglicano 25 Octob. 1598 .

Illustrissimae Dominationis vestrae Servi in Christohumillimi

Dor Richardus Barettus

Dor. Laurentius Webbus

Dor. Guliel. Harisonus Praeses Collegij

Dor. Matthaeus Kellisonus ] Assistentes.

(1) This was the beginning of the first Appellant embassy to Rome after the appointment of George Blackwell as first Archpriest of England, in March 1598. For the background, cf. C.R.S. 51, p 227, note 4. The best account of the affair remains that in Persons, Briefe Apologie, Chapter IX. A number of original documents about the journey are printed in T. G. Law, Archpriest Controversy, 1896, 1 , pp 101-53 . The two men leftEngland for France some time in August 1598 (cf. Garnet to Persons, 27 August 1598, Stonyhurst, Coll P. 552) According to the Nuncio in Belgium, the party on going to France contained also Watson [written Wathono], but the latter did not go to Rome . (Cf. Frangipani to Aldobrandino, Brussels 10 October 1598, Frangipani's Correspondance , 1932, II, p 391). William Bishop, cf. Note 2 to No. 33 supra; for Robert Charnock, cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 222. When Blackwell was appointed Archpriest in England, Barret was not only instructed to assist him, but was himself given charge of all seminary priests in Belgium, who were not directly under the Nuncio there. He had also instructions for dealing with troublesome priests reported from England He was to have three to help him as coadjutors in this task. (Cf. Cardinal Caetani to Barret, Rome, 7 March 1598 , printed in Tierney-Dodd III, p. cxxiii-iv)

BARRET TO THE PROTECTOR

*114 BARRET TO THE PROTECTOR . 275 [Douay], 25 October [1598]

A.R.S.J. Anglia 38, II, f 113. Grene's note, in a list of letters for 1598

Lettera di Ricardo Barretto al Card Protettore Accenna le necessità del Collegio di Duaco e descrive il numero degl'Alunni 25 8bris [1598]

[Translation :] Letter of Richard Barret to the Cardinal Protector He indicates the needs of the College of Douay, and describes the number of students. 25 October [1598]

ADDENDA 1 .

ALLEN AND OTHER EXILES TO CARDINAL MORONE WITH MEMORIAL TO GREGORY XIII

Louvain, 10 August 1572.

(1)

A.V. Arm. LXII, Vol 33, ff 134, 136, letter original with autograph signatures , memorial in contemporary copy; also in PRO 31/9/71 , ff 471-8, which was used for this volume

Jacet proh dolor (Illustrissime Cardinalis) in sacrilega schismatis et haeresis tabe, et cum multarumanimarum tristi dispendio, totiusque orbis christiani perturbatione funesta jamdiu jacuit, regnum Angliae, potens olim et opulentum, atque in regionibus ijs quae Christo nomen dederunt praelucens certe et gloriosum Ne vero semper sic jaceret, fieretque velut Sodoma incurabilis plaga ejus (impellente ad id nos charitate in deum, nostroque in patriam nostram et christianam Rempublicam studio ac officio) D. Sanctissimum et commonefaciendum, et obnixe per litteras rogandum putavimus, ut inter caeteras ejus pro populo Christiano cognitiones et curas (quas scimus et numero multas et pondere maximas esse) locum aliquem inveniret et haberet Angliaenostrae regnum a sedis apotolicae obedientia et catholicae communionis sancta societate miserabili concisione avulsum Quod dum pro dei gloria, totius ecclesiae pace ac leticia vehementerfieri cupimus : Itanihil praetermittere potuimus eorum, quibus id imprimis, aut promoveri melius poterit, aut citius expediri .

Hinc in hijs literis ad vestram amplitudinem nosmet provoluimus, ac in eis eam per Christi viscera rogamus et obtestamur ut non solum has nostras ad Sanctissimum litteras illi tradere, sed et apud Sanctitatem suam totum hoc negotium causamquesollicite et assidue prosequi, utque olim pro populo Dei Mardocheus in-

ALLEN, ETC., TO MORONE

desinenter ad eam pro hoc regno vere misero et miserabili interpellare velit. Cur vero hoc nunc non agimus solum , sed et aperi posse oportune putamus, Amplitudo vestra ex Reverendissimo Asaphensi et D. Sandero ac D. Mortono plenius faciliusque intelliget: (2) quamvis quae aut illi referre, aut nos hac in parte adjicere possumus , talia fortasse erunt, ut recognoscere magis per ea quae noverit, quam adire et discere quod nescit vestra Amplitudo queat

Nos vero ad vestram Amplitudinem audacter hac in re et intrepide accedimus: nec repulsam ab eo quem benignissimum protectorem habemus timentes, nec de eo quod pro integro regno, proque tota Dei ecclesia tam salutariter petimus formidantes, nec denique quin in celeberrimo collegio vestro qui pro zelo domus Dei congemisceretanto regno tantaeque in eo tamque deplorandae animarum stragi ex toto corde condolere, illique quantum in eis est subvenire velint, invenientur , dubitantes Quod ipsum quam citissime concedatDeus: ut vel sic cunctis ab ea prolapsis et praecisis, terrori tremorique esse possit apostolica sedes: quae alioquin in contemptum apud eos utpote insensatos , et derisum veniet, si non, quos piscatoris in mente, in corpore feriat gladius praeliatoris

Amplitudinem vestram Dominus Jesus in sanitate corporis, et pace cordis reipublicae Christianae diu conservet. Datum Lovanii anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo septuagesimo secundo mensis Augusti die decima.

Vestrae Celsitudinis supplices Oratores ,(3)

Thomas Hardingus

Guilelmus Allenus

Ricardus Hallus

Thomas Stapletonus

Henricus Joliffus

Aegidius Capellus

Gilbertus Burnfordus

[No address or endorsement noted.]

Gregorio XIII Pontifici Maximo

Carolus Parkerus

Guilhelmus Tailerus

Thomas Hidus

Thomas Baleius

Laurentius Webbus

Edmundus Hargatus

Etsi incognitum nobis esse non possit Sanctissime Pater , in quam turbulenta tempora Pontificatus tuus inciderit, et quanta negotiorum mole sanctitas tua prematur, (in quibus Reipublicae

Christianae salus agitur) ut pene impium videri possit interpellatione alia quavis mentem tuam ab eorum cura et cogitatione revocare: Cum tamen Angliae Regnum Patria nostra, quae nobis ipsa vita charior esse debet, in tam gravi jam discrimine versetur, ut nisi mature juvetur, eidem cuncta perniciem interitumque minetur: officii nostri locique ratio omnino exigere a nobis videbatur , ut

Patriam ecclesiasque nostras, sacerdotes Dei sacerdotum Principi , et totius ecclesiae capiti , commendaremus Episcoporum erat, fatemur, de hoc cum tua Sanctitate agere Sed, o Patriae nostrae calamitatem , ex omni illic Episcoporum numero, duo tantum superstites sunt Reliqui carceris taedio, animorum maerore, aliisque magnis incommoditatibus fracti, vita functi sunt. Superstites autem illi duo, tam arcta custodia detinentur, ettam capitalis in eo Regno vel minimacum Romano Pontifice rerum tractatio est, ut de literis Romam mittendis etiam cogitare vix tutum sit. (4) Nos igitur qui in Belgica Regis Catholici ditionereligionis causa exulamus, illorum partes nobis assumentes , in hoc tempore, ad tuae Sanctitatis pedes harum literarumofficioprovoluti, quanta possumus et humilitate, et animorum consensione , illorum, nostroque, et Patriae totius nomine petimus, ut inter caeteras gravissimascogitationes tuas, miseriarum et acerbitatum, in quas illud Regnum ante non ita multos annos florentissimum , vi et fraude hereticorum conjectum est, aliquando tuae sanctitati in mentem veniat. Praeter alias cum publicas tum privatas clades, quarum commemoratio epistolae modum excederet, illud ibi omnes Catholicos gravissime torquet, de quo flebiliter Azarias apud Danielem Prophetam conquestus est Non est in hoc tempore Princeps, Dux, aut Propheta, neque holocaustum, neque sacrificium, neque oblatio Ut vehementer timendum sit, ne quae generatio presentem consecutura est, omnem verae religionis cognitionem amittat Et quis scit an omnipotens Deus, sicut gentem nostram olim Gregorii primi opera ad Christi fidem voluit adduci, ita Gregorii decimi tertii cura, prudentia, ac sedulitate, in heresim prolapsam, ad eandem ingenti totius orbis gratulatione velit reduci Quod gloriosum opus speramus in hoc tempus reservatum esse, in quo tua Sanctitasad dignam sua virtute et prudentia rerum administrationem vocata, amplam habitura facultatem est, sese in maximis humani generis utilitatibus et commodis exercendi. Bene quidem et pro eo ac optimumPontificem decuit, beatae memoriae Pius Quintus Sanctitatis tuae antecessor , hoc singulare opus inchoavit : perfectionem vero, faelicemqueexitum, quem morte sublatus videre non potuit, successori reliquit (5) Neque profecto sunt ea in re conficienda tam arduae difficultates quae debeantSanctitatis tuae animum abea cogitatione deterrere Nobis, nobis de hoc toto negotio crede, BeatissimePater, qui nostrorum hominum mores, ingenia, animorum propensiones, studia, vota, probe cognita atque explorata habemus Facit quidem iniquissimarum in eo Regno legum recens ab haereticis conditarum violentia, et quorundam obscurorum hominum tyrannis, quorum consiliis cuncta gubernari Regina vult, (si tamen excommunicata, eoque nomine praetensa Regina appellari debeat) ut haeresimomnes Regni ordines amplecti et fovere videantur . Atqui vero si fugato metu, quaesint intimae hominum voluntates, liberum esset omnibus

MEMORIAL TO GREGORY XIII

palam ostendere , longe alia appareret rerum facies Infiniti sunt ibi populi , qui, licet bonorum jacturae, captivitatis , mortis denique metum, nepharias illorum communiones, concionesqueet schismaticos ritusfrequentent, omnemtamen haeresimexanimo execrantur. Hi omnes tempus avidissime expectant, quo data occasionein conscientiae libertatem , et antiquam Catholicae Religionis observationem sese vindicarent : Nec vero qui ab Romanae Ecclesiae fide desciverunt, omnes praesentem illic rerum statum aequissimis animis ferunt Plerique eorum qui apud praetensam Reginam praecipuam auctoritatem [sic] et gratia pollent , ambitionis , avariciae, fastusque pertaesi, animis in aliud gubernationis genus propendent, et si quae occasio rei bene gerendae sese aliquando ostenderet, levi in aliam partem momento permoverentur.

Haec cum ita sint, cumque justissimas causas habeamus sperandi, posse aliquando Angliae Regnum ad ecclesiae unitatem reduci, oramus tuam Sanctitatem ut seriam ejus rei curam suscipiat Quam vero utilis ac necessaria reliquo ecclesiae corpori ea cura futura sit, ab illis facile percipitur, quibus cognitum et perspectum est, quanta haereticaepravitatis et reliquae omne genus [sic= omnis generis] impietatis lues ex illa Insula, ceu quadam contagione propagata in vicinas Galliae inferiorisque Germaniae Provincias sit invecta Quarum Provinciarum populos certe in fide Catholicae continere difficile erit, si, quod nunc fit, Angli suum Calvinismum , aliasque foedissimas haereses palam profiteri, fovere, ac tueri permittantur Contra, si apud Anglos sopita semel haeresis fuerit, quum non habituri sint hostes ecclesiae quo se recipiant, nec ubi tuto sceleratissimi esse possint, brevi conspecturi sumus, universum incendium, quod jam longe, lateque per vicinas Provincias serpit , prorsus extinctum De modo autem quo hoc negotium (unde tot Ecclesiarum salus pendet) ad faelicem exitum perduci possit, nihil hic dicemus . Id universum tuae Sanctitatis prudentiae relinquimus Quod negotium cum toti ecclesiae tam salutare, cum ad publicam pacem constituendam jam necessarium, cum a bonis omnibus tam avide expetitum, breviter cum ipsi Deo servatori nostro Caelitibusque tam gratum sit: siquidem tua Sanctitas in illam curam serio tandem incumbere caeperit: non est dubitandum , viam modumque ejus bene gerendi, ac perficiendi divinitus oblatum iri Quod ut omnipotens Deus largiatur, tuamque sanctitatem tua semper cura, custodiaque tueatur orare non detinemus .

Datum Lovanii anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo septuagesimo secundo mensis Augusti die decima.

[Endorsed:] Exemplar literarum ad sua sanctitatem.

[Translation :] Alas, most illustrious Cardinal, anguish is tobe found in the sacrilegious pestilence of schism and heresy, and with

ALLEN, ETC., TO MORONE

the sad loss of many souls and its calamitous disturbance of the whole Christian world, the kingdom of England, once mighty and noble, and certainly pre-eminent and glorious among those lands whichgavetheir allegiance to Christ, has now long lain sick Lest, however, it should thus remain for ever so, and its wound incurable become like Sodom, we have thought, the love of God and our zeal and duty towards our fatherland and the Christian commonwealth impelling us thereto, to put our most holy Lord in remembrance and most strongly to beg him by letter, to find and keep some place among his other thoughts and cares (which we know to be both great in number and of the greatest weight) concerning the Christian people, for our English kingdom, torn away by a wretched divisionfrom obedienceto the Apostolicsee and the holy fellowship of the Catholic communion. Because we ardently desire this, as well for the glory of God, as for the peace and joy of the whole Church, so we could pass over none of those things by which chiefly this end could be, either better advanced , or more speedily arranged.

Hence in this letter we fly to your Eminence, and in it beg and entreat you through the merciful heart of Christ, not onlythat you will deliver our letter to his Holiness, but also that you will constantly and earnestly pursue with his Holiness this whole matter and cause; and that as once Mardochai did for the people of God, you will ceaselessly speak to him on behalfof this truly wretched and pitiable kingdom. In this matter, however, we do not atthis time act thus alone, but believe that the matter can be opened opportunely, as your Eminence may more fully and easily learn from the most reverend bishop of St. Asaph [Goldwell], from Dr. [Nicholas] Sander and Dr. [Nicholas] Morton: (2) although, those things which either they are able to recount, or we on our part may be able to add, will perhaps be of such a nature that your Eminence may have a better understanding of the matter in the light of what you know, than actually if you were to hear and learn what is unknown to you.

We, certainly, approach your Eminence boldly and fearlessly in this matter , not being afraid of being repulsed by him whom we cherish as our most beneficient Protector; nor are we held back by fearin what we ask, seeing that it is for the good of the whole kingdom as for that of the entire Church of God; nor finally do we doubt that in your most celebrated college [of Cardinals], there may be found those who, for the zeal of God's house grieve and lament with us such a great kingdom, and for such a deplorable loss of souls in it, and are willing as far as in them lies to come to its aid. God grant this as quickly as possible, so that even in all those who have been cut off and fallen away from it, the Apostolic see may inspire fear and terror, for otherwise it will be

ALLEN, ETC., TO MORONE

contemned and derided by them in their folly, but taking the other course, those who regard the holy see as a fisherman will find the sword of a warrior striketheirbody.

May the Lord Jesus long preserve your Eminence for the Christiancommonwealth in bodily health and peace ofheart.

Given at Louvain anno Domini 1572, 10th day of August.

Your Eminence's suppliant petitioners,(3)

Thomas Harding

William Allen

Richard Hall

Thomas Stapleton

Henry Joliffe

Giles Capel

Gilbert Burnford

To Pope Gregory XIII.

Charles Parker

William Taylor

Thomas Hide

Thomas Bailey

Lawrence Webb

Edmund Hargate

Although, most holy Father, we cannot be unaware in what turbulent times your pontificate has fallen, and with how great a mass of business your Holiness is weighed down, (in which is concerned the welfare of the Christian commonwealth) so that it can seem almost wicked to withdrawyour attention from care and meditation of these matters by the intrusionof any other subject: since, however, the kingdom of England, our fatherland , which must be to us dearer than life itself, at this very time remains in such a parlous state that, unless aid is speedily brought, it is menaced with total ruin and destruction, the care of our office and place seemed altogether to demand of us, that we should commend our countryand church, as priests of God to the Prince of priests and to the head of the whole Church We confess that it was the part of bishops to deal with your Holiness on such a matter, but such is the calamityof our country, two alone survive of the total number of bishops there. The rest, worn out by the weariness of imprisonment , grief of soul, and other great misfortunes, have died The two survivors, however, are kept in such closecustody, and even the least handling ofaffairs with the Roman Pontiff is such a capital offence in that kingdom, that evento think of sending letters to Rome is hardlysafe.(4) We , therefore, whoare exiles for religion in the Belgian dominions of the Catholic king [Philip II], taking on ourselves at this time their function, and having cast ourselves at your Holiness's feet by means of this letter, with all possible humility and agreement of minds, beg in their name, in our own, and in that of the whole country, that amidst your other most grave concerns , consideration may sometimesfind place in yourHoliness's mindofthe miseries and anguish

MEMORIAL TO GREGORY XIII 281

into which that kingdom, not so many years ago most flourishing , is thrown by the force and fraud ofheretics.

