Koreana Summer 1999 (English) by The Korea Foundation

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KOREAN ART & CULTURE _ Vol. 13 , No . 2 Summer 1999

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BEAUTY OF KOREA

Fan Decorated with Pyrography

In the heat of summer with the dizzying din of cicadas everywhere, just the thought of sitting on the cool wooden floor in the middle of a traditional house, dressed in a white ramie hanbok (Korean traditional costume) while lazily fanning oneself is enough to drive the heat away. But fans were once used for more than cooling off in summer. They had such diverse functions as fanning an ember to get a fire going, protection from the sun, or shielding one's face in public. Fans were also used by men and women to express their feelings for each other or as a symbol of social status and even as a conductor's baton. Performers of the narrative song genre p'ansori, or the singing style known as chang, still use a fan for dramatic flair, folding and unfolding it for effect, striking it against their palm, or using it as a pointer. 8 Fans were believed to have the power to ~ drive away demons that brought misfortune and ~ sickness. In the West as well, the fan was a sym- 8 bol for banishing evil; for example, the flabellum, ~ an implement kept in churches as an object to ~ ward off the devil. 8 In Korea, people would exchange fans as gifts ~

on Tano, the fifth day of the fifth lunar month, in preparation for the upcoming summer. They would ask the giver to write or paint on their fans, but such a request was honored only when it involved particularly close friends. Thus fans were also mementos or tokens of affection between friends. The drawings on the surface and handle of this fan were made with a technique known as pyrography. Pyrography is the art or process of producing designs and images on materials such as bamboo or paper by using special heated implements. The degree of darkness and shading is achieved by varying their temperature. The entire work had to be finished before the implement cooled completely, thus pyrography was an especially intense and skillful process. A bamboo plant is drawn on the surface of the fan. The light and dark tones are depicted naturally as if the picture had been drawn in ink, but in shades of brown rather than black, giving it a subtle and elegant ambience. A deftly drawn house and pond adorn the handle. This type of fan is referred to as an "angel" fan, because it is shaped like an angel's head as depicted in ancient times. +

KOREAN ART & CULTURE Cover: Once known for its

Chejudo

Its History and Culture

samda, an overabundance of wind, rocks and women, the volcanic island of Chejudo is now known as an outstanding tourist destination and resort. KOREAN Atakes a look at its history, culture, lifestyles and natural scenery as well as the unique way of life of its women. The

Island of Wind: A History of Misfortune, Banishment and Suffering bj' Park Chan-sik

cover photograph captures a sunrise viewed from S6pjikoji.

12 Cheju Island's Stone Culture by 0 Sung-chan

20 The Life and History of Cheju Women by Han Rim-hwa

26 Today in Chejudo by Lee Hyun-sook

KOREAN A Internet Website With the inauguration of the Korea Foundation's home page on the World Wide Web, on-line access to its publications are possible with abstracts of KOREANA features along with photographs. Please visit our Internet website at: httpJ!Www.kofo.or.krlkdata.htm

Â©The Korea Foundation 1999 All rigbts reserved No part of tbis publication may be reproduced in any form witbout tbe prior permission of Tbe Korea Foundation The opinions expressed by the authors do not necessarily represent those of the editors of KOREANA or The Korea Foundation. KOREANA, registered as a quarterly magazine with the Ministry of Culture and Tourism (Registration No. Ba1033, dated Aug. 8, 1987), is also published in Chinese.

34 FOCUS

Andong's Hahoe Village Where Korea's Traditional Culture Lives On by Lim ]ae-hae

44 THE 20TH CENTURY IN RETROSPECT

Korea's Democratization Achievements and Issues by Ahn Byung-young

52 TRADITIONAL ARTISAN

Ch'aesang-Maker So Han-kyu by Lee Hyoung-kwon

56 ON THE ROAD

Roaming Around Ch6ngup by Kang Woon-gu

62 DISCOVERING KOREA

The Intriguing Dolmens of Korea by Kim Byung-mo

Korea Foundation

Vol 13 No 2 Summer 1999

70 MARKETS

Namdaemun Market by Kim Sea-ra y

76 LIVING

Saenghwal Hanbok Trendy Dress for the 21st Century by Cho Hyo-soon

80 CUISINE

Traditional Summer Beverages by Han Bok-jin

84 KOREAN THOUGHT

Son (Zen) Thought and Son Monks in Korea

KOREAN A Published quarterly by The Korea Foundation 1376-1 Seocho 2-dong, Seocho-gu, Seoul137-072, Korea PUBLISHER

Lee joung-binn EDITORIAL DIRECTOR

Chung j ong-moon EDITOR-IN-CHIEF

Pa rk j eong-yeop ART DIRECTOR

Park Seung-u ASSOCIATE EDITOR

Kim Young-uk EDITORIAL BOARD

Chang Myong-sue, Han Myung-hee, John Holstein, Kim Hwa-young, Kim Moon-h wa n, Lee Chong-suk, Shim jae-ryong, You Hong-june

by Lee Eun-yoon

90 NATIONAL TREASURE

Elegant Simplicity and Grace White Porcelain with Grape Design by Ch ung Yang-mo

92 KOREAN MYTHOLOGY

The Legend of Princess Paritegi by Sea Dae-seok

96 BOOK REVIEW

The Poet by Yi Mun-yol reviewed by Michael Bell

98 ART REVIEW

Small Theater Movement by Lee Seung-heon

Yun !-sang's Opera Shim Ch'ong A Legend Revived after 27 years by Oh Seung-Jwn

The Art of Sojong Pyon Kwan-shik by Choi Kwang-jin

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the box, they found five grains, a horse, a cow and three princesses from a country called Pyongnang. The three divine figures married these princesses and began to expand their influence on the island. They engaged in agriculture and raised livestock Eventually, they were able to create a nation called T'amna on

One can still see traces of Mongol domination of Chejudo: The "General's Spring" (top) at Hangp'aduri (upper right) is said to have been sunk by a general of the Three Elite Patrols, Koryo's resistance forces. The spring has been a major source of potable water for the island. This pasture for horses (upper left) was made by the Mongols as part of their efforts to develop Chejudo as a base for their advance into Japan.

the island. In ancient records, T'amna is known by a number of different names, including T'angna, Somna, T'ammora and Chuho. It must be kept in mind that ancient T'amna was not a minion of any other state on the Korean peninsula, but rather an independent nation that enjoyed reciprocal trade ties and diplomatic exchanges with China, Japan and the states on the Korean peninsula. Rather than an isolated island in the middle of the ocean, it was a strategic base for maritime exchanges within northeast Asia. Around the latter part of the third century, according to the Chinese work San-guo-chih

(History of the Three Kingdoms), T'amna was already conducting trade with the three Han states in the southern part of the Korean peninsula. The Chinese currency from around the first century that was discovered in Sanji Harbor in 1928 provides further proof that ancient T'amna engaged in active maritime trade. From the late fifth century to the tenth century, T'amna expanded its commercial activities to include Koguryo, Unified Shilla, Tang China and Japan. In particular, the fall of Paekche in 660 allowed the island to engage in independent diplomacy free from Paekche interference. From the fifth lunar month in 661 to the second lunar month in 662, T'amna sent envoys to Shilla, Tang China and Japan and made considerable efforts to monitor the international political environment. In 661 and 665, the T'amna king and envoys visited the Tang royal palace. During the rites to heaven held at Taishan Mountain, they participated as equals with representatives from Shilla, Paekche and Japan-an indication that Tang China accorded T'amna the same diplomatic respect it extended to other nations in the region. T'amna was also actively involved in events on the peninsula. During the 663 Paekch'on-gang River Battle (part of an effort to revive the Paekche Kingdom), T'amna supported Paekche and

government, the islanders rebelled on a number of occaJapanese forces. sions. When the Three Elite Patrols (Samby6lch'o) revolted Related to this process of external exchange, the political against the central government and the occupying Mongols and social ruling class responsible for diplomacy and trade on the island in 1270, the islanders joined forces with them. flourished as T'amna developed into a strong state. Around As the island residents mobilized for the struggle, they built the seventh century, Shilla's Queen S6nd6k erected a masa number of fortifications sive nine-story pagoda at 6 such as the Hangp'adu-ri Hwangnyongsa Temple ~ ~ and Hwanhaejang forin the Shilla capital, ~ tresses, w hich were built toda y's K y6ng ju , as a along the coast to prespiritual bulwark to fend vent enemy land ings. off invasions from nine Remains from these countries. It is interesting stone fortifications can still to note that T'amna was be seen in Puk Chejulisted fourth on the list gun county, Aew61-up's of nine countr ies. Kos6ng-ri, Konae-ri and Ancient T'amna's status Aew61-ri villages. as a maritime state can After the subjugation also be surmised from of the Three Elite Patrols, the fact that around the Chejudo came under the eighth and ninth cenRelics on the site of Pophwasa, a temple built by Mongols. direct con trol of the turies, Tang Ch ina Mongols for a number of years. As a result, horse breeding regarded it as an important trading partner. operations were set up in various sites around the island. With the rise of the Kory6 Dynasty during the tenth cenUnlike the Kory6 government which saw little value in the tury, T'amna soon lost its standing as an independent state. island, the Mongol's showed an avid interest, regarding it as a With the extension of Kory6 power as far south as Chejudo, forward base for their advance across the sea into Japan. the island finally became a territory of the kingdom in 1105. With this in mind, the Mongols initiated a number of proDuring the reign of Kory6's King Kojong (r. 1213-1259), jects, including the construction of ships, the breeding of war T'amna's name was changed to Cheju, which roughly meant horses, and the reconstruction of P6phwasa Temple, w hile "region." attempting to construct a palace. At the P6phwasa site in Immediately after the annexation, the islanders suffered S6gwip'o's Haw6n-dong, tile shards and roof-end tiles beargreatly due to the burden of providing tribute to the central ing inscriptions of dragons and phoenixes have been excagovernment. To protest the exploitative demands of the

THE HISTORY OF THE VOLCANIC ISLAND OF CHE]UDO IS THE HISTORY OF THE EVERYDAY LIFE OF A STEADFAST, RESOLUTE PEOPLE WHO HAD TO CULTIVATE BARREN FIELDS AND ENDURE INCESSANT WIND AND DROUGHTS.

corruption within the area's burgeoning vated. Not far from the temple site, a tomb, Catholic church, led to a strong reaction by believed to belong to a descendant of the France, which had led the missionary effort, Mongolian leader Genghis Kahn, is currently and other countries. A movie recently made being excavated. about these events has been released internaDuring the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910), the tionally, an indication that the incident was of government was much more centralized than great enough significance to not only Koreans in the preceding Koryo period, and Chejudo but to foreigners as well. Relics and sites associwas treated as a frontier region. Mainlanders ated with the incident include the plaza at tended to think of it not as the home of fellow Kwandokjong Pavilion in Cheju, the public citizens but as a faraway place where horses Catholic cemetery at Hwangsap'yong in Cheju's were bred and political prisoners exiled. To Hwabuk-dong, the Insong-ri Town Fortress make matters worse, in the 17th century King and Samuisabi (Stele of the Three Martyrs) in Injo issued a royal edict that prohibited the Nam Cheju-gun county. The latter commemoislanders from entering the mainland. The edict rates Yi Chae-su and two other leaders of the remained in effect for 200 years until the early rebellion. 19th century, reinforcing the complete isolation In addition, Chejudo was a favored place to of the islanders. During the Choson period, the inhabitants of Chejudo were sometimes referred to as Âˇ yukkoy6k (six hard laborers). The term means that the islanders were engaged in physically difficult occupations such as diving for shellfish (done by women), constructing ports, herding, fruit cultivation, boat construction and rice farming. Among these workers were those responsible for gathering and delivering the abalone, tangerines, horses and medicinal herbs paid in tribute to the king. In order to meet the mandatory quotas, the islanders were forced to risk their lives diving into the deep waters off the coast and foraging the high terraces of Mt. Halla. For the persecuted islanders, the sea was a barrier separating the island from the mainland. Facing such inhospitable conditions, they naturally developed a philosophy of life that was centered on basic survival. This philosophy can be found in forms of common work such as sunurum and extreme frugality as represented by chonyang. Toward the end of the Choson period, the islanders, unwilling to endure the oppressive conditions, rebelled against the central government on a number of occasions. The 1862 Kang Che-gom Rebellion, 1898 Pang Song-ch'il Rebellion and 1901 Yi Chae-su Rebellion were large-scale uprisings of the common people that struck fear into the heart of the government. Through these movements, the people of Chejudo fostered a spirit of direct defiance toward nepotism and exploitation. In particular, the Yi Chae-su Rebellion, a struggle against

banish political exiles. Both members of the royal house such as Prince Kwanghaegun and high-ranking politicians found guilty of intrigue were banished to the island. Many of these people became important in later genealogical records as the first person of their clan to live on Chejudo. Some of the exiles were brilliant scholars, and thus had a profound influence on the island's scholarship. In particular, the islanders highly regarded Kim Chong (pen name Ch'ungam), ChOng On (pen name Tonggye) and Song Shi-yol (pen name Uam). These scholars were part of the group of "Five Sages" who were venerated at Kyullim Sowon, a local Confucian school. At the former site of the school, which is within Cheju's Nammunsongji (South Gate Fortress Site), is the

Ohyon-dan (Five Sages Shrine), housing a stele in commemoration of these scholars. In 1840, Kim Chong-hl'1i (pen name Ch'usa), a scholar famous for his philologico-biographical studies, was falsely accused in factional disputes and exiled to Cheju. During his eight years of exile, he lived at the house of Kang To-sun at Taejonggol in the southern part of the island. He exerted significant influence on the area's young Confucian scholars, and taught a number of them his distinctive calligraphy style that is now known as the Ch'usa Style. Kim's famous work Sehando (Landscape in Winte1) is said to have been painted during this period. The site of the house where he stayed is still preserved within Taejong-l'1p Fortress.

The renowned scholar and calligrapher Kim Chonghili lived in this house in the walled town of Taejong when he was in exile in Chejudo. The house was restored recently as a memorial.

