Koreana Spring 1994 (English) by The Korea Foundation

KOREAN ART & CULTURE Vol. 8, No. l Spring 1994

lotte, The VIP's Choice

"The service mainly. It's

impeccable?'

Ea r lS. Moore. Jr.-President of As ia Pacific Marketing

We're pleased that a good and growing number of our guests come back to stay with us. Why? As Mr. Moore of Asia Pacific Marketing, explains, it's the "impeccable service" they appreciate most. "Discrete and unobtrusive," in Mr. Moore's words. While the reasons vary from one return guest to the next, they all share an uncompromising taste for excellence. And at Lotte they find excellence in service and facilities. Shouldn't the Lotte be your hotel in Seoul?

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HOTEL LOTTE SEOUL KO REA

Member in Seoul, Korea s

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BEAUTY OF KOREA

Sottae

The object pictured here is a spitit pole in Kangnung. The local people call it chinttolxtegi The ducks symbolize prosperity and fertility and are indicative of agrarian society's affinity for water. Such poles are called sottae and are erected to protect villages. Some are made of wood and some of stone. Most are topped with wooden or stone bitÂˇds. The birds are believed to keep evil spitits away by pecking at them

Sottae are often seen standing with spitit posts called changsCmg Like changsCmg they are venerated in village rites to supplicate for the village welfare and for a bumper harvest The word sottae, onomatopoeically understood as a "soaring pole," can be traced to the word scxlo, a sacred place where a tall wooden pole was erected for religious ceremonies in the ancient Samhan period â&#x20AC;˘

KOREAN ART & CULTURE

OJver

The wooden ducks atop a sottae (spirit pok) symbolize fertility and prosperity. The ones seen here adorn a sottae in Kangnung Kangwon-da

The sottae is an object of worship villafPS venerate during community rites to supplicate for the weljare of their villag.? andfor a bumper mrvest

VIllage Rites 8 Festivals CELEBRATING 1HE SPIRITS FEASTING 1HE GODS

T E

VILLAGE RITES A Rich Communal Heritage

by Im llingkwon

VILLAGE FESTIVALS

by Cl:xJe Chul

PATfERNS AND PRACTICES OF VILLAGE RITES

by Oxmg Oxmg-ryong

26 ON THE ROAD

A VISIT TO SONGHAK

Rediscovering Changsung by Kim joo-young

34 SEOUL 600

HANYANG: Seoul 6(X) Years Ago by Kim Young-sang

THE WALLS OF SEOUL

by Oxmg Kyong-lx;

47 KOREAN ARTISTS ABROAD

CONDUCTOR OF BASTILLE OPERA

Chung Myung-whun

frJ

by Im Young-sook

Korea Foundation ~-iPl'!

•

Vol. 8, No. l Spring 1994

y Ch'ongjun ....·························

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KOREANA Published quarterly by The Korea Foundation 52fJ Narndaernunno )ga, Chung-gu, Seoui100WS, Korea PUBLISHER-EDITOR

SON Chu-Whan EDITOR-IN-cHIEF

HongSoon-il ART DIRECTOR

Park Seung-u

50 PHOTO POEM

The Fisherman's Calendar by Yun S6n<io

52 KOREAN ARTEFACTS ABROAD

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71 INTERVIEW

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74 DISCOVERING KOREA

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78 CURRENTS

Tuning in Korean Music The Year of Traditional Korean Music by 1m Bo-byung

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© 1be Korea Foundation1994 All rights reserved No part rf this publication may l:x< reproduced in any form without tl:x< prior permission rf 1be Korea Foundation The opinions expressed by the authors do not necessarily represent those of the editors of KOREANA or The Korea Foundation KOREANA, registered as a quarterly magazine with the Ministry of Information (Registration No Ba-1033, dated Aug 8, 1987), is also published in Japanese, Chinese and Spanish. Printed in March 1994 by Samsung Moonwha Printing Co. 167-29, Hwayang<iong Songdong-gu, Seoul T e~ (02)46&0.361/5

VILLAGE RITES

lm Dong-kwon

Proferor Emeritus DeJmtment of Folklore Oloong-ang University

ARich Communal Heritage

oreans venerate their gods, of which there are legions, in a variety of ways according to their personal needs and the unique divine powers of each gcxi Household gods, such as the birth god, land god, and kitchen god, are invoked individually or by families when needed, whereas village tutelary deities are invoked on a regular OOsis with all the residents of the village participating in the rites. On occasion, however, individuals make personal offerings to the village gods depending on their own needs. Statistics compiled in 1993 reveal more than 500 rituals are practiced in Korea today. The vast rnaprity of these are held in honor of communally revered deities, known by a variety of names depending on region Of the 500-plus deities recorded, 114 are mountain deities, 109 village tutelary deities, 68

tutelary deities, 4) combined mountain and river deities, 4) ancestral deities, 11 tree deities, 11 land deities, and 164 other miscellaneous deities. Communal rituals honor a variety of deities, but mountain deities clearly dominate For example, there are the sanshin (mountain deity), tangsanshin (tutelary deity), sanchonshin (mountain and river deity), tangsanlxllmi5ni (tutelary grandmother deity), tangsant'ojishin (tutelary deity for land), sanch'6njonshin (revered deity of mountains and rivers), chusant'ojishin (deity of rnapr mountains and land), y5ngsanshin (deity of revered mountains), my5ngsanclÂŁiÂŤh'6nshin (deity of large mountains and rivers), chusanshin (deity of rnapr mountains), tosanshin (deity of provincial mountains), sangsansbin (deity of great mountains), paeksanshin (deity of white moun-

tains), etc Ho~

and why did Koreans come to worship mountain spirits and village tutelary deities? If communal rites were held with the participation of the entire community, there must have been something that bound the villagers together. By looking at the rites and the reasons behind them, we can learn much about Korean beliefs and traditions. Ancient records attest to the Korean penchant for worshiping the spirits of mountains and rivers. According to Tang Chinese sources, the people of Silla and Paekche held rites to the spirits of mountains and valleys. Samguk yusa (Memorabilia of the Three King;loms) recounts how a heavenly god descended to the top of Mt Taebaeksan, and Tan-gun, the founder of the Korean nation, became a mountain spirit after his

Village rites are held in honor of

deities commonly revered by an vil-

lagers. Naturally all the villag;!YS

The ducks on the sottae, or spirit pole, symbolize fertility and prosperity and are indicative of an agrarian people's affinity for water.

death. It also states that spirits of great mountains appeared and danced in the court of King Han-gang and again in the court of King Kyongdok Mountain worship was strong in the Kcr ryo period as well There were many great mountains at which local officials and residents held rituals to the mountain spirits. Female shamans were dispatched to four major mountains-Tokchoksan, Paegaksan, Song-aksan and Mokmyoksan-to officiate at the rites. Korea's foundation myths dearly indicate the Korean people have always revered the spirits living in mountains. Indeed, mountains were a source of food, such as fruits, wild vegetables, and game, as well as other daily necessities. However, hunting and gathering food in the mountains was dangerous. There were many wild animals and other

perils Mountains were a place of danger, a place where people needed divine protection Perhaps this was the origin of mountain deities and the rites honoring them With the gradual development of agriculture, man began to rely less and less on the mountains for his livelihood His trips into the mountains became less frequent As a result, he needed to move his protective deities closer to home. Hence, the shrines of the mountain deities were moved from the mountains to the villages. The invocations of the rites for the mountain deities indicate that villagers were chiefly interested in preventing disaster, enpying a good harvest and being prosperous. Because of their limited ability to defend themselves, people looked to the mountain spirits to protect them. They designated the mountain to the north behind their village Chinsan, or guardian

mountain, and believed that the deity residing there would protect the village and all its residents. S6nang was a tutelary deity believed to dwell at the entrance of a village or on a nearby hillside. It protected the village from evil spirits, disasters, and epidemics. The shrine for the Sonang was called 5i5nan[flang It was usually a large pile of stones, an old tree with a rope tied loo;ely around the trunk, or a combination of the two. When passing a 5i5nan[flang it was customary for a person to add a stone to the pile or tie a straw rope on the tree. Rites to the S6nangwere held on behalf of the entire village. Women performed the rites on the First Moon, whenever the village was experiencing difficulties, or had a special request The rites often continued for several days, as in the case of Tano rites held in Kangnung in Kangwon.<fo Province on the fifth day of the Fifth Moon These rites were officiated by shamans and local officials. They involved "escorting" the male Sonang of nearby Taegwallyong Mountain to the shrine of the female S6nang in Kangnung. The Taegwallyong S6nang was believed to have great influence on the village, so it was invoked to pray for a good harvest on both land and sea and to request safe passage for people who had to traverse the rugged mountains to travel to Seoul In some villages, mountain spirits were considered village tutelaries and the rites honoring them were referred to as village rites. Shrines for them were similar to the shrines for other village gods. The shrine for a village's tutelary deity was usually at the foot of a mountain behind the village or near the entrance to the village, although it was located within the village itself in some places. It was usually an old tree, a group of trees, a pile of rocks, a large rock, almost anything. There may have been a pair of spirit posts nearby, either clxmgillngor sottae, or both Most village rites were held on a regular lxlsis, at the beginning of a new year and on other significant occasions. In the past, rain rites were only held in times of drought. Koreans were an agrarian people, generally

fanning rice, so drought meant crop failure and starvation Because the whole country would suffer, even the king participated in rain rites. During the purification period prior to the rite, the king refrained from visiting his lady's chamber and ate frugal meals. Clean water was brought from rivers or wells to wash the altar area, the market was temporarily relocated, all unclean activities that might enrage the heavens were prohibited, the king, taking responsibility for his lack of virtue, promised to lead a frugal life, and the number of side dishes in meals was reduced to a bare minimum The rites were also held in honor of the Dragon King, the ruler of the waters. Shrines for the water deity were usually near a river or a stream or on top of a mountain As part of the rite, a large fire was made on top of a mountain so that the flames would reach the sky. In addition to the aforementioned rites, there were also rites to prevent disease. Spedfic gods were designated for each sickness. Performance of Rites

Village rites are held in honor of deities commonly revered by all villagers. Naturally all the villagers participate in them. When a rite is to be held, a number of villagers are selected as offidators, e.g. the master of ceremonies, the chief cook, etc They must be of impeccable reputation and respected by all the villagers, and they should not have attended a funeral during the past year. Their duties include preparing for the rite, such as preparing the food offerings, as well as the actual performance of the rite. For a certain period prior to the rite, they must purify their minds and bodies through prayers and cold baths. This period of purification applies to all villagers. There are certain rules and taboos that must be observed. For example, they should not look at a corpse, visit a family in mourning, kill an animal, or contaminate the well from which the water for the rite will be drawn, and they must be careful of what they say and do. A villager travelling in other areas who has seen a corpse or killed an animal is prohibited from entering 10

After the villagers are fed and

have had plenty to drink, the singing begins fD the accomfXlniment of a farmers' band Mask dances also follow the ritual as fXlrt of the effort to comfort the deities.

the village until the rite is completed The containers used to hold food for the ritual have to be new, and all food freshly prepared A great deal of food is needed for the rite. A cow is usually slaughtered for a large rite, a pig for a small one. The expenses are borne by the villagers according to their means, either in cash or in kind Sometimes the village nong-ak (farmers' music and dance) troupe will go from house to house to collect funds. Either way, the expenses are shared beThe rite itself is usually held at nigh~ ginning just after midnight Fir~ a bowl of wine is offered to the god, then all the offidants bow: N~ an invocation is read, and the paper on which the prayer is written is burned Food and wine are then offered to other deities, such as the earth god Ne~ the food table is removed from the altar and the officiants sit down together and partake of the food and wine that was offered to the gods. When they finish eating, they ring a bell to let the villagers know the rite, and with it the taboo period, is over. The villagers gather at daybreak to celebrate with much feasting, singing and dancing. The celebrating is an expression of their gratitude to the deities that protect them, satisfaction at having rewarded the deities, and hopes for continued protection The bigger the rites, the merrier and grander the celebrations. The holding of village rites has thus contributed to the development of the performing arts.

Underlying Beliefs

These traditional rites are the manifestation of a profound belief in a multiplicity of spirits. The ancients believed almost everything, animate and inanimate, had a spirit that influenced their lives. They thus worshiped the gods of mountains, valleys, rivers, wells, rocks, trees, the sun, the moon, the stars, thunderstorms, wind, rain, and land. They worshiped deified ancestors, kings, generals, sages, and great men, and dragons, tigers and other animals, and birds. Even insects had their place in the pantheon An ancient source says the Koryo people "did not take medicine but supplicated the gods when ill" This indicates the Korean people's strong belief in the power of their gods. Of course, the belief in such gods has greatly diminished due to modern education and science and the influx of Western civilization and culture. However,.many remote villages still hold rites to various village gods, and villagers dare not remove or damage the soil, stones or trees around their village shrines. The ultimate purpose behind the holding of a rite, be it an individual rite or a village rite, is to achieve suookkangny5ng) literally '1ongevity, good fortune and well-being," which can only be realized by avoiding misfortune and inviting good fortune. Man wants to be happy. He wants to live a long time. But living a long time with disease is painful and hardly enpyable. Therefore, he wants to be healthy. But if he is poor, he will not be happy living a long healthy life. So he wants to be wealthy. Our ancestors believed that one's fortune was favorably or unfavorably controlled by good and bad spirits. Thus, they developed a faith in a variety of deities that could prevent and eliminate misfortune by protecting them from evil spirits. Of course, the best way to avoid misfortune was to prevent it from occurring. Hence, village rites were held annually, exorcisms were conducted seasonally, sacrifices were offered frequently, and the shrines of the tutelary deities were kept clean and neat Once calamity occurred, a rite was held to appease the gods. When a certain spirit was feared, the villagers prepared many

fcxxi offerings and prayed and bowed If the calamity was deemed the work of an evil spir~ an exorcism was performed by a shaman to persuade the spirit to leave the village or to actually drive it away. Villagers sometimes tried to frighten spirits away with swords, arrows or lances. A life free of disaster is an absolute precondition for happiness. The village rituals were meant to achieve this most basic of human needs. The villagers' cooperation in the ritual process reveals just how important the rites were in their lives. They shared a common yearning for happiness, and for this reason, the tradition has survived through the centuries. Once the solemn village ritual is over, a joyous festival follows. The ritual itself is conducted by a small group in the wee hours of the morning, but all the villagers joyfully participate in the eating and drinking of the fcxxi offerings in the days that

The village nong-ak (farmers' music and dance) troupe goes from house to house to tread on evil spirits and collect funds to help finance the village rite.

follow The feast is accompanied by dancing and music When day breaks after the ritual, all the villagers gather in the village plaza or at the house of one of the ceremonial officials to eat Everyone participates, even if he or she is too poor to have contributed to the ritual expenses. Packages of food and drink are also sent to elderly shut-ins by messengers. Thus the entire village participates in the feast After the villagers are fed and have had plenty to drink, the singing begins to the accompaniment of a farmers' band. Mask dances also follow the ritual as part of the effort to comfort the deities. In fa~ many traditional mask dances were borne of local village rituals. The longer the village tradi-

tion, the bigger the rituals, and the more pronounced the folk art forms. Historical records indicate that "eating, drinking, ~gin and dancing lasted for several days after the ritual, and the sound of music was heard day and night" dearly the Korean folk art tradition is based on a faith in deities and the festivities linked to rituals. Village rites are a community activity shared by everyone living in the area. These people share the same interestS, the same goals. They till the same land, gather firewcxxi from the same mountains, marry together, and exchange labor. O:x:lperation is absolutely necessary. If left alone, one cannot effectively deal with life's dangers. O:x:lperation is a means of survival Village rituals provided the villagers with a sense of common destiny, a sense of oneness, and promoted friendship and a ccr operative spirit + 11

VILLAGE FESTIVALS Echoing Life's Rhythms

ChoeChul Prof~. Korean Literature Yoosei University

an's life consists of work and recreation If work is the labor necessary for sustaining life and is the use of our bodies and minds to gain benefits by producing and creating something, then recreation is the use of our bodies and minds for pleasure, such as the appreciation of art, religious supplication, leisure and rest Throughout the history of mankind, man has accumulated and passed on the culture of work and recreation Work and recreation resemble our body and soul in that they cannot be separated; instead they are mutually dependent and coexist side by side, fulfilling complementary roles. Man cannot exist solely by working nor can he enjoy himself solely by indulging in fun Man is a being who works and, at the same time, enjoys recreation Recreational culture is often said to contain entertaining, religious, social and creative elements. Rest, leisure and relieving tension are associated with recreation and we might say that the desire to rid oneself of tension, the pursuit of and longing for eternity, and the supplication to an absolute being reveal man's religious yearnings Recreation has a collective and successive nature and sociallyintegrating functions. And, we can explain man's pursuit of order and harmony; his

search for uniqueness, his craving for the imaginative, and his possession of logical thinking as recreational creativity. Elements of recreational culture can be found in festivals. A festival refers to a largescale celebration or the performing of sacrificial rituals. Words such as feasts, exorcisms, and Taaiong nori that bring to mind experiences uniquely significant to Koreans all refer to festivals. A festival is a community activity. The celebratory feasts and sacrificial rites performed and participated in by producers and laborers are forms of recreation or festivals in themselves. And such forms of recreation are performed on the basis of group ties or shared blood lines. For example, they may be performed by the residents of a village, a clan, a tribe or a nation A festival, therefore, reveals in its very form the elements of collectivity; realism, spiritualism and masquerade. A festival is not simply a private event held by several people of personal acquaintance nor is it family members having fun together. A festival involves the participation of a whole group. And it is the embodiment of the collective consciousness and joy of the whole group. The perform-ances and the liveliness of the participants come together to create overall harmony.