Besides other misfortunes, both public and private, of which the narration would exceed the bounds of a letter, that most grievously racks all Catholics there, of which Azarias mournfully complained to Daniel the Prophet : there is not at this time either prince, leader or prophet, neither holocaust, sacrifice nor oblation. Thus is it vehemently to be feared lest that generation whichwill follow the present will lose all knowledge of true religion And who knows but that almighty God, who just as He was once pleased to bring our people to faith in Christ by the work of Gregory 1 , may thus desire that those relapsed into heresy be brought back to the same faith, to the great rejoicing ofthewhole world, through the care, prudence and zeal of Gregory XIII. This glorious work, wehope, is reservedfor this time whenyourHoliness, by your virtue and prudence called to the worthy administration of affairs, will be accorded ample opportunityof employing yourselfin matters of the greatestusefulnessand advantageto mankind

Well indeed, and as was fitting for a most excellent Pontiff, your Holiness's predecessor , Pius V, of happy memory, beganthis outstanding work; but the completion and successful outcomewhich he, being removed by death, was not able to witness, he left to his successor.(5) Nor certainly, are the difficulties in completing the work so arduous, that they must deter your Holiness's mind from that intention Believe us about this whole matter, most holy Father, we who have well known and investigated the humours of our own people, their minds, the inclinations of their souls, their endeavours and desires . By the recent violence, for instance, of iniquitous laws enacted by the heretics in that kingdom, and by the tyranny of certain obscure men, by whose counsels the queen is pleased to be guided in all things (if, however, she is excommunicated, she ought on that account to be termed pretended queen) it is brought about that all orders of men in the realm appear to embrace and maintain heresy Yet, indeed, iffear was removed, and all men were free to show openly their inmost desires, the situation would present a very different appearance . There are there infinite numbers of people who, through fear of loss of their possessions, and of imprisonment, even of death, frequent their impious communions, preachings and schismatical rites, although in their hearts, however, they execrate all heresy. All these most eagerly await the time when, an occasion being given for liberty of conscience , and the ancient observanceof the Catholic religion, they may declare themselves . Nor, indeed, do all those who have deserted the faith of the Roman Church bear with equanimity the present state of affairs Very many of them who are in favour with the pretended queen and wieldthesupreme

MEMORIAL TO GREGORY XIII

authority are weary of ambition, pride and avarice, and are disposed to another kind of government, and if some occasion offit action were at any time to be presented, they would easily be moved to take the other side.

Since things are so, and we have most legitimate reasons for hoping that the kingdom of England can at length be brought back to the unity of the Church, we beg your Holiness to give this matter serious attention How truly useful and necessary this work would be to the rest of the body of the Church is easily perceived from those considerations, by which it is known and acknowledged how great a plague of heretical depravity, and of every kind of other impiety, like some spreading contagion, has been carried from this island into the neighbouring territoriesof France and lower Germany It will be difficult for the peoples of these countries to continue with certainty in the Catholic faith if, as things now are, the English are permitted openly to profess, cherish and protect their Calvinism and other most vile heresies. On the other hand, were heresy to be once laid to rest among the English, since the enemies of the Church would have no place to which to betake themselves , nor anywhere where thesemost wicked persons could be in safety, we should in a short time see wholly extinguished the universal conflagration, which has nowfor a long spread far and wide throughout the neighbouring lands.

Concerning the method, however, by which this business(on which the welfare of so many churches hangs) can be brought to a happy conclusion, we will say nothing here We leave the whole matter to your Holiness's prudence. Since it is so salutary to the whole Church, and now necessary to establish the public peace , and because it is so eagerly awaited by all good men , in brief , since it is so pleasing to God our Saviour Himself, and to the powers of heaven, if, indeed, your Holiness would begin seriously to undertake this charge, there is no doubt but that, by divine guidance, the way and method of accomplishing and completing it well, would be revealed That almighty God may grant this, and ever preserve your Holiness in His care and protection , we do not cease to pray

Given at Louvain anno Domini 1572, 10th day of August

[Endorsed:] Copy of a letter to his Holiness .

(1) It is difficult to understand how T. F. Knox, who gave the Roman Transcripts in the Public Record Office , London, as his sourcefor several of the papers included in his Letters and Memorials of William, Cardinal Allen, 1882, should have missed this present letter to Cardinal Morone, with its memorial for the new Pope, Gregory XIII (elected 13 May 1572). The documents were certainly amongst those available to him , and their inclusion in his collection would have modified statements , made in his

Introduction (p xxxii), concerning the beginning of Allen's political activities These two documents , though proposing on behalf of the thirteen signatoriesno actual practical plan, certainly reveal their interestand confidence in action, other than purely religious action, to remedy what they saw as the evil situation in England Allen's own connection with political ideas can, thus, now be seen to have preceded by ten years anything conceded by T. F. Knox ; also by three or four years the date given by the most recent Catholic historian to deal with the matter (cf. P. Hughes, The Reformation in England, Vol III, p 315) This fact should not be forgotten when considering the much better known side of Allen's activities: his College at Douay, later moved to Rheims.

These two papers, together with the Memorial of February 1576 (Addenda 2), show clearly that the Bull of excommunication promulgated against Elizabeth by Pius V, however impracticable as a political weapon or incentive to military action it may seem in modern eyes, was to the exiles in the 1570s by no means a dead letter It would also be unrealistic to discount the reality of fears concerning the Bull's possible effects , either at home or abroad, on the part of Elizabeth's government Even if sometimesfalse or exaggerated rumours reached them, her councillors had many sources of information , and it is not safe to assume that they did not know some, at least, of the details of the various plans made for her deposition in virtue of the sentence of excommunication The point has a direct bearing on the steadily increasing pressure against Catholics in England after its publication With regard to these two present documents , many men of note had fled abroad after the failure of the Northern Rising in late 1569 , and details of the savage reprisals which followed it must have been widely current among the exiles: these lend colour to the remarks here about Catholic sufferings , and the cowed state in which those remaining in England lived. No practical results seem to have followed this approach to Rome, for the new Pope was much more concerned at this period with plans to renew the war against the Turks (2) For Thomas Goldwell, Bishop of St. Asaph, cf. Addenda 3 , note 2 infra Concerning Dr. Nicholas Sander, cf. No. 4, note 4 supra; a note on Dr. Nicholas Morton is in P. Hughes , op cit p 273, note 2, and some informationconcerning his career in Rome, in A. Kenny, From Hospice to College, Venerabile Sexcentenary Issue, 1962 (3) Of the signatoriesother than Allen : Dr. Thomas Harding (1517-72) was an important controversial writer, particularlyagainstJohn Jewel (cf. A. C. Southern, Elizabethan Recusant Prose,1559-1582, 1950, pp 45, 67-76) Dr. Richard Hall joined Douay College staff from Marchiennes College in Flanders in December 1576 (Knox, D.D., p 7). In later years he became a canon of St. Omer. Dr. Thomas Stapleton (1535-98) was one of the most learned men of his time , and author of several works in Latin and English, being best known as translator of Bede's EcclesiasticalHistory (cf. Southern op. cit pp 45, 88-94). Henry Joliffe had formerly been dean of Bristol; Giles Capel and Gilbert Burnfordhad both been canons of Wells; William Taylor had once been master of Christ's College, Cambridge (cf. C.R.S. 1 , p 46) Dr. Charles Parker, brother of Lord Morley, had formerly been rector of Swanton, Folsham and Faringdon He lived in the college of penitentiaries in Rome in the mid 1560s, and later in Milan (cf. A. Kenny, op cit p 220 and C.R.S. 53, p 193) He was still alive about 1592, for his name appearsin a Spanish pension list of that period (cf. A. Bacon Papers, Lambeth Palace Library, Vol IV, n 41) Thomas Hide (d 1597), once a canon of Winchester and headmasterof Winchester school, had gone into exile after a period in prison in England (C.R.S. 1 , pp 42, 44). For Dr. Thomas Bailey and Dr. Lawrence Webb, cf. No. 5, note 3 supra Edmund Hargate: nothing is known of his career His name appears in the same pension list as that including Dr. Charles Parker above There are two

MEMORIAL TO GREGORY XIII

notable omissionsfrom among the signatories: Dr. Richard Bristow (153881), whose controversial work of 1574, briefly known as Motives, later figured in the "bloody questions " put to priest prisoners in England, in an effort to make them incriminate themselves under the anti-Catholic penal legislation Bristow may, at this time, have been acting as deputy for Allen at Douay College The second omission is Dr. Owen Lewis, whodid not, however, reside at Louvain. (4) The two surviving bishops in question here were Dr. Nicholas Heath, once Archbishop of York, who, having been confined in various places, finally died in the Tower about December 1578; and Dr. Thomas Watson , once Bishop of Lincoln , who died at Wisbech Castleon 27 September1584 . (Cf. G. E. Phillips, The Extinction of the Ancient Hierarchy, London & Edinburgh, 1905, pp. 409, 414) The penal statute referred to indirectly was that of 1571, entitled An Act against the bringing in and putting in execution of Bulls and other Instruments from the See of Rome (13 Eliz c 2), of which the scope was considerable (5) This is a referenceto the Bull of 1570, Regnans in Excelsis , by which Pius V excommunicated Elizabeth, and absolved her subjects from any oaths of allegiance they might have taken, and of any duty of obedience to her .

ADDENDA 2.

MEMORIAL OF [ALLEN & ENGLEFIELD ](¹) FOR THE INVASION OF ENGLAND . [February 1576].

Simancas Est Leg 927, ff 227-9 Contemporary copy Originally printed, but from a corrupt transcript, by P. O. de Törne, Don Juan d'Autriche et les Projets de Conquête de l'Angleterre, 1568-1578 , Vol. II, Helsingfors, 1928, pp 219-222.

De facilitate speditionis [sic] pro recuperanda Anglia.

Vivus [sic vivi] conatus pro reformatione Angliae, necessitatem ac universalem utilitatem prae oculis habemus, pericula quoque et difficultates diligenterexpendimus, et tamen pro magnitudine rei tantae faciliorem esse istam reformationem putamus, quam ullus facile credet, qui res Angliae non satis novit, adeo ut dimidium facti videri possit si hoc sanctum negocium serio aggrediatur talis ac tantus Princeps, qui prudentia sua necessarijs medijs res singulas instruere potest.

De modo et medijs rei gerendae.

Praetextus vivus belli debet esse executio excommunicationis latae contra DominamElisabetham pro reformanda religione (2) de liberanda vero serenissima Regina Scotiae , et suo juri restituenda , tacendum est, donec ejus persona sit tuta in exercitu catholico; et tum ejus quoque causa, et defensio praetendi debet.

Quot milites sunt necessarij.

Securius et tutius quidem esse videtur semper habere plures milites cum sint paucioribus fortiores , si commode, secrete, et tuto

colligi, et mitti possent, quemadmodum etiam multum juvaret, si ex vicinioribus locis in aliam partem Angliae aliquot milites , si occasio patiatur, subito erumperent, cujus rei gerendae personas , et aliquas commoditates novimus; putamus tamen et plane confidimusad hanc expeditionem sufficerequinque milliamilitum,qui integri in terra Anglicana deponantur, praesertim cum nomine Pontificis mittantur reformandae religionis nomine

Quales milites

Isti milites sint omnes sclopetarij , et rei militaris periti, ac quantum fieri potest zelo religionis catholicae, ac modestia et disciplina militare notabiles [p. 2]

Unde isti milites duci debent

Quia res christianorum hodie ubique fere turbatae non videntur pati, ut aliunde tuto et commode classis ista solvatur, putamus omnino hanc classem Pontificiam ex Italia solvere debere

[In margin] El puerto

Ubi deponentur in terra milites in Anglia

Portus de Lyrpolae (3) videtur commodior locus ubi appellere poterit classis, vel deponatur exercitus ex navibus in alia aliqua parte Angliae boreali, vicina loco ubi Regina Scotiae detinetur captiva, et ubi plures abundant viri catholici ; ubi magis consultum judicabit ex re nata is, qui praeerit classi , ut quam primum tuto capiatur persona ejusdem Reginae

[In margin] Vituallas

De victualibus et stipendijs militum et tentorijs

Viri periti provisionis militaris victualia imponant navibus onerarijs, quae abunde sufficiant quinque mille militibus, donec veniant in Angliam: stipendia vero eis solvantur quoque ad aliquot menses per Suam Sanctitatem, donec commode in Anglia ex rebus Anglicanis eis solvi poterit: catholicis vero Anglis, qui in Anglia se adjungent Pontificio exercitui non erit opus de stipendijs per Suam Sanctitatem provideri , nec de tentorijs, quia oppidis ex populosis pagis ubique est plena tota Anglia, ubi excipiantur milites hospitio.

De Imperatore , seu Duce exercitus.

Praeficiatur exercitui per Suam Sanctitatem vir aliquis celebris et propter peritiam rei militaris, ac nobilitatem magnaefamae et auctoritatis : ad ducendum vero et dirigendum classem et exercitum terra marique sub illius imperio Dominus Thomas Stucleyus omnium gentis nostrae peritissimus est rei navalis, et militiae terrestris, (4) vir catholicus, et [p. 3] fidus, et horum judicio committatur, utex Anglis catholicis laicis, quiextra Angliamsunt hodie, ad se vocent et sibi adjungant quot existimabunt ultiles : sunt

[ALLEN & ENGLEFIELD] ON INVASION

autem aliquot magni nominis apud suos, partim hic, partim in inferiori Germania, qui huic negotio videntur fore valde necessarij; qui sunt hic sunt Edouardus Dacres Baro, Christophorus Nevilus, Ricardus Nortonus; qui vero sunt in Flandria, sunt dominus Carolus Nevilus Comes Vestmerlandie [sic], D. Johannes Nevilus, D. Thomas Marcamfildus , D. Michael Tempeste, D. Ugo Oenus, D. Franciscus Nortonus , D. Georgius Nortonus : (5) sunt alij in Italia, Flandria, et alibi, quibuscum de istis rebus non communicavimus , ut neque dum cum supradictis quique ad executionem , non ad deliberationem istam admitti possunt.

De Legato, seu Nuntio Pontificio

Legatus aliquis vir prudens et pius, seu Nuncius saltem apostolicus omnino necessarius est cum plenissima auctoritate, et amplissimis facultatibus , qui huic instituto et sibi utiles cooperatores et Ministros anglos catholicos viros Ecclesiasticos, et alios deligat

De preparatione amicorum in Anglia, qui istos conatus juvare poterunt

Inveniri facile poterunt aliqui Angli, viri fidi et prudentes, praecipue sacerdotes , qui in Angliam ex Flandria trajiciant clam et secrete praeparabunt aliquos viros nobiles in Anglia(6) huic negotio utiles, illos videlicet quorum nomina illis tum verbo tenus dabuntur, cum matura erunt haec consilia omnia, non tamen expectandum ullum ab istis ita missis in Angliam responsum, sed interim classis in Dei nomine pergat versus Angliam [p.4]

De praemijs et poenis.

Praemiaet honores, poenae et minae publicis edictis per legatum, et Ducem belli publicari debent in Anglia, ubi classis appulerit, et tunc simul quoque promulganda est excommunio [sic] per felicem recordationem Pium Papam Quintumlata contra D. Elisabetham; et Pseudoepiscopi, ac celebres haeretici Ecclesiastici et laici nobiles primo quoque tempore capiendi sunt, et sacro crucis vexillo praecedenteLegatus cum clero catholico in exercitu, et ubique honorabilem et conspicuam catholicae religionis et cultus divini speciem et rationem prae se ferant et exerceant.

Quanto [sic] et quo anni tempore solvet ex Italia ista classis

Solvere debebit ista classis ex Italia quam citissime ne forte ingruente aestate ventus, ut plerunque fit, ita modicus et debilis sit, ut nimium in itinere sit haerendum, donec hostes forte instruanturde rebus istis omnibus, et ne contra aliquid praeparent; porro valde expedit ut ista sancta deliberatio cito concludatur et executioni detur, ne fumus aliquis ex longa deliberationis mora exeat, et ne pendentehac deliberatione et praeparatione multa adjumenta

ON INVASION

et media personarum et rerum necessaria interim pereant et deficiant.

De compensandis adjutoribus praecipuis et restitutione sumptuum Sedis Apostolicae , et de reipublicae Anglicanae convalescentis administratione et regimine.

UbiDeibeneficio victoriasteterit pro catholico exercitu Serenissima Maria Regina Pientissima, et Regiaeplane liberalitatis nomine celeberrima suae libertati, ac suo Regno restituta ex bonis haereticorum et rebelliumin Anglia, Scotia, et Hibernia, quae multa sunt , satisfaciet illis, qui eam liberarunt, et Suae Sanctitati ex bonis Ecclesiasticorum [p 5] ac alijs publicatis sibi solvere poterit istos sumptus, et viros strenuos remunerare . Sed eadem Serenissima Regina tam in marito sibi eligendo, quam in administranda republica convalescenteomnino stabit, ut par est, consilio et auctoritati Suae Sanctitatis, ut et illius virtus plane pollicetur, et nos qui sumus testes meritorum cujusque, erga Suam Maiestatem auctores horum consiliorum dabimus omnem operam ut gratae et debitae vices per eam suis liberatoribus reddantur, et amici fideles Suae Maiestatis omnium ordinum abunde remunerentur .

[Endorsed:] + Sobre lo de Inglaterra.

[Translation :]

[No signatures] ojo para ver y sacar del cosas buenas .

Concerning the facilityof an expedition for the recovery of England.