After Japan annexed Korea in 1910, the people of Chejudo lived in poverty and hunger. In order to survive, many went to Japan to work in wretched conditions in mines and textile factories. Especially after the opening of a direct route between Chejudo and Osaka in 1923, large numbers of islanders relocated to Japan. During this oppressive period, the islanders were actively involved in the struggle against Japanese occupation. Subsequent to the 1919 independence demonstrations, young socialists led the island's anti-Japanese movement. From the formation of the Shininhoe (New People's Association) in 1925 to the mid-1930s when the movement was driven underground by Japanese suppression, these activists comprised the mainstream of the province's struggle against colonialism. The peak of the movement was the struggle by the island's diving women, which took place between 1931 and early 1932 in six villages in the Kujwamyon and S6ngsan-my6n townships. It occurred when the women who earned a living diving for shellfish off the island's coast rose up against the heavy-handed actions of the Divers Association, which was overseen by the Japanese. About 17,000 people participated in the struggle and over 100 were arrested in what marked the island's most notable anti:Japanese protest as well as Korea's largest protest led by women and people working in the fishing industry. However, the movement was quelled by Japan's harsh suppression, with local leaders being conscripted for military service or forced to labor for Japanese war efforts. In Choch'on-up township in Puk Cheju-gun, the islanders' anti-colonial movement is honored in the Cheju Anti-

Japanese Memorial Museum. Some of the military facilities that the Japanese built on the island during World War II have been preserved as a further reminder of the suffering that the islanders endured. Examples include remnants of the Alduru Airport at Sangmo-ri village in Nam Cheju-gun county and remnants of cave fortifications on Songaksan Mountain along the coast. Immediately after liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the island came under the jurisdiction of the U.S. military government. A couple of years later in 1947 during the anniversary of the March 1, 1919 Independence Movement, more than 10 islanders died when police opened fire on them. As a show of protest, many of the island's public offices, schools and other places of work participated in a general strike. The U.S. military government responded with a stern crackdown on demonstrators. In the year following the strike, approximately 2,500 people were arrested, and in March 1948, there were three incidents of people being killed during police interrogations. In response to these events, some youths fled to the foot of Hallasan where they prepared an armed revolt. These young people opposed the elections for a separate South Korean government, which were scheduled for May 10, 1948. Finally, around 1 a.m. on April 3, 1948, armed units from this rebel group attacked 11 police stations throughout the island along with various rightist organizations. This marked the beginning of the April Third Incident. After this, the U.S. military government along with the national military and police forces set out to subdue the "communist rebels" throughout the island. In the process,

most mountain villages were burned down and many lawwere killed at this time. On August 20, 1950, those incarceratabiding citizens killed. In particular, during the short period ed at Mosulp'o in Nam Cheju-gun's Taej6ng-up were taken of time from August 1948 when the government of South to a munitions dump on the north face of Songaksan in Korea was established to the spring of 1949, thousands of Ilbo-gun and massacred. Seven years later when the people were persecuted and evacuation orders were issued bereaved families found the mass grave, the bodies had for over 130 villages. In the end, the fabric of the island's deteriorated to the point where identification was not possisociety was utterly devastated. ble. Thus, the corpses were placed together in a mass tomb It is impossible to estimate the number of cases in which and a stele was erected with the inscription "Paekcho-ilsonjiinnocent people were victimized in some manner. For ji" (Place of a Hundred Grandfathers and One Grandson.) example, the people of T'osan-ri village in P'yos6n-my6n For the people of Chejudo, the April Third Incident is a township were forced to move from a mountain village to horrific tragedy that they do not like to recall. The islanders the coast On December 14, 1948, soldiers arrested the vilboast a history of survival and struggle against harsh natural conditions, but all was lost during this tragedy. In a sense, lagers, brought them to P'yos6n Beach and killed 157 of them. In another incident on January 17, 1949, soldiers surthe incident can be seen as the final episode of the island's rounded Pukch'on village in Choch'6n-my6n township, history. The islanders all believe that the incident must be claiming that the residents had been colluding with commubrought to light for Chejudo to regain its history and identinist rebels. They burned down over 300 houses and assemty. bled the residents on the athletic field of an elementary Many tourists come to Chejudo entranced by its beautiful school, then proceeded to massacre about 400 of them. It scenery and Âˇpristine environment. Surprisingly few are aware of the tragic history that still lingers on this small makes one shudder to think that thousands of people died island's shores. At the Cheju International Airport and such in such a short time on such a small island. The tragedy did not end here. When the popular tourist destinations as Ch6ngbang Korean War began on june 25,1950, relatives of Alduruairstrip. "Alduru"is Waterfall, Songaksan Mountain, Sunrise Peak the armed rebels were placed under arrest and Chejudo dialect meaning and Mt. Hallasan, traces of the tragic lives of eventually executed at Cheju Airport, Sarabong and other locations, while most of those who were in prison on the mainland for their part in the April Third Incident were also summarily executed. The 132 people buried in Tonggwangri village in Nam Cheju-gun's And6k-my6n

"a wide plain at the foot of a mountain." The Japanese army built the airstrip during the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910-1945) to use as an air base for invading mainland China.

past islanders can still be found. Until now, the island's tourism has been a soulless business that ignored the history and culture of the island's residents. For this reason, I wholeheartedly encourage tourists to visit sites imbued with the spirit of the islanders. +

NO:RTH KOREA. AN EXTINCT VOLCANO, HALLASAN SEEMS

LIKE A SINGLE MASS OF BASALT ROCK FORMING THE ENTIRE ISLAND. WITH THE MOUNTAIN STANDING SO HIGH ABOVE THE SEA, ONE CAN ONLY IMAGINE HOW HIGH IT MUST ACTUALLY BE FROM THE OCEAN FLOOR.

The longest volcanic cave in the world, Manjanggul is a living cave with stalactites still forming (above). Kimmyonggul, the subject of a legend about a large serpent that lived inside, has formations that look like the scales of a snake (below). In the stone-rich Chejudo, rocks are removed from the fields and piled alongside them to become roads and walls (opposite page).

surrounding areas are protected as Natural Monument No. 236. The unique features of Chejudo are often summed up as the samda, meaning three Âˇ "many's" or "much's"-many rocks, much wind and many women. The samda are generally regarded as negative features, but the islanders have adroitly used them to their advantage. In particular, they have creatively capitalized on what is perhaps the most difficult of the three-the area's numerous rocks. On Chejudo, rocks have long been used to build walls around crop fields and grave sites, as well as fortresses, breakwaters, buildings and tutelary pagodas. They have even been used for carving stone Harubang figures, which served as symbolic sentry figures outside of gates, but are now sold as souvenirs. In this way , the island's ubiquitous rocks have become an essential aspect of

Cheju's lifestyle and culture. Chejudo farmers used to call the small pebbles in the vegetable fields "oil pebbles." In Korean, the term kinlmjin, oily, can also mean fertile and productive. Hence, the expression came from the notion that pebbles found in the field helped to ensure a fertile crop. With this in mind, farmers did not remove even large stones that their plow ran across. However, in places such as Aew61-up's Nabumri village, there were so many pebbles that the farmers had to relocate them to the edges of their fields. Eventually, the pebbles formed sizable pathways, which the islanders called chatchil (the paths in the castle). In some areas, you can see such roads extending over several kilometers. These are good examples of the infinite potential of human wisdom and man's determination to overcome his circumstances. From what is now known, the islanders first use of stones seems to be in the stone walls built around farm fields . In the "P'ungsokcho" (Customs) chapter of Cheju governor Yi W6njin 's Tamna chi (Record of Tamna), the following quote is found from another text known as the Tongm un kam (Eastern Literary Light) They stack stones to make walls. According to the Tongmun kam, in Cheju there are many coarse stones and from the beginning no rice fields. They only cultivate barley, beans and foxtail millet in dry fields. In ancient times, as there were no boundaries between fields, savage and aggressive

men would harass the people by occupying their land. When Kim Ku became magistrate, he heard of the people's troubles. He thus gathered together rocks and built stone walls between the fields, after which the people were relatively at ease. According to the Kwanp'ungan, a register of Chason bureaucrats, Kim Ku came to Chejudo in 1158 during the 12th year of the reign of King Uijong (r. 1146-1170) of the Koryo Dynasty (918-1392) to succeed Ch'oe Ch'ok-kyong as the island's magistrate. The phrase "savage and aggressive men would harass the people by occupying their land" is an indication of the situation at the time. Ch'oe Ch'6k-kyong, Kim's predecessor, is also said to have been a distinguished minister. In reviewing their accomplishments, it is refreshing for those of us around today to appreciate how the government ministers of this period truly dedicated themselves to serving the people. In addition to their function as boundaries, the stone walls around fields served as barriers against another of the island's abundances-wind. The stone walls have irregular surfaces filled with voids. However, a closer look at their construction reveals the builder's exquisite skill. Large stones are stacked up upon each other and the cracks are filled with small pebbles, but holes are created in the walls at regular intervals that at first glance make the walls appear very precarious. Yet by letting air through, the holes actually keep the structures from being toppled over by strong gusts. About 20 years ago, Constantin Virgil Gheorghiu, the

author of The Twenty-fifth How; took note of the island's thatched-roof houses and its precariously stacked stone walls. These days, the walls have a much more uniform look, perhaps an unfortunate consequence of Korea's recent phenomena of mass production. A number of dome-shaped stone pagodas can be found at tourist sites such as Moksokwon Garden and San-gumburi. These are the tutelary pagodas derived from the Chason era pagoda that was placed near villages to ward off evil. According to principles of geomancy, these pagodas were set up in "empty" spots as symbolic bulwarks against negative forces. It is said that before such pagodas came into being, a broken cauldron or some other similar object was placed on the ground. Even now, the original form of these pagodas can be seen at Iho-dong in Cheju and various other places around the island. In the "Songgwakcho (Fortress Wall) Chapter" of the Tamna chi, there is a note about the Cheju Town Fortress. The fortress walls were probably built after the Hwanhaejang-song Fortress, a fortification erected during the Koryo period in preparation for an invasion by a rebel army, the Three Elite Patrols (Sambyolch'o). The record provides some idea of what the walls must have looked like: "The town fortress was made of stacked stone. Its circumference was 5,486 ch'6k (1,662 meters) and it was 11 ch'ok (3.3 meters) high. Within the walls, there was no water although the Karakch'on Stream flowed along its front; hence a double wall was built so the people living inside could use the water." In order to alleviate the inconvenience of obtaining water, the eastern wall was extended in 1565 15

Stone boys and stone elders (Harubang), ubiquitous on the stone-rich island, are sculptural works that add local color to the scenes of Chejudo. Stone boys in Song-up Folk Village (above) and stone Harubang in Taejong (below) and Cheju city (opposite page).

where villagers, regardless of age or sex, kept guard day and night. By isolating the guerrillas in the mountains from the remaining villagers, the government waged a war of attrition. Islanders in their 70s and 80s can all remember the stone fortifications that surro unded villages at that time. These consisted of two walls w ith the space between filled with thorn y branches. During this extremely bloody internal conflict, no corner of this beautiful island was free of carnage and corpses; yet how many tourists who visit are even aware of these incidents? The island's pain and sorrow are deeply hidden beneath its natural beauty. In addition to fortifications, the islanders have used stones to build breakwaters around natural boat landings. For example, Hwabok on the outskirts of modern-day Cheju along w ith Choch'on to the east, served as important ports connecting the isla nd w ith th e mainland during the Choson Dynasty. Hwabokp'o was first opened to vessels in 1736 after a sto ne breakwater was built. Kim Chong, the governor of Cheju at the time, issued a special proclamation to announce this project to the spirits. After taking part in the task of carrying 18

stones, the governor soon died in his official residence due to overexertion. It is recorded that there was not a single islander who did not shed tears at his passing away. His work "Declaration of Events to the Spirits at the Beginning of the Construction of Hwabok Breakwater" is exquisitely written, and deserves to be introduced in part. ... A dangerous place which became tranquil is Ancient T'angna (Cheju). This hazardous place has been peaceful since the clocking of boats at the port of T'amjin. Since boats can now easily cross the water, T'angna has become T'amna. Since this time, government officials have come and gone, abolishing the country's name. Founding public offices, they have constantly received public contributions. Things from this island are used for all national ancestral rites. If we look at Hwabok Port, found ed by royal edict, it is at the end of the giant sea like the throat of this island. Wood must be contributed to make the boats

float, and the boats need a port for landing. Due to the rugged rocks at the port, docks previously made of stacked stone would only tumble over in strong waves. Since ships were also wrecked by the strong wind if the port was not repaired by the strength of men, it would become blocked again as in days of old. In summoning the craftsmen to carry and cut stones in veneration of the seas, we respectfully offer you sweet wine and sacrifice for calm and nice weather. As we scatter blood and humbly ask for your blessing, may the great spirit help us.... Though imbued with the thoughts of a typical ancient government appointee, this declaration revealed his wish and solemn determination as he embarked on a new project. In addition to using stones for walls around fields, the islanders stacked stones to create "sea fields." At various points along the coast, villagers would use stones to block off part of the coast to create small basins called won, which are similar to the manmade fish ponds found on the islands of Hawaii. Typically, individuals or villages would take care of a few of these basin areas, but some villages had as many as five or six. The won would trap anchovies, octopus, eel and other fish that came in with the tide and were then unable to get back out as the tide ebbed. Whenever there was a large catch, there would be a great feast on the coast. Some folk songs sung during this time, such as the "Catching Anchovies Song," have been passed down to the present day. In addition to being used for the living, stones were used to provide structures for the dead. Tombs from this region, called yongmyo, dragon graves, feature a distinctive design, typically surrounded by a double wall of stacked stone. These tombs were originally built in response to the local environment and circumstances. The stone wall protected the graves from the hooves and horns of the horses and cattle that were allowed to freely graze in the mountains. The walls also protected the graves from slash-and-burn farming and the fires that were set every year to promote the growth of new grass in the fields. As time passed, the original function and purpose were probably forgotten as people came to think of the stone wall as an intrinsic element of a grave's structure. Eventually, the size of the wall came to be an expression of the power and authority of the dead and his family. In addition to w alls, graves included statues of children or other sculptures. During my field research at a number of villages on the island, I became particularly interested in these child figures. At older graves, the child figures, which were sculpted by amateurs, have unique lines and expressions that produce a different effect from those sculpted by professionals. The expressions and

poses of the child figures as well as those of other sculptures are even distinctly different within each region of the island, and thus provide important clues to the everyday life and thought of the villagers during different eras. The excellence of these child figures has yet to be recognized. The island's Harubang figures, on the other hand, have been widely acclaimed for their comical expressions and creative design. Made from porous basalt, the 2- to 3meter-high figures have bulging eyes, a long, broad nose and a smiling mouth. Slightly turning away with its eyes toward the sky, the figures sport a deceitful expression. They have a relaxed pose with one arm slightly bent and the other one hanging down. In sculptural terms, the figures are clearly masterpieces. According to ancient records, the Harubang initially stood at the eastern, western and southern gates of Cheju Town Fortress as guardian deities. They were produced and erected During Governor Kim Moriggyu's administration. It took two years to sculpt them beginning in 1763, the 28th year of the reign of King Y6ngjo. The carving and erection of Harubang figures at Taej6ng and Ch6ngi:iihy6n fortresses seem to have occurred later. The island 's Harubang figures were designated Chejudo Cultural Asset No. 2 in 1971. Cultural Asset No. 1 is a stone Maitreya (Future Buddha) image, also known as the Pokshin Maitreya. It is not by chance that the first artifacts to be designated as cultural assets in Chejudo are made of stone. This is, after all, only further verification of the significance of the "many rocks" of the island's samda. At this point in time, I feel that the people of Chejudo should do all they can to further develop the exquisite stone culture of their predecessors. +

From the typical view Df space, an island is a piece of land that is small and very restricted Howeyer, seen from another perspe_Ctive,_an island is an infinite spaCf~ where the Âˇ sky ana the sea tome together. Chejl,ldoÂˇis a place where open space iS as broad as the heavens and as de~ as the sea, where the seasons come and go jn a regularpattetn and time moves as it shemld Though the land may seem to stop at the water~ edge, beneath the sea it stretches into infinity. It is these geographic and topographic -c_onditions that exert such unmistak-able influence on shaping the disposition of the people: who have made this island their home.