Place and Time A festival or rite is usually held at the beginning of a new year, a change of season, the birth or death of a family member and after planting and harvesting A festival recreates the holiness of the past by turning the dock rock to the time when gods and ancestors created the world, or by revealing the sacred beliefs and customs of the ~ Thus, a festival recreates a time past so that daily life can be newly perceived The site where a festival is held is also transformed into a sacred and transcendental place. Deep mountains, swamps, large rocks, large trees, tutelary trees, altars for tutelary deities and tombs are all used for festivals. Only in such places can the gods and ancestors manifest themselves. Village Celebrations Some annual festivals are held on a certain date, during a specific period, or at a change in season These include the traditional festivals that are repeated periodically each year and the dan celebrations and the shamanistic rituals that are performed on a particular day each year. Another type of festival is the regional festival. The Pyolshin gut of Hahoe, a shamanistic rite which includes a mask dance drama, the Tano festival of Kangnung which is held on Tano, the fifth day of the Fifth Moon, and the Ch'aj5n nori of Andong, a mass game which is played at New Year's, are examples of this type of festival Festivals can be distinguished by their participants-farmers, fishermen, city dwellers, workers or students. That is because they vary in their makeup and gcals: the rites performed by fishermen to pray for a bountiful catch; the rites performed by farmers in supplication for a bountiful harvest; and even the mass celebrations students hold on college campuses. Festivals can also be classified by their goals. A festival may be held to pray for a rich harvest from the sea or from the land, to venerate ancestors, to entertain, to appease gods or spirits, or to solidify the foundation of one's home. They can also be differentiated by format or by the sex of the 14

A festival may be

held to pray for a rich harvest from the sea or land, to

venerate ancestors, to entertain, to ap-

pease gxls or spirits, or to solidify the foundation

if one's

::0

~1ÂŁ

_ .-:11___""'-_ _ ___. 1f @

A festival may include games such as Ch'ajon nori, here performed in Andong (top), shaman exorcisms, here performed in the Kangnung Tano festival (far left), and mask dance dramas, here the PyOIshin gut of Hahoe (left).

{Xlrticipants.

Lets navv examine some well-knavvn village rites in various regions. One of the most mnventional forms of recreation that reflects the seasonal aspects of a village festival is the Chuldarigi, or tugof-war game, held just before and after the first full moon It is an agricultural ritual of supplicating for good harvests and foretelling them, often seen in Korea, China, Japan and the ricegravving nations of Southeast Asia In Korea, this game is widely popular in the southern regions where farming is most prevalent. The outcome of the game is believed to forecast the year's harvest; a win by the west team means a rich harves~ a win by the east team, a bad harvest The game originated from the belief that the dragon was a god of procreation, a belief promoted by the ruling class. The two teams thus represent male(east) and female(west) dragons at play. The tug-of-war of Changhung, Chollanam-do, is held on a grand scale It begins on the eleventh full moon with a small tug-ofwar between young children, and ends with a grand tug-of-war between two teams of villagers on the first full moon of the next year. Particular to this tug-of-war game are the dazzling red and blue cloth lanterns adorning the rope and the dozens of torches that are carried when the two teams carry their large ropes, which will be tied together to form the tug-of-war rope, to the place where t~e game is to be held. People dressed up as playboys and kisaeng ride on the rope, dancing and singing As they approach the center of the tavvn, they bavv to the head of the village, then continue to the playing field. The hanging of bright lanterns on the rope, and the singing of the kisaeng and the loud drum-playing by the traditional farmers' band wearing bright and colorful peaked hats add to the festiveness of the game Ssangyong nori (Twin Dragon Game) is actually a play based on a fable about a fight between two dragons that has been passed down for generations in a village near Pyokkolje, Puryang-myon, Kirnjegun, Chollabuk-do. It is a unique game in which dozens of people go inside a huge dragon mask and 15

wriggle to make it appear alive It is composed of four episodes and is accompanied by singing and dancing In the first episode, the dam in Pyokkolje gradually crumbles and the villagers fetch a repainnan. All the scenes proceed with lively dance and songs. In the second and third episodes, a blue dragon and a white dragon appear and a fight ensues. The violent-tempered blue dragon wins and threatens to destroy the dam with a rainstorm It has a change of heart when Tanyak, the daughter of Taesu, a minor official, volunteers to &J.crifice herself to &J.ve the village The fourth episode proceeds with Tanyak dancing and all the villagers and officials enpying themselves. This game emlxx:lies the hope for a bountiful harvest and the protection of the villagers. Yongma nori (Dragon-Horse Game) is a game that has been {XlSSed down for generations in Namwon, Chollabuk-do. The villagers are divided into a north team and a south team Each team makes a "dragonhorse'' painted with dragons, which it carries in a colorful parade to the place where they will do battle A 'general" carrying a dragon flag in one hand and a horse flag in the other escorts the dragon-horse. The two teams, on orders from their generals, clash their dragon-horses against each other. The team that smashes or seizes the other side's dragon-horse is the winner. The victorious team then parades around the village, basking in glory. Kossaum nori (Loop Fight) is a fastpaced pushing game played with huge straw ropes with a very large loop at one end It has been {XlSSed down in Kwang&J.n, Changhllng, Namp'yong and Kangjin in Chollanam-do Province After a rite for the village god, the village is divided into an east team and a west team Young men control the front part of the rope and the loop, and women control the end Following the orders of the team leaders who ride atop the large loops, the teams push their loops against each other in an effort to push the loop of the opposing team to the ground Since it was believed that the result of this game was directly linked with that year's harvest, they played very hard SoemOridtugi is a mock battle between two teams that originated in Yongsan, 16

Ch'angnyonggun. The villagers are divided into an east team and a west team Each team carries a straw and wooden structure shaped like a cow's head The team leader stands on it The ~ is to topple the other team's head The losing team provides everyone with food and drink and the whole village pins in the celebration Such games played during the beginning of the year are directly linked to traditional customs and beliefs. Their purpose is to bring about a rich harvest, ward off misfortune and bring good luck The essence of the games lies not in the winning, but in the spirit of communion they foster. Of the games played during Tano, the fifth day of the Fifth Moon, women's swinging contests, men's wrestling matches and Hanjanggun nori are perhaps the most renowned There are swinging contests in which women swing alone and contests in which two women swing together. The swingers swing standing up, not sitting The winner is the swinger or pair of swingers who go the highest in the shortest time Wrestling matches are held throughout the year in some regions, but mostly at Tano. Each wrestler binds his loins and the upper thigh of his right leg with a cloth called satpa The wrestlers kneel down face to face on the ground Each grasps the others satpa and at the referee's signal, the two stand up, pushing and pulling to try to throw the other to the ground The one whO forces the other to touch the sand first with any part of his body wins. Hanj;mggun nori, the General Han Drama, is centered around a legend about a general who dressed up as a beautiful woman and, with his sister, performed a dance that so charmed some invaders that his soldiers, disguised as farmers, were able to circle and kill them In the game, two children dressed up as women and wearing a round flower wreath dance together while dozens of people dance in a circle around them Then the shaman, who performed an exorcism prior to the game, and the onlookers become "soldiers'' and, at the command of "General Han," encircle the dancers in a mock capture In Kangnung, Kangwon-do, a masked dance drama about officials and slaves is performed instead of Hanj;mggu

nori Of the Tano festivals still held today, the village festival of Kangnung is the best It includes wrestling, tug-of-war, swinging, exorcisms and masked dance dramas. Through the festival, the residents of Kangnung pray for peace throughout the year and for a good harvest The principal god of the Tano festival is the SOng/:Jtmng of Taegwallyong, and a special shaman rite is held for him The principal games performed at HanfÂĽlW4 the fifteenth day of the Eighth Moon, are Kangpngsullae, a circle dance for women, and Tapdori of Popjusa Temple, a dance around a pagoda. There are various theories concerning the origin of Kanggangsullae One is that it developed from a trick Admiral Yi Sun-sin played on Japanese invaders in which he had women dance around fires at night to deceive the invaders into believing their target was well-defended According to another theory, it comes from a folk dance performed as part of thanksgiving rituals during the Mahan period It seems most likely that it was passed down from antiquity as a dance to thank the gods and ancestors for providing an abundant harvest Kanggmgsullae shows that women actively participated in the village festival It is performed by dozens of women who, hold~ ing hands, circle around a woman who stands in the middle The woman sings a folk song, Kangpngsullae, and the dancers sing ~e refrain The big circle symbolizes the full moon, a symbol of the productivity of the women and a confirmation of a good harvest Tapdori, like lantern lighting ceremonies, is a folk game derived from Buddhist rituals held on Buddha's birthday, the eighth day of the Fourth Moon It began as a purely religious ritual based on a longing to be &J.ved by gaining wisdom through endless prayer and meditation But it gradually developed into a form of festival as festive elements were added to celebrate Buddha's birthday. The participants gather around a pagoda and offer thanks to their ancestors and sing praises to Buddha to supplicate for a rich harvest and a peaceful year. When the full moon rises, they begin to circle the pagoda, stopping at their starting point each time to

bow to the pagala and pray. The games played in caastal villages to wish for a good harvest from the sea are quite different from those played in farming villages. Perhaps this is because the fishermen spend so much time at sea and because fishing is not as dependent on the seasons as farming. Or perhaps the villages prefer to rely on shaman rituals such as the Py)lshin gut, a grand-scale shamanistic mask dance held during the First Moon The fiShermen's play of Suyong, in Tongnae, Pusan, uses many banners denoting fJShing and a good catch and various fishing equipment to act out fishing scenes to the accompaniment of music. The Shis6nbat nori of Inch'on is a play alxmt fJShing that expresses the pleasure of having a full boat

when craiker fJShing is at a peak In one version, which is set on a boa~ the fishermen erect dozens of colorful banners to show they have hauled in a lot of fish and sing a folk song called Paech'igi Another version is set in the home of a fiSherman In contrast to the games related to professions are the games associated with funeral rites. The most famous is the Tashiryegi of Chindo, Chollanam-do. In this game, which is performed on the night before a burial, the participants carry an empty coffin around the village It is unique in that it tries to alleviate the grief of the bereaved by making them laugh. In summary, we can see that most festivals are held on or around the First Moon, Tano, the fifth day of the Fifth Moon, and

Han-g;lwi, the Eighth Moon The games and

rituals performed during them vary from region to region and are., of course, quite different from the games played by individuals, children's games and non-seasonal games. Many traditional games had become almost extinct due to the changes in lifestyle that have occurred since the early 20th century, but many of the festival group games have been revived as people have become more conscious of their roots. However, the games can not survive solely on the good intentions of a few; they must be a part of community life Hence, there is a call for the development and succession of these traditional forms of recreation +

One if the most conventionalfonns if recreation that reflects

the seasonal aspects if a vi/~

festiwl is tlx!Chuldarigi, or tugof-u:ar fPme,

held just bifore and after thefirst full moon 17

PATTERNS AND PRACTICESOF VILLAGE RITES Chang Chong-ryong Profes.9Jr, Folklore Kangmmg National University

he term "village rite'' is a sweeping reference to ceremonies and rituals held in and by a community. A manifestation of folk beliefs, rites to village tutelary deities are an occasion to strengthen social bonds and redefme community edicts. Village rites increase solidarity, preserve social customs and provide spiritual solace. In other words, a village rite promises blessings and security for the village and its inhabitants. Because a village is a space within the geographic, social and symbolic limits defined by its residents, it is only natural that village rites are a mainstay of traditional society. Transmitted from generation to gen-

eration, village rites are not only the embodiment of the folk beliefs that sustain a community, but also a vivid manifestation of those beliefs linking the present with the past and the past with the future The purpose of this essay is to take a look at village rites from the dual perspectives-native and imported, inherited and newly developed, superstitious and scientific, traditional and modern, and conventional and innovative-and also to examine the endemic religions connected with them How long is the history of village rites? While accurate dating is impossible, we can trace village rites quite far into the past through ancient records and other docu-

ments. Ancient rituals such as Tongmaeng (Chumong founder-worship) of Koguryo, Y6nggo (spirit-invoking drums) of Puyo,

Much'6n (dance to Heaven) of Ye, and the spring and autumn ceremonies of Samhan, which are described in the Account of the Eastern Barbarians (Tung-i chuan) in the Chinese source San-kuo chih, were prototypes of today's village rites. Thanksgiving celebrations to neaven, these ntuals were a source of regional harmony and fellowship, a catharsis and an invigorator to prepare the community for more hard work to come The religious activities of ancient states that first began as supplications to heaven seem to have expanded gradually to em-

brace a sun gcxl, a moon gcxl, deified humans, sacred animals, mountain gods, earth

gods, dragon gods and other miscellaneous gods and spirits. Historical records indicate the ancient Ye people "held a rite to heaven every Tenth Moon and celebrated day and. night with drinking, singing and dancing" Records show that in Silla (57 B.C - AD. 935), where rituals were held to the sun god and moon god on the first day of the year, the pantheon was expanded to include heavenly beings as objects of worship. Mountains were yet another object sanctified and worshipped as evidenced by various rituals held on mountains. Although it is recorded that SOnangwor-

ship, one of the most widespread folk beliefs in Korea today; was introduced in 1055 in the form of SOngbwang worship, it is believed to have been practiced much earlier. Further study is needed to determine if the Chinese Xinghuang and Korea's SOnang are the same god However, it is for certain SOnang or Xinghuang worship takes various forms. It should be pointed out that before the advent of SOngbwang Koreans worshipped heavenly beings and the like. During the Silla period, heaven worship developed into an ethnic philosophy called Pungnyudo, an amalgam of Taoism and primal folk beliefs. Pungnyudo was based on the Korean

Transmitted from generation to generation, village rites are not only the eml:xxiiment of the folk beliefs that sustain a rommunity, but also a vivid manifestation of

those beliefs linking the present with the past and the past with the future.

predilection for light It was rooted in a desire to eradicate darkness and the shadows of evil with the light from the sun and had heaven, light and the sun as its objects of worship. The Korean predilection for white clothing may have derived from the worship of light which was symbolized by white. The most important motivation of a community rite is to expel evil and to supplicate for a bumper harvest and the welfare of the village, an ideology linked to the P'ungnyudo of Silla. It is also possible that SOnang worship stemmed from the Taoist belief in S6nwang, the King of Immortals. Unlike household rituals held in individual homes, village rites are diverse in character, type and function, defying a simple explanation In light of this, I will attempt to define their intrinsic attributes by citing various types of village rites Rites to Female Deities

Rites to the Sea Spirit are held in fishing villages along the East Calst: in Kangwon-do Province. The Sea Spirit is a female spirit that migrated from outside the region It is often the spiteful spirit of a person who died an undeserved death bu~ after being appeased by the villagers' veneration became a patron of the village and its inhabitants. A similar deification of a female figure exists in southern China and Taiwan The female deities venerated in Kangmundong in Kangnung and Shimgok-ri in Myongjugun, both fishing villages on the East Coast, are said to have come from elsewhere via the sea. A popular myth about the Shimgok-ri tutelary is that about XXJ years ago a beautiful woman appeared in the dream of an aged villager named Yi and, after introducing herself as having come from Hamgyong-do Province, said she was 20

drifting near the Buddha Rock between Shimgok and Chong-dong and asked him to rescue her. The next day Old Man Yi rowed his boat to the rock and found a casket, containing a portrait of a woman, caught between the rocks. He enshrined the portrait in the village, and from then on the village fishermen had bumper catches To this day, the villagers always pray to the spirit before sailing out to sea and hold a community rite on the First Full Moon and on Tano, the fifth day of the Fifth Moon Another type of female deity is the spirit of a woman victimized by bureaucratic corruption. In Chumunjin, Myongju-gun, a woman named Chini committed suicide rather than give her body to the magistrate of Yon-gok After her death, the village suffered disease and its fishermen ruid poor catches until another magistrate held a village rite to appease her unrequited spirit The village enjoyed bumper catches following the introduction of this rite. In contrast to coastal villagers, inland villages honored maidens from heaven For example, Ongnyodang in Ponshin-ri, Yangyang-gun, Kyongsangbukdo Province has a shrine to Ongnyo (Jade Maiden), a daughter of the Jade Emperor of Heaven, who descended to earth as a daughter of the local magistrate and was worshiped after her death The goddess of P'yong-an-ri, P'yongch'ang-gun, Kangwon-do Province was also a heavenly maiden before she rode down to earth on clouds and settled here. Villagers believe the maidens will use their powers to ensure the village has a bumper harvest if they are pleased with the village rites Phallicism

Phallicism, which has been transmitted from generation to generation in its primal form, is believed to have developed from fertility rites,

a desire for male heirs, and geomantic concepts. Villagers in Shinnam-ri, Samch'ok-gun, Kangwon-do carve phalli from juniper wood and dedicate them to the Sea Maiden on the First Full Moon and on the Horse Day of the Tenth Moon. The tradition, which is said to have been practiced for over 400 years, was started after a village girl drowned while gathering seaweed. Villagers hold the rite to appease her unrequited spirit and to supplicate for a bumper catch Manggae Village in Munam-ri, Kos6nggun, Kangwon-do, holds a community rite on the First Moon every year to supplicate for a bumper catch It involves carving an

alder wood phallus to fit into a groove in a rock by the sea. It is quite obvious that phallic worship and female spirits are closely related While wooden phalli are offered for bumper catches in villages along the East Calst, inland villages use stone phalli to expel evil spirits and strengthen the underground energy which, according to geomancy; is believed to have an affect on their communities. Horse Rites and Tombs of Tiger Victims

In legends and myths, horses are attributed magical powers. The holding of commu-

nity rites to horses has been widespread in Korea since ancient times. It is noted in the History of Korj5, written in the 15th century; that rites venerating horses were held every season during the Kory6 period (918-1392). Shiyong hyangakjXJ (Notations of Korean Music), compiled during the reign of King Y6nsan-gun (r. 1494-lS<Xi), includes a song titled ''King of War Horses" which is believed to have been sung at horse rites during Kory6. Several factors could have motivated the veneration of horse images in village rites: outright horse worship, a desire to prevent or eradicate horse diseases, or simply to enhance the veneration of the primary object

A stone phallus (left). The ultimate purpose in holding village rites is to achieve longevity, good fortune and well-being for all the villagers by venerating the gods or spirits that are believed to influence their fortune. The pyolshinje rite seen here is in Unsan, Puyo-gun Ch'ungch'ongnam-do (above).