We have before our eyes the necessity and universal utility of a lively effort for the reformationofEngland, and we haveweighed up diligently the dangers and difficulties, yet we thinkthat in spite of the magnitude of such a great task, this reformation will be simpler than anyone will easily believe, who does not sufficiently know the affairs of England Thus, the task can seem half accomplished ifsuch a great Prince should undertake in earnestthe holy enterprise, who in his prudence is able to direct every circumstance with the necessary means.

Of the method and means of accomplishing the task.

The ostensible pretext of war must be the execution of the excommunication pronounced against the Lady Elizabeth for the reformationof religion;(2) but there must be silenceabout liberating her highness the Queen of Scotland and her restoration to her rights, until her person is in safety among the Catholic army Then her cause also and her defence must be asserted

[ALLEN & ENGLEFIELD] ON INVASION

How many soldiers are necessary .

It certainlyseems safer and more secure always to have many soldiers, since they are stronger than a lesser number, if they can be suitably, secretly and safely assembledand sent. It would also be of much help if some soldiers from nearby places, if occasion offers, were unexpectedly to invade another part of England : we know of persons and some facilities for doing this. We believe , however, and are quite confident, that five thousand soldiers will suffice for this expedition, to be landed in one body on English soil, particularly if they are sent in the name of the Pope, with the intention of reforming religion

What

kind of soldiers.

Let these soldiers be all musketeers, and skilled in military matters, and as far as can be, outstanding in zeal for the Catholic religion, and in sobriety and military discipline

From what place must these soldiers be brought.

Because the affairs of Christendom are almost everywhere in a disturbed state, and do not seem to allow that this fleet be sent safely and suitably from another place, we are certainly of the opinion that this Pontifical fleet should sail from Italy.

Where will the soldiers be landed in England

The port of Liverpool(3) seems a very convenient place where the fleet could reach land; or let the army be landed from the ships in some other northern part of England close to the place where the Queen of Scots is kept prisoner, and where there are many Catholic men He who shall command the fleet, will judge better from experience, when the affair has begun, as to how soon the person of the same queen may be safely recovered

Concerning victualling and payment of the soldiers, and tents .

Let men with experience of military provisioning stocksupply ships with food, amply sufficient for five thousand soldiers until they land in England Pay for several months, however, should be given to them by his Holiness, until such time as it would be possible for them conveniently to be paid in England from English resources; but it will not be necessary for English Catholics, who will in England join the Papal army, to be provided with pay by his Holiness, nor are tents necessary, because the whole ofEngland is filled with towns in populous districts, where the soldiers will be received in billets.

Concerning the Commander or Leader of the army.

Let there be put in command of the army, by his Holiness , some man renowned alike for his skill in military affairs and for

& ENGLEFIELD] ON INVASION

the excellence of his great fame and authority: in truth, to lead and direct a fleet and army under his command on land and sea , Sir Thomas Stukely is, of all our nation, the most experienced in naval and military affairs (4) He is a Catholic and trustworthy , and in the judgment of those who are outside England, he should be authorised to call upon and enrol as many from among the English Catholic laity who now live outside England, as they will consider useful. For there are some of great name among them , partly here, partly in lower Germany, who would appear to be most necessary in this affair

Those who are here are Baron Edward Dacres, Christopher Neville, and Richard Norton; those , however, in Flanders are the Lord Charles Neville, Earl of Westmoreland, Mr. John Neville, Sir Thomas Markenfeld, Mr. Michael Tempest, Mr. Hugh Owen, Mr. Francis Norton and Mr. George Norton.(5) There are others in Italy, Flanders and elsewhere, with whom we have not been in communication about these matters, who until each one may be associated with the above-mentioned in the execution of the plan, cannot be admitted to these deliberations

Concerning the Legate or Papal Nuntio.

It is absolutely necessary that the Legate, or at least Apostolic Nuntio, be some pious and prudent man, with the fullestauthority and most ample faculties, who in the enterprise may select, as he finds useful, English Catholic ecclesiastics and others, as coadjutors and assistants .

Concerning the preparation of supporters in England who will be able to help this undertaking

There can easily be found some Englishmen, men of trust and prudent, chiefly priests, who will cross over into England secretly from Flanders, and covertly prepare certain gentlemen in England,(6) useful in this affair, whose names, of course, will only be given to them by word of mouth, when all these plans are mature . No reply, however, is to be expected from those thus sent into England, but meanwhile let the fleet proceed in God's name towards that country.

Concerning rewards and penalties

Rewards and honours, and threats of penalties, mustbemade known in England by the Legate and the war leader , by public edicts as soon as the fleet arrives; then also, the excommunication pronounced against the Lady Elizabeth, by Pope Pius V of happy memory, is to be promulgated at the same time. The pseudo bishops and notable heretical ecclesiastics and lay gentlemen are to be put in custody as soon as possible; and let the Legate and Catholic clergy in the army, preceded by the sacred standard of

[ALLEN & ENGLEFIELD] ON INVASION

the cross, everywhere show forth and conduct, with honour ana outward reverence , the divine rites of the Catholic religion.

How soon and at what time of year this fleet is to leave Italy.

This fleet should leave Italy as soon as possible, lest perhaps the winds of advancing summer, as generally happens, be light and weak, so that there is too long delay on the journey, and perhaps the enemy, being thus made aware of all these matters, make some preparations against it Moreover, it is most expedient that this holy plan be speedily concluded and put into execution, lest from long delay or deliberation some sign of it gets out, and lest with dilatory planning and preparation, much assistance of persons and necessary means meanwhile perish and be lost.

Concerning compensating the principal helpers, and the restitution of the Holy See's expenses; and concerning the administration and governing of the convalescent realm of England.

When victory in favour of the Catholic army shall, by the goodness of God, have been won, her highness the most devout Queen Mary, renowned for her truly royal liberality, once freed and restored to her kingdom, will remunerate those who have secured her liberty, from the possessions, which are many, of heretics and rebels in England, Scotland and Ireland; she will be able to repay to his Holiness his expenses from the goods of ecclesiastics , and from other confiscations, and to reward resolute men. But the same most high Queen will abide by the counsel and authorityof his Holiness, as wellin choosingherself a husband , as in ruling the convalescent kingdom, as is fitting and as her virtue certainly foreshadows; and we, the authors of these plans, who are conscious of each one's deserts, will wholly engage ourselves towards his Majesty [Philip II], that due and grateful recognition will be rendered by her to her liberators, and that the faithful friends, of all conditions, of his Majesty will be abundantly repaid.

[Endorsed:] Concerning the matter of England

Attend to seeing and drawing from it advantages

(1) Though the endorsementdoes not mention authorship, there seems no doubt that this document, now apparently surviving only in this copy at Simancas , is that which detailed the views of Allen and Englefield on a plan for the invasion of England, as proposed by themselves in Rome early in 1576. The Spanish ambassador then in Rome, Don Juan de Zuñiga, had conferences with the two men in February 1576, and his report of these deliberations, as well as of his talks with the Cardinal of Como on the same subject , is contained in his dispatch to Philip II, dated 29 February 1576 (Simancas , Est Leg 927, f 28). As far as the views of Allen and Englefield are concerned , the dispatch faithfully reflects points

ALLEN & ENGLEFIELD] ON INVASION 291

given in this present memorial Additions and divergences of view reflect those of Como, or are his own comments on the proposals. Zuñiga also mentioned that Como had sent to Spain, by a courier, a relation written by the two Englishmen, for the Nuncio, Ormaneto, to show to the King: the paper here printed is almost certainly the relation in question Other plans for invading England had been under discussion in Rome during 1575, as for instance , that in Dr. Morys Clynnog's handwriting (A.V. Arm LXIV, Vol 28, ff 363-371), but the plan of Allen and Englefield appears to have won a greater measure of approval, in that the Spanishambassador reported on it in detail to his master, and it provided the basis for the ensuing somewhat dilatory negotiations; these, however, were abandoned a few months later, owing to renewed troubles in Flanders, which claimed the King's attention Because of their commanding position among the exiles , Allen and Englefield had both been called to Rome towards the end of 1575 to take part in discussions on English affairs It had been proposed that Sander should also make the journey from Spain for the same cause , but in fact he remained in Madrid, only writing a letter to Como on 31 March 1576, in warm recommendation of the other two (cf. Knox, Allen, pp 27-8) J. H. Pollen has declaredthat Allen atfirst declined to come to Rome, and that the invitation had to be repeated , but the evidence quoted in support of this assertion does not, in fact, prove his point (J. H. Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, London, 1920, p 200) The whole episode is ably treated, fromthe original documents , by P. O. de Törne, in Don Juan d'Autriche et les Projets de Conquête de l'Angleterre, 1568-1578, Helsingfors, 1928, Vol II, pp. 67-95 and Appendices II-VI Of these Appendices, n III is the dispatch of Zuñiga, mentioned above, whilst n. IV, printed from a corrupt transcript, is this present memorial Its existence was unknown to Pollen, when he wrote a short sketch of these same negotiations (op. cit pp 197-200) Other documents concerning the same affairs are printed in C.R.S. 9. Though the invasion plan detailed in this memorial does not inspire confidence as a practical venture, in terms of modern possibilities, the circumstances in which it was outlined were utterly unlike those of the present day. Had such an expedition, as that here proposed, been sent in fact, its effect might well have been considerable The locale, northern England, was full of disaffected subjects , possibly ready to rebel again, and the authorities had at their disposal neither a police force nor available units of a regular army, whilst communications were difficult Time, and the leaking of information about their enemies' preparations were obviously their best allies, hence the stress on these points by the memorialists

(2) Concerning the question of the excommunication, cf. Addenda 1 , note 1 supra.

(3) Though the name is not written correctly either in the memorial, or in Zuñiga's dispatch of 29 February 1576 (note 1 above), it seems clear that Liverpool was the place designated

(4) Sir Thomas Stukely (or Stucley) was a versatile military adventurer , of adaptable religious views J. H. Pollen gives a sketch of his part in various plans for the invasion of England from 1570, until he was killed at the battle of Alcazar on 4 August 1578 (op cit pp 192-202, 211, 223-5) Documents during these years testify to the regard which he enjoyed among the English exiles, and several of their schemes proposed that he should be used as military leader Their confidence in him was not universally shared , and Zuñiga reported to Philip II that the Pope's view was that the leader of the expedition should be an Italian, and that he favoured most Marco Antonio Colonna (dispatch of 29 February 1576, cf. note 1 above)

(5) Except for Hugh Owen , all the men here named had fled abroad after the failure of the Northern Rising. For Hugh Owen, an exile from 1571,

292 [ALLEN & ENGLEFIELD] ON INVASION

cf. A. J. Loomie, S.J., The Spanish Elizabethans, New York, 1963 & London, 1964, Chapter 3

(6) The inference to be drawn from this paragraph is most probably that the priests (and others), thus to be sent from Flanders to prepare for the expedition in England, would have been chosen from among the most noted ofthe exiles: men, that is, whosewords would have carried most weight in England The wording, however, is rather vague , and it cannot be said with certainty that none of the newly ordained priests from the College at Douay were intended, at this particular juncture, to help with this preparation of opinion.

ADDENDA 3

ALLEN TO THE NUNCIO IN FRANCE (1)

Rheims, 24 August 1580

Paris, B. N. Fonds Anglais 172, f 82. Holograph

Reverendissime in Christo Pater

Domine humanissime, redditae sunt mihi illae ad Reverendissimum D. Asaphensem et ad me litterae, quas dignata est tua Amplitudo mittere; sed D. Episcopus, ut proximis etiam literis nostris praemonui, jam discesserat , nec adduci potuit uthoc vestrum et Sanctitatis suae responsumulterius expectaret Proinde ille nunc coram rationem facti sui in Urbe reddere potest (2) Literas vero ad suam ReverendissimumDominationem tum vestraeAmplitudinis quum Illustrissimi D. Cardinalis Comensis ad vos remitto; licet enim vulgarium ad ipsum amicorum literas ipsius voluntate et mandato legere liceat, tamen istas non fui ausus aperire, nec cur facerem ulla extitit causa Hic sermone multorum et quorundam etiam Parisiensium litteris, (quam vero nescio) accepimus, Reginae nostrae Legatum his diebus iterum compellasse suam Majestatem Christianissimam de nobis e regno suo ejiciendis Si aliquid tale moliantur, non dubitoV. Illustrissimam Dominationem citius certiusque intellecturam, et de nobis benigne cogitaturam, quod ut semperfaciat, humillimeper Christum Jesum obsecro (3) Dignetur quoque dignitas vestra jubere has nostras litteras ad Illustrissimum D. meum Comensem Romam in proximofasciculo vestro deferri ; via enim mihi mittendinon est jamexpedita proptermorbum illum , et suae Illustrissimae Dominationis nuper scriptae litterae omnino responsum requirunt Christus Jesus V. Reverendissimam D. nobis diutissime servet incolumem, Domine et Patrone vere colende.

Remis 24 Augusti 1580

Tuae Reverendissimae Paternitati deditissimus servus in Domino . G. Alanus.

ALLEN TO DANDINO 293

[Addressedby Allen:] Rmo in Christo Patri ac Dominoadmodum illustri, suae Sanctitatis apud Christianissimum Regem Nuntio dignissimo, Domino suo plurimum colendo. Parisijs

[Seal mark.]

[Endorsed:] 24 d'Agosto 80. Dottore Alano

[Translation :]

Most reverend Father in Christ

The letters, most kind Sir, which your Excellency was pleased tosendtothemost reverend bishop ofSt. Asaph [Thomas Goldwell] and to me , have been delivered to me. His lordship the bishop, however , as I, indeed, warned you in my last letter, had already departed, nor could he be induced to wait any longer for your reply or that of his Holiness: he can now in Rome, therefore, in person give an account of his conduct,(2) but I return to you the letters to his most reverend lordship, both of your Excellency and of the most illustrious lord Cardinal of Como. For, although by his own wish and command I am allowed to read letters to him from his ordinary friends, I have not, however, ventured to open these, nor was there any reason why I should do so.

We have learned here from the words of many, and alsofrom letters of certain persons at Paris (how truly I know not), that the ambassador of our queen [Sir Henry Cobham] has again at this time urged his most Christian Majestyto expel us from his kingdom . If they attempt any such thing, I do not doubt that your most Illustrious Lordship will very speedily and certainly learn of it, and that you will bear our interests in mind favourably: that you will always do this, I beg you most humbly in the name of Christ Jesus .(3)

May your Lordship also deign to give order that my letter to my most illustrious Lord of Como may be carried to Rome in your next packet, for no way of dispatch is now open to me, on account of the plague, and the letter of his most illustriousLordship, recently written, certainly requires an answer. May Christ Jesus preserveyour most reverend Lordshipsafely to us for a very long time , our much beloved Lord and Patron Rheims, 24 August 1580 .

Your most reverend Paternity's most devoted servant in the Lord, W. Allen.

(1) Mgr Anselmo Dandino, Protonotary, had been appointed Papal Nuncio in France on 8 March 1578. He was replaced by the Bishop of Rimini in the early months of 1581 .

294

ALLEN TO DANDINO

(2) Thomas Goldwell, created Bishop of St. Asaph in 1555 , had by that date already lived abroad for religious reasons since 1538, when he had followed Reginald Pole into exile. He returned to the continent, in spite of efforts to prevent his departure, at the end of June 1559 , and was declared deprived of his see on 15 July 1559. He was the only English bishop to attend the Council of Trent Most of his subsequent life until 1580 was spent in Rome, by which time he was about 80 years of age Apart from himself, only one member of the old English hierarchy by then remained alive, Thomas Watson, once bishop of Lincoln and prisoner at Wisbech castle Though a petition about this time from Catholics in England for a bishop to be sent to them had been refused by Gregory XIII, for reasons of prudence , Goldwell was nevertheless granted leave, at his own request , to undertake the dangerous mission of returning to his own country in his episcopal capacity (Bridgett & Knox, The True Story of the Catholic Hierarchy deposed by Queen Elizabeth, London, 1889, Chapter IX; G. E. Phillips, The Extinction of the Ancient Hierarchy, London, 1905 , various pages) He left Rome with Dr. Nicholas Morton, on 23 March 1580 (Report of Sledd, the spy, C.R.S. 53, p 210. The paragraph in question contains an error of transcription : Sledd obtained his information from a certain Shelton in Rouen (written by Sledd "Roan"), not Rome , as printed) The two arrived at Rheims on 24 May, and after a visit to the Nuncio in Paris in June, both left again for Rome on 8 August 1580 (Knox, D.D., pp 165, 167. 169) The large number of priests who had left Rome for England, either with Allen himself in February 1580 , or in the following months, including the two Jesuits , Persons and Campion, brought strong counter-measures by the English government. The fear aroused by these together with other fears occasioned by the Huguenot raids near Rheims, and by the plague in the area, appear to have been the real causes of Goldwell's precipitant return to Rome, though he himself used the non-arrival of the Papal brief with his faculties as an excuse Correspondenceconcerning the matter is printed in Knox, Allen, various pages; further details appear in Bridgett & Knox, op. cit., pp. 249-256. T. F. Knox, the author of the chapter on Goldwell, would appear to be mistaken in saying that the bishop returned to Rome in accordancewith the Pope's decision , since Allen in this present letter expressly stated that he would not waitfor letters from either the Nuncio or the Pope. Allen's previous letter to the Nuncio, here mentioned by himself, giving warning of Goldwell's intentions, has not survived, but its contents are summarised in one of the Nuncio to Como, 14 August 1580. Receipt of a letterfrom Como to Goldwell is also there acknowledged , and this was probablythe one now returned by Allen (Knox, Allen, p 403) Goldwell resided in Rome until his death on 3 April 1585 .