Traditionally, the women of Chejudo have generally been defined as gregarious in temperament, open and without design, strong-willed and not botind to the constraints of what is labele<;l feminine. They are seen as being ~d£-moti vated ap.d steadfast in' the :way they tackle what life deal~ them, courageous arid plom~edng in .spirit, content despite the long hard hours of' labor they ust put in to survive, industrious and resilient ,.in. the face of the harshest of coriai'tions, and warmhearted with a generous _willingness to_help out others. As previously mentioned, these particular characteristics of the female islanders are rooted in the fact that - Chejudo-is an island. "'

-_.,;,;,;-

Specific conditions related to Chejudo's geographic charac· teristics, include t]:je island's isolation _from the -mainland, in addition to its dry land, scarcity of water and strong1 relent· less wind. In the l?resent as in th:e past, it is necessary to adapt to these natural q.onditions -and at ti.rr)es ex:pht them. Ihdeed, life on Chejudo is teV[a.rding in its own way. -Although somewhat limited to a handful 6 - s~side il- lages, from the dista_.?t ~ast people have been abl tQ ear a livelihood by diving and drawing on the diverse, resources offered by the -sea. The fruits of the sea reaped through div:. ing add to the ri<;;hness of life by providing diversity and by contributing to h:ousefiold income. These conditions ensured

place of exile by the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910) rulers who venerated Confucianism. Over time the islanders began to adopt the ways of the exiles. There was a government office in the mid-slope villages and it was in the nearby communities that most of the exiles lived. Therefore, it was natural that the farmers of the mid-slope areas became familiar with Confucian customs. As for work a ethic, there was no reason for the farming villages to forge a different way of life from that of the villages of the divers. But in terms of consciousness, the women of the farming villages were as steeped in Confucian ways as the women of the mainland. For example, the women of the rural communities sought to differentiate themselves from the divers, who stripped naked before diving into the sea and were, therefore, considered a lowly class. The divers, however, were not concerned with whether the farmers looked down on them. They considered the rural women rigid and stuck in their ways as well as ignorant of real. freedom in life. Both groups had little desire to interact socially. As a result, the two groups of women traded goods, but engaged in few other forms of exchange. They avoided inter-marriage between the communities and were rather exclusive so far as the other group w as concerned. The barriers between the two groups of women have now been broken down for the most part, and the essential qualities of Cheju women have also been ~:liluted over time. This is a result of Pult'ok is a sheltered hearth where the the major changes in the island's living women can warm themselves between conditions. Today, the divers exist, but dives (top). Most of them have been replaced by modern structures. Each not in the same form as before.

there was little gap between the rich and the poor; all were able to live in equality and guaranteed a certain degree of material comfort. In addition, the psychological stress of living in isolation was minimal as the mainland is out of sight, which actually helped to create a positive outlook toward life on the island. Groups of professional women divers sharing the same workplace have existed in seaside villages since long ago. With their special and unique characteristics, these communities of divers inevitably wield a distinct influence on the life of the islanders. These societies first formed nearby natural outdoor formations called pult'6k, that the women divers used as changing areas. It was here that the women reared and taught their children how to dive. With their own ways of work, worship and leisure, over time the women divers forged a unique lifestyle of their own, one that has become part of the rich culture of Chejudo.

The Two Axes of Women's Society on Chejudo Of all the islands scattered around the world, more than half are inhabited by humans. Life on all islands is the same in that hardy and resilient women have led them from the start. The Cheju divers, who are representative of a naturally occurring women's society in an ordinary male-female cooperative society, are a rare example of a community group that has been succeeded by generation after generation. The divers, however, are not the only women who have forged their own unique culture on Chejudo. The women diver has a buoy to mark her location who live in hillside villages and high atop in the water (bottom). A net is attached Tracing the Tracks of Cheju Women mountainous areas have contributed just to the buoy for storing the abalone and The tracks of Cheju women's lives as much as the women of the coast in creother shellfish she collects. are well preserved in many extant legating the special Cheju way of life. As Opposite page: Women divers ends today. The first Cheju woman was such, the pattern of life that can be found prepare to go out to sea. a goddess known as Gr a ndmother on the mid-slope areas of Hallasan Solmundae who created the island. The title "grandmother" Mountain is just as special as the lifestyle found along the can be interpreted in two ways; the word literally means an coast. old woman but it is also used as a highly honorific title for a In the past, there were two major spheres of influence on woman. In this case, the latter meaning applies. Solmundae, Chejudo, the diving communities of the coastal areas and the unlike other gods of creation, had no absolute authority or farming communities of the mid-slope areas. Though both power but in her every act there is a trace of the intimate were women's communities, they maintained different ways image of the mother of Chejudo. In essence, Solmundae is of life and thinking. The islanders' way of thinking was akin to the goddesses of Greece and Rome, the goddess of largely influenced by the fact that the island was used as a 22

The women in the mountain regions were mostly farmers and did not mix with the women divers except at the marketplaces where they would get together to trade their produce. Opposite page from top: Hobok is a water jar Chejudo women carried on their backs to bring water from the village well. The carrier would tilt to one side for pouring water from the hobok. Laundry paddles used to beat clothes and other laundry are fashioned in a shape peculiar to Chejudo.

earth, Gaia, or Terra. Her creation of the island of Chejudo was almost perfection, with no ecological flaws. But there was once a time when Chejudo was considered unfit for human habitation. Because of its extreme wind, drought and flooding, it was called the island of "the three disasters." There were times when severe drought caused terrible suffering, but Âˇ there were no prolonged dry periods. Rain eventually came to quench the earth and sometimes brought floods. Psychologically, however, there was the notion that water was scarce on the island, which derived from temporary natural phenomenon. Today, when we can no longer rely only on surface and spring water, Chejudo makes use of its plentiful supply of underground water. As mentioned before, Solmundae's ability, wisdom and care in creating the island as an adaptable land with the capacity to regulate its environment and conditions for survival are only now coming to light. Numerous models for the typical Cheju woman can be found in the myth of Solm undae. According to lore, Solm undae made Chejudo with her own hands, carrying earth to and fro in the folds of her skirt, showing a capacity for hard work that was passed

on to posterity. The myth also says that she worked laboriously until her only skirt became so tattered it was unfit to wear. This symbolized the fact that life on the island was not abundant in material terms. Solmundae wished for a pair of drawers that would cover her legs, allowing her to continue her work to connect Chejudo to the mainland. In the intensity of her efforts, we can find the special characteristics of Cheju women who do not despair under even the harshest conditions, their pioneering spirit and strong will able to take on any challenge. Solmundae was also Chejudo's first diver. According to a version of the story that is told in the P'yoson-ri region, Solundae first dived into the sea to gather food when she was pregnant with her son General Obaek. The story has been passed down mixed with bawdy tales describing her movements in the water. The myth ends with Solmundae throwing herself into a pot of gruel in order to provide food for her sons. The story line here should be interpreted from the perspective of feminism in that it describes the womanly attributes of helping others and the spirit of self-sacrifice of Cheju women. Apart from Solmundae, there are other goddesses such as Sekyong, the earth mother, and Chach'ongbi, the goddess of agriculture, who are models for the Cheju women that have enjoyed an equal standing with men and lived full, active lives. Taking a closer look at these myths, it is easy to imagine how Cheju women lived in the past. For example, Chach'ongbi went out to. do the laundry on her 15th birthday and never returned home. This was a sign that she had reached adulthood and ventured out into the world on her own. She proposed

marriage to a man she met at the washing place, and they went to Seoul to study. This story reveals the place of women in traditional Cheju society, receiving the protection of their parents in their youth and becoming their own person, free to act without restrictions upon reaching adulthood. Chach'6ngbi took the initiative in proposing marriage to a man, until very recently unthinkable in Korean society. That Chach'6ngbi did so is evidence that the act of proposing marriage was not restricted to either one of the sexes in traditional Cheju society. It is said that Chach'6ngbi received as a present from her father-in-law the seeds of five grains that she planted on the island, thus laying the ground for the belief that the island's agricultural society was begun and led by women. The myth also indicates that Cheju women were on an equal footing with men and emphasizes the concept that, originally, there was no difference between men and women in terms of their appearances or their activities and work. In general, it is said that female societies are weaker than male societies in various aspects. But there are many examples which show that the female society of Chejudo was exceptional in many ways. For example there were the intense struggles the women divers waged against the Japanese colonial authorities. In the history of Korea's independence movement against Japanese colonialism, their deeds stand out as the only example of a women's professional group undertaking collective action. Though their anti-japanese activities may be seen as a fight to protect their right to life, the fact that it was organized and sustained is meaningful both in historical and social terms. After Korea's liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the women divers as a group continued to make efforts for the community's well-being. For example, the divers designated a certain diving ground from which all the proceeds were donated to the education authorities for the purpose of setting up schools in seaside villages where none existed. Even today, there is an offshore area that is known as the "school sea." And even in the midst of the April Third Incident, many Cheju women sacrificed themselves to save others. When all is said and done, it was the Cheju women's work capacity for that enabled them to sustain their regional societies and economies. There is no question that they have been the island's driving economic force. The Cheju women established a system of production that was based on a division of labor that still survives today.

The women of Chejudo are still highly active in the island's economy. According to statistics, Chejudo has the highest percentage of women in the workforce. About 58 percent of women over the age of 15 who are economically active.

Women of Modesty and Charity In the past, every Cheju homemaker had a special crock where she would store food in preparation for the future. At each meal, she would place a handful of uncooked rice in the crock The woman of the house had complete authority over this crock and it can be said that this kind of frugality was the foundation of the prosperity Chejudo enjoys today. On Chejudo it was customary for married children to leave the family home to set up their own households. The idea behind this was to maintain small households that were compact and economically sound with autonomy in such matters as housekeeping. Today; it is difficult to maintain the traditional ways of the Cheju woman because the basic environment itself has changed so drastically. Still, the basis of island life has not really changed in essence: the women of Chejudo have as much influence on the shaping of life today as in the past. The community-based way of life that is another striking characteristic of Chejudo's female society still has significant influence; despite today's individualistic lifestyle, the islanders still hold on to the virtues of mutual dependence and helping their neighbors. In general when people reach a stage of self-support, self-sufficiency and independence, they become less conscious of how other people may judge them. They become freer and their reliance on others lessens. Life on Chejudo has always been this way and Cheju women have always lived this way. Though it is possible to skim the surface of the subject of Cheju women, who they are and how they lived, it is difficult to really pin them down in any way. But there is great pleasure in simply accepting Cheju women as they are. + 25

Lee Hyun-sook Reporter, Cheju Ha /lailbo

Manjanggul is located in Tonggimnyong-ri, Kujwa-t'1p, Pukcheju-gun, about 30 kilometers east of Cheju. Of particular note in this magnificent cave are 70centimeter-long stalactites hanging from the ceiling, as well as numerous intriguingly shaped lava stones and lava pillars.

Sopjikoji

Namcheju-gun, Sanbangsan is unique in that unlike other mountains on Chejudo it has no volcanic crater at its peak. The mountain resembles a helmet with its cliffs seemingly created by stacking up tall stone pillars. On the mountain's western cliff is Sanbanggul, a cave where Sanbanggulsa, a temple, was built during the Koryo Dynasty (918-1392). The summit offers a view of the Brother Islands, Kap'ado and Marado Islands and the Yongmori coast.

Ch'onjiyon Waterfall

Punjae Yesulwon (Potted Plant Art Institute)

From this point at the junction of Shinyang-ri, S6ngsan-t'1p and Kosong-ri, visitors can admire Ilch'ulbong Peak rising from the sea.

Located in Choji-ri, Han-gyongmyon, Pukcheju-gun, Punjae Yesulwon was established in 1992. It is iÂˇapidly earning worldwide fame as Korea's only park specializing in indigenous potted plants. The park has a field for seedlings, a protective area for potted plants, an orchid exhibition room and a pond.

Ch'onjeyon Waterfall Yomiji Arboretum The largest arboretum in the Orient, Yomiji Arboretum was established in 1989. It includes a 12,210-square-meter greenhouse, the world's largest. Within the arboretum are housed tropical orchids, a central observatory, and an ecology institute. There is a lawn and replicas of famous overseas gardens outside the greenhouse.

ChOngbang Waterfall

Cheju Racetrack The Korea Racing Association built the Cheju Racetrack to help develop Chejudo and promote its livestock industry through tourism, and also to protect and foster the island's ponies. Horse races are held at the track every Saturday. Mt Sanbangsan Located in Sakye-ri, Andok-myon, 28

Cascading from cliffs of strangely formed rocks that project high into the air, Ch'onjiyon is so beautiful that visitors feel as if they have entered the world of the gods. Lights have been installed in the area to allow nighttime viewing.

Flanked by subtropical plants growing on the walls of a gorge, there are three waterfalls here that are a magnificent sight. Along the gorge is Sonim Bridge with the carvings of seven beautiful nymphs who are said to have bathed in the waterfall, and also a pavilion called Ch'onjeru.

Togeth er with Ch'onjeyon and Ch'onjiyon, Chongbang is one of the three major waterfalls on Chejudo. It is located about 1.5 kilometers southeast of downtow n Sogwip'o, a town on Chejudo's southern coast. It is Korea's only waterfall that empties directly into the ocean. According to local folklore associated with how Sogwip'o got its nam e, Sobul, a Chinese emissary sent by the emperor of China, came to the waterfall in search of the elixir of life, but failed to do so. Before returning to China, he engraved on the cliff the word Sob ulgwach 'a, meaning "Sobul was here." This later became Sogwip'o. Oedolgae (Grotesque Solitary Rock)

lining the 70-ri (28 km) coastline of Sogwip'o. This rock was formed w hen Hallasan erupted 1.5 million years ago and the lava changed the landscape of the island. Hallim Park Encompassing 297,000 square meters of land surrounded by tall palm trees, Hallim Park is home to the Hyopjaegul and Ssangyonggul caves known to be the world's only double-layer caves. The caves are being slow ly transform ed into stalactite caves because crushed seashells are carried by . northwesterly winds from the beach to the tops of the caves w here they dissolve in the rain to become lime and then seep through cracks in the caves Âˇto form stalactites. The p a ri~ ~ inclu des an arboretum and ~ recreational facilities. 0 C:

The 20-meter-high rock Oedolgae is the most captivating of all the rocks

Coastal Road Stretc hing from nea r Yongduam to the entrance to Yiho Beach, Cheju City's Coastal Road is an ideal place to enjoy a date as there are many restaurants along the way. The nighttime panorama is also magnificent with lights twinlding from fishing boats at sea.