of the rite, such as the Sanshin (Mountain Spirit) or 5:'5nghwang who would no doubt ride a horse. lronmongers and roof tile makers used to enshrine an iron or earthenware horse and hold rites to it regularly. In some cases, a horse image was enshrined to protect the village from man-eating tigers. Pictures enshrined in village S6nangdang often feature maimed horses suggesting the injury was caused in a fight with tigers, which the horse of course won. Since the Sanshin is symbolized by a tiger and the village 55 nang by a horse, we can see that the horse rite, which depicts the horse as the victor, embodies the villagers' desire to be protected by the occult power attributed to the horse. Iron horses are the most prevalent form of horse images used in village rites. There are more than 20 mountain villages in Kangwon-do alone which have shrines in which iron horses are consecrated Stone horses and wood horses are also consecrated sometimes, as in the village shrine in Samdok-ri, Sanyang-myon, Tongyong-gun, Kyongsangnam-do Province where two

wooden horses represent the horses of General Ch'oe Yang, a Kory6 general The people of S6ngma (Stone Horse) Village in Maam-myon, Kosong-gun, Kyongsangnam-do carved two stone horses and adopted them as their tutelary deities to protect them from tigers. They hold rites to them every First Full Moon The rites include an offering of a bushel of beans. Many mountain villages in Kangwon-do have lx>shikch'ong a tomb where the cremated remains of a person killed by a tiger were buried under a stone mound At the time of burial, a rice cake steamer was placed upside down on top of the mound An iron bar was stuck through the stean1er and the mound in the belief it would prevent further harm from tigers. There are 70-00 lx>shikch'ong in Taebaek, Chongs6n, Yongw~ Samch'ok and Myongju along the Taebaek Mountain Range where reports of people mauled by tigers were numerous even in the early nh century. Tigers were a grave threat to humans in ancient times. In 1be Annals of tlx cJ:xN5n Dynasty there is a report that no less than a

Stones, either singular or in mounds like these at a temple entrance, are worshipped because of the timelessness they represent.

hundred people were reported mauled or devoured by tigers in the Kangwon-do and Kyongsang-<io provinces alone in the second year of King T'aejong (r. 1400-18). Horse rites and rites held at a tiger victim's tomb are thus believed to have originated as a religious defense mechanism to ensure safety from tigers. Stone Mounds and Rock Spirits Rocks are sometimes venerated as the embodiment of a deity in village rites. They may be unusually shaped natural rocks such as round, erect or oversized rocks and grottos, or manmade stone images, stone pagodas and yin-yang images. Stones piled in round mounds are called stone tombs and pointed piles are called stone pagodas. Essential implements for hunting and farming in ancient times, stones are believed to have become religious ob~ because of their solidity and durability. Unlike those at Buddhist temples, a stone pagoda of folk belief is erected by a village as the abode of its tutelary deity, its guardian It is believed to be endowed with

various abilities, such as to reinforce the earth's energy which, according to geomancy; influences the prosperity of the village, to enrich the soil, and to ensure the procreation of humans and animals, the smooth flow of the seasons and the peace of the village. It is also believed to be the embodiment of the Sanshin, the earth god, the S6nghu:ang and the god of birth and fertility. Stone pagodas are ubiquitous acra;s the country. Villagers in T'ap<long (Pagoda Village) in Toma-ri, Wangsan-myon, Myongjugun, Kangwon-do built stone pagodas at three locations to balance their boat-shaped village which, according to geomantic theory, was not balanced. The pagodas are venerated in community rites. Villagers of Taebanggol in Koch'on-ri, Mallo-myon, Samch'okgun believe their stone pagoda, ''Lord Shinyu'; guards their village. Ch'owonri Village in Hoengs6nggun has a ''Grandfather'' pagoda and a ''Grandmother'' pagoda which are venerated on the First Full Moon, as does Oshi-ri Village in Tonggye-myon, Sunch'ang-gun, Chollabuk-do. The neighboring T'ap-ri Village in Ingye-myon and Ansan-ri Village in Kunbuk-myon, Kumsangun, Ch'ungch'ongnam-do Province both have pagodas to keep the village from harm Stone pagoda worship is especially notable in Taeryang Village in Idong-myon, Narnhae-gun, Kyongsangnam-do where the tradition of holding an annual village rite to its pagoda has continued for more than 3:il years. Stone pagodas are sometimes accompanied by changillng (spirit posts) and sottae, (spirit poles) in a syncretistic representation of diverse cults. Villagers have a great affinity for these guardians because they are at the lower echelon of the divine hierarchy and closely associated with daily life. Stone pagodas and individual stones are not especially important deities but rather are honored for the timelessness the stones represent Natural stones are also worshipped as village guardians, such as the stone that represents the S6nang in Hwalgi-ri, Mircrmyon, Samch'ok-gun. Kwanp'o-ri villagers in Changmok-myon, Koje-gun, Kyongsangnam-do have not one but a family of six

stones enshrined in their Tangsan shrine and hold a rite to them on the First Full Moon and the Tenth Full Moon It is said that a village patriarch dreamed an old man instructed him to go to the beach and find six gods. The village would enjoy good fortune and prosperity if it held a rite to them The old man went to the beach and found the six stones. Stone worship prevails on Chejudo Island, which is famous for having an abundance of stones. A bride sometimes takes a stone from her village shrine to her new home to set up a branch shrine. Villagers of Shinyang-ri, S6ngsan in the eastern part of Chejudo worship a rock which represents the sea god and pray to it for a bumper catch and the safe return of their fishing boats. It is noteworthy that the earth god takes the form of a rock in Taiwan where people venerate it in much the same way KG>reans venerate mountain rocks.

Sottae and Changsung A sottae often stands with changillng at

This sottae in Kangnung is called

chinttobaegi by locals.

the entrance of a village. The spirit pole is an object of worship villagers venerate during a community rite to supplicate for the welfare of their village and for a bumper harvest Known as chimdae in some regions, sottae are made of wood or stone and have wooden birds or bird-shaped stones on top. The bir~ are believed to keep evil spirits away from the village by pecking at them In some regions the birds are depicted as ducks. The chimdae in Taeooenggol Village in Koch'on-ri, Mircrmyon, in Imwon-ri, Wondok-up, Samch'ok-gun, and in Kangmundong, Kangnung City, Kangwon-do, where it is called chinttobaegi, are topped with wooden ducks. Their poles are carved in dragon and snake patterns, an expression of dragon worship in supplication for rain which is essential for farming ~ The chimdae in Murim-ri, Shillim-myon, ~ Koch'ang-gun, Chollabuk-do is also topped g by wooden ducks to prevent fire. The wa@ ter birds are an expression of the yin-yang and five elements theories by which water surmounts fire. The chimdae in Songj6ng23

dong, Kangni:ing has the same function. The ducks on the spirit pole not only signify the agrarian society's affinity for water but also symoolize fertility and prosperity. Villagers in Naeryuk-ri, Puan-i:ip, Chollabuk<io venerate a granite pole they call cbimdi:ie hanassi tan{!ian On the First Full Moon they dress it with ropes and hold a rite to supplicate for a good year. A similar rite is held in Nodong-ri, Samgi-myon, Koksong-gun, Chollanam<io which has three wooden cbimdae The word sottae, onomatopoeically understood as a "sauing pole," can be traced to sodo which the Tung-i chuan of San-kuo chih describes as a sacred area where a tall wooden pole was erected for religious ceremonies in the ancient Samhan period A prototype of the sottae can be seen on a shield-like bronze artifact excavated from Koepng<iong in Taepn The object is !Je. lieved to have been used in religious rituals The word cbimdae appears in a Koryo (915-1392) poem Ch'6ng;an py'J/gJk(Green Mountain Song) and again in S6wangga (Song of Return to the West land) by Monk Naong It is believed to mean a pole bearing a load T~ethr with sottae, changsiingfunction to protect a village from evil spirits and ensure its peace and prosperity. A graphic representation of Korean folk beliefs, changsiingare a common fixture in the Kcr rean countryside They are woven into the fabric of village life with changillngj?, a rite to venerate them, being an integral part of the village festival Oxlngsiing are made either of wood or stone The stout stone changillngwearing a hat in Chungnim-ri, Paeksan-myon, Puangun, Chollabuk<io looks like a pvial neighoor with a toothy smile and bulging eyes. Chonch'igok-ri Village in Tongsan-myon, Ch'unch'on-gun, Kangwon<io is quite famous for the changillngj? rite it holds for its wooden changsung The villagers hold changillnl!)?, which they call kOritche(street rite), as part of the annual village rite on the third day of the Third Moon At the time they erect a new pair of changillngand sottae The titles "Great General Under Heaven" and ''Female General Underground" are written in black on each of the changsiing 24

Sanshinjeand Sanmaegije

A graphic representation of

Korean folk beliefs, dlangsUng are a common

fixture in the Korean countryside and the words "300 li to Seoul, 40 li to Hongch'on, 15 /i to Tongsan" are written on the lower part of the posts, turning the changsiing into milestones. Food offerings are spread in front of the changillng and sottae, and the officiant of the rite dresses the changsi1ng with skeins of silk thread tied with folded mulberry paper and dried pollacks. Incense is burned, the villagers bow to the changillng and make libations of wine After the officiant reads an invocation, the paper on which the prayer is written is burned Planted fmnly at the entrance of a village, changillngare at once village guardians and protectors, ooundary markers, milestones, and guardians of wayfarers. The great number of places called changillngbaegi, meaning "a place with changillng' is evidence of the strong belief in and abundance of changillngin the old days. Though unjustly deemed a symool of icon worship by some Western theol~ians, changsung are not icons but integral elements of the Korean psyche

The worship of the mountain spirit Sanshin is one of the oldest and most widespread folk cults of Korea. Sanshinj:, a rite to venerate Sanshin, is still a mapr part of village festivals across the country. Some scholars believe Sanshin is a personification of heaven, the absolute and supreme being Sanshin worship can be documented to ancient times through numerous records. It is recorded in Samguk yusa. (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) that Tan-gun, a mangcxl, founded the Korean nation and became the Mountain Spirit of Asadal after his death In ancient Ye, tigers were deified and venerated as a totem A Chinese source describes the people of Silla as liking to hold rites to the Mountain Spirit Kangn.ung Tanoj!, a local folk rite designated as Important Intangible Cultural Prorr erty No. 13 in 1%7, begins with a Sansbinj? rite to honor the Mountain Spirit of Taegwallyong on the Fourth Full Moon A description of the rite in a collection of stories by the Chos6n period wn'ter Ho Kyun in 1611 indicates that the people of Kangni:ing believed the Taegwallyong Sansbin to be the reincarnation of General Kim Yu-shin who unified the three kingdoms of K~o, Paekche and Silla in the 7th centu-

ry. The early Chosan writer Nam Hycron (1454-92) described a Sanshinje in Yongdong (the Taegwallyong area) in his Cb'ulflng ~ (''Chilly Tales from the Autumn River") as follows: 'One of the cu.stoms of the Yongdong region is to hold a rite to the Sanshin with shamans on a day in the Third, Fourth or Fifth Moon People bring food offerings, the rich carrying them on their horses and the poor on their heads, and pile them on the altar. For three days and nights they drink, eat and play to the music of flutes, drums and lyres before they return home from the mountain'' Even today the sansbindang shrine on Mt Chillaksan in Namil-myon, Kumsan-gun, Ch'ungch'ongnam<io never lacks visitors who seek to hold a rite to the Sansbin here The Sanshinj? ritual is practised at a sanshindang a shrine to the Sanshin, on virtually all well-known mountains such as Mt Chirisan and Mt Taerneksan, reflecting the long de-

pendency of Koreans on their mountains ScmshinjJ is also meant to "defend against the mountain," the mountain here symbolizing the tiger, the lord of mountains. Residents of mountain-locked villages who easily fell prey to tigers resorted to religious means such as sanmaegij! to protect themselves. In the sanmaegij! rite, a specially made rope is hung on a tree on the mountain Sanmaegij! is a manifestation of the belief that mountain villages would be protected through the cx:cult powers of the Sanshin The people in Samch'ok-gun and Myongju-gun, Kangwon-do refer to their sanmaegij! rite as going to 'feed the mountain" because that is how verhilization of the word can be interpreted Selecting a day in the Third, Fourth or Ftfth Moon, the villagers go to the mountain with food offerings. After making the offerings, they hang a sanmaegi rope or a long strip of hemp cloth on a pine branch to pray for the welfare and prosperity of their homes and families and for the prosperity of their domestic animals. In Tojik-ri, Okkye-myon, Myongju-gun and neighboring Shimgok-ri, Kangdongmyon, only women go to the mountain to conduct the sanmaegije rite on Tano, the Fifth Day of the Fifth Moon However, in no less than 41 villages acra;s Samch'ok-gun, people head to the mountain en masse accompanied by shamans to perform an exorcism called kut The sanmaegi rope is made of ordinary rice stalks It is hung in a kitchen in a loo;e V shape for a year. The meat of the first chicken or other domestic animal slaughtered that year is stuck in the rope. On the day of the sanmaegije, the rope is taken down and brought to the mountain t~ehr with the food offerings. Ch'onje and the Spirit of Trees

Ancient Koreans worshipped heaven and the sun as a symbol of heaven Because the sun symbolizes brightness, ch'6nje, the rite to heaven, was held first on Paeksan, a white (and thus bright) mountain In the foundation myth, Hwanung, the father of Tan-gun who founded the Korean nation, descended to a sacred tree on top of Taebaeksan, the Mountain of Great Brightness, with a legion of three thousand follow-

1be tangible obj?ct of veneration in many vil/ag3

rites is an ancient tree

where a tutelary deity is thought to reside

ers. Obviously the Mountain of Great Brightness was the altar for the ch'6nj! rite The rite to heaven was held on top of Mt Taebaeksan from the Samhan period According to Samguk sagi (History of the Three King:fomsJ Hyokkose, the founder king of Silla, set up a sacred precinct, called soda, and built an altar there to hold a rite to heaven; King Ilsong travelled to the north in the Tenth Moon and held a ch'6nje rite on Taebaeksan; and Wonsul, a huxlrang warrior of Silla, trained on Taebaeksan and held a ch'6nj! rite before he vanquished the Tang Chinese army. According to Tongguk y6ji siingnam (Suroey of ~aj}Jy of KoreaJ a rite was held every spring and autumn at Ch'onwangdang, a shrine to the Heavenly King on top of Taebaeksan An ox was tethered there and when the particiJ:Xillts in the rite left, they never looked back for to do so was to invite retribution from heaven Within three days the officials of Samch'ok would return for the ox in a ritual called ''withdrawal of the ox"

Taebaeksan has been the hallowed site for ch'6nj! throughout history. It is said that Shin Tol-sok, a volunteer army leader toward the end of the Chosan pericxi, was victorious in every battle because he offered a white horse to heaven in a ch'6njJ at the altar on Taebaek-san Ch'6nj! rites are still held there today. As indicated by the Sacred Tree in the Tan-gun myth, Koreans have a deeply rooted belief in tree worship. The tangible ol:r 1rt of veneration in many village rites is an ancient tree where a tutelary deity is thought to reside A tree is worshipped not because of its species but because of its age, which is derived from the animistic belief that animate and inanimate things of long life have spiritual powers. Villagers of Munong-ri, Kyenae-myon, Changsu-gun, ChOllabuk-do hold a rite to their tutelary tree on the second day of the Fi!st Moon In Ch'ilsOk-dong Kwangju, an &Âťyear-old ginkgo tree is venerated every year to supplicate for the welfare of the village The tree is arduously protected because any harm coming to it, even a broken twig, would invite punishment from the tutelary. Many ancient trees designated Natural Monuments are venerated as tutelary deities by the residents of the surrounding areas. Having reviewed the {Xltterns of village rites and examples of their practice, it is clear that villagers experience communion with divine beings through such rites and increase their solidarity and scx:ial bonds. We can also see that a village rite has a political function in that issues of common interest are resolved through the community ritual In fact, it is not just a religious ritual but a folk festival that, by incorporating farmers' dance and music, mask dances, shaman rituals and all kinds of folk games and plays, has perpetuated the development of folk arts. In today's changing world, the traditional village rite is facing extinction So it is hoped that with increased public awareness of traditional culture and active restoration efforts, village rites will be handed down for generations to come â&#x20AC;˘

A Visit to Songhak

REDISCOVERING CHA:If(fjUNG Kim}oo-young Novelist

t is not unusual to find a pair of traditional spirit posts, or changillng at the entrance to a Korean village. Many communities hold rites honoring the fierce changsiJng from time to time, but rarely does one find a village that holds such rituals on a regular basis. Songhak Village in Kongju-gun County, Ch'ungch'ongnarn.<fo Province is unique in this respect Its residents have been holding regular rituals honoring their changsung for about four centuries. Songhak, located at the crossroads between Puyo and Kongju, both former Paekche capitals, was, thanks to its fertile land and wealthy populace, long known as a prosperous village However, the community suddenly fell victim to a mysterious plague of contagious diseases and disasters that stretched on for many years. The villagers believed their misfortune was caused by an evil light beaming down on their community. In order to block this light and restore community peace and prosperity, they began to hold rites honoring their changillng They didn't hold these rites on a

regular basis at first, but soon they found that their village was subjected to repeated bouts of illness or disaster in the years the rites were not observed. So began the tradition of an annual rite According to village elders, the ritual has been held every year in recent memory. In fact, Songhak was the only village to maintain its changillng ritual during the 36 years of Japanese colonial rule. Many villages were forced to abandon their local rites when the Japanese enforced the requisition of all metal utensils toward the end of World War II, but the people of Songhak never "' gave up the tools of their ritual ~ The changsung have always been a ~ friend to the common people, so it is no surprise that Songhak's rite remains in the hands of the ordinary villagers. Anyone, young or old, male or female, can participate as long as they are not fX>lluted. The rite itself is simple There are few rules or formalities involved. The food used in the rite is donated by the people of the village. Everyone contributes as much as they are able. The day before the rite is