(3) There is no mention of any such matter in the extant printed dispatches of the English ambassador belonging to this period A royal proclamation entitled A Proclamation against Traitors and seditious rumours, had, however, been published in England, dated 15 July 1580. This did not mention the college at Rheims, but dealt with an alleged, though bogus, plot said to have been hatched by exiles in Rome against England Publication followedthe arrival of several priests , including the two Jesuits (see Note2 above), though the question of the supposed Papal League, in fact, predated their arrival by some months (Cf. L. Hicks, S.J. , An Elizabethan Problem, London, 1964, Appendix I: The Bogus Papal League). This proclamation may well have been shown to the French kíng Allen's letter to the Nuncio of 20 October 1580 (Addenda 4 infra) shows that some action, not specified in the surviving correspondence , to safeguard the college was, however, considered necessary by the Nuncio Letters of Dandino to Como of 11 Septemberand 6 November 1580 (Knox, Allen, p 404, where the last is misdated 1581 ), also refer to the same matter

ADDENDA 4.

ALLEN TO THE NUNCIO IN FRANCE

. Rheims, 20 October 1580 .

Paris, B. N. Fonds Anglais 172, f. 4. Holograph

Reverendissime mi Domine et Patrone benignissime.

Recepi litteras Dignitatis vestrae scriptas Moretae(1) 28 Septembris, ex quibus, quod ante etiam intellexi semper, nec istius collegij curam ac sollicitudinem in caeteris amplissimis negotijs vestris negligi aut praetermitti video, gaudioque ac gratias ago quam possum humillime (2) Etcredo sane ReverendissimeDomine , quod vos etiam insinuatis, illud in nos beneficium fuisse necessario tempore collatum , summaeque fuit sapientiae vel praevenisse hostium conatus , vel certe mature impedivisse. Nam mihi exAnglia certissime constat cum literis, tum sermone multorum , adversarios religionis Catholicae summopere studere ut hoc collegium dissipetur: sed quamdiu habemus patrocinium vestrum apud suam Majestatem, hoc est non vestrum tantum sed Sanctissimi Domini nostri munimen, cujus pro nobis et in pectore pietatem, et in officio vicem geritis, nihil timebimus. Si nunc fit in Anglia ut esse dicitur, conventus ordinum, id est ut appellamus Parliamentum, aliquid contra nos non dubium statuent, ut saltem impediatur cursus et commercium nostrum cum Catholicis in Anglia, et ut impediantur a nobis nobilium filij et alij studiosi (3) Multum saeviunt nunc in omnes Catholicos maxime sacerdotes nostros, quorum nonnullos interceperunt.(4) Si sua Catholica Majestas recuperetsemel Cameracum et alia vicina loca Duaco, sua Sanctitasvult ut collegium illuc, nempe Duacum, ubi primum institutum fuit transferamus, quia locus est ad mare trajiciendum commodior et commercio nostro aptior, et Magistratus urbis atque academiaeDuacensis saepe nos benignissime invitat ad redeundum: (5) sed debemus videre prius, omnia circum circa loca firma et pacata, ne quidquam temere f[acere] videamur, nec sane sine vestro juditio tentabimus. De literis ab Illustrissimo Domino Cardinali Comensi quas misistis gratias maximas etiam ago. D. Assaphensisest Romae. (6) Dominus Deus det mihi aliquam facultatem vestrae Illustri Dominationiin aliquo vitae officio inserviendi Certe praecibus et sacrificijs non deerimus. Rhemis 20 Octobris 1580 .

V. ReverendissimaeDominationi addictissimus orator et cliens. G. Alanus

[Addressed by Allen:] Rmo in Christo Patri ac Domino D. Ab et ProtonotarioDandino, Nuntio Apostolico [et Domino] suo colendissimo.

Moretae

ALLEN TO DANDINO

[Seal mark]

[Endorsed:] 20 d'ottobre 80. Dottore Alano.

[Translation :]

My most reverend Lord and most kind patron.

I received your Excellency's letter, written at Moret(1) on 28 September , from which I perceive, and with joy, what indeed I have always hitherto known, that neither care nor solicitude for this college are neglected or overlooked among your other most important affairs, and I return all possible thanks most humbly.(2) And I believe truly, most reverend Lord, as you indeed indicate , that this favour to us was bestowed at a needful moment, and that it was of the highest wisdom either to have anticipated the attempts of the enemy, or at least to have hindered them in time. ForI am most certainly informed from England, not only by letters, but also by the words of many, that the adversariesof the Catholic religion are doing their utmost to disperse this college: but we will fear nothing as long as we have your patronage with his Majesty, that is, not your protection alone, but that of our most holy Lord the Pope, whose goodness towards us you carry in your heart, and whom by your office you represent.

If, in England, as is said to be, a meeting of the estates , that is, what we call Parliament, is now being assembled, there is no doubt but that they will decree something against us: that at least our course and dealings with the Catholics in England may be checked, and that the sons of the gentry and other students may be hindered from coming to us.(3) They vent much rage at this time against all Catholics, especially our priests, of whom they have seized some.(4)

Should his Catholic Majesty once retake Cambray and other places in the neighbourhood of Douay, his Holiness wishes that we transfer the college thither, that is, to Douay, where it was first established, because the place is more convenient for making the sea crossing and more suitable for our business ; also, those in authority in the town and in Douay University often most kindly invite us to return.(5) We ought, however, first to see that all places round about are secure and pacified, lest we should seem to do anything rashly, nor indeed shall we attempt anything without your decision

I also render the greatest thanks for the letter from the most illustrious Lord Cardinal of Como, which you sent. His lordship of St. Asaph [Goldwell] is in Rome.(6)

ALLEN TO DANDINO 297

May the Lord God give me some occasion of serving your most illustrious Lordship in some office during life: certainly we shall not be found wanting in prayers and sacrifices. Rheims, 20 October 1580 .

Your most reverend Lordship's most devoted suppliant and servant , W. Allen

(1) A small town south-east of Paris, on a tributary of the Seine, not far from Fontainebleau

(

2) Concerning this matter, cf. Addenda 3 , note 3 supra.

(3) The sitting of Parliament, here in question, actually opened on 16 January and continued till 18 March 1581. Its members had originally been elected for the 1572 Parliament Among other measures, the notorious anti-Catholic penal Act to retain the Queen's Majesty's subjects in their due Obedience receivedthe royal assent Meanwhile a royal proclamation, dated 10 January 1581 , specifically aimed against the seminaries , and against the newly arrived Jesuits, entitled A Proclamation for revocation of Studentsfrom beyond the seas , and against the retaining of Jesuits , was also published

(4) Amongst those captured during this summer were Robert Johnson and Henry Orton, layman, who had both left Rome with Allen at the end of February 1580, and Thomas Cottam: all three were tried for high treason in November 1581 , at the same time as Edmund Campion John Hart was alsocaptured, on landing with Cottam, but was not definitively committed to prison till December 1580. He was also tried with the above -mentioned. (5) The provinces of the southern Netherlands, in which Cambray and Douay were both located, were not fully recaptured and pacified by Spain for some years after the date of this letter The college did not, in the event , return to Douay until 1593 (cf. Introduction , Part II, supra). (6) Cf. Addenda 3, note 2 supra

ADDENDA 5

ALLEN TO CARDINAL MORONE

. [Late 1580].

A.V. Gregorii XIII, Brevia, etc. Original Originally printed by A. Bellesheim , Wilhelm Cardinal Allen und die EnglischenSeminare, etc. Mainz, 1885, p 274.

Illustrissime ac benignissime Domine.

Illustris acdevota matrona D. Anna de Hungerforda, (1) Lovanii jam diu pro fide in exilio voluntarie vivens, cum partim propter continuam adversam valetudinem, partim propter pestem , quae illam urbem multumvexat, commodedomo exire non queat, humillime petit sibi per S.D.N. dari licentiam habendi quotidie sacrum in suo oratorio, quod in aedibus suis ornatissimum semper habet. Quod ut dignetur Illustrissima DominatioVestra pro ipsa postulare supplex rogo, Illustrissimae Dominationis orator addictissimus, Alanus,

ALLEN TO MORONE

[Endorsed:] Illustrissimo Domino Cardinali Moroni Protectori nostro benignissimo Memoriale . Placuit Sanctitati Suae ut praedicta gratia expediatur. Joannes Cardinalis Moronus protector. 26 Decembr 1580.(2)

Most illustrious and my very good Lord. Since the illustrious and devout matron, Lady Anne Hungerford,(1) now long resident in Louvain, in voluntary exile for the faith, is not able conveniently to leave her house, partly because of her continuous poor health, and partly on account of the plague which much afflicts that city, she most humbly begs that leave may be given her, through our holy Father, to have Mass offered daily in her own chapel whichshe always keeps in her house most fitly furnished . I humbly ask that your most illustrious Lordship will deign to request this for her.

Your most illustrious Lordship's most bounden suppliant, Allen

[Endorsed:]

Memorial to the most illustrious Lord Cardinal Morone, our most kind Protector. His Holiness was pleased that the aforesaid favour be arranged

John Cardinal Morone Protector 26 December 1580.(2)

(1) Lady Anne Hungerford, née Dormer, was the Duchess of Feria's sister. She had retired abroad in disgrace , about 1571, after a notorious divorce case , in which her adulterous love affair with Walter Darrell was in question. There seems reason to believe, however, that witnesses in the case were suborned by Darrell's enemies, and some, at least, of her friends, including Sir Francis Englefield, did not accept her guilt. (Cf. H. Hall, Society of the Elizabethan Age, Third Ed, 1892) She lived for many years at Louvain , where she was in receipt of a Spanish pension. She was prominent among the English Catholic exiles, in later years becoming a close associate of Thomas Morgan (cf. A. J. Loomie, S.J. , The Spanish Elizabethans, New York, 1963, & London, 1964; also No. 99, note 1 supra) (2) Cardinal Morone had died on 1 December 1580. This favour was, therefore, not passed on to Allen by him.

ADDENDA 6

ALLEN TO [BISHOP B .](¹ ) [22 February 1588]

A. V. Francia, Varia I, 31. Contemporary copy Originally printed by A. Bellesheim , Wilhelm Cardinal Allen und die Englischen Seminare , etc. Mainz, 1885, p 278

Gilbertus Giffordus , presbyter Angliae ,(2) Parisiis inter Catholicos vivers, ab haereticis corruptus, continua cum secretario prae-

ALLEN TO BISHOP B.

tensae reginae secreta litterarumet nuntiorum commercia exercens et pessima officia contra sedem apostolicam et catholicam causam , his proximis mensibusproditorfuit deprehensus , tandemnostrorum hominum diligentia comprehenditur et in carcerem Episcopalem Parisiis conjicitur Hujus dimissionem urget Regina apud Regem christianissimum, atque ut nunc sunt res in Galliadifficulterdetinebitur, nisi SanctissimusDominus Noster per literas Sanctitatis Suae apud Illustrissimum Cardinalem Parisiensem(3) vel Reverendissimum DominumNuntium (4) interponat authoritatem suam . De qua re allocutus sum Sanctitatem Suam [SixtusV], institique, ut Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi hoc negotium communicetur. Vestrae ReverendissimaeDominationis fraterdevotissimus Alanus.

[Endorsed:] Rmo D. Episcopo B. De Gilberto Giffordio presbytero lapso et causae catholicorum proditore Alanus in lettera li 22 di febraro 1588.

[Translation :] Gilbert Gifford, an English priest,(2) living among Catholics in Paris, was corrupted by the heretics and kept up with the secretary of the pretended queen a continuous secret exchange of letters and information, and was guilty of very bad offices against the Apostolic see and the Catholic cause During these last months he was discovered to be a traitor, and at length, by the diligence of our countrymen, was apprehended and cast into the episcopal prison in Paris. The queen presses the most Christian king for his liberation, and as things now are in France, it will be difficult to detain him, unless our most holy Lord, by a Papal letter to the most illustrious Cardinal of Paris, (3) or to the most reverend lord the Nuntio,(4) interposes his authority. I have spoken of this matter to his Holiness, and have urged him that this business should be passed on to your most reverend Lordship.

Your most reverend Lordship'smost devoted brother Allen.

[Endorsed:] To the most reverend Lord Bishop B. Allen in a letter of 22 February 1588 , concerning Gilbert Gifford, lapsed priest and betrayer of the Catholic cause

(1) When printing this letter Bellesheim identified Bishop B. with the Bishop of Bergamo , Mgr Girolamo Ragazzoni , Nuncio in France from late 1583 until August 1586. After his return to Italy much of the rest of his life

300

ALLEN TO BISHOP B.

was passed in the administration of his diocese There is, thus, no reason to believe that this letter was written to him. Both the name and residence of Allen's correspondent remain unidentifiable

(2) Concerning Gilbert Gifford, cf. No. 64, note 9 supra. He had been arrested in a brothel in December 1587 (3) Pierre Gondi, Bishop of Paris and Cardinal of San Silvestro. (4) Ragazzoni had been succeeded as Nuncio in Paris by Fabio Mirto Frangipani, Archbishop of Nazareth.

APPENDIX A.

ALLEN'S CARDINALITIAL OATH.

11 August 1587 .

A.V. A.A.Arm. I-XVIII, n 2962. Autograph signature

Forma juramenti quod Presbiter Cardinalis praestat summo Pontifici

Ego Gulielmus Alanus S.R.E. Presbyter Cardinalis promitto, et juro me ab hac hora deinceps quamdiu vixero fidelem , et obedientem Beato Petro, Sanctaeque Apostolicae Romanae Ecclesiae, et Sanctissimo Domino Nostro Sixto Papae Quinto, ejusque successoribus canonice, legitimeque electis, et coronatis futurum : nullum consilium, aut consensum , aut auxilium adversus Pontificiam Majestatem, aut personam praestaturum: consilia mihi ab eis per se , aut per Nuncios, aut per literas credita nemini unquam sciens , prudensque in eorum damnum, vel dedecus enunciaturum; praesto item eis futurum, ut ipsi Papatum Romanum, et Regalia Sancti Petri retineant, defendant, et recuperent, salvo meo ordine adversus omnes, honorem, et statum eorum omni studio, ac totis viribus propugnaturum. Legatos, et Nuntios Sedis Apostolicae benigne in terris, et locis Ecclesiae, monasteriorum, et aliorum beneficiorum mihi commissorum suscepturum, directurum, et defensurum; ipsisque securum iter curaturum, eosdemque in eundo, commorando, et redeundo honorifice tractaturum , ac quibuscunque contra eos aliquid conantibus usque ad sanguinem restiturum : jura, honores, privilegia, et auctoritatem S.R. Ecclesiae, Domini nostri Papae, et successorem praedictorum conservare, augere, et promovere omnibus sensibus invigilaturum: ubi vero contra illa aliquid praejudicij, quod a me impediri nequeat, machinando intentetur , statim atque procurari , vel tractari noverim, eidem Domino nostro Papae, vel successoribus praefatis, aut alteri, per quem possit ad notitiam perveniri , significaturum. Sanctorum Patrum regulas, decreta, et ordinationes, dispensationes, reservationes , provisiones, et mandata Apostolica Et ubicunque Cathedrali, aut Metropolitanae, vel Patriarchali Ecclesiae me praefici contigerit, constitutionem praefati Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Sixti Quinti de visitandis liminibus Apostolorum certis praescriptis temporibus juxta illius

ALLEN'S CARDINALITIAL OATH 301

formam nuper a me perspectam observaturum, et adimpleturum, et ab alijs observari, et adimpleri procuraturum : haereticos, schismaticos, et rebelles eidem Domino Nostro Papae, vel successoribus praedictis omni conatu persecuturum, et impugnaturum, accersitumque ex quacunque causa ad eos profecturum, vel justo impedimento detentum, excusatorem missurum, eisque reverentiam, et obedientiam debitas exhibiturum , possessiones ad mensam Ecclesiae, Monasteriorum , et aliorum beneficiorum mihi commissorum, seu ad illa quomodolibet pertinentes nequaquam venditurum, neque donaturum, neque impignoraturum , neque de novo infeudaturum , neque aliter alienaturum : inconsulto Romano Pontifice, etiam cum consensu Capitulorum , seu Conventuum Ecclesiae, Monasteriorum , vel beneficiorum eorumden: Et tandem Bullam ejusdem Sanctissimi Domini Nostri Sixti Quinti confirmatoriam Bullae foel record Pij Papae Quinti de Civitatibus , et locis S.R.E. non alienandis, vel infeudandis: necnon constitutionem ejusdem Sixti Quinti de Decies centenis millibus nummum aureorum in Arce Sancti Angeli sepositis, juxta illarum tenores dudum a me perlectas, et plene cognitas me ad unguem observaturum esse . Sic me Deus adjuvet, et haec sancta Dei Evangelia.

[In Allen's hand:] Ego Gulielmus Alanus S.R.E. presbyter Cardinalis Angliae nuncupatus juro et promitto etc.

APPENDIX B.