Yongduam (Dragon Head Rock) An upward jutting crag of petrified lava, the rock is submerged in the sea 200 meters west of Yongyon at the

lower estuary of the Hanch'on. Legend has it that a sea dragon turned into the rock during an attempt to ascend to heaven. It is 10 meters tall and about 30 meters of the rock is submerged under the sea. San-gumburi Crater One of three major craters on the island, San-gumburi was created when a rock plunged into the ground during a volcanic eruption. Craters are a rare feature on the island, which is dotted w ith numerous peaks created by pulverized lava and ashes. This one is home to some 420 species of subtropical, temperate and alpine plants. It is covered with violet hydrangea blossoms in spring, while dancing waves of eulalia create a delightful scene in fall. Chisatgae A village called Taep'o nestles alongsid e the road from Sogwip'o to Chungmun. The area offers a spectacu-

Jar panorama of hexagonal rock pillars standing densely packed in the form of a screen where powerful waves break constantly onto the coast. SOngup Folk Village Traditional houses are preserved in their original state in this folk village where one can learn about Chejudo's unique customs. The village can be reached by the Tongbu Industrial Road. Leisure and Sports Blessed with a natural landscape boasting a number of high peaks

including the snow-capped Hallasan, and sparkling seas, Chejudo is an ideal location for aquatic sports suc h as scuba diving, windsurfing, fishing and boating, not to mention trekking, hunting, golfing, horseback riding, paragliding and cycling. Paragliders can take flight at several places on the island, thanks to a multitude of low and high peaks, while the Iho, Chungmun, Shinyang and Hamdok beaches are ideal for windsurfing. Chejudo is also known as a paradise for scuba divers because its undersea scenery is particularly breathtaking, and the water temperature remains constant throughout the year. There are many places for fishing on the island, the most famous of which

Hikers on one of the many trails of Hallasan

is Piyangdo. The Brother Islands is a noted fishing spot for black porgy, with Ch'agwido known for parrot and yellowtail fish. It is also possible to fish from the rocks along the shores of Kap'ado. Marado, Pomsom, Munsom, Sopsom, Ch'ujado, Udo, Saesom and P'ukch'ondaryodo are also popular sites for fishing. Chejudo is virtually the only place in Korea where golfers can play on green grass while looking up at a snow-capped mountain, and thus the island is packed with golfers in winter.

The island has a number of golf courses including Cheju Country Club, Ora Country Club, Chungmun Golf Club, Paradise Golf Club and Pinks Golf Course. Chejudo also offers trails for horseback riding where one can enjoy the unique experience of riding Cheju ponies. Hunting is allowed for four months from November 1 within private hunting grounds including Taeyu Land. Festivals Che jud o hosts numerous and diverse festivals throughout the year. More than 20 festivals are planned for this year, some of which have already taken place. The Cheju Honeymoon Agai n Festival was held for the first time last March under the joint sponsorship of Cheju City and the Chejudo Tourism Association to promote Chejudo as "a

Azaleas blooming on the eastern slope of Hallasan_

Cherry Blossoms

mecca for honeymooners." The 2nd First Full Moon of the Year Field Fire Festival, one of the island's most unique events held to celebrate the rising of the first full moon of the

Tangerines

lunar year, was held at the T6kch'6n Communal Livestock Farm in Kujwatlp from February 28 until March 1. The festival included a number of different events such as fire-m aking with flint stones, a duck race, folk art performances, setting fire to fields, fireworks displays, kanggangsuwollae (women's circle dance), a traditional wedding ceremony, traditional folk song contest, making wishes for the new year, and a pheasant flying contest. From ancient times, it was customary for farmers to burn their fields to eradicate pests and 32

to promote the growth of new crops. The practice, however, was banned in the 1970s as part of a fire prevention policy. It was revived in 1997 as part of a tourism festival to wish for the wellbeing of residents, a bumper crop and a rich sea harvest. The Hallasan Snow Festival was held at the end of January on the mountain filled with the mysteries of nature and pure white snow flowers. On January 1 each year, a sunrise festival is held at S6ngsan Sunrise Peak to greet the rising sun. A ritual is performed there, and many people climb to the peak to see the sun rise and make wishes for the new year. A sea parade and kite flying are part of the festivities.

A number of festivals are held in early April including the Cheju Spring Grand Festival and the Cherry Blossom Festival, which is held at the Cheju Sports Complex. The festival includes a Cherry Blossom Queen Parade, folk art performances and other programs designed to allow the active participation of spectators. The road leading up to Cheju University and the Ch6nnong Road in Cheju are particularly noted for their long lines of cherry trees alongside. The 17th Rape Flower Festival took place in S6gwip'o Central Park in midApril. The flow ers, coloring various corners of the island brilliant yellow, especially flourish nearby S6ngsan Sunrise Peak and the Yongm6ri coast. In late April, a bracken gathering contest was held in Namcheju-gun, and the Seven Ny mphs Festival at Ch'6njey6n Waterfall was held in S6gwip'o to recreate the legend of the seven nymphs who are said to descend on clouds at night to bathe and play in the waterfall on every full moon. In June, the Cheju International Citizens' Marathon will be held at the sports complex. The autumn festivals include the

Tangerine Festival, Eulalia Festival, Sogwip'o 70-ri Festival and Halla Cultural Festival. The Tangerine Festival is held in early November when tangerines, Chejudo's major agricultural product, ripen. A number of events highlight the festival including a Miss Tangerine Contest and Tangerine Fair as well as sales of traditional food and local products. The Eulalia Festival is held in the fall when Chungsan-gan is filled with eulalia. The Halla Cultural Festival, held in October, is the oldest and largest of the island's festivals. It begins with a pre-night event that includes a fireworks display, parade, folk game contest, dance and musical performances. Unique Experiences Chejudo is an ideal destination to visit in winter as the average temperature hov e rs around lO OC even in Janu ary. The island offers visitors many unique experiences including trekking on Hallasan and the approximately 360 peaks that were formed when Hallasan erupted. Chejudo is also a wonderful place to observe winter migratory birds. Thousands flock to about 10 spots throughout the island to feed, particularly the fish farm in Ch'anghungdong, Hado-ri, Kujwa-(Jp, Pukcheju-

gun, which attracts between 6,000 and 7,000 winter migratory birds of some 30 species.

Culinary Culture One thing not to miss while visiting Chejudo is a taste of its unique culinary culture. Because Chejudo is a narrow stone island in the sea far from the mainland, its food resources differ greatly from other regions of Korea. The islanders have developed unique culinary habits due to their limited manpower and commodity exchanges. Sampling Cheju food is like tasting a slice of nature in its pristine state. Seasonal products grown in diverse natural conditions in the mountains, sea, fields and rocks are gathered and consumed. They are also preserved and cooked in ways that make the most of the natural conditions.

Abalone

The islanders eat a lot of fresh uncooked food, including raw fish. Various sea products such as laver and gulfweed are used as ingredients for cold soups, and also to make fermented pickles. Roasted sea bream, abalone porridge and a stew made of various seafood are just some of the dishes not to be missed when visiting Chejudo. Beaches In summer, the island's beaches are jam-packed with vacationers. Hamdok Beach is renowned for its fine sand, safe water and great scenery, and Hyopjae Beach for its white sand, seashells and panoramic view of Piyangdo. Kwakji Beach offers a view of the neighboring village harmoniously merging with the natural landscape. Kimnyong Beach is located near the Manjanggul cave, and Chungmun Beach lies within the Chungmun Tourist Resort. Hwasun Beach and Iho Beach are especially ideal for families as the entrance road is densely lined with acacia trees and the sea slopes gently. Surrounded by a number of islets including Udo, Ch'agwido, Piyangdo, Ch'ujado and Marado, Chejudo is a heavenly summer resort and perfect for fishing. +

-:-:- Hyopjae Beach -Âˇ

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From the top: Ch'unghyodang is one of the best preserved houses in Hahoe, a village Queen Elizabeth toured during her visit to Korea in order to experience Korea at its most traditional. Looking out from the sarangch'ae, the men's quarters. Women traditionally confined themselves to the anch 'ae near the kitchen and the an bang, the women's room.

tion of brick pagodas. As reliquaries housing the Buddha's remains, pagodas are objects of veneration. In other areas in Korea, they are generally made of stone, but in Andong, brick pagodas can be found concentrated in the city center and the surrounding area. This indicates that Andong developed a Buddhist culture quite distinct from that of Kyongju. Moreover, most of the city's important institutions and buildings, such as the Andong Train Station, Andong City Hall and the Kosong Yi Clan House, are situated on former temple sites. The large number of such sites as well as some of Korea's bestpreserved temple buildings attest to the richness of the area's extensive Buddhist culture. In spite of its strong Buddhist tradition, Andong is often thought of as the home of Confucian culture. After all, it was in Andong that Confucian culture-the central ideology of the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910)-underwent its most noteworthy development. In particular, the area was home to the distinguished scholar Yi Hwang (pen name T'oegye) and Tosan Sowon (a private academy). As far back as the late Koryo Dynasty (918-1392), U T'ak (pen name Yoktong, 1263-1343) began to plant the roots of Chu Hsi's neo-

Confucian thought at Yean, thus paving the way for T'oegye and his disciples who went on to develop a distinctive philosophical tradition. Thanks to the active research efforts of the International T'oegye Conference, the area's role is now widely recognized in international philosophical circles. Due to its deep-rooted Confucian tradition , Andong is sometimes referred to as Ch'urojihyang, the hometown of both Mencius and Confucius. Likewise, T'oegye is often called the Confucius or Chu Hsi (1130-1200) of the .east. More than anywhere else, Andong was where scholarship and virtue were revered. It was the land of the scholar where the refined manners of the Confucian gentleman were clearly evident and deeply ingrained. It has been said that half of the leading Choson-era figures came from Korea's southeast area and half of these came from Andong. Indeed, the terms "Andong yangban" and "Andong gentleman" have become commonplace expressions. Due to the large number of local scholars, the area is credited with publishing more literary works than any other place in Korea. Andong's Confucian culture also meant that the people faithfully car-

ried out the rites to their deceased ancestors and treated guests with the warmest of hospitality. In addition, the area included a large number of villages where those of the same clan name congregated. Hahoe, which was chiefly occupied by the P'ungsan Ryu clan, is just one example. Andong was able to become the center of Korean Confucianism because of its pattern of medium and small-sized land ownership, its wealth of Shilla (57 B.C.-A.D. 935) and Kory6 artifacts, the people who fled to the area as a result of factional disputes, and T'oegye's legion of notable disciples. In addition, the Andong people have been creative in faithfully preserving their traditional culture, yet at the same time, flexible in positively adapting new cultural elements. With its Confucian tradition and rich folk culture, Andong is worthy of being called the country's most authentically Korean area. This attitude of receptive adaptation may explain why Andong, in spite of its strong Confucian roots, produced numerous socialists and why Christianity has flourished here in recent times. Andong is also one of the areas where Protestant evangelical

efforts are said to have been most fruitful. And the headquarters of the Catholic Farmers Association, the Andong Diocese plays an important role in Korea's Catholic community.

Hahoe: ALiving Museum of Traditional Korean Culture Hahoe epitomizes Andong's propensity for cultural synthesis. Compared to most villages around the world, it has a very distinct cultural identity as an enduring community. The village boasts approximately 1,000 years of history stretching through the Kory6 and Chos6n periods to the present. Unlike the shifting populations of most cities and towns, which have changed numerous times due to overriding influences such as migration, war and foreign domination, the population of Hahoe has persisted intact from the Kory6 period to modern times. Moreover, the village, having maintained the cultural traditions from each period of its history, now features a rich and diverse cultural heritage. Even so, it is not simply an artificial "folk village" or museum, but rather a living, vibrant community. In this sense, Hahoe is not frozen in

From the top: The women of the Ch'ungh yodang house are making plans to welcome Queen Elizabeth. A tea table they prepared for the Queen. Queen Elizabeth observes women making kimch'i.

The residents of Hahoe held a traditional birthday feast for Queen Elizabeth who visited their village on her birthday.

its 1,000 years of history. To the contrary, it is actively seeking its place in the next millennium. With a creative spirit rarely found anywhere else in the world, the village, in addition to faithfully maintaining the traditions of its past, is working to develop a new culture. Therefore, as a model community of people that evolved naturally, the village deserves to be designated as a world cultural heritage. The particular features that distinguish include the following. First, there is the village's natural setting. The surrounding mountains, river, forests, beaches, hills and cliffs are just some of the natural attractions that make up the traditional "16 picturesque views" of Hahoe. Next, we could mention the achievements of those who lived in the village. The brothers Ryu Un-nyong (pen name Kyomam) and Ryu Song-nyong (pen name Soae) are the first in a long line of notable figures from this village who rose to prominence and left a number of 38

important works to posterity. We must also mention the cultural traditions that developed thanks to the confluence of the area's excellent natural environment and such exceptional individuals. Hahoe boasts 18 government-designated cultural assets. In addition to the Hahoe masks and Chingbirok, a record of the Hideyoshi Invasions, which are both National Treasures, there are also Pyongsan S6w6n, a private academy, the Hahoe Pyolshin Kut, Pukch'ondaek, the Northern Village House, four Treasures including Yangjindang (Nurturing Truth Hall) and Ch'unghyodang (Loyalty and Filial Piety Hall), and eleven Important Folk Materials. Hahoe, River Bend Village, is as its name suggests, a hamlet surrounded by water. Except for the village's entrance, the Naktong River encircles Hahoe; thus the only way to leave the village is back through its entrance. The part of the 525-kilometer-long Naktong River which flows by Hahoe is called

Hwach'on (Blossom Stream). At the village's entrance, there is a small and a large hill. Beyond the large hill, only the mountains and sky can be seen: the village is completely hidden. After crossing over this hill, which forms the righthand slope of Hwasan Mountain, and the smaller hill, one has to walk some distance to get to the village. From here, one can see Hwach'on Stream, white sand beaches, Mansongjong (Ten-thousand Pines Pavilion) and the cliffs known as Puyongdae. Hwasan actually branches off from the T'aebaeksan Mountain Range. In geomantic terms, the T'aebaeksan Range at Hwasan Mountain is yang (feminine) whereas the Naktong River is yin. The area thus harmonizes the corresponding yin and yang forces of the mountain and the river. With the winding river flowing past beaches with sand as white as cotton and the cliffs of Puyongdae rising sharply above the blue forests around Mansongjong Pavilion, the village's pic-

turesque setting leaves nothing to be desired. In terms of geomancy, the area is said to represent "a lotus floating on a river" or a "boat plying the water." Such exquisite natural characteristics are believed to be auspicious signs that the area will produce many great men and prosperous families. So as not to cause harm to this auspicious setting, wells have not been dug. Because the village is actually situated on an alluvial bed, well water would not be suitable for drinking anyway. Taking advantage of these physical conditions, the Hahoe villagers have lived as a tight-knit community. Unlike typical Korean villages in which houses are positioned facing south, those of Hahoe face all four directions, with roads extending in all directions from the town center. This has been done so that each house can be oriented toward the winding river and the cliffs on the opposite side. The use of earthen walls is purportedly due to a superstition that since the village resembles a boat, the stacking of stones would invite ruin, but actually, it is because there are not enough stones in this flat area alongside the river. As Korea's oldest village made up of members of the same family name, the village possesses intriguing family histories stretching back into the previous millennium. Since the Kory6 period, the Kimhae H6 clan has lived in the village followed by the Kwangju An clan. With the advent of the Chos6n Dynasty, the P'ungsan Ryu clan's development as a family lineage is clearly recorded in both written records and oral traditions. In age-old family homes with imposing traditional gates, the 16th generation of families can be found living in the same house as their ancestors. Moreover, the present generation still maintains ancestral shrines and faithfully observes yearly rituals and traditional holidays. In this sense, the village is a living museum where Chos6n-era Confucian traditions are fastidiously maintained.