Three "male" changsung guard the entrance to the "east village" of Songhak

and

three "female"

changsung guard the entrance to

the "west village." The changsung are "married" in a ceremony that begins a village rite Songhak has held for several centuries.

held, the villagers clean house, then collect all their refuse and bum it Next they clean the area around the community well A stream divides Songhak into what its residents call "east village" and "west village." Three "male'' chang;Ung guard the entrance to the east village and three "female" changsr'Jng guard the entrance to the west village The rite begins with a ceremony to unite the chang;Ung of the two villages in marriage

What exactly is the significance of the chang;Ung? Traditionally the Korean people did not place much stock in an afterlife It wasn't until the late fourth century when Buddhism was introduced that they began to believe in a spiritual life after death As Buddhism spread across Korea, it came to compromise and coexist with indigenous folk beliefs which focused on peace and prosperity in the present world. It was through this compromise and coexistence that Buddhism was accepted by the Korean people A visit to any Buddhist temple today reveals the intimate relationship between Buddhism and indigenous folk beliefs. There is hardly a Buddhist temple in Korea that does not have at least one shrine honoring the mountain spirit The Korean people, hounded by repeated attacks by their neighbors over the centuries, needed a focus for their prayers for peace and prosperity. In early times they prayed to the sky and earth, the moon and stars, but as time passed, they gradually came to focus their prayers on ceremonial objects, such as stone pagodas, chang;Ung or sottae, poles erected to symbolize prayers for a good harvest Sbttaeand chang;Ungwere erected at the entry of nearly every village in Korea, but curiously this does not seem to have been the result of any centralized plan or unified policy. Still, the sottae and chang;Ung were remarkably consistent in function and form They shared an unadorned simplicity, a feeling of unassuming honesty, and exuded a certain mystery and originality as they stood at the entrance of the village, as droll and unpretentious as the people who created them In a record of his travels around the Kcr rean Peninsula in search of traditional 28

Prior to holding the changsungje rite, a team of vtllagers carve a new changsung to re-

place their oldest one. It is made from a specially selected tree brought from the mountains. After the carving is done, the features are highlighted with black paint. A new sottae with a bird on top is also made. A flag

g @

is flown to show

the village is preparing for a changsungje.

clxmgsi1ng the novelist Pak Tae-sun noted: The face of the changsu ng embodies man's hopes and fears, his disappointments in the present world All the religious whisperings of a better world to come, all the promises of salvation offered in political ideology can never wash away the fear and pain, the disappointment and hope found in the face of the changsi1ng No wonder they are forever clad in the dust and dirt of the present world The changsi1ng reflect the feelings of the common people, forever doomed to be treated as the lowest dregs of society: They embody the loneliness and indignation of the people who pray to them; they harmonize the kindness of the powerless, the cunning and cleverness of the shrewd An artist has also noted that the extraordinary boldness and variety found in the changsiingrival that of any other Korean art fonn, even the exceptional Buddhist sculptures of the Silla and Kory6 eras. The cbangsung had several functions. First, they protected village serenity by frightening off evil spirits that could cause poor harvests, natural disasters or contagious diseases. Most changsi1ng stood at the entrance of the village or on a mountain pass leading to the village. In traditional society, rural villagers were exposed to many virulent diseases, such as smallpox and cholera Unable to rely on hospitals for health care, the needy villagers pooled their resources-money or grain-to erect frightening changsiing to guard their villages. Rites honoring the changsiing were held on the day of the first full moon or during the tenth month of the lunar calendar. The placement of the changsiing at the entrance to the village reflects the spirit post's role as the gecwaphical protectors of the village. In Korea, most rural villages stand with their back to a hillside and overlook a stream or river. However, a larger village will occasionally stand in the middle of an open plain, unprotected on all four sides. Changsiing were erected in each of the four directions in this case. Some changsiing were erected to protect 30

The day before the rite, the village is thoroughly cleaned and special care is taken to clean the area where the changsung stand, especially the spot where the newchangsung will be erected.(above) The flags of the east and west villages "bow" to each other in an opening ceremony.(left) After the changsung is erected, the officiants offer prayers for each and every villager. (below) The highlight of the day is the burning of the old changsung and the playing offire games.(bottom)

G:seoul Kim Young-sang President Seoul Culturallfutory Society

This is the first in a series of articles KOREANA will feature in celebration of Seoul's sixth centennial as the capital of Korea. The articles will focus on A-I 0 Seoul's history, 4l b ~ o~ 1 monuments, mar0 kets, traditions W and more.-M

f"'

"'l 1â&#x20AC;˘

ln.

he great Paektusan Mountain Range stretches southward and branches out into other large and small ranges in the east and west At the center of the Korean Peninsula, it twists to the west to form the Kwangju Mountain Range that shoots up high in the air to form Mt Pukhansan, the guardian mountain of Seoul Pukhansan again stretches southeastward to become the smooth, slim-looking Mt Pugak that soars up behind ChongWa Dae, the Blue House. Small ranges shooting

off from Pukhansan surround Pugak; the one on the left is called Cbtmch'Ongryong, the one on the right Ubaekho, and the one in front of it An5an In other words, Mt Pugak, the prindpal mountain, is in harmony with Mt Tarak in the eas~ Mt Inwang in the w~ and Mt Mokmyon, or Nknsan as it is called today, in the south This together with the Han-gang River flowing between Mt. Myokmyon and Mt. Kwanak farther south make Seoul an ideal site for the capital of Korea On November 3, 1394, 600 years ago,

600 Years Ago Seoul was designated the capital of the Chason Kingdom, just two years after Yi S6ng-gye, or King Taejo as he is known by his dynastic name, came to power and proclaimed his kingdom Chos6n Various historical records inducting Tafjo shillok (TI:xJ Annals of Tafjo), show that Taejo searched high and low throughout the whole nation for an ideal place to move the capital which was then in Kaegyong, present-day Kaes6ng nmth of Seoul Mt Kyeryongsan in Ch'ungch'ongnamdo Province and Ch6ks9ng in Kyonggi-do

Province, and Shin-gyong (Mt Paekhwa in Changdan, Kyonggi-do Province) were among the places strongly recommended for the new capitaL Of these, King Taejo was so captivated by Kyeryongsan that he personally inspected the area with the great Buddhist priest, Muhak. However, Ha Ryun, the governor of Kyonggi-do who had a profound knowledge of traditional prophetic methcxls, strongly opposed the site, saying it was too small and topographically unsuitable. Consequently, the construction of a palace already underway at the foot of Kye-

ryongsan was brought to a halt, and Hanyang, today's Seoul, was designated the new capitaL It was not only during the Chos6n pericxi that Hanyang received attention as a potential new capitaL During earlier pericxls, it had been considered the most important place beneath Mt Paektusan Even before the Three Kingdoms period, it had been the site of countless battles because of its geographically strategic location The fighting for control of the area peaked during the Three Kingdoms period

The site was also considered very important during the Koryo period because it was the third largest city after Kaegyong, the capital, and Pyongyang. In fact, active measures were taken to move the capital to Hanyang during the late Koryo period. Kings U-wang and Kongyang-wang actually resided in H.anyang for short periods in 1382 and 13<;X), respectively. Once the decision to transfer the seat of government to H.anyang was reached, King Taep immediately performed sacrificial rites to the gods of heaven and earth to ask for a successful move. From the following day, November 4, 1394, construction was launched on a shrine for Taeps ancestors, an altar to the gods of earth and harvest, and a palace However, it is recorded that there was intense strife over designating Mt Pugak as the chief mountain. In Tonggugy6jibigo, a Chos6n period document, there is a passage titled "The Contention over Seoul's Principal Mountain" It reads: ''During the transfer of the capital, the great monk Muhak wanted Mt Inwang, with Mt Paekak and Mt Namsan on its left and right, designated the principal mountain Chong To-pn, another advisor, however, was strongly opposed and declared that from antiquity, all kings had ruled the country facing southward so one could not possibly create a capital facing the east Thus, Muhak's view was not adopted" Muhak and Chong To-pn both played important roles in the founding of the Chos6n Kingdom and had a direct influence on the selection of the new capital Acting on King Taeps orders, Muhak concentrated on selecting the capital, combing the nation for an appropriate site ChOng concentrated on establishing the administrative framework for various government structures and legal codes for the new kingdom Their disagreement over the designation of a main mountain thus put Taep in a difficult position There are no clues in any historical records including TonfBUgy)jibigo as to why Chong's view was adopted in the end Anyway, Kyongbokkung, the official palace, was built facing south and became the foundation for today's Seoul From ancient times, a king's residence and main court always faced south, reflect36

Namdaemunno (above) and Chongno (left) about a century ago. Prehistoric pit dwellings in Seoul's Amsa-dong (below).

It was not only during the C!xJs6n period that Hanyang received attention as a potential new capital Even before the Three King;loms period, it had been the site of countless battles because of its geographically strategic location. 37

ing a form of city planning that had been considered the most appropriate and stately since the late Han period For this reason, the palace of a king's residence was always built in the north to face the south, a rule that also applied to palaces in China That was why Chong insisted the palace be built facing south Muhak, on the other hand, claimed that if the palace faced south, there would be ceaseless domestic troubles and foreign invasions due to the fiery strength exuded by Mt Kwanak. To this, Chong retorted that the waters of the Hangang River flowing between the palace and the mountain would easily quench its fiery heat Ultimately, Muhak and Chong, due to differences in their concept of the world, caused more controversy over the boundaries of the protective wall to be constructed around the city. On the western slope of Mt Inwang was a rock, called SOnbaw~ in the shape of a monk wearing a peaked hat and a robe. Muhak wanted the rock to be included within the city boundaries but ChOng wanted it excluded Chong said, "If we include the SOnbawi inside the capital, Buddhism will prosper, but if we keep it out, Confucianism will prosper." In the end, the city wall was built skirting the rock City Planning There is no record of the fXJpulation of

Hanyang at the time King Taep moved the capital However, records from the eighth year of King Sejong's reign, 1426, give the fXJpulation of Hanyang as around 110,000, and the number of households as a little over 18,500. From this, it can be construed that its population when the capital was moved was much smaller. That such a serious discussion raged over how to plan the city when its population barely reached 110,000 shows how future-oriented the p::llitics of that era were Although Seoul's main streets are narrow for today's 10 million-plus populace, they must have seemed very wide for a fXJpulation of less than 100,000. Not only that, as soon as the move to Hanyang was completed, King Taep revised the administrative zones throughout the country: He divided the five provinces of 38

Central Hanyang was basicalty "T" shaped, with the main stree( starting from today's Sejmgno Street and con-

tinuing down to the South Gate, bislxting the other main

and an altar to the gods of earth and harvest, Sajiktan, to the right To a nation with an agrarian culture and a history of venerating ancestors, Chongmyo and Saji.ktan were not simply ancestral shrines or altars; they symbolized the royal family, which represented the nation, and thus were given high priority in the building of the Hanyang capital The 5 pu were divided into central, east, west, south and north, and each pu had jurisdiction over the pang The 5 pu and 49 pang were as follows:

road that exteru:kd from the East Gate to the West Gate.

the Koryo period into eight, and reorganized Kyonggi-do Province around Hanyang As a result, the district inside the city wall came to be called Tos6ng, meaning ''the capital," and the J(}ri zone outside the wall came to be called SOngp, meaning ''the district beneath the capital" With its division into the city and the suburbs, Hanyang had an outline similar to today's central city and surrounding Satellite cities. The actual city planning for Hanyang was supervised by the Shindo Kunggwol Chos6ng Togam, the New Palace Preparation Agency, which was installed on September 1, 1394, just two months before the move. At the same time, Kwon Chunghwa, Chong To-jOn, Ch'ong SOng-baek, Shim Tok-bu, Kim Chu, Chwa Pok-ya, Nam Un, and Yi Chik were given the resiXJnsibilities of formulating the construction plans for the capital As a result of their planning, Hanyang developed according to the concept of Chu:amyousa with Pugak as the main mountain, and the administrative zones divided into 5 pu and 49 pang Chu:amyousa means the King's residence stood in the center with the royal ancestral shrine, Chongmyo, to its left

1 Central Pu : 8 pang-Changt'ong, Kwanin, Ch6ngson, Kyonp'yong, Sorin, Sujin, Kyonghaeng, and Chingch'ong 2 East Pu: 12 pang-Sungin, Yonhwa, SOun, Toks6ng, Sunggyo, Yonhu~ Kwandok, Ch'ondal, Hungs6ng, Ch'angs6n, Taltok, and Inch'ang 3. West Pu : 8 pang-Indal, Chokson, Yogyong, Hwanghwa, Yangsaeng, Shinhwa, Pansong, and Pans6k 4. South Pu : 11 pang-Kwangt'ong, Hohyon, Myongrye, T'aep'yong, Hundo, Songmyong, Nakson, Chongshim, Myongch'oL SOngshin, and Yes6ng 5. North Pu: 10 pang-Kwanghwa, Yangdok, Kahoe, An-guk, Kwan-gwang, Chinjang, T'ongmyong, Chunsu, Sunhwa, and Uit'ong As society at that time was divided into strict classes, the administrative zones also offer a gijrnpse of the class distinctions and the size of the government budget The distribution of the residents of Hanyang was roughly split around Chongno Street, which ran from east to west At the time of the capital's move, Taep distributed land in accordance with a subject's class. High officials, including those who helped in the nation's founding, were given their choice of land for homes as well as quite a substantial amount of land Almost all of them selected the upper part of Chongno to build their homes since it was known to be an ideal housing site Naturally, the north side of Chongno Street was taken up with large mansions of the yangban elite, creating the so-called ''North Village" The middle class, which included lowranking officials in charge of public services,

such as Say6kwon, Ch6nuigam and Kwansanggam, came to live near the Yugipn, in the Central Pu, the commercial center where there was an active exchange of commcxlities. The masses were scattered throughout the other districts. Central Hanyang was basically "T" shaped, with the main stre~ starting from today's Sejongno Street and continuing down to the South Gate, bisecting the other main road that extended from the East Gate

A map from the Choson period showing the administrative zones of Hanyang, today's SeouL

to the West Gate The Kangbuk distr~ the region north of the Han-gang River that used to be the center of Hanyang, has maintained its basic structure to the present Hanyang was looked upon as an outstanding site from ancient times, and from its birth as the new capital of the Chosan Kingdom, developed into toclay's Seoul with a population of more than 11 million +

THE Chang Kyong-ho

Director Cultural Properties Research Institute

emil is a historic city that has been a cradle of Korean culture and a hub of development from ancient times. Inhabited from prehistoric times, the area along the Han-gang River which Seoul straddles was a strategic point for which ancient states vied incessantly to dominate. It is thus surmised that defense facilities existed here from the time power groups emerged in the area. However, archaeological and written evidence take us no further back than the Three Kingdoms period (57 B.C.- A.D. 668) when the area was fortified for defense purposes. Paekche (18 B.C- AD. (ffJ) was the first kingdom to dominate the Seoul area during

the Three Kingdoms period. Onjo, the founding king of Paekche, chose the area, which was then called Hansan, as his capital in the early years of his kingdom, though the specific date is unknown He supposedly moved south to Namhansan in 5 B.C. and constructed a walled town on each side of the Han-gang: Habuk (North of the River) Wiryesong on the northern shore and Hanam (South of the River) Wiryes6ng on the southern shore. A number of walls in Seoul and its vicinity are associated with Paekche. Archaeological findings credit Paekche with the construction of P'ungnap-ri Earthen Wall and Mongch'on Earthen Wall in eastern Seoul

Ach'a Sans6ng, a mountain fortress located on Mt. Ach'asan in Kwangjang-dong, S6ngdong-gu, is believed by some to have been a mapr Paekche fortress because King Kaero-wang of Paekche was killed in action on the foothills of Ach'asan during a battle against Kogury6. Pukhan Sans6ng on Mt Pukhansan in Kugi-dong is also believed to date from the Paekche pericxi Toward the end of the sixth century, Silla (57 B.C-AD. 935) seized control of the Hangang area, and King Chinhung-wang erected a border marker on top of Mt Pukhansan The walls and fortresses in the area naturally came under Silla's control However, Silla continued to fortify the area, even after it

SEOUL unified the peninsula by vanquishing Paekche and Koguryo, as indicated by, for example, a stone wall and a well on Mt. Kwanaksan and Isong SansOng in Kwangju, Kyonggi-do, which were recently found to date from the Unified Silla pericx:l. Remains of ancient walls have also been found near Ach'a Sansong and in Nungdong, Sanggye-dong, Myonmok-dong, Chunggok-dong and at Tangch'undae. With the founding of the Chos6n Kingdom (1392~ 1910), Seoul, then called .HansOng or Hanyang, was systematically developed as its capitaL Palaces were built and walls were constructed around the city to fortify it The walls of the capital were built in the

early 14th century and were maintained in goodrepairunillitsdowrua!L Some mapr remains of walls and fortresses in the Seoul area are as follows: P'ungnap-ri Earthen Wall The remains of an earthen wall in Pongnap-dong, Kangdong-gu are known as Pungnap-ri Earthen Wall after the old name of the area The wall, which is near the Hangang River east of the Ch'onho Bridge, is preserved by the government which has designated it Historic Site No. 11 Historic records indicate it was one of several fortresses Paekche built on both sides of the Han-gang after the area became its seat of power.