STAFF & STUDENTSAT DOUAY COLLEGE. 3 December 1594

A. V. Nunz. di Fiandra 3 , II, f 363. Contemporary copy Very poor MS .

Nomina Presbyterorum et scholarium qui in praesentia sunt in Seminario Anglorum Duaci 3° Decembris 1594.(1)

1. Richardus Barrettus Presbyter Sacrae Theologiae Doctor et Praeses Seminarii Anglorum.

2. Laurentius Webbus Presbyter utriusque juris Doctor.

3. Gulielmus Giffordus Presbyter Sacrae Theologiae Doctor et Praefectus Studiorum.

4. Eduardus Westonus Presbyter et S.T.D.

5. Jacobus Youngerus Presbyter et S.T.D.

6. Mathaeus Scellinsonius [Kellison] Presbyter et S.T.D.

7. Edmundus Arrosmithus Presbyter et S.T.D.

8. Gulielmus Harrisonus Presbyter et S.T.D.

9. Robertus Tempestus Presbyter et U.J. Licentiatus

302 STAFF & STUDENTS AT DOUAY

10. Mathaeus Brittonus Presbyter et S.T. Bacchalaureus.

11. Robertus Tempestus Presbyter et S.T.B.

12. Edwardus Thwingus Presbyter et S.T.B.

13. Johannes Redmannus Presbyter et S.T.B.

14. Thomas Mangerus Presbyter et S.T.B.

15. Johannes Bradshawus Presbyter.

16. Edmundus Leucknerus Presbyter.

17. Rogerus Lancasterus Presbyter.

18. Richardus Smitheus Presbyter

19. Alexander Marcklandus Presbyter

20. Johannes Chapmannus Presbyter.

21. Gulielmus Slaccus Presbyter

22. Robertus Haukswoorthus Presbyter.

23. Thomas Martinus Presbyter

24. Richardus Taylerus Presbyter

25. Richardus Beesleus Diaconus

26. Edwardus Chapmannus Subdiaconus.

27. Richardus Harrisonus U.J. Bacchalaureus.

28. Rogerus Linus.

29. Richardus Hornerus

30. Robertus Sevellus [?]

31. Robertus Youngerus.

32. Thomas Youngerus.

33. Matthaeus Haius

34. Michael Vodus.

35. Rogerus Stricklandus

36. Thomas Sledalius [?]

37. Georgius Napierus.

38. Franciscus Blinkensoppus.

39. Thomas Hallus.

40. Adamus Aenius [?].

41. Franciscus Clercus.

42. Thomas Jacobus.

43. Marcus Pencevillius.

44. Richardus Mortonus.

45. Marcus Barcherus.

46. Johannes Marleus.

47. Christopher Harisborus [?].

48. Henricus Tunderus [?]

49. Richardus Ebonus [?]

50. Edmundus Canonus.

51. Georgius Conierus.

52. Johannes Vilsonus.

53. Robertus Tempestus

54. Robertus Feldesendius.

55. Johannes Loeus

56. Nicholas Loeus

57. Philippus Middeltonus .

58. Edwardus Sevellus .

59. Johannes Carpenterus [p..2].

60. Gulielmus Numannus.

61. Andreas Vitus

62. Edwardus Huctonus.

63. Humfredus Hidus.

64. Oswaldus Nedamus.

65. Gulielmus Jonsonus

66. Gulielmus Isamus [?]

67. Johannes Smithus

68. Edwardus Smithus.

69. Thomas Franciscus.

70. Stepanus Barneus.

71. Johannes Trimmus

72. Gulielmus Lopus.

73. Gulielmus Semerus .

74. Nicholas Buddus

75. Franciscus Vagannus.

76. Richardus Pentrells [?]

77. Johannes Almanus .

78. Johannes Holbrandus.

79. Jacobus Copeius [?]

80. Johannes Philippus

81. Johannes Citterus [?]

82. Henricus Citterus [?]

84. Thomas Butlerus.

83. Thomas Culterus [?].

85. Alexander Ferdesius [?].

86. Josephus Toddus.

87. Gulielmus Pricius

88. Mathaeus Homeus [?].

89. Petrus Coffinus

90. Edmundus Rimmingtonus . Nomina Servorum.

91. Thomas Loeus

92. Ludovicus Bristolius.

93. Henricus Rimmingtonus

94. Nicholas Frithus.

95. Georgius Garlicus

96. Rolandus.

97. Gulielmus.

98. Dyonisius

99. Adamus

100. Henricus.

STAFF & STUDENTS AT DOUAY

[No endorsement on this document ]

(1) This list was probably sent to Nuncio Malvasia with Barret's letter of the same date, No. 103 supra.

*APPENDIX C.

T. HESKETH TO J. MUSH. 5 January 1602 .

From Persons, Appendix ad Apologiam pro Hierarchia Ecclesiastica, etc. , 1602, pp 111-121 : part of Chapter V , headed: De Manifestissimis inquietorum mendaciis iisque non raro sibi invicem repugnantibus

13. De Illustrissimo Cardinale Alano passim suis in libellis mentiti sunt adeo multa, ut eorum impudentiam admirati fuerint illi omnes, quibus familiarius bonus Cardinalis dum viveret usus fuerat : imo tantam Alani memoriae inferri injuriam non ferentes, scriptis etiam luculenter eam propulsarunt Atque inter alios illustris admodum vir D. Thomas Alanus Cardinalis nepos , ipsi viventi intimus, ac morienti ex testamento haeres, datis ad praecipuum quendam ex his tumultuantibus bene longis literis, accurate contra ipsorum calumnias demonstrat, IllustrissimumAlanum his eorum factionibus fuisse semperinfensissimum, ac Societatis contra Patribus universis, et Personio imprimis per totam vitam, atque in ipsa morte conjunctissimum Quibus ex literis visum est hoc loco aliqua adscribere, cum sit hic Cardinalis nepos hac in causa testis fide dignus, atque omni exceptione major.

14. [In margin : Litera D. Thomae Alani ad Mush. die 5 Januarij 1602].(1) Sic igitur inquit : "Ingenti sane cum animi mei dolore diebus proxime praeteritis perlegi tractatus quosdam, tam Latine quam Anglice conscriptos, quorum contenta me plane reddiderunt obstupefactum, neque adhuc mirari desino, qui fieri potuerit ut Sacerdotes (pro Sacerdotibus enim se venditant) haec talia mundo publicare velint, etiamsi essent verissima, multoque minus, cum luce meridiana clarius constet ea esse quam falsissima. 15. Et quamvis mihi non sit in animo ea omnia quae ibi habentur sigillatim expendere atque examinare; quin potius tam authores, quam libros libet silentio deplorare: atque ex imo corde exopto, ut velut partus immaturi, sepulchri citius tenebras, quam mundi aspexissent lucem, necessitate tamen cogor amice tecum expostulare, etc." Et post pauca.

16. "Verum ut propius accedam ad privatum meum justissimumque exprimendum dolorem, quod nimirum cernam existimationi atque honori faelic mem Cardinalis avunculi , tam foedam

inuri notam, tua imprimis Musheemihi conveniendaestconscientia, an haec vera sint quae de ipso feruntur, cum non diu ante ipsius obitum, his ipsis de rebus verba eum facientem audieris

17. Profecto quando ea quae ibi habentur cum eis compono, quae mihi sunt certissima atque exploratissima, quippe cui de his ipsis aliisque rebus solebat quotidie Cardinalis optimus ipsa sui pectoris arcana fidentissime familiariterque depromere, atque explicare; haud faciledixerim an in majorem rapiar admirationem, vel contra falsissimas has calumnias, nominimemoriaeque Cardinalis maxime injurias justissimam indignationem.

18. [In Margin: JudiciumAlani de D. Blacuello]. Ut enim praetermittam modo Reverendissimum D. Blacuellum nostrum Archipresbyterum (contra quem quod sciam nihil objiciunt a Cardinale dictum) hoc solum dicam, mihi certissime constarede nullo eorum, qui per tot annosin Anglicana messe fideliter laborarunt, meliorem quam de ipso Cardinalem concepisse sententiam, utpote cujus probe noverat probatam virtutem, doctrinam, experientiam diuturnam, gravitatem, maturitatem, aliasque multas ac praeclaras animidotesilli a Dominoconcessas; adeo ut aliquando bene memini mihi dixisse serio Cardinalem, se in animo habuisse , ipsum ex Anglia evocatum praeficere Collegio Duaceno: proque indubitato habeo, quod si vivente Cardinale deliberatum fuisset de Superiore aliquo sacerdotibus in Anglia universis constituendo, neminem prius quam D. Blacuellum ipsum fuisse electurum; quod idem persuasumhabeo aliorum omnium hac de re recte citraque animi perturbationem sententium commune esse judicium

19. Caeterum ut hoc missum faciam, adque illud accedam quo gravissime laeserunt libellantes isti Cardinalis existimationem , de ipsius nimirum in Societatem universam, quosdamque specialiter Societatis Patres sensu atque affectu. Certe qui consideraverit attente publica ipsius scripta, actionesque sincerissimas , videre etiam potuerit privatas inter eos literas ultro citroque datas atque acceptas, is dubitare nulla ratione poterit quantopere Cardinalis opt tam Societatem universam, quam peculiariter Reverendum Patrem Personium adamaverit, coluerit, atque amantissime verae amicitiae vinculo ad supremum usque halitum complexus sit" . [In margin : Alani affectus in Societatem et P. Personium].

20. Cumque facta nonnulla digressione inquietorum taxasset malevolentiam quod tam contra charitatem, tam ingrate, tamque parum Christiane in Personium invecti fuissent, cujus etiam in eos omnesac singulos, patriamque universam, publica quaedam privataque benefacta commemorat, prosequitur in haec verba:

21. "Sed ut ad publica revertar Cardinalis scripta, quibus hunc suum in Societatem affectum animique sensum testatum reliquit (unum tantum locum atque alterum inter alios prope innumeros

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tibi ad memoriam revocabo) quae propria Cardinalis exarata sunt manu, divina plane (ut opinor) providentia atque consilio, quo haec ipsius verba , quasi marmoreae cuidam insculpta columnae, perpetuum quoddam posteritati omni extarent monumentum ipsius in Societate observantiae, ac desiderij, ut ejusdem Societatis Patres se conjungerent Seminariorum Sacerdotibus in excolenda messe Anglicana

22. Loca autem ipsa videre poteris in Apologia(2) capite sexto, et de schismate Anglicano(a Cardinale multis ut nosti locis locupletato) libro primo pagin. 203 et libro 3 pag 433, et quod ibi scripsit , hoc ipsum ad mortem usque in ipsis retinuit insculptum praecordijs, spem suam omnem ac fiduciamde patria nostra miserrima ad fidem Ecclesiamque restituenda in his Patrum cum presbyteris domi forisque conjunctis laboribus , tanquam in firmissimo quodam fundamento collocans atque reponens.

23. Quae cum ita se habeant, mirari satis nequeo qua fronte isti in libello suo Latineedito haec verba proferant, Conqueri (inquiunt) multoties ac dicere solebat Cardinalis, Patres Jesuitas et in messe Anglicana laborando, et in gubernando Collegium nostrum, magis quae Societatis suae interessent quaerere, quam aut alumnorum pacem, aut Ecclesiae nostrae afflictae commodum" . [In margin : Declaratio motuum, etc.]

24. Quorum verborum, aliorumque similium ubi ostendissetvanitatem, commemorato insuper qua ratione Cardinalis optimus huic ipsi Musheo in Angliam discedenti dederit in mandatis, ut vires omnes ac nervos intenderet, quo pestifera haec Sacerdotum saecularium adversus Patres aemulatio radicitus extirparetur ; (3) devenit tandem ad praecipuam quandam inquietorum objectionem, qua probare nituntur Cardinalem demum in ipsorum propendisse factionem, eo quodipsi aliquando injecta fuerat cogitatio de sororis suae filia Thomae Throgmortono adversae factionis homini in matrimonium danda; quas perversas hujus sui consilij hominum interpretationes affirmat avunculum suum Cardinalem egerrime tulisse (4)

25. "Quasi vero (inquit Cardinalis) ita esse possem imprudens, ineptus, inconstans, ut amicis antiquis fidelissimis, integerrimis, a quibus non ipse modo, sed communis Catholicorum causa adeo insignia percepit commoda, et quibuscum nationis Anglicanae viri omnes praecipui sunt arctissime conjuncti , velim nunc tandem nuncium remittere, ut pauculos quosdam consecter inquietos, contentiosos atque inter se dissectos, quos etiam probe novi contra me ipsum fuisse jam diu nequiter confoederatos" . Pluraque addit in hanc rem non sine bili ac stomacho a Cardinale dicta. Narrat etiam quantum timuerit providentissimus Cardinalis, ipsique praedixerit de periculoso, lubrico, ruinaeque proximo inquietorum statu.

26. Et post multa, haec habet, ut Cardinalis ostendatjudiciumde Collegiorum Anglicanorum sub Patribus gubernio : "Hac (inquit) de re satis aperte suam ostendit animi sententiam, tunc cum paulo ante obitum jam jam sanctissimam animam efflaturus, Collegij Anglorum de Urbe alumnos omnes ad se vocatos magna spiritus vehementiaest adhortatus, rogavitque si vellent ultimae suae benedictionis fieri participes, ut Societatis Patribus suis superioribus essent obsequentissimi, seque ipsis unirent arctissime , quod ni feceritis inquit (profusis affatim lachrymis) sciatis vos non modo vosmetipsos, sed causam etiam communem Catholicam quantum in vobis est perditum ituros. Atque haec de illis [In margin : Alani morientis ad alumnos exhortatio ]

27. Tandem accedit bonus Cardinalis nepos ad aperiendum Avunculi sui in Reverendum Patrem Personium animi sensum atque affectum, quem occasione quadam gravissima ipsi testatus est, paulo ante mortem. Rem ipsam refert hunc in modum. "Finem (inquit) imponam narratione quadam, ex qua patefiet quantum Cardinalis in Domino dilexerit, coluerit, atque in pretio habuerit Reverendum admodum Patrem Personium, cujus famae atque existimationi ita perfide falsissimis confictis calumniis detrahere conantur hi libellantes, ut ita ipsi animum zelumque diminuant, atque a tam piis ac industriis pro patriae communi promovendo bono conatibus retardent: verum, uti spero, Deus illum corroborabitSpiritu fortitudinis, ne tam inanibus malignorum spirituum latratibus quidquam remittatde pristinis suis, tamque Angliae salutaribus laboribus.

28. Cum itaque Cardinalis e postrema sua decumberetinfirmitate, qua etiam paulo post excessit ex hac vita, ubi me semotis arbitris solum ad se vocasset , silentio aliquantisper internum animi comprimens dolorem, tandem in haec verba prorupit: Clarissime jam video tempus illud advenisse , quo statuit divina bonitas me ex hac misera vita ad caelestem , uti spero patriam quamprimum evocare , atqueex novissimis quas ex Hispania accepi literis intellexi , P. etiam Personium gravissimo, non sine praesenti mortis periculo, morbo laborare; quem si hoc etiam tempore contigerit mori, mente plane cerno, ea omnia quae hucusque per tot annos conjunctis animis atque operis pro fide in Anglia restauranda a nobis sunt praestita, summum indiscrimen adduci, vereorque ne funditus pereant, inque nihilum recidant

29. Haec ita locutus est Cardinalis optimus, quantocum veritatis fundamento omnia optime norat ipse, nobisque ex parte conjectare non est difficile Benedictus Deus qui pro sua infinita sapientia, paternaque in nos providentia aliter disposuit, etc." Haec omnia aliaque plura ea in Epistola percensetD. Alanus Cardinalis nepos, quibus se sperare inquit aliqua ratione fecisse satis conscientiae

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erga Deum, officioin avunculum, obligationi ex justitia erga Societatem atque amicitiae veteri in ipsum Musheum,(5) amorique in ceteros consacerdotesomnes, quibus optat haec ipsa communicari , ne falsis quibuscunque rumoribus in errorem inducantur : eosque demum piissimis hortatur verbis, ut satis tempore serio secum dispiciant , quid ab his eorum contentionibus expectareliceat, quos fructus domi forisque jam produxerint , aut in posterum producturi sint, quid viri omnes probi, prudentesque de harum turbarum authoribus censeant, qualenam posteritati sint relicturi post se nomen, qualemque ipse propediem Deus opt. max se diribitorem praebiturus sit, ni quamprimum paeniteant atque ab hac sua insania furoreque desistant etc.

30. Hactenus Cardinalis nepos

[Translation :]

13. Here and there in their books there are so many lies about the most illustrious Cardinal Allen that those with whom the Cardinal was on more intimate terms of friendship, have been astounded at their impudence: more than this, not tolerating so great an injury to Allen's memory, they have also in excellent fashion repelled it. And amongst others is Fr. Thomas Allen [Hesketh], the Cardinal's nephew, a man of great distinction , intimate with him whilst he was alive and his heir according tothe will made when the Cardinal was dying In a letter against their calumny to one of the agitators, he has correctly shown that the most illustrious Allen was ever most hostile to their factions, and on the other hand was most united with the Fathers of the Society, and particularly so with Persons , throughout his life and at the very hour of his death It has seemed, therefore, good to quote from this letter, seeing that, as the Cardinal's nephew, he is a witness worthy of credence in this matter and one to whom no exception can be taken .

14. [In margin : Letter of Fr. Thomas Allen [Hesketh] to Mush, 5 January 1602].(1) He thus reports: "With great sorrow ofmind , indeed, I have read through certain books, both in Latin and in English, the contents of which have left me astounded; nor doI cease to wonder how it could be that priests (for so they give themselves out to be) should wish to make known to the world such matters , even were they most true, much less when it is clear as the noon-day sun that they are most false.