Coexistence of Yangban Confucian Culture and Folk Culture Hahoe is also rich in traditional folk customs that formed prior to yangban Confucian culture. The village's S6nangdang, upper shrine, on the slope of Hwasan, Kuksadang, intermediate shrine, and Samshindang, lower shrine, serve as the stage for the Py6lshin Kut, a traditional shamanic performance. Together these important cultural properties reflect Korea's ancient shamanic traditions. The stone pagodas and stupas scattered here and there, on the other hand, are clear traces of the area's Buddhist culture, while the prosperous and illustrious P'ungsan Ryu clan of the Chos6n period serves as a typical example of Confucian culture. In spite of the village's strict adherence to Confucian traditions, Christianity was accepted here at a relatively early date. The church at the southern end of the village thus further evidences Hahoe's willingness to embrace diverse cultural elements. Though small, the village well preserves the religious history of shamanism, Buddhism, Confucianism and Christianity. The yangban formed clan-based organizations, documented genealogies and left to posterity a large number of literary collections and ancient texts. In addition, they performed rites before ancestral tablets, which, according to tradition, were set up at permanent locations and never moved. They also faithfully observed seasonal ancestral rites and traditions such as gathering at their clan ancestors' gravesites to make offerings to the spirits. For this reason, Hahoe can be aptly described as a museum of living history. In particular, Y6ngmogak, a hall with displays of texts and artifacts associated with Ryu S6ng-nyong (pen name S6ae), serves as a small-scale museum. For recreation, the village's scholarly gentlemen would enjoy leisurely boat rides beneath the Puyongdae cliffs while spontaneously composing and reciting poetry. While Hahoe's yangban cultivated

upper-class Confucian culture, the village's commoners advanced lower-class folk culture. The common people performed the Py6lshin Kut for the S6nangshin, the village's tutelary deity, in order to ensure the community's well-being and an abundant harvest. They carved wooden masks, which have now been designated National Treasures, to wear during mask dance performances. Mask dance drama satirized the contradictions within the social order, depicting the pretentiousness of the yangban and scholars, while ridiculing the hypocrisy of monks. The Hahoe mask dance consists of nine acts featuring a monk, butcher, yangban, scholar, grandmother, grandfather, and a young woman as well as a wedding. The yangban and scholar act is summarized below: When the butcher appears tryiflg to sell the testicles of an ox, the yangban and s6nbi (scholarly gentleman) express their disgust. But when they hear that the testicles enhance a man's masculine vigor, they begin fighting over them. As the two tug at the testicles, the three finally fall down sending the testicles rolling across the ground. Halmi, an old woman, picks them up and makes a laughingstock out of the two "gentleman" as she exclaims: "My gosh, there's just this one set of testicles and yet both the yangban and s6nbi claim it's theirs. Who in the world do these testicles belong to?" The drama is both easy to follow and comical, and thus has wide appeal. Temporarily overcoming their subordinate status, the common people play a central role during the Py6lshin Kut, which is a ritual in honor of the S6nangshin, the village's tutelary deity. In the performance, a band plays music as masked performers dance. During this time, the performers, who are commoners, can visit the homes of the yangban and speak to them as equals and even casually smoke in their presence. Such actions indicate that the normal order of society has been suspend39

The Pukch'on House is another traditional house in Hahoe that should be visited. Its pavilion (above) commands a picturesque view of Puyongdae (top).

Unlike the shifting populations ofmost cities and towns which have changed numerous times due to overriding influences such as migration, war and foreign domination, the population ofHahoe has persisted intact from the Koryo period to modern times.

ed. By making the yangban objects of ridicule, the performers convey a kind of mocking judgment of those of the upper class. In other words, the drama represents a sort of ritualized rebellion. As with all satirical works, existing class hierarchy is turned upside down as an expression of the lower class's dream of a carefree and leisurely life. Designated as National Treasures, the Hahoe masks are the oldest in Korea. The exquisitely carved masks are of world-class workmanship. In recent times, photos and images of the masks have even been widely used as symbols of Korean culture. The most notable aspect of the masks is their dialectical character. For example, the eyes of Kakshi, the bride, are mismatched with the left eye looking downward and the right eye staring straight ahead. Whereas the left eye can be taken to represent social pressure and conformity, the right eye shows the bride's inherent awareness of her own humanity. Pronounced symbolism can also be seen in the servant Ch'oraengi's nose, which sticks out straight as a sign of his high aspirations, but has a short ridge line showing how his pride has been "cut short" by the social limitations of the traditional class system. These facial charac-

teristics thus expose the contradictions underlying a system in which people are unjustly discriminated against due to their social status. Like the bride's eyes, Ch'oraengi's mouth is asymmetrical: one side of the mouth appears to be laughing and the other side sneering; the contorted expression being extremely unnatural. Before his master the yangban, Ch'oraengi has little choice but to smile, but in his heart, he resents his lot as a servant. Such improbable expressions may strike the viewer as unrealistic and deformed; yet by showing both the outward expression and the face that the figure would actually make if his inner feelings were known, the incongruous and unnatural expressions of the masks present a dialectical realism. Ironically, the masks express reality in a most harmonious and genuine manner. The stark contrast between features of the exquisitelydesigned Hahoe masks reveals the contradictions between outer and inner life, public and private thoughts, and the social system's oppression as well as attempted protests. As Korea's oldest dramatic masks, the Hahoe masks date back more than 700 years. The Hahoe mask dance, a unique village drama still performed at

its original site, provides important clues for the elucidation of the history of Korean drama and the origin of the Korean mask dance. In this sense, there would be a major void in Korea's history of art and drama if not for the Hahoe masks and dance. Whereas fireworks displays over the river served as a festivity for the yangban, the Py6lshin Kut was a festival for the common people. Whereas the yangban resided in tile-roofed houses with large gates, the common people lived in small thatched-roof huts. Whereas the yangban performed Confucian rites before ancestral tablets, the common people carried out shamanic rites for the S6nangshin. Thus Hahoe, in addition to possessing the accumulated traditions from different historical periods, has harmonized the contradictory elements of upperand lower-class culture.

The Value of Hahoe's Distinctive Heritage In looking over Hahoe's cultural heritage, one wonders if there is another village like it anywhere else in the world. Even if the village's magnificent natural setting is disregarded, is there any other village that has preserved a millennium-old festival such as the Py6lshin Kut? Is there any village with its own unique dramatic tradition like the mask dance? Has any place created unique world-class carvings like the Hahoe masks and passed them down to posterity? Or a place with traditional architecture like that found in Hahoe?

Is there a village where scholarly gentlemen participated in events Âˇlike the Hahoe fireworks display while composing elegant poetry and works of art? Is there a village where such

From the top: This is a kind of calendar that shows dates for holding chesa, annual memorial services for the ancestors of the house. Memorial tablets are kept in the ancestral shrine. The roles of men and women are distinctively divided in a chesa, one of the most important events of a household, with men preparing and undertaking the overall procedures and women preparing the food offerings.

diverse religious traditions have coexisted and have been passed down to the present? Or a village that has produced so many men of greatness during times of crisis? Is there a village that has given birth to such a large number of scholars and produced so many literary works? If another such village does indeed exist, it deserves to be designated a world cultural asset along with Hahoe. There are essentially five ponts that distinguish Hahoe as a world cultural heritage. The first is its natural setting. Nestled within a river bend and mountains, the village boasts verdant forests, long white beaches and spectacular cliffs such as Puyongdae. The second is Ky6mam and S6ae, scholars who trans. mitted and developed neo-Confucian teachings and exemplified the virtues of loyalty and filial piety. Thirdly, Hahoe, as a village centered around a particular family clan, earnestly developed and disseminated Chos6n Confucian culture. Fourth, the Hahoe masks created by H6dory6ng and the traditional culture of the common people as manifested by the Hahoe mask dance are still alive in Hahoe. Fifth, the Py6lshin Kut, a performance based on a shamanic worldview, has been faithfully preserved along with a number of traditional Korean-style wooden houses. . In an even broader sense, when Hahoe is viewed objectively, it can be seen as being composed of a sort of clash of yin-yang forces between nature and humans, or upper-class and

THE 20TH CENTURY IN RETROSPECT

Korea's Democratization Achievements and Issues Ahn Byung-young Professor of Public Administration Yonsei University

or more than 50 years since its liberation from Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945), Korea has been dominated by authoritarian regimes. Except for a brief respite during the Second Republic (an interim period of only some nine months), authoritarian rule held sway until Korea's transition to democracy following the democratic struggle of June 1987. Yet, during those 40-plus years of authoritarianism, Korea achieved remarkable economic development, which enabled the society to advance and lay a foundation for democracy. The 1987 democratic struggle marked a notable watershed in Korea's history of democratization. Thereafter, Korean democracy, in spite of occasional bumps in the road, steadily progressed. Of note, the inauguration of Kim Dae-jung's "government of the people" was especially significant as Korea's first peaceful transition of power to the opposition. With the peaceful transfer of political power through open democratic elections, the basic political and procedural requisites demanded by democracy have been more or less achieved. However, the inauguration of Kim Dae-jung's government coincided with the so-called IMF financial crisis. Thus the new Kim government was burdened with the awesome responsibility of overcoming an unprecedented economic crisis. The

The 1987 democratic struggle marked a notable watershed in Korea's history if democratization. Theretifier, Korean democrary, in spite if occasional bumps in the road, steadily progressed. Ofnote, the inauguration ifKim Dae-jung's "government if the people" was especially significant as Korea'sfirst peacifitl transition if power to the opposition.

Kim administration is now faced with the daunting challenge of surmounting the economic difficulties while pushing forward with democratization. At this juncture, we should ask ourselves just how far has Korean democracy really come. People offer differing views. While some optimistically declare that Korean democracy has now been consolidated, others are concerned that the process seems to have stagnated. In particular, those who do not view democratization in political or procedural terms (i.e., individual freedom, guarantee of basic rights, fair elec-

tions, freedom to engage in political activities, etc.) but rather in socioeconomic terms (i.e., the decentralization of economic power and equitable distribution of wealth) likely feel that democratization up to this point has clearly come up short. However, I would like to focus on political democratization, and in addition to formal prerequisites such as legal and institutional conditions, I would like to take a look at democracy's cultural consolidation and briefly discuss socioeconomic democratization as well. While I would agree that given the extent to which political democratization has progressed thus far, the further development of socioeconomic democratization would be desirable, the view that sociQeconomic democratization must precede democratization on the political front strikes me as dangerously close to totalitarianism. Many people summarize the democratization process in terms of three stages: collapse of an authoritarian regime, transition to a democratic system and consolidation of democracy. Of course, in actual practice, these three processes, when seen chronologically or in terms of content, often overlap and are therefore difficult to distinguish. Here, consolidation means that legal and institutional foundations for democracy are firmly in place while democratic values have permeated society to the extent that they are root-

ed in mainstream culture. In my opinion, the June 1987 democracy struggle provided the impetus for the sudden collapse of the authoritarian regime and the beginning of Korea's transition to democracy. Here, I will briefly describe the authoritarian period, after which I will discuss the June 29 Democratic Struggle and the subsequent transition to democracy. I will then look at the democratic issues that now confront Korea.