Many scholars construe it was Hanam Wiryes6ng, PuksOng or SasOng mentioned _in ancient documents, even though this has not been archaeologically validated The oval-shaped earthen wall stretches south to north along the shore. The east side is about 1,500 meters long, the south side about 200 meters long and the north side about 300 meters long. Most of the west wall is missing, but owing to the recent construction of an embankment along the

This wall in Songbuk-dong is part of the wall built around Hanyang, today's Seoul, in 1396.

shore, it looks complete. There are several openings in the eastern wall which are believed to be gate sites. Excavation of the northern section revealed that the wall was constructed by packing layer upon layer of loam Stratigraphic studies show the outer incline was stepped and the wall was about 30 meters wide at the base. The best preserved part of the wall, which is turfed, is about 8 meters at the highest point The area enclosed by the fortress, which has long been urbanized, was inhabited in ancient times, as evidenced by dwelling sites, earthenware and other relics dating from the prehistoric age and the Three Kingdoms period Mongch'on Earthen Wall Like the P'ungnap-ri Earthen Wall, the Mongch'on Earthen Wall in Pang'i-dong, Kangdong-gu was a major fortress of Paekche. The fortress appears to have lXm in the shape of an irregular trapezoid There are openings in all four walls which were appar-

P'ungnap-ri Earthen Wall (above) and Mongch'onEarthen Wall (right) are believed to have been constructed by the Paekche Kingdom when its capital was in the Seoul area. At far right is an ornament on a gate of Pukhan Sansong, a mountain fortress many believe was first built by Paekche. 42

ently gates. A wall that seems to have been an outer fortification extends along the northeastern side. The total length of the fortress walls is about 2.5 kilometers. The walls are 7--30 meters high and 20~5 meters wide. A recent excavation showed that the walls were built by packing and layering clay and earth, that some parts had wooden palisades and that there was a moat Palisades were often used for defense purposes during the Three Kingdoms period The excavation also revealed dwelling sites and storage pits inside the fortress, as well as sites of Three Kingdoms period buildings that had flues to heat the floor. The relics found here were mostly earthenware shards of Paekche, more proof that it was a Paekche fortress, perhapsÂˇ Han am Wiryes6ng The fortress wall was designated Historic Site No. '317 in 1982 and was extensively repaired and restored in 1988 prior to the Seoul Olympic Games.

Ach'a Sansong There is no historical evidence that this mountain fortress was constructed by Paekche, though the location would have been of strategic importance. Earthenware shards retrieved here date to the Three Kingdoms period The fortress, Historical Site No234, is on Mt Ach'asan in Kwangpng-dong, Si5ngdonggu on the northern shore of the Han-gang in the east part of what is now the Walker Hill Resort The wall encloses the upper part of the 200-meter-high hill that gradually slopes down into the river. It is about ~(X) meters long and is made of granite cut to fit the terrain, a building technique frequently seen in the stone walls of the Three Kingdoms and the Unified Silla periods. The stones are 20--30 centimeters wide, 45--&:) centimeters long and over 45 centimeters deep. The wall is about 10 meters high on the outside but barely higher than 1~2 meters inside. Together with Pungnap-ri fortress across the river, this mountain fortress was strategically vital to the defense of the Hansan

(Seoul) area. It is believed to be the Ach'a Fortress of Paekche referred to in the

Samguk sagi (History of the Three Kingdoms) as the place where Paekche's King Kaero-wang was killed in action when Hansan fell to Kogury6. It was also here

that General Ondal of Kogury6 met his death during a battle against Silla.

Pukhan Sansong Pukhan Sans6ng was constructed at the beginning of the Three Kingdoms period and became the major battleground where the three kingdoms of Paekche, Kogury6 and Silla vied for control. Some believe Paekche built it in AD. 132, when its capital was Wiryes6ng, to block Koguryo's southward advance However, in 475 King Changsu-wang of Kogury6 captured it after a long siege, killed Paekche's King Kaerowang and pillaged the Packche capital. Paekche, in alliance with Silla, succeeded in halting Koguryo's advance, bu~ in breach of the alliance, Silla's King Chinh6ng-wang took control of the Hansan area in 553. He

Taejo's shrine to the fortress, which he reconstructed and also expanded The fortress saw action again in the early 13th century when Kory6 waged a fierce war against invading Mongols. During the Chos6n period (1392- 1910), after the country suffered frequent foreign encroachments including the Japanese invasions in 1592- 98 and the Manchu invasions in 1636, the government decided to build protective fortresses on the outskirts of the capital. Pukhan Sans6ng was repaired in 1659 and was extensively reconstructed in 1711, at which time the stone walls were extended to about 9 kilometers. There were 13 gates, including four large ones. A large, 1.20 ~ kan (a traditional unit of measurement re~ ferring to the space between four columns, g which is usually larger than a p'y)ng or 33 erected a boundary marker on top of Mt square meters) palace for emergency use Pukhansan to commemorate his personal in- was built inside the fortress, and storage facilspection tour of the area. ities with a total floor space of 140 kan were When the Khitans invaded Kory6 (918- built at the upper, middle and lower sections 1392) in the early 11th century, King of the fortress. There were also three comHyonjong (r. 1009--31) moved Kory6 King mand posts at the east, west and north

ยง

points and 11 temples and two hermitages to accommodate garrisons of Buddhist monks. The temples included Chunghungsa, Taegosa and Sangmunsa. Ancient records indicate the fortress had rich water resources, induding 99 wells and 2fJ reservoirs. The Taenamrnun, Taes6mun, Taedongmun and Pogukmun gates have been restored Seoul Walls It was in the Tenth Moon of 1394 that Chcron's founder King Taep moved his capital to Hanyang, on the recommendation of Monk Muhak, and renamed the city Hans6ng In 1395, he built Ky6ngbokkung Palace and the royal ancestral shrine Chongmyo and, having established an office of fortifications, ordered Chong To-jOn to build a wall to endose the capital by linking Pugak, Naksan, Namsan and Inwang mounNamdaemun, the South Gate, National Treasure No. 1, was the main entrance to the city of Hanyang. (far right) Ch'angÂˇiiimun (right) and Kwanghiiimun . (lower right)

tains. The work started the next year and involved a total of 118,070 civilians and soldiers drafted from across the country. The wall, which was to be 18 kilometers long when completed, was constructed in 97 sections, each about 180 meters long Instead of an identifying number, each section was given a letter from the One Thousand Chinese Letters, beginning with the first, chon (heaven), and ending with the 97th, cho (mourning). Twelve officials of various ranks were responsible for the supervision of two sections. The sections on high, rugged terrain were about 4.5 meters high and built of stone. The sections on flat areas and low hills were about 7.57 meters high and built of earth. The addition in 1398 of four main gates and four smaller gates marked the initial completion of the walls, which took about three years.

A wall reconstruction office was set up in 1422 by King Sejong (r. 1418-50) to extensively repair the wall, which had begun to crumble. The earthen sections were replaced with stone, and battlements were added Two more water gates were built near Tongdaemun (Fast Gate), and S6daemun (West Gate) was moved farther south Also, the wall was heightened. in many places and lengthened Patrol routes about 4.5 meters wide were built on both sides of the wall The project involved about YJJ,OOO men, 9,610 bags of plaster and 4.5 tons of iron The distance between Mt Pugaksan in the north and Mt Namsan in the south was about 5.8 kilometers, and the distance between Tongdaemun in the east and S6daemun in the west was about 3.9 kilometers. The eight city gates were: Sungnyemun (Namdaemun) in the south, Hung-injimun

(Tongdaemun) in the east, Sojonmun (Tonuimun or Sodaemun) in the west, Sukchongmun in the north, Honghwamun (Hyehwamun or Tongsomun) in the northeast, Kwanghuimun in the southeast, Souimun (SOsomun) in the southwest and Ch'ang-uimun in the northwest The wall and gates fell into disrepair because of frequent wars, such as the Japanese invasions of 1592-98 and the Mongol invasions of 1627 and 16.36. They were extensively repaired during the reign of King Sukchong (r. 1674-1720). According to ancient records, the wall was reconstructed again in about 40 places during the reign of King Yongp (r.1724 -76). The structural differences from one period to another that resulted from the repairs are quite distinct even today. The walls dating from T'aejo's reign are irregular and made of natural stones of varying size, with

smaller stones wedged into gaps between larger ones and oversized rocks making up the foundation in many places. Characters from the One Thousand Chinese Letters, which were inscribed to identify wall sections at the time of construction, are still visible in a number of places from the northern slope of Paegak to SOngbuk-<iong and on a section on the eastern slope of Mt. Namsan

The walls constructed during Sejong's reign are made of square or rectangular hewn stones and have large stones at the bottom and increasingly smaller stones toward the top. The surface bulges slightly in the middle. Each section was inscribed with the name of the county which was responsible for its construction These inscriptions are still visible on the walls between Paegak and Aengbong and between Tongsomun Gate and Naksan Hill

The parts dating from the reign of King Sukchong show advanced construction techniques, with the laying of (i).{:entimeter stone cubes regularly and without any gaps from the bottom of the wall to the top. They include walls near Tongdaemun and Kwanghuimun gates and to the east of Paegak. Inside these walls, the town developed into a beautiful city as kings added palaces and other edifices. Palaces such as Kyongbokkung, Ch'angdokkung, Kyonghuigung and Kyong-un-gung (Toksugung) were built, and national shrines, such as Chongmyo, the royal ancestral shrine, Sajiktan, the shrine to heaven and earth, and Munmyo, the shrine to Confucius, were constructed at appropriate locations. Stone bridges, such as Sup'yogyo, Changt'onggyo and Taegwanggyo were built across the then clear Chonggyech'on Stream that

flowed through the city and pavilions were built at scenic spots. Namdaemun (South Gate), Tongdaemun (East Gate) and Ch'ang-uimun are the only original city gates still standing Others were demolished to give way to urban development A number of the old gates, including Sukch6ngmun, Sosomun and Kwanghuimun, have been restored recently or will be restored in the future. Namdaemun, which was originally called Sungnyemun and faced Kyongbokkung to the north, was the most important entrance to the capital It is said to have been built from the First Moon to the Ninth Moon of 1396. When it was extensively repaired in 1962, an inscription found on its ridge beam confirmed it was completed on the Sixth Day of the Tenth Moon of 1396. Inscriptions also showed that the gate was renovated during the

reigns of Sepng and SOngpng The walls and structures annexed to the gate were destroyed in a road expansion project during the Japanese occupation (190~45) . The arch and the superstructure of the gate were dismantled and restored in 1962 The pavilion-style superstructure, or lookout, has two stories and is of a multiduster bracket style. Together with Namdaemun of Kaesong and Pot'ongmun of Pyongyang, it represents the city gate style that prevailed in the early Chosan period. Designated National Treasure No. 1, Namdaemun stands in the heart of today's

Tongdaemun, the East Gate, one of the four main city gates constructed when the Hanyang City Wall was constructed in the 1390s.

Seoul Tongdaemun, or Hung-injimun as it was originally named, was constructed together with the first wall constructed during Taep's reign. It was reconstructed in 1448, repaired in 1453 and reconstructed again in 1869. An inscription on the ridge beam found during repairs in 1958 confirms the cornerstone of the present structure was laid in 1869. Of the four main gates of Seoul, Tongdaemun is the only one with a barbican-like structure. The structure is believed to have been added when it was last reconstructed during Kojong's reign. The gate is of the same construction style as Namdaemun, an arched stone rampart topped with a two-story lookout. The bracket style is similar to that of Namdaemun except the bracket arms are thinner, longer and curved in a way characteristic of late Chosan architecture. +

KOREAN ARTISTS ABROAD

CONDUCTOR OF BASTILLE OPERA

Chung Myung-whun Im Young-sook Editorial Writer, The Seoul Shinmun

Myung-whun, "a 36-year-old Korean conductor not well-known to France" and "with experience only in symphonies," was designated as his successor. Their attitude began to change after his inaugural press conference, and they finally showered him with enthusiastic accolades for the opening performance of the Bastille Opera which he conducted (although a small part of the press, critical of the Socialist government which appointed Chung, continued to be harsh .. ). I first interviewed Chung in 1974 when he won second place in the Tchaikovsky Concours for piano at the age of 21 The success reaped by a musician from a divided nation in Moscow in an era when the confrontation between East and West was at its height was big news not only in Korea, but also in the United States where Chung studied music. Naturally; Korean reporters fought among themselves to get a chance to interview him Upon his return to his home country, Chung had a press conference, at which he was surprisingly composed and modest. That unnerved the reporters. At a time when his future as a pianist seemed rock-solid, he revealed his aspirations to be a conductor, and actually took up a baton upon his next return to Korea During his debut as a conductor at Seoul's Sejong Cultural Center, he appeared awkward and unable to move his arms properly. Nonetheless, he won over the orchestra and the audi-

reporter is a very difficult being A reporter praises his source while simultaneously picking at its defects. If he doesn1 distance himself from his source, his story could be a failure A reporter also creates fame, yet has no trust in it He knows better than anyone the true picture of the fame he has created. It is no easy matter, therefore, to earn the trust and support of a reporter. Even a genius has faults, and every famous personality, dark sides. However, the 41-year-old musical director cum conductor of France's Bastille Opera, Chung Myung-whun-the world renowned conductor from Korea-is one of the rare people reporters trust and support Most of the Korean music reporters adore him This may seem only natural since he is a Korean and a celebrity, but that is not the real reason Not all Korean artists who have achieved worldwide fame are loved by Korean reporters. When he was first appointed musical director/conductor of the Bastille Opera before its opening in 1989, the French reporters were skeptical of his talents, but they changed their tune after meeting him and hearing his music. When Daniel Valenbohieme, the former director of the Bastille Opera, was dismissed, the French press were cooL almost antagcr nistic, to the announcement that Chung

''I don't think a gxxl conductor is someone wf.xJ memorizes music UX?ll and unfailingly

gives signals to individual musicians. A conductor is someone wf.xJ understands music in a larger, broader sense and transmits it ... " 47

ence with his earnestness. Over a period of ten years, he carne to rank among the top conductors in the world-as the result of an impressive passion for music and diligent hard work Music is a py itself to him. He is the sixth of seven children in a musically inclined family and studied music from an early age (The Chung Trio-him on piano, elder sister Chung Myung-wha on cello and younger sister Chung Kyung-wha on violin-are internationally famous and were named Goodwill Ambassadors for the United Nations International Drug Control Prcwam in 1992) He began learning music even before he could talk and, as a young child, was known to have said, "My favorite things are a good piano and chocolate" He says, "To a musician who truly loves music, success is a by-product that comes naturally, not a trophy gained through battle" His success is truly the result of his pure love for music. This is not to say that his success was a simple case of luck. He is a man who knows how to meet challenges. He pushes himself hard and endlessly, always saying, 'This is only the beginning" The fact that he began to cut down on the number of piano performances he gave the year after he won the Tchaikovsky Concours in order to take conducting lessons and his choice of Hector Berliois Poople of Troy as the opening performance at the Bastille Opera House show that he is ready for a challenge On the opening night of the Poople of Troy at the Bastille Opera House, the audience gave him a standing ovation for 20 minutes. The opera is rarely performed in its entirety because it is very long--4 hours and ?f) minutes-and because it is very difficult to stage The European press gave it glowing reviews. Le Figaro reported: "Paris' first performance of the Poople of Troy was more than successful and Chung Myung-whun emerged as the true victor of today's performance through a perfect, passionate and high-quality orchestration" Le Monde reported: "Under the direction of Chung Myung-whun, the Bastille Opera House has recovered its soul." The Times reported: "When Chung Myung-whun was first ap48

pointed to succeed Valenbohieme as the musical director of the Bastille Opera House, people didn't know him well. People would barely nod when told he was the brother of the world famous violinist, Chung Kyungwha Now, however, Chung Kyung-wha has to be introduced as the sister of Chung Myung-whun Just as Iyaniece of Troy built Rome at the request of Jupiter, it seems a god had ordered Chung Myung-whun to rebuild the Bastille Opera House With Chung, the Bastille Opera House may yet rewrite the history of opera." Even with such astonishing praise, Chung's only thought was, "This is only the beginning'' He had set a goal for himself-to make the Bastille Opera one of the leading opera troupes in the world His goal is now being realized First of all, his promise to "raise the Bastille Opera Orchestra to the rank of the world's top five'' has almost been fulfilled. Among the French, there are many who judge the orchestra as having already surpassed the French National Orchestra and the Paris Orchestra In 1991 the Bastille Opera made two records with Germany's Deutsche Gramophon. One of them, a performance of Olivier Messiaen's Turangalila swept the record awards given by music magazines, and finally carne to be designated the best Grand Prix Disk of the year by the New Records Academy in France Messiaen himself sent Chung the best praise of all after listening to the record He said, "Since this piece was first performed in 1949 by the Boston Symphony under Leonard Bernstein, it has been performed more than two hundred times worldwide, but I always found it lacking in some ways. I was on the verge of touching it up when I heard this record and realized that there was no need" Since then, Chung Myung-whun and the Bastille Orchestra have recorded Saint-Saens' Org;ln Symphony, Bizet's Carmen and a selection from Woman from Arulle, RimskiKorsakov's Sheherazade, Stravinsky's The Firebird, and Shostakovich's Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk, all receiving critical acclaim Chung was awarded the Musician of the Year award given by the music critics of the French press in 19~ and a cultural medal

from the French government. Chung prefers a restrained style of conducting "A conductor will triumph if only he can listen to the music and the orchestra And in order to listen well, he can't move much The more you move, the less you hear;' he explained "I don't think a good conductor is someone who memorizes music well and unfailingly gives signals to individual musicians. A conductor is someone who understands music in a larger, broader sense and transmits it A conductor is like a bricklayer, building a house He must be precise and definite to the extent that the orchestra members become almost lazy and lax." After completing a graduate course atJulliard, Chung began his conducting career as an associate conductor of the Los Angeles Philharmonic Orchestra under Carlo Maria Julini in 1978. Leaving the Los Angeles Philharmonic in 1982, he moved to Europe and appeared as guest conductor with the Berlin Philharmonic, the Munchen Philharmonic, the London Symphony, the Amsterdam Concert Hebow, and the Paris National Symphony Orchestra He became the music director and conductor of the Jarbureken Radio Symphony Orchestra in Germany in 1984, and also assumed the position of chief guest conductor with the Firenze (Florence) Orchestra of Italy in 1987. In 1988, he won Italy's Premio Aviati Award, an award given by the critics to the best conductor of the year in Italy. It is a prestigious award which Leonard Bernstein, Cel~u Cellibidake, Claudio Avado, Ricardo Muti, Carlos Kliver and Wolfgang Jaballiche each won in their time Chung carne to the Bastille Opera in 1989, the year after he won the award The Bastille Opera House was built by the then ruling Socialist Party in 1981 on the occasion of the bicentennial of the French Revolution and has been a constant focus of right-wing criticism Even after its opening, it has experienced various difficulties due to the political strife between the left and right During the last four years, which Le Poem described as being "dotted with thunderstorms, torpedo attacks and riots," Chung and the opera house have borne the brunt of the attack Now there are worries that ÂˇChung's standing might weaken since the right-wing parties won the general election

in 1993, triumphing over the leftist party that first appointed him Even though ultimately he might be used as a political saaifice, he has more than suffidently proved his talents as a music director, as well as a conductor, to the French, not to mention the international music community, by making it pussible for the Bastille Opera to navigate safely through the stormy waters, espedally when it had even been compared to "the Titanic before an iceberg" In leading the huge ship through the storm, he employed ''persuasion through rational~c' with the French goverrunent as well as members of the Bastille Opera One might say his weapon was "persuasion through music," and with it he will certainly meet the current challenge as wisely as he has met those of the past Moreover, his contract with the Bastille Opera runs until the year 2<m. His life in Paris is quite simple. He is so faithful to his work and home that he has been described as "a man living with only two pillars, music and home." He leaves for work at dawn and returns home late at