15. And though I have not in mind to consider and examine all the contents in detail, nay, from the bottom of my heart do I desire in silence to lament over the authors, and deplore the books

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as immature births, which should be confined to the darkness of the tomb rather than see the light of day, yet must I of necessity expostulate with you in a friendly spirit" . And shortly after he continues:

16. "Yet to come nowto express my private and most just grief, in that I see the repute and honour of my uncle, the Cardinalof happy memory, has received such a loathsome affront, I must appeal above all to your own conscience , Mush, whether what is asserted about him is true, once you have heard the Cardinal's own words shortly before his death.

17. The good Cardinalwas wont daily to reveal to me in a most trustful and familiar manner, his innermost thoughts on these and other matters . And, indeed, when I compare the statementsthere [in these books], with those with which I am fully acquainted and which are most true, I cannot easily say whether my surprise is greater than my very just indignation at the most false calumnies against the Cardinal's memory.

18. [In margin : Allen's judgement about Fr. Blackwell .] Passing over the very Reverend Fr. Blackwell , our Archpriest (against whom, so far as I know, they object nothing to have been said by the Cardinal)this alone do Isay, that I am most certain that ofnone of those, who for so many years have laboured faithfully in the English harvest, had the Cardinal a higher opinion than of him; for he knew well his tried virtue , his learning, his daily experience, his gravity and maturity, and many other excellent qualities bestowed on him by God. So much, indeed, was this so , that I remember the Cardinal once seriously said to me, that he had it in mind to recall him from England to take charge of the College at Douay; and I have no doubt that had there been deliberated during the Cardinal's life-time, the question of placing a superior over all the priests in England, he would have selected no one beforeFr. Blackwell; and I am convinced that this was the common judgement of all on this matter, save of those who were mentally disturbed.

19. But to pass over this and come to that by which the libellers have done a grievous injury to the good repute of the Cardinal , concerning his esteem and affection for the whole Society, and for certain Fathers in particular . Certainly, he who has considered attentively his published writings , the very great sincerity of his conduct, and could see the private letters interchanged among them, can have no doubt how greatly the excellent Cardinalwas devoted to the Society, what particular regard and esteem he had for the Reverend Fr. Persons, and how he was bound to him most affectionately by the bond of true friendship to his last breath" . [In margin : Allen's affection for the Society and for Fr. Persons ]

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20. And then, after a digression in which he touched sharply on the malevolenceofthe unquiet in inveighing in a manner so contrary to charity, so ungrateful , and so little in accord with Christian principles, against Persons, whose public and private benefits he calls tomind, conferred on each and every one ofthem and on the whole country, he continues in these words:

21. "But to return to the publicwritingsofthe Cardinal, in which he has left a testimony of his esteem and affection for the Society, amongst almost innumerable passages I shall recall but one or two , which were written in the Cardinal's own hand, and clearly, as I think, led by divine providence and counsel, so that these words of his, engraved as it were on a marble column, might be some perpetual monument to posterity of his devotion to the Society, and of his desire that the Fathers of the same Society might join with the Seminary priests in cultivating the English harvest.

22. Thesepassages you can see, namely, in the Apology,(2) chapter six, and in the Anglican Schism (enlarged in many places, as you know, by the Cardinal) book I, page 203 , and book III, p. 433 . And what he wrote there he kept engraved on his heart even to his death, laying and placing, as on a most solid foundation, all his hope and confidence of restoring our most unhappy countryto the Church, in the labours of the Fathers at home and abroad, in union with the priests [of the Seminaries].

23. This being so I cannot sufficiently be astounded with what face they write these words in the little Latin book theypublished. 'The Cardinal' , they say, 'was wont to complain and say on many occasions, that the Fathers of the Society, in their labours in the English harvest and in their government of our College, seek what is to the advantage of the Society, rather than the peace of the students and the good of our afflicted Church' . " [In margin: Declaratio Motuum, etc.]

24. After showing the inanityof such words and others of similar import, and having brought to mind how the excellent Cardinal had enjoined on Mush himself, on his departure for England, to apply all his resources to root out this pestiferous emulation of priests against the Fathers, (3) he comes at length to the principal objection of the unruly, by which they strive to prove that the Cardinalfinally favoured theirfaction, because at one time hehad thought of giving his sister's daughter in marriage to Thomas Throgmorton of this opposing faction: and he affirms that his uncle showed great disgust at this perverse interpretation of his intention.(4)

25. "As if, said the Cardinal , I could possibly be so imprudent, inept and inconstant as to renounce old, most faithful and sincere friends, from whom not only I myself, but the whole Catholic

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cause , have received such benefits, and with whom all the outstanding men of our English nation are most united, in order to follow some unrulypersons, fewinnumber, contentiousand divided among themselves, whom I am well aware have wickedlyconspired together against myself" . He adds many other words regarding this point, whichthe Cardinaluttered, not without indignation and chagrin He also narrates how much the Cardinal, in his great foresight, feared and foretold the perilous and hazardous state of these agitators, making their own ruin imminent .

26. After many other passages, he says this to demonstrate the opinion of the Cardinal as regards the government of the College under the Fathers: "Thefollowing incident" , he says, "shows his mind about this matter sufficiently clearly. A short time before his death, when about to breathe forth his saintly soul, having called the students of the College to him, he exhorted them with great vehemence of spirit, and demanded that if they wished to participate in his last blessing, they should be most obedienttotheir superiors, the Fathers of the Society, and unite themselvestothem most closely; for if you do not do so, he said, with tears flowing from his eyes , you must know that you place in jeopardy not only yourselves, but, so far as in you lies, the whole Catholic cause as well" . So much, then, as regards the students [In margin : From the exhortation of the dying Allen to the students.]

27. At length the good nephew of the Cardinalcomes to the part where he shows the esteem and affection for the Reverend Fr. Persons of his uncle, who gave testimony of it on a very grave occasion a little before his death. He reports the incident in this manner: "I shall end" , he says, "by relating a matter, from which it is clear how much he loved, honoured and valued this very Reverend Fr. Persons, whose repute and esteem these libellers endeavour to diminish perfidiously by invented and most false calumnies, that they may break his spirit and zeal, and check his pious and industrious attempts to promote the common good of his country But, as I hope, God will strengthen him with His spirit of fortitude, in order that, on account of the vain railing of malicious minds, he may not lessen in any way his former so salutary labours for England.

28. When, therefore, the Cardinal was on his death bed, on which a little later he departed this life, having dismissed the bystanders, he called me alone to him, and mastering for a little while his inward grief of soul in silence, he at length broke forth in these words: 'Most clearly doI realise that the time has come when the Divine goodness has decreedto call me very soon from this miserable life to, as I hope, the kingdom of heaven; and from the last letters I have received from Spain, I have learnt that Fr. Persons

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also is very seriously ill, and in imminent danger of death Should he also happen to die at this time, I clearly see that all we have done up to nowforsomany years, with unitedminds and combined labours, for the restoration of the faith in England, will be in the greatestjeopardy and I fear, may be completely undone and come to naught ' .

29. So spoke the excellent Cardinal, with what a strong foundation of truth he himself knew well, for he had full knowledge of these matters, and we on our part can conjecture without difficulty. The good God in His infinite wisdom and fatherly providence over us disposed matters otherwise, etc." All this and much more does Fr. Allen [Hesketh], nephew of the Cardinal , relate in that letter, by which, he says, he hopes in some way to havegiven due regard to his conscience before God, to his love for his uncle, to his obligation of justice to the Society, to his old friendshipfor Mush himself,(5) and to his affection for hisfellow priests To them he hopes that Mushwill communicate all this, lest they be led into error by certain false rumours Finally heexhorts them, in very pious words, betimes to ponder seriously within themselves , what may be the outcome ofthese contentions, whichat home and abroad they have already aroused ormay arouse in the future, what allmen ofprobity and prudence may think of the authors of these broils, what repute ofthemselves they will leave to posterity, and what judgement God Himself will soon pass on them unless they repent and desistfrom this folly and fury, etc.

30. Thus far the Cardinal's nephew . . .

(1) Concerning Thomas Hesketh, alias Allen, cf. Note 2 to No. 86 supra. The occasionfor writing this letter, of which the original is now lost, was the impending second mission of the Appellant priests to Rome against Blackwell Its four members , of whom John Mush was one , arrived in the middle of February 1602. Hesketh was protesting against various assertions made about Cardinal Allen in Appellant books, which had appeared in England during 1601 , and which were answered by Persons , A Briefe Apologie and Appendix ad Apologiam The marginal numbers are given as in the text of Chapter V of the latter work Only the portion relating to Hesketh's letter appears here. (2) An Apologie and True Declaration of the Institution ... of the two English Colleges, 1581

(3) Cf. Allen to Mush [Rome], 16 March 1594, Knox, Allen, pp 356-8; also C.R.S. 51 , p 174, notes 1 & 2. (4) Dr. Worthington had been commissioned by Allen in 1594 to assure Stanley, Holt, Hugh Owen and others in Flanders, not to fear that the marriage proposed, which Allen himself did not desire, would changehim in their regard (Cf. Worthington to Hesketh, Douay, 18 December 1601 , Knox, Allen, pp 396-7; also Persons, A Briefe Apologie, pp 29-30). The marriage did not, in fact, take place Thomas Throgmorton (or Throckmorton), brother of Francis Throgmorton who had been executed in 1584, had lived for many years in Flanders, and was a close associate of Paget and Morgan (cf. L. Hicks, S.J., An Elizabethan Problem, 1964) Shortly after Allen's death he went to Rome, arriving 9 December 1594 (Foley,

HESKETH TO MUSH 313

Records VI, p 567), where he took part in the intrigues and disturbances designed to have the Bishop of Cassano advanced to Allen's powers and position (Cf. C.R.S. 2, p 207; Cresswellto Vincent Zelander [22 September 1595], P.R.O. 31/9/111; also Gifford and Paget's lettersto him, May& June 1595, Cal S.P.D. 1595-7 , and C.R.S. 51 , p 265, note 7; also Note 1 to No. 104 supra) Throgmorton died 16 October 1595, two days after Lewis (5) Mush had been in Rome from 30 August 1593 until early March 1594 (cf. C.R.S. 51 , p 174, notes 1 & 2)

INDEX

Heavy type numbers indicate entries with biographical information

More than one entry to a page is not noted.

Adam, a servant, 303

Aenius, Adam, 302

Agazzari , Alphonsus, S.J.:

Letters to, see Chronological Index; referredto, xvii, xix, 22, 25, 34, 48, 62, 64, 127, 143, 165, 171 , 175, 203, 252, 255, 257 , 270; other lettersto or frommentioned, xxv, 20, 24, 30, 33, 44, 85, 111, 134, 172, 201

Aldobrandino , Pietro, Cardinal, 182 , 244-5, 274

Aldred, Solomon, 21 , 38 , 40, 41 , 111 , 165

Alencon , Francois de Valois, duc d' (afterwardsduc d' Anjou) 148

Alexandrino , Cardinal(MicheleBonelli), 152, 154,157 , 161

Alfield, Robert, 152, 155, 156, 167 , 169

Alfield, Bl Thomes , 45, 49, 167, 169 , 172

Aliot, 90-1

Allen, Gabriel, 82, 84

Allen, William , Cardinal:

Letter and Memorials of, see Chronological Index; Biographical, xv- viii, 36 (indicted by grand jury), 244 (death of) ; interventionpolitics, xvxvii, xxv, 50, 186, 195-6, 203-4 , 223-5,227-9,237,240,275-83 ; summary of exiles' reasons for advocatinginterventionin England, 278, 282; invasionscheme, 284-92; Allen's relations with Spain, see under Philip II.

As President of Douay or Rheims, xvxvii, 6-10, 15-6, 46-7, 71 , 157, 161 , 241-3, 245-6, 283, 292-6; plans made during his illness concerning the Presidency, 168-75; College finances, see under Douay and Rheims ; disciplinary matters , see under Colleges, general ; question of church attendance in England, 30-2, 49, 75, 79, 231-2; disapprovalof doctorates obtained byimproper methods , 58, 71 , 143-6 , 158-9, 163; illness in 1585, xvii, 166-80; plans for and journeys to Rome, xvivii, xxv, 15-6, 20, 22, 58, 151 , 154, 156, 165, 175-9, 181-6

As Cardinal and English Catholic leader, xviixx, 178 , 185-6 (failure to be nominated), 192-4, 197, 201-4 208-9, 216-7, 222-9, 234, 247, 300-1

(oath); projected journey to Flanders and Archbishopric ofMalines, 207-9, 224-5 , 227-9, 240; and " peace movements " with England and marriage of Arabella Stuart, Relations209-16,230,235-40 with the Jesuits , see under Jesuits; with Persons, see under Persons

Often mentionedin Barret'sletters up to 1590, see Chronological Index; other references, 49, 71 , 75, 79 , 121 , 126, 138-9, 148 , 165, 252, 256, 258 , 265, 270; other letters of, mentioned, 44, 58, 127, 134 , 138-9, 143 , 165, 270

Hesketh's defence of, 1602 , 304-12

Alman, John , 303

Antonio, Don, ofPortugal, 236 , 238

Appellants , xxi, 70-1 166, 201, 273-4, 304-12

Aquaviva , Claudius, S.J. General of the Jesuits: Allen's letters to,Nos 32, 39 , 49, 55, 56, 60; otherwise referred to, 26, 30-1, 37 , 71, 85, 87, 101-2, 120-3 , 127-9, 136, 138-9, 147-8, 153 , 155-6 158, 160, 163, 176, 178, 202, 251, 253, 255-6; otherletters to orfrom , mentioned , 43, 58, 84, 233, 244, 265

Arden, Edward, 60, 61 (plot), 72 , 76, 80

Arden , John, 229, 230, 231 , 235, 240

Arden, Robert, S.J., 229 , 230

Arrowsmith, Dr. Edmond, 60, 62, 301

Arundell, Sir Charles, 26-7

Arundel, Bl Philip Howard , Earl of, 74 , 79, 80, 111 , 157 , 161 , 165-6

Austria, Don Juan de, 284, 291

Avilenus , Mr., 217-8

Babington plot 88

Bagshaw, Dr. Christopher: Biographical, 57, 172; cipher sign9 identified, 104; and factions, xix, 60; at Rheims , 54, 55, 143; troublesomein Rome, 61, 66, 68 , 70, 81-2, 86-7, 103-4, 106-10, 112-3, 115, 136-7; dismissed from college, 70, 134-5; doctorate , 143-6, 158-9 , 163, 165; capturedin England, 168 , 170, 172

Bailey, Dr. Thomas : Allen's letterto, No. 79; biographical 19 , 119; visit to Rome, 116 , 118 , 120-9, 135 , 146-9, 157 , 161 , 168 , 170, 173, 175; left in charge at Rhiems , xixxx, 252; other mentions, 12, 15-6, 179 , 181 , 276, 280 , 283

Baldwin, William, (alias Octavius), S.J. , 55-6 , 58

Ballard, John, 88

Bancroft, Dr. Richard, later Archbishop of Canterbury, 71, 233

Banishment, of priests, see under Legal Proceedings

Barcroft, Thomas , 81 , 83 , 84

Barker, Mark, 302

Barker, William , 187-8 , 189

Barnes, Stephen, priest, 139-40

Barnes, Stephen, student , 303

Barnes, Thomas, 213-4, 215-6

Baronius, Caesar, Cardinal, 255

Barret, Dr. Richard: Letters of, see Chronological Index

Biographical, xviiixxii, 21 , 194 , 252; doctorate, xix, xxv; Prefect of studies at Rheims , xvii, xix,first letter as, No. 25, last, No. 77; disciplinary problems, and quality of students , see under Colleges, general; ill-health, 51-3, 56-7; opinion of plans during Allen's illness concerning the Presidency , 172-5

President of Rheims and Douay, xxxxii, xxv, 252, 301 , letters as , Nos 83-4, 103-114; financial difficulties of the College, xx, xxii, and see under Rheims and Douay; efforts to settle troubles in English College, Rome, 250-6, 259 , 261-2, 266-70; other mentions, 18 , 21-4, 34, 134 , 156, 160, 164, 171

Barrowes, Robert(aliasWaldgrave), 244

Bartoli, Daniello, S.J., xxiii, xxvi

Bassett, Charles , 135, 137, 138 , 146-7 , 165

Bates, Reginald, 267 , 269 , 270

Baynes, (or Baines), Roger, 255 , 256

Beesley, Richard, 302

Bell, Henry, S.J., 187, 189 , 190

Bell, Thomas , 231-2, 233

Bellarmine , St. Robert, S.J., 197

Bennett, Edward, 255, 256, 267, 269-70

Bennett, John (brother of Edward), 270

Bennett, John, S.J., 113 , 115, 116, 184

Berden, Nicholas(alias ThomasRogers), 156 , 186

Bernard, Dr. Richard , 15 , 20

Birkhead(or Birket), George, afterwards Archpriest , 56, 58-9

Bishop, James, 181 , 182

Bishop, Dr. William, afterwards Bishop ofChalcedon , 67, 69 , 70, 89, 91-2, 139, 141, 179, 181-2, 273-4

Blackwell, George, Archpriest , xx, xxi, 59 , 71 , 274, 305, 309

Blinkensop, Francis, 302 " Bloody Questions , " see under Legal Proceedings

Blunt, Richard, S.J., 81, 83, 84, 233

Body, Bl John, 59 , 61 , 94 , 98

Bolland , James, 81 , 83, 85

Boncompagno, Filippo, Cardinal Protector, 30-1, 58, 136, 138 , 151 , 153 , 157 , 161