Democratization Efforts under Authoritarian Rule During the First Republic, the social foundation necessary for Korea's democratization was virtually non-existent. Under the previous autocracy and colonial rule, patriarchy and authoritarianism dominated political culture, while the masses had very limited exposure to and knowledge of democracy. Moreover, at this time Korea was a stagnant society centered on agriculture. As a result, there was little class differentiation with the domestic economy being undeveloped. With a very low educational level, the people did not possess the basic knowledge and temperament vital for democracy. In addition, the Korean War (1950-1953) cemented the division of the peninsula and led to Korea's inclusion within the bipolar system of the superpowers and the establishment of a centralized security structure. In particular, this environment served as an obstacle to the development of democracy. Syngman Rhee 's First Republic, while proclaiming freedom and democracy as national ideals, actually focused on resisting communism. In doing so, it established an oppressive authoritarian regime. Rhee's government collapsed as a result of the April 19, 1960 student revolution, which was led by a new generation that had been taught han-gul (Korean script) and democracy. The Second Republic , headed by the prime minister Chang Myon, appeared to have laid the foun-

dation for democracy with the establishment of political freedom and basic individual rights along with a separation of governmental powers. However, as the dam of repression burst and the floodwaters of freedom and increased expectations surged forward, the government was unable to quell the ensuing political and ideological chaos. The government was ultimately ousted by Park Chung Hee's coup d'etat on May 16 of the following year, with the people again succumbing to authoritarian rule. During the 18 years that Park Chung

Hee held power, his so-called developmental dictatorship vigorously promoted an export-oriented industrialization strategy while carrying out a sophisticated yet oppressive authoritarian regimen. In order to compensate for the lack of political validity resulting from the coup d'etat and military rule, his government exerted all-out efforts for rapid economic development. During the nationally driven industrialization, the government recognized the key role played by industrial capitalists, including the leaders of major conglomerates, with which it formed a "developmentalist coalition." On the other hand, it strictly controlled and suppressed the working class in order

to realize the political demobilization and economic mobilization of workers. The Park regime also promoted the Saemaul (New Village) Movement, which, in spite of its limited effectiveness and manipulative intentions, helped to mobilize farming communities. The authoritarian character of the Park regime became more evident as time went on. Particularly with the advent of the Fourth Republic, which was called the era of "Revitalizing Reforms," political freedom and basic rights were harshly suppressed along with public elections and the open, pluralistic activities of political parties. The Park administration took on the typical appearance of an authoritarian regime with the National Assembly becoming a rubber-stamp organ and the authority for decision-making being concentrated exclusively within the executive branch. Most importantly, political authority did not become institutionalized, but rather personalized in the form of Park Chung Hee, an individual as opposed to a legal entity. The political conflict between the ruling and opposition parties generally occurred within the context of "democratic versus non-democratic forces," while debate over the "system"-a discussion centered on democratizationbecame a major bone of contention. The problems of class friction and equitable economic distribution were occasionally raised as social issues, but were not major points of debate in political circles. In the National Assembly, opposition parties were at a significant disadvantage; yet within the formal, political arena of the assembly, they were able to engage in fierce debates which usually concerned democratic principles, including, for example, political freedom, human rights and rules governing the democratic process. The opposition parties' ability to push forward legislative initiatives was notably constrained. 45

Nevertheless, by openly discussing problems of the government and exposing its corruption, they did much to create a more dynamic, public and democratic political process. At this time, the main opposition parties were orthodox and conservative; the progressive parties had no major impact on the political scene. It must be kept in mind that as the modernization efforts gradually began to bear fruit in the 1960s and 1970s, indu strial workers and, in terms of social strata, the middle class grew steadily, thus forming the basis for civil society. The progress of industrialization enhanced civil society's political power, and at the same time, gave birth to class-related discord. By the late 1970s, the validity of the authoritarian regime's existence was being increasingly questioned. In the intense struggle for de mocratization, opposition part y lea ders such as Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-sam stood out as vanguards against the military rule. Within an environment of constant oppression, there also emerged anti-establishment intellectuals such as Kim Chi-ha, religious leaders including Ham Sokhon and co untless students who played a major role in ca rrying the torch of democratization. In October 1979, as the scope of antigovernment protests showed signs of spreading throughout the country, President Park declared a state of emergency. The political situation sank into a state of utter chaos. As the ruling clique fell into serious internal turmoil, on October 26, Kim Chae-gyu, head of the Central Intelligence Agency, assassinated President Park The subsequent December 12 coup d'etat and bloody suppression of the Kwangju democracy movement in May of the following year ushered in a new era of military rule. Finally in August 1980, Chairman of the Special Committee for National Security, Chun Doo Hwan was elected Korea's president through illegitimate indirect e le ctions. With the Fifth 46

Republic being thus inaugurated under Chun, there was a broad-based democratic movement underway , whic h included, in addition to the official opposition parties, students, leftists and other members of society. The movement openly challenged the government, claiming that it lacked constitutionality and thus was invalid, while calling its constitution anti-democratic and leaders immoral in the way it carried out national politics. Before long, the Fifth Republi c adopted a less oppressive stance than Park's government of "Revitalizing Reforms." Even so, being an authoritarian military government, it showed that it had strong ties to the preceding Fourth Republic.

The June 1987 Democracy Struggle and the Collapse of Authoritarian Rule In June 1987, anti-government demonstrations demanding a constitutional amendment enacting a system of direct elections reached a peak As demonstrations spread across the nation, the government lost its ability to maintain control through police forces. Finally Roh Tae Woo, president of the Democratic Justice Party (DJP), announced a direct electoral system along with political freedom and expansion of basic rights in his 'june 29 Democratization Declaration." This marked a key turning point toward fundamental democratization. There are several interpretations of the June 29 Democracy Struggle and the subsequent process of democratization. At any rate, it is clear that the Democratic Justice Party, in issuing the June 29 Declaration, bowed to pressure from the sweeping protests. Moreover, although its hand had been forced by prevailing circumstances, the DJP went ahead with reforms because it glimpsed the possibility of remaining in power even after democratic reforms had been enacted. The participants in the protest were, in terms of class or ideology, a diverse group, but the middle class was more unified. The

demands of the protesters, at least during the June democracy protests, were limi ted to political and procedural democratization: they did not push for any grassroots, revolutionary demands. In this respect, the middle class held fast to a middle-of-the-road position centered on political democracy, and I believe that its advocacy of moderate reform and civil protests helped induce the DJP to acquiesce in granting such reforms. The June 1987 Democracy Struggle marked an important watershed in the process of democratization in Korea. Labor-management discord continually erupted from July to September of that year in what has been dubbed "the hot summer." During this time, the scope of political fre edom and pluralism was widened; the authoritarian October constitution of the Fifth Republic was repealed and replaced with a new democratic constitution; later in December, the president was elected through a direct presidential election; the Fifth Republic came to an end; and beginning with the expansion of basic rights through a series of reformist legislation, the anti-democratic system and its laws were revised to some extent. These changes represented important steps tow ard the liquidation of the authoritarian system. Although democratization by the authoritarian power itself helped to significantly reduce the shock and sacrifices incurred during the transition to democracy, the actual system, due to its intrinsic limitations, was inevitably of limited effectiveness in eradicating authoritarianism and instituting democratic reforms. As a result , efforts toward the uprooting of the authoritarian order generally did not go far enough. Most importantly, many of the figures, who were ex-military leaders and had, after the fall of the previous authoritarian regimes, held important positions in the Fifth Republic, continued to occupy central positions during the Sixth Republic. The fact that

President Roh himself was a member of this former elite was a poignant reminder of the regime's limitations. For this reason, the people thought of the Sixth Republic as a "relaxed military regime" or even as a "pseudodemocratic regime." Indeed, in its approach to democratic reform, the government assumed a passive stance, for the most part merely reacting to specific situations. As was apparent in the government's institution of regional autonomy, even legal and institutional reforms were not enough to promote meaningful democratization while a number of obstacles to the process continued to exist.

In December 1987, in the first direct presidential election in 17 years, the split between Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung, who had been the opposition leaders of the democracy movement, not only allowed the DJP candidate to be elected, but also, by heightening regional tensions, shelved democratization issues and took away the opportunity for ideological issues to be actively discussed. In the general elections carried out in April 1988, regionalism became even more intensified as each party formed regional alliances according to the birthplaces of its leaders: Rob Tae Woo, Kim Youngsam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil.

Transition to Democracy Following the June 29 Declaration Riding the rapid currents of democratization following the June 1987 declaration, a diverse range of previously suppressed interest groups exploded onto the scene as Korean society set out on a road toward freedom and pluralism. Within this process, the democratic forces that had established a common front during the June 1987 Struggle began to fracture along class and ideological lines, while civil society divided into a social reformation movement centered on the common people and a bourgeoisie movement centered on the middle class. During this process, there was an opportunity for Korean politics to transform the previous conflict along a democratic and anti-democratic axis to a struggle between conservative and reformist forces. If the Korean political system had been transformed into a two-party system in which ideology and policies were defined along a conservative and reformist spectrum, the political arena would have undergone significant changes. However, as the direct presidential election and general elections were carried out, the regional cleavage within Korean politics became more severe and began to overtake civil society's class divisions in terms of importance.

The previous "pro-democratic versus anti-democratic" split weakened, while pronounced regionalism was superimposed on this structure. This combination of personalism and regionalism serves as vivid testimony to the premodern character of Korean politics. The general elections resulted in the first "minority ruling, majority opposition" government in Korean history. The ruling DJP captured 125 seats (41.8 percent of the total) , whereas the Common People's Party, Democratic Party and New Democratic Republican Party claimed 70, 59 and 35 seats respectively, allowing them to collec-

tively outvote the ruling party. A divided government in which the executive and majority parties in the National Assembly were different thus became a reality. Moreover, a number of other factors contributed significantly to helping increase the functional autonomy of the 13th National Assembly: democratization was permeating all corners of society; President Roh had been elected with a mere 36.6 percent of the votes cast; and the status of the National Assembly had been elevated by the Sixth Republic constitution. During the 19 months preceding a three-party merger in February 1990, the 13th National Assembly was most active in the history of Korean democracy and highl y influential. In this respect, it fundamentally differed from previous rubber-stamp assemblies. During an explosive surge of nationalism that swept through society due to the extensive democratization of the late 1980s, there were several striking policy changes. Instead of supporting capital and suppressing labor, the government proclaimed a policy of autonomous labor-management relations, signifying that conflict resolution would be left up to the concerned parties. In addition, social welfare policies were expanded significantly, opening an era of universal health insurance coverage. From 1988, a national pension system was enacted for wage earners while a minimum wage system was introduced. This was followed by political commitment to an unemployment insurance system. In this respect, the strong democratization movement of the 1980s, in addition to the advancement of political and procedural democratization, was to some extent able to impact socioeconomic democratization in concrete ways. These changes were not unrelated to the political situation during the period of divided government. However, with the advent of the 1990s, this atmosphere of reform suddenly subsided. In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the 47

nationalism movement was still active on the surface of the political arena, but below, its rapid decline was already underway. In addition to the exacerbated regional antagonism already mentioned, this decline could mainly be attributed to the middle class's concern over the growing radicalism of the nationalistic movement and the collapse of socialist regimes in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The erosion of the "pro-democracy versus anti-democracy" political alignment that occurred as a result of the three-party unification, and the government's transition to a non-confrontational stance toward civil society also noticeably contributed to political conservatism. The three-party unification in early 1990 created the Democratic Liberal Party, a large ruling party that had control of more than two-thirds of the total assembly seats. With this development, the relationship between the executive branch and the National Assembly reverted back to its previous state. As an "anti-Honam (southeast) regional alliance," the three-party unification further incited regional sentiments. Moreover, within the new ruling party, those from both the democracy faction and the old guard ended up "eating from the same pot," a development that dampened enthusiasm for democratic reform and made it difficult to eradicate vestiges of the authoritarian system. Consequently, the party's ideology and policy objectives became unclear as it served as little more than a tool for political stability and political power. In this sense, the three-party consolidation, along with the strong conservative trend sweeping through society, represented primary factors impeding the transition to democracy.

Democracy under Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung The transition toward democracy has promoted political democratization. Yet in spite of the attainment of some 48

degree of political freedom, the expansion of basic rights and legal and institutional reforms related to elections, the National Assembly and the political party system, until these changes are solidified in terms of mainstream values and stability so that they are culturally systematized, one cannot really say that democracy has been firmly established. In this sense, I feel that democracy was not consolidated during Kim Young-sam's "civilian government" and likewise has yet to be consolidated during Kim Dae-jung's "government of the people."

Democracy under Kim Young-sam With the victory of the ruling party's candidate Kim Young-sam during the 14th presidential election of December 1992, a new era of civilian government commenced. Many people expected the Kim Young-sam administration to move from a stage of "transition to democracy" (that of the Sixth Republic) to a stage of "consolidation of democracy." Under the banner of "constructing a new Korea," Kim's government carried out a series of sweeping reforms, including the depoliticization of the military, public disclosure of public officials' assets, investigation of corruption, introduction of a "real name" system for financial transactions, integration of election laws and reform of laws on political association. Such drastic reform politics was necessary to eradicate the entrenched and corrupt structure of the authoritarian system of military rule and to create a solid foundation for political democratization. Kim's reform politics was a typical "reform from the top" process which heavily relied on the political leader's charisma. As one scholar has noted, its modus operandi entailed "mobilizing the aspirations of the people and public opinion against vested interests," and demonstrated "a strong nationalist character." Yet in spite of these early reform efforts, the Kim Young-sam administration was actually ineffectual

when it came to solving fundamental problems such as the deeply entrenched collusion between government and business, the resulting corruption within the power structure and a political party structure that had grafted personality cults with regionalism. The Kim Young-sam government's globalization policy, started around his midterm, was an ambitious undertaking. However, it was implemented without much preparation and with an inadequate understanding of its merits and shortcomings, resulting in repeated trials and errors. Indiscriminate deregulation of financial sectors invited a financial crisis and the lack of investment control and industrial policy measures fanned excessive competition among chaebol business groups. The government's efforts to advance the principles of market economy in the distorted economic structure inherited from the previous authoritarian regime, with limited competitiveness and overgrown conglomerates, was destined to fail, as evidenced by the IMF era. This being the case, what impact did the Kim Young-sam administration's globalization policy have on democratization? The Kim government, in the promotion of its policy of globalization, emphasized an open market and economic competitiveness. As a result, reform issues related to democratization in concrete terms, such as social welfare and income distribution, were essentially neglected. The ratio of public welfare spending within the largely expanded national budgets of the late 1980s decreased during the 1990s, a development that stemmed from the policy orientation of the Kim administration. When seen in this light, the Kim Young-sam administration's reform politics did positively contribute to the procedural rationality of the political process; however, it was unable to advance socioeconomic and cultural democracy and failed to deal with gov-

ernment-business collusion, corruption, regionalism and the politics of personal connections.