'Vnder the direction cf Chung Myung-whun, the Bastille

opera House has recovered its soul" - Le Monde

night He spends the rest of the time with his wife Ku Sun-yoL and three sons, Chin (13), SOn (11) and Min (9) and enpys cooking as a hobby. He had worked as a cook when his mother ran a Korean restaurant in the United States and is a connoisseur of Italian cooking His home is in Prashi, a suburban dty 30 kilometers northwest of Paris. His two-story, five-bedroom house is on an island in the

Seine called ne de Minyo. Though he has a car, he prefers to take the subway to work to avoid the rush hour traffic In the subway; he reads music scores or takes a brief nap. ''I have only one responsibility left as a musician That is to find a way to use all the knowledge I have gained to help the next generation I have been busy studying, but I hope to find a way to help younger musidans from now on," he said in a recent interview. He has already founded the Seoul Festival Orchestra with musicians-to-be in Kcr rea. The Bastille Opera will perform in Korea in April It will stage Richard Strauss's opera Salome at the Opera House in the Seoul Arts Center April12-17, and the orchestra will perform at the Center's Concert Hall on April18 and 19. Though the Bastille Opera Orchestra visited Korea in 1990, this will be the first time the Bastille Opera will stage an opera in Korea. It will also be the first time Salome will be performed in Korea. Needless to say; the Korean music world is already trembling with exdtement +

A scene from the Bastille Opera's performance of Richard Strauss' Salome. 49

PHOTO POEM

Mist lifts on the stream in front, sunlight illumines the mountain behind Push away, push away! The night tide is alma;t out; soon the morning tide will be coming in Cbigukcl:iong chigukcl:iong osazm! flowers in profusion adorn the river village, distant hues are best

Is that the cuckoo singing? Is that the willow grove greening?

Row the lx>at, row the lx>a~ A few fisher houses glimmer in and out of the haze Cbigukcl:iong cbigukcliong osazm! Shoals of fish flash in a clear deep pool

'S 2

The day is hot; fish jump in the water. Weigh anchor, weigh anc orl ~in twos and threes fly baGkand forth Cliigukcl:iong chigukcliong osazm! I have my fishing pole at the ready; Clid I put the makli5lli jar on lx>ard?

Gentle sunlight bathes the water, the waves are like oil Row the lx>at, row the lx>a~ Should I cast the net; my fishing pole might be better? Chigukeliong chigukcliong osazm! The song of the fisherman stirs my heart; I forget all about the fish

6 The evening sun slants in the sky; enough, it's time to go home. Lower the sail, lower the sail! Willows and flowers are new at every bend Chigukcliong chigukcliong osazml Shall I look with envy on the three highest offices in the land or think of the affairs of men?

An east wind springs up;

waves get up a lovely swell Hoist the sail, hoist the sail! I leave Fast Lake behind, move on through to West Lake. Cbigukch'ong chigukcliong osazm! The mountain in front passes by, giving way to the mountain behind

I long to walk on fragrant grasses, to pick orchids and gromwells, too. Heave to, heave td What have I laaded in my tiny leaf-like boat!

Will there be no tomorrow, how long till the spring night sets? Beach the boa~ beach the boa~ My fishing pole is my walking stick as I head for the brushwood gate.

Chigukcliong chigukcliong osaUXl!

On the way ou~

Days like this are a fisherman's life.

I was alone; on the way back, I have the moon

Tipsy, I stretch ou~ what if I drift through the fast water? Tie up, tie up! Petals drift by in the water; the Peach Paradise must be near.

Chigukcliong chigukcliong osaUXl! How well hidden from the red dust of the world of men?

Yun Son-do

(1587-1671) is

widely regarded as tile greatest poet of sllijo, a three-line verse form tllat was developed in ancient times. The Fisherman's Calendar is a cy-

9 I hang up my fishing line, look at the moon through the rush-awning window. Drop anchor, drop anchor. Has night fallen already? The cuckoo's call is limpid on the air.

cle of forty poems describing tile four seasons in one of Yun Sondo's favorite retreats. Tile sec-

Chigukcliong chigukcliong osaUXl!

resenting the winding of the an-

Exdtement unabated, I forget where I'm going

chor chain, and osawa, the rhythm of the oars.

ond refrain is onomatopoeic, chigukch'ong, chigukch'ong, rep-

KOREAN ARTEFACTS ABROAD

ParkTo-hwa Lecturer I Museum Researcher I:Xmgguk University

UDDHIST PAINTING underwent a dazzling efflorescence during the Koryo period (915-J392). Buddhism being the state religion, mammoth Buddhist events with the king participating were held frequently, and Buddhist art works were commissioned by royalty and aristocrats Under the patronage of the aristocracy, the best Koryo artists devoted themselves to the production of Buddhist arts, the quintessence of which was icon paintings. Koryo Buddhist painting is representative of the cultural development and sophisticated taste of the era and is by far the most impressive of the genre produced in Korea The extant Buddhist paintings of Koryo have a number of distinct characteristics. First, they are of an elegant and sophisticated style. This is because they were mostly done to suit the taste of the royalty and aristocrats who commissioned them to supplicate for national causes as well as for the prosperity and well-being of their own fan1ilies. These patrons were motivated by a desire to perpetuate the glory they enpyed in this life in the other life through the pious act of dedicating religious icons. Second, their themes were derived mostly from the Amitabha cult of Buddhism whose mapr figures are Amita (Amitabha, the Buddha of Winite light), Kwanum posal (Avalokitesvara, the Bodhisattva of Mercy), and Chijang posa1 (Ksitigharba, the Bodhisattva of the Underworld). Amitabha is depicted in diverse compositions: alone; flanked by two other Buddhas; flanked by two Bodhisattvas; surrounded by nine Buddhist figures; and, with Bodhisattva attendants at his 52

Amitabha Triad National Treasure No.218 Hoam Art Museum, Korea

side, gliding down to Earth to carry the soul of a newly deceased believer back to the Western Pure land Avalokitesvara and Ksitigharba Bodhisattvas are closely associated with Amitabha and are often depicted accompanying the Buddha The paintings attest to the popularity of the Amitabha faith, the crux of which was a hope to be reborn in the Western Pure land Na!xm (arhats), disciples of Buddha, are another rnapr subject of the Buddhist icons, reflecting a traditional reverence for Buddhist clergy. Some nahan paintings feature up to five hundred nahan These paintings were commissioned for massive ceremonies for which the commissioner also provided food and expenses. The idea was to solicit the power of holy beings to protect one's own well-being and that of the state through the virtuous act of providing food to legions of monks. Th_ird, Koryo paintings are elaborate. They are cleverly composed and highly intricate. Rendered with exquisitely fine brushwork and in brilliant colors, they are florid but not gaudy. Fourth, they are very ornate. The clothing of Buddhist figures are embellished with exquisitely depicted patterns of lotus, arabesque, phoenixes, clouds and other imaginative motifs. The mastery of Koryo artists is at its best in the depiction of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva with resplendent headgear and silky garments which are delicately outlined to convey transparency. Fifth is the illumination of hand-written Buddhist sutra, called py5nsangia The oldest extant example is a frontispiece of the Avatamsaka (htm.6m) sutra created during the Silla period, but it was during the Koryo

An Illumination of Amitayur-dhyana Sutra Saifukuji Temple,]apan

period that py6nsang:io were made in great numbers and the art highly refined Kory6 py6nsangdo were so outstanding that monk artists who specialized in the art were often conscripted to Yuan China.

The objective of a sutra being recitation and propagation of precepts, it would have been far more practical to produce them in bulk, especially when Kory6 already had advanced printing technology Why then were there so many handwritten copies of various sutras, which required an inordinate amount of skill and unerring accuracy, not to mention time? The answer is found in the Lotus sutra which teaches that sutra copying is in itself an act of faith By carefully copying sutra letter by letter, a faithful Buddhist added one more meritorious deed to the list of virtues for which he would receive blessAn Illumination of Amitayur-dhyana Sutra ings in the hereafter. Chion-in Temple, japan Sutra copying was done in gold or silver on mulberry paper dyed deep indigo. The was to present the sutra's message in a nutfrontispiece was drawn in gold The use of shell, so to speak, the picture was fastidiously expensive materials and elaborate embellish- rendered with extremely fine Jines. Its comment made the entire work extremely deccr pact composition and delicate depiction rative, which appealed to the lavish tastes of were strikingly lucid against the dark backKory6 aristocrats. A hand-copied sutra was ground of the paper because of the absence in short a decorative work as much as it was of diffusive colors. A special exhibition of Kory6 Buddhist an act of faith paintings was held in Seoul from December Because the function of the frontispiece 54

11, 1993 to February 13,

1994. It was a rare opportunity to see firsthand the beauty and excellence of Kory6's Buddhist iconography. Except for a handful treasured by a few Kcr rean collectors and temples, the maprity of existing Kory6 Buddhist paintings is in Japanese collections. A few are in U.S. and European collections. For this reason alone, the Exhibition of Kory6 Buddhist Painting, the first of its kind in Korea, was indeed very significant (It was the world's second exhibition of Kory6 Buddhist paintings after the one held by the Yamato Bunkakan in Nara, Japan in 1978.) Another significant point about this exhibition is that it included Korean artworks from abroad. The organizers borrowed two items from France and 16 from Japan Negcr tiations with the reluctant Japanese collectors were especially difficult owing to the delicate relationship between the two countries. Because many of the works are treasured as cultural assets in Japan, collectors were apprehensive about their safe return In the end, however, the exhibition was a resounding success, and the borrowed treasures were returned to their collectors. It is hoped this experience will lead to more exhibitions of Korean cultural treasures from abroad and thus increase the scope of international cultural exchanges. The exhibition is believed to have stimulated the study of Kory6 Buddhist painting which had been grievously hampered by the scarcity of Kory6 paintings in Korea.

The exhibition is very significant in this regard because it provided an opportunity to survey an extensive collection of Koryo works at close range and encouraged indepth research of this unjustly neglected genre The Koryo Buddhist paintings are some of the most beautiful art works in the world ''Exquisitely beautiful" and "infinitely delicate" are some of the adjectives that have been used to describe them from ancient time. The recent ascendancy of Koryo paintings in the world art market where they command high prices is one indication that admiration for them is universal Given the paucity of Koryo paintings of any genre that have survived the ravages of time and wars, the works in the Exhibition of Koryo Buddhist Painting can be an index to the excellence Koryo artists achieved in general. As the paintings were commissioned by the elite upper class of Koryo society, one can assume that the artists who created them were representative of their time Another important point is that Koryo Buddhist painting was the beginning of a genre that has continued throughout the long history of Korean arts. In no other Buddhist country does icon painting hold such a prominent place as in Korea. It appears to be a relatively minor genre playing a low-key role to Buddhist sculpture in Japan and China, whereas every worship hall in a Korean temple has one or more Buddhist paintings enshrined t~ehr with Buddhist statues. Tibet has mandala but the metaphoric diagrams are fundamentally different from Korean Buddhist paintings in composition and motivation It has long been generally accepted that celadon ceramics and the Tripitaka Koreana printing blocks represent the excellence of Koryo arts, but Buddhist painting must be added at the head of the list for it is quite dear that no other painting in the world is as beautiful and exquisite as the Buddhist painting of Kory6. +

IN THE SPOTLIGHT

Kimln-whan Prof~

of Fme Arts, Cha;un University

he sculptor Moon Shin was born in centrates his strength and energy on the cre1923 in the southern port city of ative process, through which he most surely Masan where he now lives in re- arrives at a state of rapture Then the angel tirement, concentrating all his ef- of joy appears, piercing through the darkforts on his art The focus of his ness brought by the pain of loneliness creative activity is a project to remodel his which seeps through to the bone. Fulfillchildhcxxl home into a sculpture park with ment comes when the work of art is coma workshop and a gallery. plete The taciturn Moon, an established artist, Moon Shin has gradually come to underavoids any form of self-promotion. But stand the eternal conflict that exists between there is without doubt a great well of ener- an artist and his art This wisdom shows in gy inside him that is spent on his work His the rituals of his daily life workshop, located on a hill in the urban disIt has been a long time since Moon set trict of Masan with the calm sea in full view, off for Paris in the early 1960s to establish is filled with the fever of artistic endeavor. himself as an artist In his solitary battle, he The sculpture park put himself through is itself a work of art, a all sorts of tests and trials and finally retestament to Moon's turned home at peace peculiar devotion to his art and to the hunger with himself. for fulfillment which Altogether Moon drives him has lived outside Korea for over 35 years. These days he is preparing to create the (In the 1930s, in his last great work of his school days, he went artistic career. It seems to Japan to study and Moon has concluded stayed there during the turbulence of that this is the greatest gift he can give in grati~ World War II.) During tude for the sanctuary i those years he cultioffered by his home~ vated his artistic sensitown and country. bilities and expanded his knowledge of the It is through art that The sculptor Moon Shin world. The decision Moon overcomes the (above) is turning his childto end his life as a weariness of the unhood home overlooking the "stranger in a strange changing rhythm of port of Masan into a sculpland" seems to have space and time This is one of the privileges of ture park (right). been motivated, however, by some goal being an artist In his workshop Moon conquite apart from his 56

hunger for achievement Moon has returned home to find himself and reconfirm his identity in the cradle of his hometown and country. In all of Moon's works there is the suggestion of the heroic. His decision to return to Korea was also in the realm of the heroic. And apart from a sense of duty to his homeland, Moon has been motivated by an idea and a plan that can be realized only in this country; a plan that is in now being put into effect The novelist Lee Byung-ju once said, "Moon's face is unique in that it is both intel-

lectual in appearance and a profound work of art in itself. In fact everything about Moon can be called artistic-his facial expression, his physique, even his odor. In Rodin's bust of Balzac we recognize the arrest of an intangible quality, perhaps the artistic spirit As the portrait of an artist, Moon is a credible figure and leads one to conclude that everything about him is determined by fate" From the window of Moon's atelier can be seen the Masan industrial complex. There is a large factory where Moon gets metal supplies and technical support for his work The curiously named "Sail Island" (Totsom) is also visible. On it a grand sculpture by 58

Moon Shin's favorite materials are ebony and stainless steel as the sculptures in the galleries of his studio clearly show. Prior to beginning the actual work on a sculpture, he makes numerous sketches.(left) Before becoming a sculptor, he studied painting in Tokyo at which time he painted this self-portrait. (right)

Moon stretches up as if it were indeed a ~ Everything around him, the city and its natural environs, reaffinns the ties between Moon and his world of art Moon loves and is deeply grateful for all that is there From Painter to Sculptor As an artist, Moon was originally known as a painter (Western style). But after his time in France he turned to sculpture and has worked in that medium since While sculpture is his field, the plane and the cubic coexist in his work There are few artists who work this way. For this reason we cannot overestimate his abilities. Moon's transformation from painter to sculptor carne about by chance While in France he happened to be working on the renovation of an old castle His interest was sparked by its dynamic architectural structure Architecture and sculpture are both arts which must delineate three dimensional space and adhere to the ~rincples of cubic construction The organic construction and form of Moon's sculptures have often been described as architectural In terms of the methods of construction or composition, detailed planning and reciprocal structure, symmetry, selection and preparation of materials, and basic perspective, architecture and sculpture are the same The same feeling is felt in the creative process of sculpture and that of architecture To move from painting to sculpture called for a great deal of courage In painting he had adhered to the school of realism but

when he moved to sculpture he made a sudden turnaround and immersed himself in the abs\ract. The change was not as abrupt as it seems, though When Moon returned from Japan in the mid-1940s he had experimented with relief work In the Moon Shin Art Gallery there is a work from that time called Fisherman This work of course is also one of realism It captures the movement of the fisherman, hauling his catch out of the water; the sleeves are rolled up to reveal imposing arms which Moon says were carved after carefully observing his own Moon's eyes were first opened to art when he saw a small drawing by Picasso in a newspaper and was inspired to try himself. In 1930 there is little chance that he understood cubism but at any rate he had discovered Picasso. He made up his mind to one day experience the West for himself, though this goal was not realized until he had entered his forties. The greatness of Picasso lies in his genius and the persistence and passion with which he pursued his art And like Picasso, Moon is an artist combining talent with tremendous creativity. This is verified by the words of many French art critics : "The painter and sculptor Moon Shin combines sophistication and grandeur in masterpieces of a kind rarely seen" "Moon Shin's work combines all elements in such a natural manner that it is impossible to conceive of sculpture in any other fotm" "The great originality of Moon's works

never fails to move me" ''His works suggest the mystery of some faraway land" "Moon's works are, in a word, unique" "Moon's works all seem to have roots planted immovably in the earth" "Moon's art is hiding some secr~ determining the forms of everyday life and the general view of sex which sets the boundaries of private life He reyus both vulgarity and the virtues of eroticism bu~ like the per ets, he gives us an extremely peaceful picture of the world of sex:Âˇ "Moon's works are like the stretches that exist between the lawn of a park and empty space They are composed much in the manner of a soap bubble They shine like flashes of light reflected off glass but there is no sign of weakness. Instead they have an unexpectedly strong visual effect and transcend the questions of reality and fantasy, the physical and spiritual'' "Moon deftly absorbs the cultures of the East and the West to achieve a harmonious combination of the two, incorporating the bread liberality of the West and the delicate subtlety of the ~ thus stining life into both" A Life of Dreams When you first come face to face with . Moon's art, it brings to mind nothing so much as a beetle The singular symmetricality and diversity of the refined forms makes one think of the movements of an insect. They also conjure up visions of alien creatures in the unknown depths of outer space Yet others resemble totem poles. There are