Books, contemporary:

Allen , W: An Apologie and true declaration of the institution ... of the two Englishcolleges ... (1581), 30, 306, 310, 312; A briefe historie of the glorious martyrdom of xii reverend priests (1582), 22, 25, 80, 99; A true, sincere and modest defence of English Catholiques .. (1584 ), 80

Anon [not John Mush]: Declaratio Motuum (1601 ), 306, 310

Burghley , Lord: Executionof Justice in England (1583-4), 99

[Compilation from various sources]: Concertatio Ecclesiae Anglicanae (many editions), 44, 99

Fitzherbert, N: De Alani Cardinalis Vitae Libellus(1608), xxi

Garnet, H: A Treatise of Christian renunciation (1593), 31

Martin , G: A Treatise of schisme (1578 ), 80

Munday, A: English Romaine Life (1582), 44

Persons, R: Appendixad Apologiam pro Hierarchia Ecclesiastica (1602 ), 304-8; A Briefe Apologie (1601 ), 12, 101 , 201-4, 212, 247, 250, 252, 258, 271, 273-4, 312

Sander, N: De Schismate Anglicano (1585 ed ), 134, (1586 ed ), 25, 306, 310

Worthington, T: A Relatione of sixtene martyrs (1601 ), 4, 192

Borghese, Camillo, Cardinal, 255 , 270

Borgia , St. Francis, 4

Borromeo , St. Charles , 32, 121

Bosgrave, James, S.J. , 134, 139-40

Bourbon , Marguerite de, Duchess of Nevers , 222

Bradshaw , John, 302

Briant, Bl. Alexander, S.J., 25, 38

Bridgewater , John, 10

Brinkley, Stephen, 159, 164

Bristol, Lewis, 303

Bristow, Dr. Richard, 11-2, 14-5, 17 , 19 , 53, 284

Britton, (or Bretton), Dr. Matthew, 187, 189, 190, 302

Brokesby, William 47, 50

Brushford , John, 158, 162, 165

Buckland , Ralph, 187, 189, 190

Buckston (or Buxton), Bl Christopher, 81 , 83, 85

Budd, Nicholas, 303

Burnford , Gilbert, 276, 280, 283

Butler, Thomas, 303

Button, Richard, 260, 263 , 265

Caddy, Lawrence , 36 (cipher sign 2), 43 , 44

Caetani, Henrico, CardinalProtector: Barret's letters to, Nos 83-4 , 105 , 113-4; appointed Protector of England, 197; Legate in France , 196-9; resumed Allen's powers over the English mission, 247; and English College , Rome, xxi, 251-2, 255, 267, 269; other mentions, 192 , 256-7, 259-60, 262-3, 274-5

Campion , Bl Edmund, S.J., 22, 25,27-8, 29, 30, 33, 35-8, 44, 80, 93, 96, 113 , 115-6, 138, 294, 297

Canon, Edmund, 302

Capel, Giles, 276, 280, 283

Capella, Max a, S.J., 7-8

Carpenter, John, 303

Carter, Ven. William , 73, 77, 80

Cecil, John (alias Snowden), 70-1; at Rheims , 67, 69, 81-2 ; doctorate question, 71 , 146, 158-9, 163 ; other mentions , 58, 122 , 124 , 192

Cecil, Sir Robert, afterwards 1st Earlof Salisbury , 230

Cecil, Sir William , 1st Baron Burghley, 71 , 99, 230

Chambers, Dr. Robert, 261 , 264 , 265 , 266-9

Champney, Anthony, 58

Chapman, Edward, 302

Chapman, John, 302

Charnock, Robert, 273 , 274

Chauncey, Dr. Maurice, 12

Chisholme , William, formerly Bishop of Dumblane , 202 , 204

Church attendance, question of, 30-2 ,49, 75 , 79, 231-2; see also Elizabeth , Queen, Legal Proceedings and Persecution

Cipher Signs: Identification noted: Bagshaw, 104 Caddy , 36 9 . Ω W. Gifford , 54, 57

Persons, 67, 69, 71

Uninterpreted, various, 67, 70, 81 ,84 , 167 , 170, 172

Citter, Henry, 303

Citter, John, 303

Clement VIII, Pope, 201, 216-7 , 220 , 240, 248-51, 253-7, 259-60, 262-3, 266, 268

Clement ,159 , 164

Clerk, Francis , 302

Clynnog , Dr. Morys, 10 , 12 , 14 , 17 , 20, 291

Cobham, Sir Henry, 49, 293

Coffin, Edward, 159, 164

Coffin , Peter, 303

Colleges, general : Quality of students, xix, 39-42; disciplinary problems , xix, xxi-ii, xxv, 42 , 46-7, 54, 57-8 (certain Oxford M.A.s), 67, 69, 81 , 83 , 112-3, 115, 144-5, 167 , 170, 179 , 181-2, 250-3, 269-70, see also Bagshaw, E. Bennett, J. Cecil Refer also to Douay, Rheims , Rome, Spain, St. Doctorates Omers and

Colleton, John, 134, 139-40

Colonna, Marc' Antonio, 291

Como, PtolomeoGalli, Cardinalof, Allen's letters to, Nos 9, 52; other mentions, xvi, 4, 15-6, 18, 27, 30-1, 122-6, 128-9, 134, 136-7, 139, 148-9 , 151 , 153 , 165, 290-6

Constable, Henry, 272, 273

Conyers, George, 302

Conyers, Samuel, 139 , 141

Cope, James, 303

Cornelius, Bl John, S.J., 56, 58, 107-8

Cottam, Bl Thomas , S.J. , 19 , 22, 25, 297

Couling(or Cowling), Richard, S.J., 71 , 115, 191 , 192, 252, 261 , 264, 265

Couling, , 112 , 114

Covert, Thomas, 33, 116-8, 128, 130 , 144-5, 152 , 155, 160, 164, 178-81, 258

Craddock , Richard, 44

Cresswell, Joseph, S.J., 60, 62, 203, 216-9, 220, 233, 251 , 255, 270, 313

Crichton, William , S.J., 112, 114-5

Culter, Thomas, 303

Cumberland , George Clifford , 3rd Earl of, 74, 79

Dacres, Anne, 111

Dacres, Edward, 286 , 289

Dandino, Mgr. Anselmo, Nuntio in France, 292-7

Darbyshire , Thomas, S.J., 20, 49

Darrell, Walter, 298

Deane, Bl. William, 139 , 141

Diconson (or Dickenson), Bl. Roger, 128 140, 142

Doche, -, 168, 171

Doctorates , xix, xxii, xxv, 20-1 , 41, 102-4, 111-2, 114 , 252, 265; improper methods ofobtaining, 58, 71 , 143-6, 158-9, 163, 165; see also under Bagshaw, J. Cecil and Stafferton Dodd, Charles, vere Hugh Tootell, xxiiii, 11 , 12 , 19-22

Douay, EnglishCollegeat: Foundation and modeoflife at,xv-vi, 8-10, 12; Financial difficulties, xvi-vii, xx-xxii, 1-6, 26-7, 29, 30, 253, 260, 263-4, 266, 268, 272-3, 275; troubles at, xx, 60, see also Colleges, general, disciplinary problems ; return to Douay 1593, and after, 241-4, 247-8, 251, 254, 260-1 , 263-4; list of Staff and Students in 1594, 301-4; see also Rheims, English College

Dudley, Richard, 55, 58

Dyonisius , a servant, 303

Ebon(?), Richard, 302

Edward, Richard, 39 , 41

Elizabeth, Queen: Bull of excommunication , xvi, 73-4, 94, 97, 277, 281, 283-4, 286-7, 289; royal supremacy, 16, 66-8, 73-4 , 77-8, 99; Arden and Somerville plots, 61 , 72-3, 75-7; Parry plot, 144-6; marriageofArabella Stuart, 209-11,213, 215-6 ; “ peace movements," 230, 236-40; referred to, xv, 16, 26-7, 31, 37, 48-9, 60, 66 , 68 , 82, 84, 95, 98, 128, 140, 142 , 157, 161-2, 203, 292-3, 299

Ely, Dr. Humphrey, 36-7, 67 , 69 , 71, 106-7, 113, 115, 179, 181

Emerson, Ralph, S.J., 102, 113 , 115 , 116

Englefield, Sir Francis, xvi, 10, 12 , 255 , 284-91 (memorial of),298

Ernest, Archduke of Austria, Governor of the Netherlands , 204, 235 , 238 , 240-1

Essex, Robert Devereux , 2nd Earl of, 58

Factions : Welsh against English, xvi, xix, xxv , 19 , 21-2, 38; against Allen's leadership, 8-10, 12, 46-7 , 60-1, 201-4 , 250; see also Flanders, troublemakers in, W. Holt and Rome, English College

Faculties, granted or asked for, xvi, xxiv, 28, 36, 38 , 216-7, 245-9, 294

Farnese, Alessandro , Cardinal, 192

Feldesendius, Robert, 302

Fenn, Bl. James, 70, 89, 91-2

Fenn, Robert, 90, 92

Ferdesius (?), Alexander, 303

Feria, Jane (Dormer) Duchess of, 12, 233, 234, 298

Fioravante , Jerome, S.J., 251 , 252

Fisher, Robert, 58, 252, 271

Fitzherbert , Nicholas,xxi,xxv

Fitzherbert, Thomas, 201

Fitzherberts , the two, 159, 164

Fitzsimon , Leonard, 16. 20

Fixer, John (alias ThomasWilson), 55 , 58, 70-1

Flanders, trouble-makers in, xx, 33, 201-4, 234, 247, 250, 255-60, 262-3, 265, 271-3; see alsoFactions

Foster, Mr., 11

Foster, Seth, 56, 60 , 67, 70, 107, 108, 112-4

Fowler, Francis, 267, 269 ,270

Fowler, John , 270

Francis , Thomas, 303

Frangipani , Mgr. Fabio Mirto Nuntio in France, 300

Frangipani , Mgr Ottavio Mirto, Nuntio in Flanders, 182 ,274

Freeman, Mr., 11

Frith, Nicholas, 303

Frizon, Mr., 39, 113 , 115 , 128, 130, 171-2, 174, 179 , 181

Garlick, George, 303

Garnet, Henry, S.J., 31 , 58, 84, 100-2 , 231-3 , 274

Gerard, John , S.J., 230

Gibbons, John, S.J., 100-1

Gifford, George, 144-5, 146, 147

Gifford, Gilbert, 111 , 146, 159, 164, 165 , 298-300

Gifford, Dr. Williams, afterwards Archbishop of Rheims, Biographical, 41, 244-5, 301; cipher sign identified, 54, 57; doctorate, 41, 102-4, 109-12, 114; and factions xix, 47, 54, 70, 170, 258, 265, 271-3 , 313; recommendedto

Malvasia, 242-3, 246-7; referred to, 39, 84, 165, 198 , 270

Gilbert, George , 16, 20, 34, 36-8, 40, 57 , 115, 138, 146-7 , 159 , 164

Giles, Mistress , 11

Goldwell, Thomas, Bishop of St. Asaph, 152, 155, 156, 276, 279, 283, 292-3 , 294 , 295-6

Gondi, Pierre de, Cardinal, Bishop of Paris, 300

Good, William, S.J. , 52, 60-1 , 86-8 , 107-8, 113, 115 , 135

Gordon, James, S.J., 112, 114-5

Gore (or Gower), John,45, 49

Gossam (or Gosson), Stephen, 81 , 83 , 85, 112, 114

Gratley, Edward (alias John Foxley), 109-10, 111, 112-4, 152, 155

Green, John, 39 , 41 ,45

Green, Richard, 34, 105-6, 178 , 180 , 182

Gregory XIII, Pope: and Exiles' Memorial to, Addenda 1; Allen's letter to, No. 48; intervention schemes, xv, 275-82; English Colleges, xvi, xxiv-v, 1-4 , 13-7, 20, 26-7, 30-1, 126; death of, 148-50; referredto, xvii, 22, 36 ,90, 92, 155, 248-9, 285, 288, 291 , 294

Gregory XIV, Pope, 200-1 , 209

Grene, Christopher, S.J., xxiii-iv , xxvi, 24-5, 104, 113, 134, 203, 232; see Index of Sources for Collectanea references

Grene, Martin, S.J., xxvi

Griffin (or Griffith), Dr. Hugh, 15, 17, 19 , 20, 21, 201, 270-1; doctorate, 20

Griffin (or Griffith), (brother of Hugh), 19, 21, 81 , 83 , 85

Griffith, Hugh, S.J., 47, 50

Griffith, Richard, S.J., 50

Gualteruccio , Mgr. 194-5

Guise, Catherine of Lorraine, Duchess of, 221-2

Guise, Charles ofLorraine, 2nd Dukeof, 222

Guise, Family, 148, 166 , 171

Guise, Henry of Lorraine, 1st Duke of , 112, 114, 171, 186, 193-4, 222

Guise, Louis of Lorraine, Cardinal of, 112, 114, 171 , 173-4, 193-4

Haddock, (or Haydock), Ven George, 70, 88-92, 95, 98-9

Haddock , Dr. Richard, 201

Hall, Hugh, 60, 72, 76

Hall, Dr. Richard, 276, 280, 283

Hall, Thomas , 302

Halsworth, Daniel, 23

Hanse, Bl Everard, 93, 96, 99

Harding, Dr. Thomas , 276, 280, 283

Hargate, Edmund, 276, 280, 283

Harisborus (?), Christopher, 302

Harrison, John, 57

Harrison, Richard, 302

Harrison, Dr. William, 266, 268, 274, 301

Harrison, - , 187 , 189-90

Hart, John, S.J., 24, 25, 32, 37 , 134, 139-40, 143 , 145, 297

Hart, Bl William, the Elder, 23 , 24 , 50-2, 106-7

Hart, William, the Younger, 24-6, 32 , 47,50

Hartley, Bl William, 139 , 141

Hawkesworth , Robert, 302

Hay, Matthew , 302

Hayward, Christopher, 32

Heath, Dr. Nicholas, Archbishop of York , 284

Hemerford , Bl. Thomas, 60, 62, 67, 69, 70, 89, 91

Heneage, Sir Thomas, 230

Henry III, King of France, 31 , 48-9, 127-8, 148, 197, 222, 292-6, 299

Henry of Navarre, afterwards King Henry IV of France, 148 , 166, 197 , 236, 238; 240 (conversion ), 244, 272-3

Henry VIII, King ofEngland, xv

Henry, a servant, 303

Hesketh , Dr. Thomas xxv, 200-1, 304-313

Heywood, Jasper, S.J.: (alias Allen),

Biographical, 59, 142; on mission , 56; captured, 63, 65-6; in prison, 67, 69 , 73, 77 , 80-1, 83, 89 , 91 , 100-1, 120-1; exiled, 134 , 136, 138-40, 142-3, 145, 148; to Rome, 160, 165

Hide, Humphrey, 303

Hide, Mr. 11

Hide, Thomas, 276, 280 , 283

Higgins, Isaac, 167 , 170 , 172

Hill, James, 160 , 164 , 166

Hodson, Christopher, 60, 62, 179 , 181

Holbrand , John, 303

Holt, William , S.J.: Allen's agent in Flanders, xxiii, 11 , 203-4, 213-4, 220, 241 ; intrigues against, 33, 201-2, 255-60, 263, 312; referredto, 35

Home, Matthew, 303

Hopkins , Richard, 8-11 (Allen's letter to), 212, 240-1

Horner, Richard, 302

Horton, Mr. 173-4

Howard, Lord Henry, afterwards Earlof Northampton , 74 , 79

Howard, Lord William, 74 , 79

Lesley, John, Bishop of Ross , 17 , 21

Hubert,, 116 , 118

Hucton, Edward, 303

Hungerford, Lady Anne, 11 , 12 , 234 , 297, 298

Ibarra, Stephen de, 204, 241, 244

Idiaquez, Francisco de, 234

Idiaquez , Juan de, 186, 247

Indictments , see under Legal Proceedings

Ingham, Father, S.J., 107-8

Isham, William, 303

James I, King of England, 116, 216 ; see also under Scots , Kingof James, Edward, 23, 24

James, Thomas , 302

Jesuits : Allen's relations with the Society, xvii-viii, 1-6, 13, 26, 62-5, 99-101 , 120-1, 304-12; Allen's relations with Persons, see under Persons; Aquaviva wishes to relinquish the College government , 253-6 , see also Rome, English College; for intrigues against Jesuits, see under Flanders , trouble-makers in, also Holt; the question of students becoming Jesuits, see English College Rome, Jewel, John, Bishop of Salisbury, 283

Jochimus, Fr. 261, 264

Lewis, Dr. Owen, Bishop of Cassano: Biographical, 19, 121 , 247; Allen's letter to No. 5; Barret's letter to, No. 104; Allen and, 4-5, 119-20, 122-3, 136-7, 140-1, 149-50, 176-7; and English College, 12-19; and factions, xix, xxi, 10, 19 , 21, 38, 204, 247, 313; asked to obtain faculties, 245-7; referred to, 6, 50, 81 , 84 , 284; see also Factions, Flanders , trouble-makers