Democracy under Kim Dae-jung With the election of Kim Dae-jung, candidate of the National Congress for New Politics (NCNP), as Korea's president in December 1997, Korean democracy entered a new era. For the first time in history, conditions allowed for a peaceful transfer of power. Moreover, the election of a president from the Honam (southwestern) area meant that there was an opportunity to surmount regionalism and promote regional harmony. However, the administration of this so-called government of the people was saddled with a financial crisis, which required IMF intervention. In addition, by forming a coalition government with the United Liberal Democrats, it was burdened with the complexity of attaining political cooperation and mutual policy consensus. The agreement between them on a new constitution entailing a "parliamentary cabinet system" further complicated their relations. At this point in time, a little more than one year after Kim Dae-jung's administration took office, it is difficult to assess the government's political accomplishments. Given that the most pressing issue when Kim took power was to rescue the economy from its dire situation and based on the fact that the economy has now rebounded to such an extent that Korea is internationally regarded as being "suitable" for foreign investment, the government can, at the very least, be recognized for having succeeded in its economic mission. Although constant restructuring has led to a sharp increase in unemployment, leading economic indicators such as foreign exchange reserves, the exchange rate and stock prices have all improved along with prospects for ex ports-developments that are all encouraging. Most importantly, the reform of major conglomerates and

the financial sector, despite tremendous opposition, was a very fortuitous development since this was a critical task th at had to be undertaken in order to establish a more competitive industrial structure and to sever the links between government and business. Extensive structural reforms of government, business and financial institutions essentially meant eradicating the deep-rooted corruption within the government. The most important prerequisite underlying successful restructuring efforts was the mutual sharing of sacri-

fices among all sectors. If a proper balance was not realized to ensure a reasonable distribution of such suffering, the basis for reform would be undermined. In this light, the new government's restructuring efforts, beginning with its formation of the "Tripartite Labor-Management Government Commission" which sought broad consensus on labor, economic and social issues, were of notable significance. The attempt to reach comprehensive agreement and devise solutions between the political, business and labor circles on key socioeconomic points of contention will contribute greatly to the formation of a political

culture based on trust. In this sense, the tripartite panel, in addition to its transitional role as a consultative body related to the current economic crisis, should be institutionalized as an advisory group. For this to happen, it needs to be established as a permanent, legal entity. At present, the committee focuses on such issues as corporate restructuring and unemployment policy, but if this panel is utilized sensibly, it will make a great contribution toward alleviating the shock of globalization and concrete democratic reforms involving income distribution and social welfare, including improvement in the quality of life of workers. Unfortunately, Kim Dae-jung's achievements in terms of political reform , when compared to his economic achievements, are not entirely encouraging. When the administration was inaugurated, the National Assembly comprised a ruling party minority and opposition majority. In other words, the nation had a "divided government." Yet through a hardnosed policy of appeasement and intimidation, the party "converted" a number of opposition assemblymen and thus captured a majority of the assembly. Such artificial reorganization, although supposedly unavoidable in order to implement political reform, is not conqucive to the future development of democracy. In this regard, the political maneuvering of ruling and opposition parties in the assembly has changed little. The antics of the past, whether involving never-ending power struggles, clashes and gridlock, rushed bills or brinkmanship, have not changed to this day. To some extent, this is because the ruling and opposition parties are not familiar with their new roles, but in many cases, this is in essence related to the government and ruling party's lack of political tolerance. There is an urgent need to promote politics of dialogue, negotiation, persuasion and concessions and expand the public arena of politics. There is also 49

no change in prosecutors' concern not to offend those in power. As for such incidents as the staged shooting incident at the DMZ, the National Tax Office's campaign funds scandal, various investigations of politicians and the "National Assembly Room 529" incident, none has been handled in a satisfactory manner. Today, one year after the government's inauguration, the struggle with the past continues. In last year's June 4 regional elections, incidents of vote buying decreased, but mudslinging campaigns and regionalism increased. The drastic decline in voter turnout to a dismal 52.3 percent reflected not so much the people's indifference as their utter cynicism for politics. The opposition's dominance of the east and the ruling camp's dominance of the west was a rerun of the previous year's presidential election. In light of the high cost and low effectiveness involved, reform of the political structure and legal and institutional reforms aimed at eradicating political corruption are still in progress and thus cannot be accurately assessed, but one cannot help feeling that they will prove inadequate. As Korea's political circle spins its wheels, its most serious problem is centered around the existing party system, w hich is being held hostage by regionalism. Indeed, the "regionalization" of Korean political parties has already surpassed alarming levels. In place of a modern party system in which political vision and policies take the forefront, the current system is nothing more than pre-modern factionalism in which power is allocated according to regional interests. There are even those who believe that regionalism in Korean politics marks an irreversible trend. For this reason, many people, regardless of whether they approve or disapprove of Korean politics, feel that it must be organized upon a regionalist structure, and there are in fact many politicians who for personal gain, openly fan the flames of 50

regionalism during election campaigns in order to arouse voter sentiments. While it is true that regional tensions in Korea are very extreme, it should not be regarded as a permanent, inevitable "structural factor" which cannot be overcome. To the contrary, it is a variable factor that can be rectified through the Korean people's efforts, and particularly through the determination of Korea's leaders. For this reason, reorganization of the political system must not assume that regionalism is a "given" fact. Regionalism must be overcome; that is to say, we must develop nationwide political parties based on ideals and defined policies. When seen in this light, the recent reoccurrence of political reorganization based on regional alliances is an extremely dangerous development as this will surely lead to a reinforcement of regionalism. This sort of regional alignment may promote political stability in the short-term; however, it inhibits both the creation of a modern party system and advancement of democratic principles. Everyone would agree that the person having the most central role in overcoming the unprecedented IMF crisis is President Kim Dae-jung. In addition to his outstanding statesmanship and intellect, he has an extraordinary charisma that can be said to be overwhelming. The quick return of the Korean economy to the right track, in which it has been assessed as "suitable for foreign investment," probably could not have been achieved without his leadership. The problem is that Korea's constitution and political culture seems poised to produce an "imperial presidency." Thus far, with each successive presidency, we have seen, to a lesser or greater extent, a "personification of power" which has led to an imperial presidency. Especially during the serious IMF crisis, it is rather easy for Kim Dae-jung, in his position as president, to follow in the footsteps of his predecessors. This

concentration of power in one individual is rooted in the country's political culture. Therefore, this situation must be corrected through the president's democratic demeanor rather than through institutional means. During the IMF era, Koreans are experiencing dramatic changes in their lifestyle. The high-growth, low-unemployment structure that had existed for several decades has collapsed and been replaced with a "low-growth, high-unemployment" environment. Now, the safety net for individuals is in danger of weakening or failing altogether as a result of long-term economic stagnation, large-scale unemployment, drastic reductions in income, worsening governmental finances and employer cutbacks in employee welfare programs. Accordingly, the previous system of social guaran.tees that was based on a high-growth, low unemployment structure, must now undergo systematic adjustment in step with new international and domestic economic and social conditions. In this new economic environment, a social safety net capable of ensuring an adequate livelihood for the low-income class is urgently needed. In step with these altered socioeconomic conditions, Kim Dae-jung's administration has actively restructured the previously existing system of social guarantees by expanding the scope of unemployment insurance, extending the national pension system to include all income earners and unifying the medical insurance system. In its effort to expand the social safety net, the Kim Dae-jung administration is advancing new liberal policies within the economic sector in an effort to bolster economic competitiveness, but at the same time, his policies indicate a deep concern for socioeconomic democratization as a means of realizing democracy in practical terms. In looking at the democratization efforts of the Kim Dae-jung administration thus far, with the exception of

the institutionalization of the LaborManagement-Government Commission, there have been few meaningful changes in respect to political demooÂˇatization. On the other hand, through restructuring involving reform of the conglomerates and the financial sector, the collusive relationship between business and government has been deeply shaken, and through expansion of the social safety net, the Kim administration has made notable contributions to socioeconomic democratization. Even so, cultural factors antithetical to the development of democracy, whether they be personal connections, regionalism or personality cults, continue to exist unchallenged as a poignant reminder that these problems cannot be solved overnight.

Conclusion During the 50-odd years since liberation, Korea has achieved remarkable economic development, and though still insufficient, it has realized a relatively notable level of political democratization. Many scholars in Korea and abroad claim that democracy can be easily instilled in nations where personal income approaches that of advanced nations, and that once democracy emerges, one can expect it to become permanent. From this standpoint, one can safely say that Korean democracy can no longer be overturned nor can there be a relapse into authoritarianism. Looking at Korea, one must conclude that its democracy is, in fact, too pervasive to allow a reversion to authoritarian rule. However, it seems too early to confidently say that democracy, even in the limited sense of political democracy, has been consolidated in Korea. As the National Assembly's constant debate over political reform suggests, there is still much to do to realize even procedural democracy. Yet I believe that if the current political trend continues, political and procedural democracy will continue to be

developed, revised and supplemented. A matter of more pressing concern is cultural democratization, which serves to support for political democratization. I would like to repeat that as long as this cultural democratization is not in place, one cannot claim that democracy has been consolidated or institutionalized. Even if Korea carries out elections that are outwardly free and fair and competitive, its democracy will remain superficial as long as anti-democratic and irrational cultural factors such as cronyism, nepotism and corruption continue to exist in the background. Korea's political society embraces at least three cultural factors

that serve as obstacles to true demooÂˇatization: (1) the personalization of power, (2) corruption, and (3) the politics of personal connections as exemplified by regionalism. For Korean democracy to properly take root, these three factors must be effectively eliminated. However, this problem is complex. In that these factors are cultural in nature, legal and institutional measures are of limited effectiveness. In Korea, power is monopolized at the top, becoming a leader's personal possession. It is precisely because of this that the nation is still entangled within a political structure known as

the "three Kims." Wherever politics goes, corruption is sure to follow-a fact that many have come to accept as inevitable. It is unfortunate that regionalism has surpassed issues related to class and ideology not to mention rationality, but this is Korea's present reality. For this reason, in the near term we must, to the greatest extent possible, create a legal and institutional framework that makes it difficult for these negative cultural factors to function, and over the mid to long term, we must establish a new political culture through democratic activism and education. I am optimistic that as procedural democracy becomes, with the passing of time, internalized and part of everyday life, negative cultural factors can gradually be overcome. Next is the problem of socioeconomic democracy or democracy in concrete terms. If South Korea is to eventually embrace the North Korean people and achieve unification, it must be attentive to the issues related to the quality of life, social welfare, justice and an equitable distribution of wealth. I thus hope that political democracy can be realized, and that as the cultural environment matures, it will develop into socioeconomic democracy. Yet at the present stage, the consolidation of political democracy is the most urgent task at h~nd. A socioeconomic democracy being advanced without political democracy as a foundation is in danger of becoming totalitarianism. During the half century since liberation , Koreans have had to endure painful sacrifices in order to attain a democratic society, in which people can live a life worthy of human beings. At this point in time, Koreans are confident that their political system will not revert back to authoritarianism, but they also optimistically expect that their democracy will continue to develop, even if only by small meastues. It will not just happen. The Korean people must work to make it happen. + 51

h'aesang is a box made from strips of bamboo that are dyed with various colors and then woven together in diverse patterns. They are typically used for storing clothing and other objects. In the past, ch'aesang were treasured by noblewomen who used them as workbo x es, in addition to being included in the dowry of brides from prosperous families, and even used to present gifts offered as tribute to the king. Of the some 700 different types of bamboo products, ch'aesang boasts exceptional artistic value and requires the most consummate skills and finesse of an artisan. In the village of Tam yang, Chollanam-do province, known as the birthplace of bamboo products in Korea, only one individual still possesses the skill to produce beautiful ch'aesang, So Han-kyu, Important Intangible Cultural Asset No. 53. So now makes his home in a small village of about 200 households in Yanggak-ri, Tamyang-up, right across from the Bamboo Ware Market located nearby the Tamyang Stream that forms the upper estuary of Yongsan-gang River which feeds the fertile Naju plains. Strangers searching for him are immediately led to a house with a weathered green door. Seemingly accustomed to receiving strangers, So, sitting on the wooden floor among bamboo strips, did not stop working; he merely nodded by way of greeting. Even at first glance, he was the ultimate artisan, totally engrossed in even the most trivial aspect of his work. "Ch'aesang requires the greatest skill of all bamboo products because the bamboo strips have to be trimmed finely to resemble pieces of paper, dyed and then woven into diverse patterns. There used to be a number of skilled ch'aesang makers, but they're all dead. I'm the only one left to carry on the tradition. This might look like a

plain box, but it used to be a very rare and precious object. In the past, it was beyond the reach of ordinary people." So's first words to this visitor were filled with the unmistakable pride of an artisan who has looked to no other occupation and loathes to be bested by anyone in the same handicrafts field. Korea's last traditional ch'aesang maker, So was born in Mansong-ri, Tamyang-up, which is located in the middle of a dense bamboo forest across a hill from Yanggak-ri where he

currently lives. The majority of the residents were involved in the production of bamboo ware. His father was a quite skillful producer of folding fans, satgat, a conical hat of loosely woven bamboo, bamboo mats and baskets. As a child, So learned to handle strips of bamboo even before he learned how to talk. After graduating from Tamyang Tong Elementary School, he was admitted to Kwangju Commercial School, but had to forego his own schooling to help earn money to send his older brother to Sunch'ang Agricultural High School. From the age

of 15, he began to learn how to make bamboo products from his father and proved to be a fast learner. Pleased that his son could produce fine copies with just one quick look at the original product, he arranged for him to study under the then most skilled bamboo craftsman in Tamyang, Yi So-hui. As a young man, however, So became so weary of squatting down every day to work with bamboo that he often considered selling his house and leaving Tamyang. But he had no land of his own to farm and no means to start a business. Moreover, he had seven daughters to provide for. Then came an era when bamboo products were in high demand, enabling him to earn some decent money. After Korea normalized relations with Japan in the 1960s, Japanese merchants began to frequent Tamyang and open export channels. It was then that So began to work for a factory producing bamboo wares. He was eventually promoted to factory supervisor in recognition of his skills, never failing to perfectly recreate each sample brought by Japanese traders, no matter how complex the design. So is very proud of his factory work, and claims that he must have produced and exported over 150 different types of bamboo products, all crafted just by studying.the samples from Japan. The boom was short-lived, however. Exports to Japan began to decline after about 10 years as people gradually shunned bamboo ware in favor of plastic products. The factory closed down, and the bamboo artisans were forced to leave town in search of new livelihoods. Having no skills other than those related to making bamboo wares, So began to work at home, producing a few tourist souvenirs ordered by a local merchant, while spending most of his days indulging in makk61li, rice wine. While his wife took care of the little farm work there was, he idled away his time reminiscing about the 53

glory days of the past, and loitering about town in search of odd jobs. Then his luck changed for the better. Beginning from the mid-1970s, a g rowing number of we ll-to-do Koreans started to yearn for things of the past. This meant steady work for So as he was able to reproduce just about any type of bamboo product, no matter how old and complex the methods of production, if he had a sample. It was about this time that he began to produce chukbu-in, or bamboo wife, a woven bamboo tube used as a sleeping aid in summer, in addition to chuks6k, split bamboo mats, and satgat. In 1977, a visitor from Seoul encouraged him to enter his works in a traditional handicraft competition sponsored by the Office of Cultural Properties, claiming that someone of his skill would surely win an award. This advice was like a godsend to So. After searching for a suitable object to make, he happened to notice a dustcove red ch'aesa ng on a wall shelf. "That's it!" he exclaimed, slapping his knees. The ch'aesang had been part of his wife's dowry; she inherited it from her mother. Although its colors had faded over the years, it was clearly an object of outstanding craftsmanship. At first glance, the complex patterns and dyeing processes looked difficult to recreAn array of SO's ch'aesang boxes and a close-up of one of his patterns (opposite page). SO does not limit his work to the reproduction of old works, but keeps developing new designs that appeal to modern tastes.