Fisherman, a wood carving Moon did in the mid-1940s when he experimented with relief work. Tire realistic work captures the move-

ment of the fisherman, hauling his catch from the sea. Moon says he created the imposing arms after carefully observing his own. 60

also corrunemorative posts which soar majestically straight up into the sky. And as has been alluded to before, there are also works which are linked with sex. In short, Moon Shin's art is the fountainhead which sets the imagination in motion and gives birth to ideas. They are simple and grotesque, beautiful and varicolored, irrunobile yet full of action, geometric yet indefinite, abstract and ye~ in some unexplainable way, they contain the secrets of nature. And they are very much about outer space. Picasso once said, "Art is not something that you seek but something that you discover." Moon Shin is as tough as his favored materials-ebony and stainless steel. His uniqueness as an artist can be seen in his geometrical forms and careful preparation. The fine line drawings flowing from the point of Moon's pen are the first glimpse of the intricacy of the artist What is the source of Moon Shin's unceasing creativity? The answer can be found in his tenacious spirit What are his plans for the future? "I will concentrate only on my art," he says. Apart from giving this determined and resolute answer, he says nothing. In his youth, Moon used to take great pleasure in flying his kite with his father on New Year's Day. The kite flying up unobstructed and then floating suspended in the sky was symbolic of Moon's wishes. At one time it was his dream to be a pilot Moon's father labored all day in the darkness of a coal mine in Japan, but he implanted in the mind of his son the dream of the bright blue sky. Moon did not become a pilot but, through his art, his imagination is soaring through heaven and outer space. His extreme faith in art has opened the road to outer space for him He is continually going forwards. Moon Shin is a mysterious person and he likes to leave it that way. He shies away from any interpretation of his work The attention that is focused on him he seeks to reflect through his father and back on ourselves as if facing a mirror. Under the fetters of colonial rule, Moon's father turned away from Korea and confronted life in another land It was a matter of survival. Moon's father pas.sed on to Moon his sense of adventure. At the age of 16, Moon

Moon's Olympic Harmony at tile Seoul Olympic Park

went back to Japan alone to attend art school later, at the age of 38, he went to study in France. He has participated in many group exhibitions in Europe-in France, Switzerland, Germany, Italy, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia-and held several solo exhibitions as well For Moon Shin, art is no les.s than the means through which he lives his life. He no longer works to survive but because of a firm faith in art and a sense of duty. In

1988, he put all his heart and soul into the creation of his life's masterpiece for the Seoul Olympics. Entitled Olympic Harmony, it is two great symmetrical towers of shining metal that rise up 25 meters. It is these commanding memorial posts that embody Moon's childhood dream of reaching the sky. +

JOURNEYS IN KOREAN LITERATURE

THE L TERAT

E OF

Yi Ch'ongjun I CH'ONGJUN was born in the coastal county of Changhung in Chollanamdo Province in 1939. He attended middle and high school in the provincial capital of Kwangju, then moved to Seoul to study in the department of German literature and language at Seoul National University. Yi made his literary debut in 1965 when his short story, "Discharge from the Hospital," won first prize in a contest for young writers sponsored by &ln~ a respected monthly. ÂˇAfter graduating from university in 1~, he pined the staff of &l&lnggye and in 1967 won the Tongin Literary Award for another short story, "The Deformed and the Idiot'' In 1969 he won the Newcomer's Division of the Culture and Arts Awards with ''The Falconer;' a novella set in a mountain village in Chollanam-do Province. His first collection of short stories, fll Show You the Stars, was published in 1971, and he has continued to publish similar collections and fulllength novels at regular intervals ever since. Indeed, Yi Ch'ongjun has long been rec~ as one of Korea's mQSt prolific and demanding authors and has enpyed both critical and commercial success. His works have won practically every mapr literary award, and many have been published in translation for non-Korean readers. A number of his wotks have also been made into movies; recently Y3p')K5nje, a tale of itinerant p'ansori singers, became the mQSt successful Korean film in the history of Korean cinema. Yi Ch'ongjun's literature clings to the reader like a spider web. The language, the images, the ideas grab hold and refuse to let go. His stories portray the trials and concerns of ordinary people-falconers, writers, farmers, newspaper reporters, tightrope walkers,

photographers, artisans-as they struggle to survive, hopefully with some scrap of dignity; in an increasingly materialistic and complicated society. One senses the author is struggling along with his characters, forever searching, forever challenging himself, forever reaching for new intellectual space. In fact, the search for life's significance is one of Yi's favorite themes. It often manifests itself in the tale of a traditional artisan struggling in the face of social and political change or an alienated intellectual searching for life's meaning only to discover the answer lies in the spiritual energy that runs deep beneath the surface of the reality in which he or she lives. Yi is also interested in the nature and function of language. Often his protagonists-mQSt commonly writers, reporters and other figures who depend on lan.guage for their livelihood-struggle with the meaning and relevance of their work in the face of ~ political and social forces which ~ prevent them from revealing the u truth The writer, like the artisan, ~ is forced to question his craft in the face of contemporary reality. "Footprints in the Snow,'' originally published as Nun'gil in the monthly literary purnal Munye Cbungang in 1977, belongs to a third genre of Yi's literature (as well as a common type of modern Korean fiction)-the "homecoming" novel The intellectual protagonist returns to his hometown in the country only to be confronted with his guilt toward his mother and frustration at his inability to deal with that guilt The widowed mother, so thoroughly resigned to life's injustices, is a compelling personification of ban, the Korean people's cherished sense of los.s and longing. <Editor>

''Recreating'' Korean Fiction A Conversation with Bruce andJu-Chan Fulton Recipients of the First Korean Literature Translation Award KOREANA First of all, congratulations on your award How did you come to translate the works included in the Words of Farewell volume?

B. FULTON: I tend to be more writer-oriented than issue-oriented rve always been interested in fiction, particularly short fiction I find myself identifying with an author's style. Ju-Chan and I have slightly different ways of settling on stories we like. Of course, part of it is dictated by the fact that she's a native speaker of Korean and can read very quickly while I read more slowly I am more liable to ask others whose judgement I trust for recommendations while JuChan is more independent

B. FUL1DN: We were finishing up our translation of Hwang Sun-won's The Moving O::ls-

tle and wanted to try a few more translations I was familiar with a number of older writers but Ju-Chan and I were interested in trying someone more contemporary. We asked Hwang Sun-won for some advice. I don't believe we phrased the question in terms of men versus women, but 0 ChonghOi was the first author he mentioned He also recommended Kang Sok-kyong's ''Room in the Woods," which had just come out in the literary journal, Stgye ui munlxlk We read that story and a collection of O's short stories, as well as "The Bronze Mirror;' for which 0 received the Tongin Award a few years before. We translated "The Bronze Mirror" in 1985, then approached Seal Press here in Seattle with that particular stcr ry and the idea of publishing a collection of O's works. They felt that a collection of several Korean writers might be more marketable and asked if we could suggest any other writers. We thought of Kang S6kky6ng, and Hwang Sun-won recommended a third writer, Kim Chi-won, whom he had helped enter the Korean literary world We delivered the final rnauscip~ a collection of short stories and novellas by 0, Kang and Kim, to Seal Press in 1989, and the book was published at the end of that year. KOREANA: Genral~v how do you select works for translation? Is it pure~v a matter of taste or do you lxlve certain issues you prefer dealing with?

Bruce Fulton

]. FULTON: I feel the story has to be interesting and enjoyable. But even if a story is interesting, I still like to wait to see how that particular writer develops. In a sense, we are investing in a writer by translating his or her work I like to see consistency in a writer's stories. But most important is the question of whether a story is interesting-in style and content If a story is going to be published outside Korea, it has to appeal to nonKoreans. We have to find universal appeal, issues that interest non-Koreans as well as Koreans. If the author maintains a Koreanness, a Korean theme, while at the same time achieving a certain universality, then all readers will appreciate the work Surprisingly, "A Certain Beginning;' one of the stories by Kim Chi-won included in Words of Farewell, has received a lot of publicity. We didn't consider it one of the stronger stories in the collection, but it has been reprinted in several other books and journals in this country. I guess it's because the story deals with the life of an illegal inunigrant in the United States, something that interests people here. We never expected this kind of response. KOREANA Does Korean literature lxlve a 71

to pieces with a red pen! It hurt so much-all my time was wasted!

market overseas? B. FULTON: Yes, it does. Mcx:lern Korean history has, to a great extent, been touched

by foreign influences. There's quite a subgenre of Korean fiction where America-and in particular the American military-exerts a strong influence on Koreans one way or another. A number of these are in English-Ahn Jung-hyo's White Badg; or Silver Stallion, and weve translated "Chinatown" by 0, which is included in Word5 of Farewell Americans seem to look for something they can grab ontcr-something that gives them a frame of reference In the future, I would expect more Korean fiction to portray cross-cultural contact. It won't necessarily be set in Korea, and it may not focus on life in Korea itself. KOREANA: What does Korean literature have to qffer the non-Korean reader? ]. FULTON: I believe that if I truly enpy a story, other people, non-Koreans, may enpy it too. Korean literature has potential for universal appeal However, as time passes, I find it harder and harder to select works for translation because my expectations are quite high and I'm not willing to select a work simply because it received a literary award in Korea. B. FULTON: My feeling is that the best of Korean short fiction is world class. Interestingly, the best fiction dates from the 1930s. Of course, it's all a matter of personal preference, but I've always admired the traditional Western-style short story. Pre-liberation Korean fiction seems to fit that category more, whereas much of the more contemporary fiction is longer and quite diffuse. I don't think it is as successful as literature. The short fiction of people like Hwang Sun-won, Kim Tong-ni and Ch'ae Man-shik is, in my opinion, world class. However, it's hard to find full-length novels of such quality KOREANA: How do you translate a story once you've selected it? Every translation team seems to have its own metlxxi. B. FULTON: When we began translating 72

ju-Chan Fulton

/find it harder and harder

to sekt worksfor translation

lxx:ause my expectations are qui!R high and lm not willing to

B. FULTON: After we have a draft, the first order of business is making sure we've gotten all the lexical problems taken care of. Then we worry about trying to make something literary out of it Ju-Chan is involved in this process as well because sometimes a certain English expression isn't a precise equivalent of the Korean original and I have to make sure it doesn't stray too far from the author's intentions. There are always words or expressions that I might have second thoughts about. For example, on the second or third reading of a story, we may realize that a Korean phrase was not meant literally but instead has some secondary or figurative meaning. In such cases, I always discuss alternatives withju-Chan It's a process of constant refining and trying to make the English come alive In the final stages, we read the English version out loud It's surprising how much you find doesn't flow smoothly when you read it out loud, even though you've read it in your mind time and time again

sekt a work simply lxx:ause

KOREAN A: How about you, ju-Chan? Do you feel comfortable with your collaborative approach?

it receilXXi a li!Rraty award

J. FULTON: This is what works for us, given

in Korea

years ago, Ju-Chan was working part-time and we would both work on first drafts-either separately or together. But JuChan has been working full-time since 1987 and she doesn't have the time to write anymore I've been writing first drafts and she reads them over, or I read the English draft aloud to her while she follows along on the Korean original ]. FULTON: But first I read the original and make notes that I think will be helpful to Bruce He then reads the original and writes a first draft As Bruce said, I used to write a first draft myself, hut that's really a waste of time because rm not a native speaker of the target language He used to slash my draft

the limitations of time and all I believe rll always be limited in English and Bruce will always be limited in Korean. He's the one who really creates something in English, but I want to make sure he understands what the author is trying to tell us. Sometimes there are idiomatic expressions that can't be expressed in English so we try to come up with something that works in English and at the same time reflects what the author is trying to say That's why Bruce ends up spending more time on the translations. He's trying to create something that can stand by itself- as literature in English. KOREANA: Have you ever gotten halfway through a translation and begun to have doubts about the original work? B. FULTON: Well, as a matter of fact, we had that experience with one of our favorite

works, Yun Heung-gil's "The Man Who Was Left as Nine Pairs of Shoes," which is included in land of Exile, an anthology we collaborated on with Marshal Pihl Yun has a colloquial, wordy style, and I myself prefer something much more terse and lean. About halfway through the story, we began experiencing a certain amount of frustration Now, though, we're quite comfortable. We've reworked the story several times, and it's been very well received at public readings. KOREANA Some peoplE

say that certain works of literature, certain aspects of Korean language or culture, simply can't be translated What do you think? ]. FULTON: I don't want to say that anything is impossible. We try to create something as close to the original as possible. For example, Korean has a lot of onomatopoeia, so we experiment with other ways of expressing that. A direct translation would be awkward

lating. In the last year, we've tried to make the kids our priority. I know pint translation is the best way to translate Korean literature, but I wish we had more time. KOREANA What about you, Bruce? What

kind of problems have you encountered in the translation of Korean literature?

some sort that sometimes require Ju.Chan to leaf through an unabridged Korean dictionary or other reference books. And there's always the problem of dialect Apart from tha~ the greatest problem in translation is the English There are plenty of adequate and readable translations in English that aren't necessarily really vitaL inspiring works of literature in themselves. If you think highly enough of a Korean work to translate it, you want to create something equally inspiring in English That's the kind of result that comes through a spiritual rapport between the author and the translator and repeated readings and revisions of the work in Korean and the target language. Through long years of experience, you try to recreate. KOREANA: In recent years we've seen movement toward the active promotion of Korean literature overseas-generous translation grants and awards as well as seminars and workshops. How do you view this?

B. FUlTON: Right I don't think any work is untranslatable. Rather it's a matter of a work being uncongenial to a particular translator-in other words, a mismatch of an author and translator or a translator and a work-{)r being inaccessible to the target populace.

B. FULTON: As translators, we're the beneficiaries of any foundation support. For someone like myself, who doesn't have a full-tirne job outside translating, I am very much indebted to this The Fultons at home with their sons, Edward and Andy support However, it's onB. FUlTON: It's always impor1ant to be sure ly been very recently that the Korean estabwe're understanding the mood of a work Is lishment has come to realize that the job of KOREANA I imagine ifs difficult translat- it somber or lighthearted, colloquial or promoting Korean literature overseas is best ing Korean literature so far from Korea straight? Occasionally it can be ironic, left to knowledgeable people in the counthough we don't see as much of that as we'd tries where they want to introduce this literand with all your other responsibilities. like ! We have to make sure the atmosphere ature. The work of introducing Korean liter]. FUlTON: Yes, fve felt like quitting many of the Korean original is properly recreated ature to the United States is really best left to tirnes. It's just too much work-trying to bal- in English There are the usual lexical prob- people who are teaching, editing and transance the kids, my outside job and the trans- lems-traditional Korean articles, objects of lating Korean literature here. + 73

DISCOVERING KOREA

The Chindo Dog Kim Chung-ho Director

Agricultural Musewn of Ch6llanam-do Province

ast autumn, the story of a dog find-

ing its way back to its original owner in Ton~-ri, Uishin-myon, Chindogun, Chollanam-do, about 2(/J kilometers from Taejon where six months earlier it had been sold to a new owner, created a sensation in the media. It was only ten years ago that a bridge was built to connect the island of Chindo and the mainland, which were separated by a strait with a current of more than 10 knots per hour. About thirty years ago, when a Chindo dog that had been sold to a frontline army troop 450 kilometers away found its way back home, it was truly a sensational story. The Chindo dog is loved by Koreans not only because of its extraordinary homing instincts, but also because it is a fierce guardian and skilled hunter. The dog's exceptional homing instincts are an expression of its loyalty to its master, a trait that is sometimes seen as a weakness when the dog is compared to other domesticated breeds. Because it never forgets its original owner and thus doesn't easily adapt to a new one, it is regarded as one of the most loyal breeds. The Chindo dog belongs to the mediumsized class of dogs, its average height being about 50 centimeters. Its coat may be white, yellow, black, sesame colored, tiger-striped or grey, but since 1%7, when the standards for

the Korean Chindo dog were stipulated, the breeding of dogs with white and yellow fur has been encouraged It has erect triangular ears and plum-colored eyes. As for the tail, there are two kinds; one that is tightly rolled up to the dog's buttocks, and one resembling the blade of a hoe. The Chindo has a broad, strong chest, and its lower abdomen is tightly tucked in Its back is a little longer than its height The Chindo dog is intelligent, courageous and loyal, and yet it is satisfied with the scraps of food its owner gives it People say that the Chindo dog reflects the Korean character. It may not be very large, but it is patient and courageous. Ancestry of Korean Dog

During Japanese colonial rule (1910-45), the Chindo dog attracted the attention of scholars and came to be designated a "natural monument" in June 1938. Japan itself began to protect its indigenous culture, including its native dogs, in the 1930s. AJapanese scholar Tamew Mori, who was assigned to the education department of the Japanese colonial government in Korea, filed a report to the Japanese governor-general that the dogs raised in Chindo seemed to be the ancestor of Japan's indigenous dogs, and the report prompted the designation of the Chindo dog as a natural treasure for its protection By that time many foreign breeds had been brought into Korea However, the island of Chindo was isolated from the mainland and there was less contact with

Propk say that the Chindo dog rifkcts the Korean character. lt may not be very Ia~ 74

but it is patient and courafPYUS.