Lewkner, Edmund, 302

Line, Roger, 302

Lister, Thomas , S.J. ,47, 50

Lomax, James, 45, 49, 56

Lope, William , 303

Lovelace, Thomas, 43, 44

Lowe, John, priest, 60, 62

Lowe, John, student, 302

Lowe, Nicholas, 303

Lowe, Thomas, 303

Lyon, John, 10-11

Maine, Duke of, see Mayenne

Major, Anthony, 179 , 181 , 182

Malvasia, Mgr. Innocenzo , Nuntio in Flanders, 241-3, 244, 245-7 , 304

Manares , Oliver, S.J., 63, 66, 261 , 264

Manger, Thomas , 302

Markham, Robert, 252, 266, 268

Markland, Alexander, 39 , 41 , 45 , 113 , 115, 135, 160, 164 , 302

Markenfeld, Sir Thomas , 286, 289

Marley, John, 302

Johnson, Robert, 25, 297

Jodoctius (?), -, 261, 264

Johnson, William, priest, 55, 58, 179 , 181

Johnson, William, student, 303

Joliffe, Henry, 276 , 280 , 283

Justinian, Mr., 266. 268

Kellison , Dr. Matthew, 274, 301

Lancaster , Roger, 302

Lawrence, Father, 261, 264

Legal Proceedings against Catholics: Statutes and proclamations, 22, 26-7 , 37 , 127 , 151-2, 284, 294, 297; indictmentsand trials, 22, 25, 36-7, 49, 70, 72, 76, 80, 99, 134; examinations, and the"bloody questions , " 35, 73-4, 77-8, 80, 94, 97, 284; banishments ofpriests, 127-8, 131-4 , 136-7, 139-42, 152, 155, 173, 175, 183 ; outlawry, 37

Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of, 74 , 78

Lentalerius , 120-1

Marshall, Thomas , S.J., 116 , 118, 119 , 122, 124, 128-9, 136

Martin , Dr. Gregory, xix, 12 , 19 , 53 , 73 , 77, 80

Martin, Thomas, 302

Mary, Queen of Scots, xvi, 50, 60, 74-5, 79, 165, 284-5, 287-8, 290

Masselli, Ludovico, S.J., 190-2

Matthieu, Claudius, S.J., 128, 130

Mauvissière, Michel de Castelnau, Sieur de, French Ambassador in England, 142

Mayenne , Charles of Lorraine, Dukeof, 112 , 114, 166, 197

Mercoeur, Philippe Emmanuel of Lorraine, Dukeof, 166

Mercurian, Everard, S.J., General of the Jesuits, xxiv, 1-4 , 6-8 , 20, 26

Middleton, Philip, 302

Mignon College, Paris, 273

Moody, Michael, 213 , 215-6

More, Thomas, secular priest, 58

Morgan, Thomas: Biographical, 50, 203; and factions, xix, 21, 46, 50, 199-200, 212 , 234, 271-2, 298, 312; Allen's indictment of, 201-4; referred to, 16, 20, 159, 163 ; see also Factions, Flanders, trouble-makers

Morley, Henry Parker, Baron, 283

Morone, Giovanni, Cardinal Protector, xv, 13 , 20, 44, 275-6, 278-80, 282, 297-8

Morris, Nicholas, 266, 268, 270

Morton, Dr. Nicholas, 36, 279, 283 , 294

Morton, Richard, 302

Munday , Anthony, 42, 44

Mundyn, Bl John, 70, 73, 77, 89, 91

Mush, John, 107, 108, 201, 304-12 , (Hesketh'sletter to), 313

Napier, George , 302

Navarre, Anthony ofBourbon-Vendome King of, 222

Needham, Oswald, 303

Nevers, Louis Gonzaga , Duke of, 112 , 114,222

Neville, Christopher, 286 , 289

Neville, John , 286, 289

Newman, William, 302

Nichols, John, 28, 29, 30-1, 43-4, 48-9

Norfolk, ThomasHoward, 4th Duke of, 74, 79

Norris, Richard, 139 , 141

Norris, Sylvester, 260, 263, 265

Northumberland , Catherine (Neville), Countess of, 74 , 79

Northumberland , Henry Percy, 8th Earl of, 74, 78, 80

Norton, Father 16

Norton, Francis, 286 , 289

Norton, George, 286, 289

Norton, Mr. 152, 155, 159, 164

Norton, Richard, 286, 289

Norton, Thomas, 37, 74 , 78, 93 , 96, 99

Nowell, Thomas, 42, 43-4

Nutter, Bl. John, 70, 89 , 91

Nutter, Ven Robert, O.P., 139-40

Oliver, , 53

Olivares, Enrique de Guzman, Count of, Spanish Ambassador in Rome, 186 , 209, 229

Orange, William, Princeof, 105-6

Orbais, Abbot of, 221

Ormaneto, Mgr Nicolo, Nuntioin Spain, 291

Orton, Henry, 134, 139-40, 297

Osborne, Edward, 45, 49

Outlawry, see under Legal Proceedings

Owen , 46

Owen, Hugh, xviii, 11 , 33, 204, 212, 241 , 286, 289, 291, 312

Paget, Charles , xix, 50, 166, 201-2, 203, 212, 241, 258, 265, 271-3 , 312-3; Allen's letter to, No. 87

Paget, Thomas , 3rd Baron, 213-4 , 216

Parma, Alessandro Farnese, Duke of, 71 , 186, 197, 199, 203, 210-16, 240

Parma, Ranuccio Farnese, Prince of, son ofthe Duke, 209-10, 212, 229

Parker, Dr. Charles , 276, 280, 283

Parker, Richard, 85

Parry, William, 144-5 , 146

Pena, Mgr (Papers of), 258 , 265

Penceville, Mark, 302

Pentrells (?), Richard, 303

" Perron, " (i.e.Jacques DaryduPerron)

Bishop of Evreux, 272-3

Persecution of Catholics in England, 27-30, 34 , 50-1, 59-60, 66-9, 71-9, 88-91, 93-9, 106, 108 , 117-8, 127-9, 143-5, 150-2, 154, 157-8, 161-3 , 212 , 283, 295-7; government propaganda, 165, 230 ; see also Legal Proceedings

Persons, Robert, S.J.:

Biographical, 28-9, 156; cipher sign

A identified, 67, 69, 71 ; Allen's letters to, Nos 92, 96; Barret's letters to, Nos 106, 107 , 111 , 112; on the English mission , 25, 27-38, 116, 138 , 142 , 160, 165, 294; sent to Spain, 50, 204, 206, 217-8; in Flanders , 69, 71 , 109-10, 116 , 118-9, 156, 158-60, 162-3, 166; at Rheims during Allen's illness, 167-175; journey to Rome, 1585, 179 , 181-4; and the EnglishCollege, 253-6

Allen's relationswith, xvii, 20, 32, 48, 56, 62-5, 99-102, 117, 119-21, 147-8 , 151 , 154, 168-75, 186, 192-3, 204, 206, 216-7, 229, 304-5, 307-11; referred to, xxii, xxv, 126, 136, 138 , 143 , 145, 155, 167 , 169 , 218-20, 256-7, 270-2; other letters to or from mentioned , xxv, 58, 111 , 139 , 148, 178, 180, 192, 201 , 212, 233, 244, 256, 265

Writings: Certayne Aparent Judgments, 49, 182 , 204; Epistle of the Persecution of Catholickes in Englande, 99; Punti della Missione d'Inghilterra, xxv, 71 , 101 ; A Storie of Domesticall Difficulties, 12, 20; The True ... story ofthe ..

Fall of Anthony Tyrrell, 88; see also under Books , contemporary Pewes, Mr., 17

Philip II, King of Spain: Allen's letters andmemorialsto, Nos 88-90, 93, 99; and invasion plans, xvi, 284-92; Allen's relations with, xvi-vii, 202, 204-15, 218-20, 222-9, 233-4 , 236-7 , 239-40, 290-1; mentioned, xix, xxv, 12, 171 , 186, 199, 201, 241 , 244, 256, 277, 280, 295-6

Philipps , John. 303

Piercy (or Pierce), Dr. William, xxi-ii, 252

Pitts, Arthur, 89, 91 , 92, 139-40

Pius, V, Pope, xvi, 73-4, 77-8, 94, 97, 248-9, 277, 281, 283-4, 286, 289 , 301

Pole, Reginald , Cardinal, 194-5, 294

Pole, Mr., 116, 118, 144, 146, 159 , 164

Possevino, Antonio, S.J., 4-6

Potter, George (vere Stransham ), 56, 58 , 144-6

Pound, John, 21, 94, 97, 99

Pound, Thomas, S.J. , 16, 21

Powell, Charles , 19, 22, 138

Powell, George, 19 , 22, 135 , 137, 138 , 159,163,167,170

Preston, Roland (in religion, Thomas , O.S.B.), (alias Roger Widdrington), 187-8, 189-90

Price, Isaac, 25

Price, John, 25,45

Price, Robert, 24-5

Price, William , 303

Probert, Hugh, 19 , 22

Proclamations , see under Legal Proceedings

Raggazoni, Mgr. Girolamo, Nuntio in France, 165 , 299-300

Redman, John , 302

Reynolds, William, 11

Rheims, EnglishCollege : xvii (move), 292-4 (threats of expulsion), 295-7 (requests to return to Douay); financial difficulties and general state of, xvii, xx, 34 , 122-6, 128, 130-1, 135-8, 146-7, 152, 155-6, 176-7, 185-6, 190-2 (alms for), 198-9; plans made during Allen's illness concerningthe Presidency, 168-175; see also Colleges, general, and Douay, EnglishCollege

Ribadeneira, Pedro de, S.J., 116

Rimini, Giovan Battista Castelli, Bishop of, Nuntio in France, 293

Rimmington , Edmund, 303

Rimmington , Henry, 303

Rishton, Edward, 134 , 139 , 141

Roberts, John, 56, 58

Roberts, Bl John, O.S.B., 58

Robilliard, 128-30

Roche, Father , 134

Roland, a servant, 303

Rome, EnglishCollege: Foundation, xvi-viii, xxiv-v, ceremonies, 56, College martyr pictures, 112-5, pension stopped by Sixtus V , 186; troubles in, xvi, xix-xxii, 10, 12-21, 23-4, 84, 138, 168, 170 , 173, 175, 178-84, 200-1, 250-9, 262, 266-70, 306-7, 310-11, 313; question of students wishing to become Jesuits, 39, 47, 50, 62-5, 82, 84-8, 135, 179, 181 ; disciplinary problems, see under Colleges, general

Roscarrock , Nicholas, 24-5

Ross, see Lesley, John

Rusticuccio , Girolamo, Cardinal, 152, 154, 157 , 161 , 165, 179 , 181

Rutland , Edward Manners, 3rd Earlof, 74 , 79

Sabelli (or Savelli), Jacopo, Cardinal, 157, 161 , 165

Sacheverell, John, 271

Sander(s), Dr. Nicholas, 10 , 12 , 25 , 276 , 279, 283, 291

Scots, King of, 30-1, 94, 98, 236, 239, see also James I

Seaton, Mr., 17, 21

Sega, Filippo, Cardinal, 252, 265; his reports on the English College , 24 , 57, 111, 146, 182, 247, 252, 255-6, 270

Semer, William, 303

Sesa, (or Sessa), Don Antonio Folch y Cardona, 4th Duke of, Spanish Ambassador in Rome, xvii, 201, 209, 212, 222-30, 235-40; Allen's memorialsto, Nos 95 , 101

Seton, Alexander, see Seaton, Mr.

Sevell, Edward, 303

Sevell, Robert, 302

Shelley, Thomas , 135

Shelton, Mr., 294

Sheperd, Robert, 252

Sherwin , Bl Ralph, 22, 24, 25, 38

Sherwood, John, 135

Singleton , Richard, S.J., 63, 65 , 66

Sixtus V , Pope, xvii, xxv, 151-4 (ill- informed on Englishaffairs), 155 , 157 , 161 , 165, 176-7 , 186 (and College finances), 192 (diito), 197, 201, 203 , 208, 299, 300-1 (Allen's oath)

Skidmore (or Scudamore), John, 232 , 233

Slack, Richard, 139-40

Slack, William, 302

Slade, Bl John, 59, 61 , 94 , 98

Sledalius (?), Thomas , 302

Sledd, Charles , 294

Smith, 90-1

Smith, Edward, 303

Smith, John, 303

Smith, Nicholas, S.J., 109-10, 111

Smith, Dr. Richard, afterwardsBishop of Chalcedon, 187-8, 190 , 302

Smith, William, 139, 141

Somerville (or Somerfield ), John, 61 , 72 , 76 , 80

Southwell , Bl Robert, S.J., 56, 58 , 102 , 106-7, 113, 115, 167-70

Spain , English Colleges, 204-7, 217-20 , 251,254 256,258

Stafferton (or Staverton), Dr. William, 55, 58; doctorate, 146, 158-9, 162

Stafford, Sir Edward, English Ambassador in France, 21, 85

Standen, Sir Anthony, xxi, xxv

Stanihurst , Richard, 210 , 212

Stanley , Sir William, xviii, 34, 204 , 210 , 212, 241, 252, 265 , 312

Stapleton , Dr. Thomas, 254, 256 , 276 , 280, 283

Statutes, Penal , see under Legal Proceedings

Stephenson, Thomas, 139-40

Stillington, Dr. Thomas , 23" 24, 171 , 178, 180; doctorate, 102-4, 109-10

Stoker, 159, 164

St. Omers College, 251 , 254, 257-8

Storey, Thomas, 23

Stratford, Arthur (or John), 179 , 181 , 182

Strickland, Roger, 302

Stuart, Lady Arabella, 209-11 , 213-6

Stukeley, Sir Thomas, 285, 289, 291

Succession, English, 237 , 240

Tancard (or Tancred), Charles, S.J., 66

Taylor, Mr., 11

Taylor, Richard, 302

Taylor, William, 276, 280, 283

Tedder, William, 42, 43, 67, 69, 88-9, 91 , 139 , 141

Tempest, Michael , 286 , 289

Tempest, Robert, U.J.L., the Elder, 124 , 173, 175, 197, 252, 301

Tempest, Robert, priest, 302

Tempest, Robert, student , 302

Tesimond, Oswald , S.J., 23, 24, 86-7, 252

Thirkeld, Bl. Richard, 106-7 , 108

Thomson, Christopher, 139-40

Throgmorton , Edward, 60

Throgmorton , Francis, 60, 61 (plot), 74 , 78, 80, 312

Throgmorton , Thomas , xviii, 204, 306, 310, 312-3

Thules, Christopher, 158, 162 , 165

Thwing,159, 164

Thwing, Edward, 302

Tichbourne (or Tichburn), Henry, S.J. , 261 , 264 , 265

Todd, Joseph, 303

Toletus (or Toledo), Francis, S.J., Cardinal, 31, 33 , 253, 256, 270

Tresham, William, 166

Trevethan , 159 , 164

Trials, see under Legal Proceedings

Trimm, John 303

Tristram, -, 159, 164

Tunder (?), Henry, 302

Tuscany, GrandDukeof, 236, 238

Tyrell, -, 159 , 164

Tyrell, Anthony, 85-6, 88, 115

Tyrell, Roberts, 88, 113 , 115

Tyrie, James, S.J., 231-2, 251

Unton, Sir Edward, 21, 67 , 70-1, 81 , 84

Valladolid, College of, see Spain

Vaughan, Francis, 303

Vavasour, James, 244

Vendeville, Dr. Jean , xxiv

Verstegan, Richard, 11 , 82, 84, 85, 159, 164, 212

Vitelleschi , Mutius, S.J. , afterwards

General ofthe Jesuits, 220

Vocations to the Society of Jesus , see under Rome, EnglishCollege

Walpole, Bl Henry, S.J., 43, 44, 66

Walsingham , Sir Francis , Secretary of State, 37, 73, 78, 85, 111 , 142 , 172

Warcop, Thomas , 55, 58, 71 , 191-2

Warford, William , S.J., 54, 58, 67, 69, 70, 81-2, 159, 163

Warmington, William , 139 , 141

Warner , 159, 164

Watson , Thomas , Bishop of Lincoln, 284, 294

Watson , William, 274

Webb, Dr. Lawrence , 12, 19 , 144-5, 266, 268, 274, 276, 280 , 283 , 301

Webley , Ven Thomas , 172

Wentworth, [Thomas ], 16 , 19

Westmoreland , Charles Neville, 6th Earl of, 156, 258, 286, 289

Weston, Dr. Edward, 301

Weston , William , S.J. , 100-2 , 116 , 119-21 , 163

Whalley, Robert, 187-8

White, Andrew, 303

Whitgift, John, Archbishop ofCanterbury 11 , 233

William, a servant, 302

Wilson, John, 302

Winslade , Tristram, 117-8, 144-5

Wittington (or Whittington ), John, 128 , 130, 159, 164

Wolsey, Humphrey, 81 , 83

Wood, Michael, 302

Woodruff, Robert, 39, 41

Worcester , William Somerset , 3rd Earl of, 74 , 79

Worthington, Dr. Thomas , xviii, xxi-ii, xxv, 139-40, 251 , 252, 265 , 312

Wray, Sir Christopher, ChiefJustice ,49

Yardley, Roger (alias Early), 152 , 155 , 156, 159 , 164 Younger, Dr.James , 265 , 301

Younger, Robert, 302

Younger, Thomas , 302

Zelander , Vincent, 313

Zuniga, (Cuniga), Don Juan Hernando de, Spanish Ambassador in Rome , 290-1