A Proud Korean Br...-.--.

other breeds. It was also a relatively large island, approximately 427 square kilometers, with harsh terrain and plenty of wild animals in the mountains. The residents mainly subsisted on sweet potatoes. Needless to say, they could not afford to feed the dogs properly, only bits of burnt rice and other scraps. For this reason, the dogs ate whatever they could-frogs, locusts, insects, rats, pheasants, rabbits and deer. It is believed that the Chindo dog has remained a pure breed because of the geographical isolation and natural surroundings of Chiodo Island Chiodo residents claim the dog is a descendant of Mongolian dogs brought to Korea in 1270 when Mongols invaded Chiodo and established ranches for Mongolian horses. Others say that it is descended from a stray puppy which was raised by a wolf on Mt Yogwi and cross-bred Such theories are implausible. However, a third theory worthy of note is that the Chiodo dog is descended from a dog that washed ashore from a wrecked Chinese merchant ship. Many view this theory as the most plausible. The Sung Dynasty of China, especially the South Sung, used to trade with Korea along its southern sea route during the Kory6 Kingdom Moreover, the so-called Shinan Treasure Boat salvaged off the coast of Mokp'o in the late 1970s was of Yuan Chinese origin It is believed that the ship set sail from Ningbo, a port near Shanghai in central China, headed for Japan There are many indications in Haenam, the neighboring mainland of Chiodo, that the Chiodo Strait was a major sea route during the South Sung Dynasty. There is also an island called Y6njado, named after a woman who threw herself into the sea after the South Sung merchant she fell in love with left for his country. Several years ago, Chinese coins used during the reign of China's King Wangmang and many dog bones were excavated from a shell mound in Kungok-r~ Songji-myon, Haenam-gun. The latter were compared with dog bones excavated in Hamodo, Ningbo of Zhejiang Province, which is near the center of what was South Sung, and some from a shell mound in Kimhae, in southwestern Korea It was concluded that 76

an native dog we know today. As such, it managed to preserve its innate hunting skills and, as it began to live with man, developed the instinct to guard its owner's home. It is assumed that it became indigenous to Chindo and developed a simple taste for food, conforming to the lifestyle of the Chiodo people. This is not to say that there was no cross-breeding with other types of dogs. It is only logical that it would have had contacts with other dogs since a dog moves with its master. The classification of Northeast Asian dogs according to the genetic frequency of hemoglobin types conducted by a Japanese :::> ~ researcher named Tanabe in 1991, showed ~ that the Chiodo dog has more of the same "'~ type of ge.nes found in Eskimo dogs than any other kind of dog and yet contains a The Cbindo dog is towel by Koreans number of genes found in southern Chinese dogs. not only for its extraordinary homAccording to research on the ancestry of molecular immunity carried out by Prof. ing instincts but also because it is a Yuichi Tameba of Japan and Dr. Yu Chaekun of Korea in 1987, the Chiodo most refierce guardian and skilled bunter. sembles the Akita-inu and Shibada-inu of Japan in its ancestry. Recently in Japan, analyses of the physique, plasma and genes of dogs have been increasingly used as references in the study of the ancestry of the Japanese people.

they were from the same type of dog. Further studies on the superior indigenous dogs of China's Zhejiang Province showed similarities with dogs native to Korea and Japan Among the dogs of Ningbo, and Mt Tian~ there are those who hunt alone. There are also dogs known to hunt alone in China's northern region, around Changbaishan, but they are larger with rougher coats than those of China's midsouthern region and the Chiodo of Korea The Mongolian dogs and the Chiodo dogs have many similar traits but the Mongolian dogs are larger and have longer hair. Taking all these facts into consideration, we can surmise that the Chiodo dog is a descendent of the prototype Asian dogs of the New Stone Age which, without any interference by man, adapted to its environment and evolved to ultimately become the Kore-

Preservation of Chin do Dog It is estimated that in Korea there are over 30/)00 purebred native Korean dogs which can be called Chiodo dog. Of these, about 10,000 are on Chindo. About 4,400 dogs are registered as standard Chiodo dogs, and about 1,230 are registered as superior purebred Chiodo dogs. The other dogs being raised on Chiodo have not yet been registered or have been disqualified Because the Chiodo dog is designated a "natural monumenr its breeding and raising is strictly controlled under the Cultural Properties Protection law, which also stipulates what can be called a genuine Chiodo dog. Of course, taking the dogs off the island is closely regulated by the law. However, the protection and breeding of the dog proved difficult with only the Cultural Properties Protection Law. Thus in 1987 the government enacted a special law

called the Korean Chindo Dog Protection and Breeding Law. Under the new law, Chindo puppies born on Chindo must be registered with the authorities and removal from the island is strictly regulated. Bringing other kinds of dogs to the island is forbidden, of course Overseeing the enforcement of the regulations are the Chindo County Chindo Dog Breeding Center and a private organization called the Korean Chindo Dog Breeding Cooperative About 2,(XX) residents of Chindo County are registered with the cooperative, and 1,100 of them have been given Chindo puppies selected by the cooperative to raise. The cooperative oversees the mating, birth, and buying and selling of Chindo dogs and pups. The Chindo County office also deploys special police to guard against the illegal removal of dogs from Chindo and to prevent the import of other dogs, while four caretakers patrol the island to provide

instructions on raising Chindo dogs. The county has three hundred stud dogs. The Chindo dogs must be registered every spring and autumn at which time they are examined and any that do not meet the standards set for a purebred are taken from the island or killed. When the dogs are registered, they are given vermicide and inoculated free of charge. A dog show is held each autumn to choose an outstanding dog for breeding purposes and the owner is awarded prize money and a yearly subsidy. Unfortunately; even with such protective policies, the quality of the dog has not noticeably improved. Moreover, the character of the dog is changing. This is due in part to strong tendencies among urbanites to raise them as guard dogs or just for show, rather than as hunting dogs. Many Chindo breeders have catered to such tendencies, since the economic benefits of breeding dogs to meet such demands overshadow

their desire to breed purebreds. The Chindo is a dog of wild nature, which does not like being chained and kept inside a house By nature, it likes to roam The Chindo was brought to world attention by the Japanese who noticed them during their search for the ancestors of their own native dogs. Thanks to this, when Japan was engaged in the Pacific War and 300,(XX)-500,(XX) dogs a year were slaughtered for their coats, the Chindo dog was protected. After Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule, public awareness of the need to protect the breed as a native Korean dog grew. However, because hunting laws decree that hunting with Chindo dogs is illegal and because of greed on the part of breeders, it is becoming increasingly difficult to preserve the innate characteristics of the native dog. +

Tuning in Korean Music The Year of Traditional Korean Music Lee Bo-hyung Consulta~ National O:munission for Cultural Properties Chaim1a11, Pansori Society

he Korean government has designated 1994 the "Year of Traditional Korean Music" Many special programs focusing on various aspects of Korean music are being planned "Korean music'' here refers to the traditional musical genre of this country and excludes any other form of music currently being performed and created in Korea. The ''Year of Traditional Korean Music'' is part of the government's program to promote, support and celebrate one particular artistic genre every year. The program started several years ago when the ''Year of Drama" was designated for the first time by the Culture Ministry. This year's project takes a slightly different turn from previous years. Unlike the "Year of Drama" or the "Year of Dance", the target genre has been narrowed down to ''traditional Korean music" Why ''Year of Traditional Korean Music'' instead of ''Year of Music'? The answer to this question lies in the unique situation that this country is in at this point in time At the start of the 20th century, most of the music performed, written or taught in this country was traditional Korean, which was also true of other arts. But drastic changes took place through the years with the arrival of foreign culture, especially Western artistic genres. Now most of the musical works performed in Korea are foreign works or pieces written in the style of foreign music This imbalance in the field of music has been the cause of much concern In countries like India where the traditional cultural heritage is well preserved

Tbe Korean g:;vernment has designated 1994 the "Year of Traditional Korean Music." It is part of the g:;vernmenfs program to promote, support and celebrate one particular artistic g:mre every year.

or Europe where contemporary music has developed from classical music, it is hard to imagine the government designating a whole year as the ''Year of Traditional Music" But in Korea, oddly enough, universities name the departments teaching the Western style of music "department of music'' and those teaching Korean music "department of (classical) Korean music" It is almost as if Korean music were a mere part of the broader "concept of "music," or the Western music genre But recently; its popularity has been on the rise, with the number of students and fans of traditional Korean music rapidly increasing. This trend was underlined last year by the record-setting box office success of the film SOp')Onje, a drama depicting the lives of p'ansori (traditional solo narrative song) singers. The demand to bring the familiar sounds of old Korea closer to its people is higher than ever both within music circles and among the general public The ''Year of Traditional Korean Music'' program was set up as part of this effort Although the project was initiated by the government, it is being carried out by the musicians themselves with full support from the Culture Ministry. The organizing committee for the year-long program, comprised of musicians and other experts, held various discussions last year to set goals and lay out plans. With so many improvements to be made in such a short time, opinions varied on the project's priorities. But everyone seemed to agree on one thing: Festivities and gala concerts should of course be held to celebrate the heritage of traditional music, but there is also an urgent need to focus on making

innovative changes in the music education system and music circles in order to make Korean music better known and appreciated at home and abroad The "Year of Traditional Korean Music" was kicked off earlier this year with the usual fanfare of music festivals and ceremonies, and most important of all, the announcement of the organizing committee's schedule of programs to be held throughout the year. A major part of the plan is to improve the overall cultural climate in order to create a place for traditional Korean music. In the past, music was an essential part of ceremonies, rituals, feasts, parades, village

festivals and games. Music and the performing arts supplemented each other and were presented in a uniquely Korean fashion. But today, traditional music is staged on its own as a separate genre It has lost its connections to other forms of traditional performing arts, and therefore cannot be fully appreciated in its original form We cannot turn back the dock to a traditional farming and country life, but we can look for ways to stage traditional music as it was performed and enjoyed by our ancestors. Prof. Hwang Byung-ki, chairman of the Year of Traditional Korean Music Organizing Committee, stresses that in order

to achieve this goal, the most urgent task is to bring traditional music closer to our everyday lives. ''Interest among Korean people in traditional culture is higher than ever. This increase in public interest has led us all to look back at our heritage. This was the driving force behind the government's decision to designate 1994 the Year of Traditional Korean Music. With this year's programs, we all hope to make the genre better appreciated by the people," he said Many traditional musicians believe that the best place to start is the music education system It has been almost a century since the modern school system was in79

traduced in Korea, but the country fell under Japanese colonial rule before traditional music was included in the music curriculum. The Japanese prohibited teaching Korean music at schools as part of their p:>licy of destroying Korean culture The only music taught under colonial rule was Japanese and Western music Korea was freed from Japanese rule at the end of World War II, but by then the irnp:>rtance of traditional music had long been forgotten Schools now focused only on classical Western music and Korean musicians' works created in the style of Western music. Koreans never had a

chance to receive basic formal education in traditional music until recently; when public interest in the nation's cultural heritage increased and pushed the government to include Korean music in primary and secondary school curriculums. But this new drive faces many obstacles. Since traditional music has been unfamiliar to the Korean people for so long, music teachers themselves are strangers to the genre. It is not easy to find people qualified to teach traditional music, nor is there substantial material to use as textbooks for Korean music classes. That is why the Year of Traditional Music Orga-

The Year of Traditional Korean Music lxlsfinal~v

nizing Committee has made plans to com- . pile and publish an updated Korean music textbook for schools this year. By dcr ing so, they hope to establish some basic standards in teaching traditional music for teachers with ears trained only for Western music The committee plans to support schools dedicated to teaching traditional music by providing instruments and textbooks. Supp:>rt will also go to the Traditional Music Education Council which will promote the teaching of Korean music to music teachers around the country. Providing a wider variety of stages for

given

traditional musicians an opportunity to reviw Korea's great musical heritage in the modern u:orld. 80

traditional music performances is another area to focus on The public lacks opportunities to learn to appreciate and enjoy Korean music In the course of Korea's modernization, little attention has been paid to the traditional arts, and artists in this field have not had enough oppoitunities to give public performances. This has resulted in ignorance of traditional music among contemporary Koreans. Various plans are underway in order to overcome this odd phenomenon The Year of Traditional Korean Music Organizing Committee will form touring troupes to bring traditional music to audiences all around the country; even the most remote towns where Korean music performances are seldom held It will also help various locally-based traditional music orchestras and performing arts troupes hold regular performances for local audiences. Large-scale traditional music festivals, conceits at workplaces and nationwide tours by famed musicians designated "human cultural treasures" are also part of the plans. AB for public promotion, the committee is working on putting out various publicity materials on traditional music including records, brochures and audio and video tapes. Efforts will be made to promote academic study of the traditional music genre. A series of academic seminars will be held and an award will be established to honor outstanding research on Korean music. Various reference books on traditional music, including a directory of musicians and performers and an anthology of past and present writings, will be published Traditional Korean music has yet to be accepted and enjoyed by international audiences as Indian, Chinese, Indonesian, Japanese and other traditional music of Asian countries have been during the past decades. One of the biggest reasons for this is that Korea has not been involved in many overseas promotion projects until now. That is to change during the Year of Traditional Korean Music An internation-

a! folk music festival, a joint performance of traditional music troupes from various countries and a festival of the world's folk songs are to take place in Korea during the year. These performances will hopefully open doors for Korean music The organizing committee is also working on

founding the "Asia-Pacific Folk Music Society'' that will focus on cooperation among ABian-Pacific countries in holding international conferences and joint performances. Traditional Korean music has changed and evolved with time, but these changes mostly involved new interpretations and performing techniques. Strictly speaking, almost no new compositions created in the traditional style of Korean music have come out since the nation's modernization. But traditional Korean music can never become a part of contemporary culture unless new works in traditional music styles are composed and performed, expressing contemporary thoughts and reflecting the emotions of contemporary people. Koreans have been composing Western-style music since the turn of the century, but it was not until the 1960s that traditional musicians tried writing new compositions. Thus, the Year of Traditional Korean Mu-

sic Organization Committee is setting up various plans to encourage young composers of Korean music A festival featuring new compositions written and performed by members of major traditional music orchestras is also being prepared Last but not least, the Year of Traditional Korean Music has an endless array of grand performances in store for audiences. While concerted efforts should be made within music circles to improve the cultural atmosphere for traditional music and its fans, there is no doubt that the highlights of the Year of Traditional Korean Music are the many festivals, concerts and other performances to be staged all year long. The festivities started earlier this year with the official opening of the Year of Traditional Korean Music in a series of gala performances by prominent figures of Korean music Many of these stars have volunteered to appear in the benefit concert ''Spring Traditional Music Festival" All profits from this event will go to charity. It will be followed by a music festival featuring the religious music of various traditional religions, a special presentation of the annual Traditional Music Festival, and many more. The organizing committee hoJX3 that this year's festivities will help promote cultural exchanges between North and South Kmea, especially in the field of traditional music, a heritage that both sides share and cherish. Special tours are also being planned for the millions of Koreans living abroad, from the United States to Russia, in order to bring traditional music closer to the people who have long felt nostalgic for their homeland But most of all, the Year of Traditional Korean Music has finally given traditional musicians an opportunity to revive Korea's great musical heritage in the modern world It is their hope that this year will be a milestone in the history of traditional Korean music-a year in which all Koreans learn to love their own music all over again â&#x20AC;˘

NEWS FROM THE KOREA FOUNDATION

Suprnrtfor Korean Studies Prcwams Abraad The Korea Foundation offers financial assistance to universities, research institutes and libraries abroad in their efforts to promote the study and understanding of subjects related to Korea. Projects submitted for consideration must be in the fields of humanities, social sciences or arts and within the categories listed below: 1) Establishment and expansion of Korea-related cow-ses and faculty 2) Fellowships for graduate students or research grants for faculty 3) library aquisition and cataloging Applications must be submitted to The Korea Foundation by May 31 The results of the final selection will be announced by October 15 of the same year. For application forms, program guidelines or further information please write to

International Cooperation Department The Korea Foundation CPO Box 2147 Seoul. Korea et 82-2-753-6465

Fellowship Prcwams THE KOREA FOUNDATION FELLOWSHIP FOR KOREAN STUDIES The Korea Foundation offers fellowships for Korean studies in the fields of humanities, social sciences, and arts. The program is intended to provide scholars and other qualified professionals overseas with an opportunity to carry out in-depth research in Korea for a period of two to ten months. Each successful applicant will be provided with round-trip airfare to Korea and a monthly stipend during the grant period Applicants should complete two copies of The Korea Foundation Fellowship for Korean Studies application form and submit their academic research proposals to The - Korea Foundation by May 31 The results of the final selection will be announced by August 15 of the same year.

THE KOREA FOUNDATION FELLOWSHIP FOR KOREAN LANGUAGE TRAINING The Korea Foundation ~· offers grants for Korean I ~ language training to grad,. uate students, scholars and ~ other qualified profession~ als overseas who wish to / learn the Korean language at a Korean university ianguage institute for a period of _. ~· six to twelve months. ' ~ Each successful applicant will be ~ assigned to a Korean language course ~ at one of three major Korean universities, and will be provided with tuition and a monthly allowance during the grant period

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Applicants should complete and submit two copies of the Korea Foundation Fellowship for Korean language Training application form to The Korea Foundation by May .)1 The results of the final selection will be announced by August 15 of the same year. For application forms, program guidelines or further information, please write to

Personnel Exchange Department The Korea Foundation CPO Box 2147 Seoul. Korea TeL 82-2-753-6553

KOREA FOCUS A BIMONTHLY ON KOREAN CURRENT AFFAIRS In addition to KOREAN A, The Korea Foundation publishes KOREA FOCUS as part of its effort to inform the world community about Korea and to enhance international understanding in this era of increasing globalization We believe KOREA FOCUS will serve as an important and timely reference for the world community. KOREA FOCUS offers a comprehensive view of contemporary Korea in a wide-ranging selection of informative articles on Korean current affairs. In this new bimonthly, you will find timely reports I KOAEA ·I on Korea's politics, economy, social I . . FOf!J~ environment and culture, a chronology of recent events in Korea, and opinions .___ I I on world affairs.

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Published in English and Japanese, its articles come from leading publications in Korea, including major daily newspapers, newsmagazines and academic journals.

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