So is very proud ofhis factory work, and claims that he must have produced and exported over 150 different types of bamboo products, all craftedjust by studying the samples from Japan.

ate, but So had the skill for this. Ch'aesang have to be made from thin bamboo strips that are durable yet pliable, which is why one-year-old wangdae, a type of bamboo grown in yellow soil, is used. So, however, was in such a hurry to try his hand at ch'aesang that he used just any bamboo he could find. After learning the basics from Kim Tong-yon, a ch'aesang maker in Tamyang, So produced his first ch'aesang. He took this along with a ch ukbu-in and chuksok, which he had already been m arket ing in Tamyang, to Seoul and entered them in the competition on the last day that entries could be submitted. His chuksok was awarded a special prize, but his ch'aesang received only a genera l prize. Neve rth eless, his ch'aesang with its magnificent colors and graceful form attracted the interest of many people and led to a sup-

pl y contract w ith th e Lotte Department Store. He finally had the opportunity to demonstrate his talent as a ch'aesang expert. Since then, he has been enco uraged by local and prov incial authorities to enter his works every time a competition has been held to promote folk crafts for tou rism purposes. He received the grand prize at the Chollanam-do competition in 1979, the Presidential Award in 1982, and finally the ultimate honor of being designated a human cultural treasure. So now produces ch'aesang that are not mere reproductions of those made in the past, but are design ed for today's lifestyles w hile incorporating contemporary aesthetics. In the beginning, he only produced ch'aesang with patterns, but these have evolved into 40 different types of various sizes to accommodate diverse needs. Still, he persists in using the materials and man ufa cturing processes that have been passed down through the ages in the belief that the traditional methods es ta blished through long years of experience are the best way to produce the grace and refinement unique to ch'aesang. The bamboo for making ch'aesang has to be soft and easily workable; so only year-old wangdae is used. The bamboo must be harvested in winter, otherwise it will become riddled with

mold and termites and thus become unfit to use. Around February each year, So gathers pieces of bamboo and stores them in a warehouse until he is ready to cut them into the pieces he needs. He uses the hard outer parts of the bamboo to make the inner tendons. The inner part of the bamboo, or pith, is split into long strips of 2.5 millimeters to 3 millimeters in width. Using his mouth and hands, he then removes strips about 0.1 millimeter thick from the pith. To make the stripping process easier, the bamboo is soaked in water for about two or three hours. Next, holding the thin strips against his knee, So scrapes them with a knife until they are as thin as paper. This task requires the skill of applying just the right amount of pressure. The thinness of the bamboo strips is an indication of the bamboo artisan's skill. The

thinner and narrower the strips are, the softer they feel; some as soft as silk. Once the scraping is completed, So mixes dyes in boiling water and soaks the bamboo strips in the dyes to color them. When the strips are dry , So weaves them into patterns. The hard outer part of the bamboo is used to make the ribs 7 millimeters to 8 millimeters wide which are woven together to form the inner frame of the ch'aesang. The inner frame is put together with the outer frame, and a brim is put around the edges of the frames. The brim is made from hard pieces of bamboo, and pine roots or wisteria are used for the finishing touch. But the work does not stop here. So pastes a piece of silk on hanji, handmade mulberry paper, and glues it on the brim. White hanji is pasted on the inside of the frame so that it resembles

the inside of a gourd. Finally, he pastes a piece of sheepskin or satin on the four corners of the ch'aesang. Only after such painstaking steps does the full beauty of ch'aesang, which Korean women used to cherish, come alive. As illustrated by the adage "the shoemaker's wife goes barefoot," So has not kept a single ch'aesang for himself. Still, with a hearty guffaw, he says: "What more could I wish for? Haven't I managed to eke out a living thanks to ch'aesang, raised seven fine daughters, and even been invited to the United States to visit the Lincoln Memorial?" This humble statement from an artisan of outstanding talent who produces patterns of five colors with hundreds of bamboo strips was so guileless and heartwarming that it has remained permanently ingrained in my memory. + 55

ON THE ROAD

Roaming Around

" Kang Woon-gu Writer and Photographer

he mountains and rivers, Choson, the Land of Morning Calm, is the history of Korea, its poetry and sp ir it. Though not recorded in writing, the land itself is the most accurate, distinctive and revealing record of history. Echoes of the spirit of the Korean people and traces of their life are embedded in the land and I have no doubt that neither wind nor rain can ever wear them away." This is a passage

''T

from Shim-ch'un-sun-rye, a travelogue that poet and journalist Ch'oi Nam-son (pen name Yukdang, 1890-1957) wrote 74 years ago in th e spring of 1925 about his tra ve ls in th e Cholla-do provinces. It is true that everything has not been worn away. Fortunately, there are still numerous relics scattered here and there around th e countryside which, though ruined by time or otherwise, still embody vestiges of the history of this land and its people. But

most of them lie in a distressing state of deterioration. The sites where many relics can be found are mostly off the beaten track, in difficult to reach areas deep in mountainous terrain. But thanks to modernization, paved roads now lead into various mountains and valleys. However, these wonderful roads effectively serve as one-way streets for transporting people to the cities, while leaving their traditional customs and relics behind. When these roads

Sanoe-myiin Paekam-ri Ch'ilbo-

myiin

'-'"'"u~;up area has many plains well-suited for farming_ As recently as 20 years ago, oxen such as these were used for all the heavy work, plowing the land or transporting goods. But these days, oxen have it easy, thanks to the wide use of tractors and cultivators-

appeared, the few traces of history that remained began to quickly wither away, like plants deprived of sunshine. And yet, it is the presence of these roads that now makes it possible to conveniently access the historic sites and relics in the area in one quick sweep. national treasure. It is known to have been built in the Koryo period, its form At the mention of Chongup, most showing the heavy influence of Paekche Koreans think of Mt. Naejangsan and art. However, it is not known what temple its renowned autumn scenery. stood at this site or when. Autumn at Naejangsan National Park This five-story stone pagoda (top, right) offers extraordinary natural beauty. at the foot of a mountain in Changmun·ri urbanites take a quick drive Many is built in a Koryo style. along the wide paved roads, have a Opposite page: The small pavilions over· looking the wide fields are the communal quick look at the mountain's brilliant property of the villagers. They come here autumn leaves, and then quickly drive to relax or play board games. back home. (No! That's not quite true. At the height of autumn the roads are There are stiU numerous relics so crammed with cars that it's worse than rush-hour traffic in the cities.) scattered here and there arrmnd the But apart from the autumn leaves, aruntryside which, th(fUgh ruined by there are many significant treasures to be seen in this part of the country, time or otherwise, stiU embody tangible traces of Korea's past. vestiges the bistmy this land and Moreover, the region is well-known as the birthplace of the Tonghak Revolt its people. But most them lie in a of 1894, an uprising by peasants who distressing state deterioratkm. had suffered harshly under the tyran· This seven-story stone pagoda (top, left) at

the Ch'on-goksa Temple site is National Treasure No. 309. A lotus blossom pattern is carved under its roof.Judging from its shape and form, scholars conjecture that it was built during the Koryo period. This three-story stone pagoda (top, center) in a field in Unson·ri has been designated a

of of

ny and despotism of corrupt government officials. Only portions of Chongup are mountainous. The majority of Chongup is flat plains dotted with gentle hills. Villages are nestled against the hillsides and nearby are the ruins of several temples. Most of the stone Buddhas that originally stood at these temple sites have since disappeared, whereas the pagodas, which one would think would be much more fragile, remain. There is a Korean saying: "A tower built with care doesn't fall." And indeed there are many pagodas in this region, as if to prove the truth of this proverb. Geographically, ChOngup was part of the Paekche Kingdom (18 B.C.-A.D. 660) at the time when Korea was divided into the three kingdoms of Koguryo, Paekche and Shilla. Thus one would expect most of the relics in the region to be of Paekche origin, but this is not the case. It has been a long time since the Paekche people lived here and most of the relics from that era · have long since been destroyed. Most

of the historical relics found in the area are from the Koryo Dynasty (918-1392), which rose to power after the downfall of Paekche, or from the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910), which superceded Kory6. In Pohwa-ri, however, there is a stone Buddha from Paekche. Though badly deteriorated, it has been designated National Treasure No. 914, as relics from that time are very rare. Deep in the woods of Nongso-dong, Mangjebong, there is a four-meter-tall Maietrya Buddha estimated to date from the Koryo Dynasty. At the site of Ch'on-goksa Temple in T6kch'6n-my6n, there is a seven-story pagoda from the Koryo period standing firm overlooking the plains below. In Y6ngwon-my6n, Dnson-ri, there is a three-story pagoda. Both of these have been designated national treasures. In addition, there are several other pagodas remaining here and there. Most of the Buddhist relics in Korea are not exclusively religious in their nature and function. They represent a curious mixture of Buddhism and shamanism, treated by the common

people as sacred sites for supplication to the gods. Rather than adhering closely to the original profound teachings of Buddhism, the people would simply appeal to the Buddha for the health, welfare and prosperity of their families. The region's relative wealth of relics of this kind indicates that life was abundant here, thanks to the vast fields and paddocks. In the past it was believed that a good harvest depended on help from heaven, so there was a need for places for people to appeal to the gods. As noted by Ch'oi Nam-son, Ch'ilbomyon, Wonbaek-am is indeed a place where "echoes of the spirit of the Choson people and traces of their life are embedded in the land." There are shamanic totems found scattered about that some people still venerate. At the entrance to the village is a pair of totem poles, changsung. Such spirit posts usually mark the boundaries of a village and stand sentinel to prevent evil spirits from entering the village, which is why their faces, though human-like, look so intimidating and fiercesome. But some have expressions

that are rather humorous, created in an effort to endear them to the local residents. Beside the changsi:mg, under the tangsan tree, there is a stone phallus soaring toward heaven, evidence of phallic worship. (Tangsan refers to a place where people would gather to pray to the gods of heaven, usually nearby a zelkova tree, which became known as the tangsan tree.) This is an artifact from a time when the infant mortality rate was high and many children were needed to help work the fields. Even today there are many people who believe that praying to the phallus will help infertile couples bear children. On the third day of the first lunar month each year, the villagers still gather to offer prayers to the totem poles and the phallus. It is said that there were originally 24 tangsan around the village, but now only one remains. At the entrance to the nearby village of Mokyok-ri are three wooden poles topped with images of flying ducks. Called chimdae or sotdae, depending on the region of the country, the purpose of these poles is dif-

ferent from changsung. Whereas the changsl'mg prevent evil spirits from entering the village, the ducks are there to carry evil out of the village. Though few people today believe in these spirit posts and their original purpose, I for one am thankful that there are still some people who cling to the old customs handed down from the past. Although central Ch6ngup looks as nondescript as any other country town, it is still possible to find many traces of traditional agricultural society in the surrounding areas. There are a few tiled-roof houses, once owned by wealthy landowners, and a few rare examples of thatched-roof dwellings, the homes of common farming folk. Conditions have not changed that much from the past: apart from a handful of big cities, most of Korea still comprises rural communities whose residents depend on the land for their livelihood. But today, the young people have left the countryside for the big cities, for their education and then employment, leaving only the elderly to tend to the farming. As yet, industry cannot fill the gaps in farming communities created by the urban migration of young people en masse. There has been much friction and confusion as a result of changing values, which was Korea's biggest problem during its transition from an agricultural to an industrial nation. Korea is a small country. But in the course of travel it becomes rich and wide. In many places, one can find traces of the people of the past. Following the tracks of history, even a small area such as Ch6ngl'tp is rich and wide. The fact that all these historical relics are the remains of our agricultural society inspires a special kind of feeling. Today, 125 years after the Tonghak Revolt and 54 years after the country's liberation from japanese colonial rule, the summer sky still hovers over the roof of a dilapidated old pavilion built in Korea's imperial past. + 60

Most ofthe Buddhist relics in Korea are not exclusively religious in their nature andfunction. They represent a curious mixture ofBuddhism and shamanism.

Perched atop these tall wooden poles called chirndae or sotdae, the wooden ducks represent the wishes of the villagers that any evil spirits will be flown away by the ducks (left). Though of a primitive style, the ducks have a modern sense of beauty. One of the stone spirit posts, called changsiing, mark the boundaries of temples or villages and protect them from evil spirits (top). Usually they are erected facing each other, one at either side of a road. Dilapidated and on the verge of collapse, thls old pavilion seems to fittingly symbolize the demise of rural society (above).

DISCOVERIN~

KOREA

The Intriguing Kim Byung-mo Director, Uni versity Museum; Hanyang University

hat is a dolmen? From time to time, one might come across a large squat stone in the middle of a field or rice paddy, causing a headache for farmers. A closer look will reveal that it is not sitting alone, but supported by a number of smaller stones beneath it. This is not a naturally formed cluster of stones, but a manmade structure referred to as a dolmen. It is called koindol in Korean, an "upheld stone," because it comprises a large capstone held up by small supporting stones. Some dolmens resemble a desk or dining table because of the height of their "legs," whereas some look more like a paduk (go) game board because of their squat "legs." Others have legs that look like a box. Some dolmens stand

on the Korean Peninsula

â&#x20AC;˘ Northern Style Dolmen â&#x20AC;˘ Southern Style Dolmen

taller than an adult while others are as low as a park bench on which children can sit comfortably. Their intriguing appearances lead one to wonder who created them and when. Archaeologists have found human bones and stone tools under or around dolmens, leading them to conclude that these were the graves of people who lived in prehistoric times when stone tools were used. Stone Age people buried their dead with care and respect together with the stone tools or earthenware which the deceased used during his or her lifetime, and placed a big, heavy stone over the grave site as a marker. Analysis of the plain earthenware, burnished red pottery jars and stoneware that have been excavated from Korean dolmens indicates that their creation can be traced to sometime between 3,000 and 2,000 years ago. This means that they existed before the emergence of such ancient Korean states as Kogury6 (38 B.C.-A.D. 668), Paekche (18 B.C.-A.D. 660), Shilla (57 B.C.-A.D. 935) and Kaya (1st century-6th century). They also tell us that the Korean peninsula was well populated even before the ancient

This dolmen in the Dolmen Park in Sunch'on, Chollanam-do was brought from Chuksan-ri, Posong-gun (above). It shows the burial below the coverstone. This dolmen on Kanghwado Island is representative of Korea's northern style dolmens ( right).

states came into being. Archaeologically, this period is classified as the Bronze Age. Dolmens are proof that people lived in Korea long before the advent of Pak Hyokkose, the founder of Shilla, Chumong, the founder of Koguryo, Onjo, the founder of Paekche, and Suro, the founder of Kaya. Dolmens vary in weight from those of less than 10 tons to megaliths weighing over 100 tons. Considering that they had to be transported solely by manual labor without the benefit of modern machinery, it can be assumed that the dolmen society involved quite large communities. In that a 30-ton dolmen would have required some 300 men to create, it can be surmised that a particular community was composed of at least 1,500 people.

Distribution of Dolmens on the Korean Peninsula Dolmens can be found in the northernmost region stre tching from

A cluster of southern style dolmens in Kuam-ri, Puan (top and bottom). Dolmens in this area are characterized by eight small stones that support a large capstone.

Hamgyong-do province to the Liaotung peninsula, and all the way down to the island of Chejudo in the south. They are scarce in mountainous areas, but abound in the flatlands alongside streams, indicating that dolmen communities were agrarian-centered. There are about 20,000 dolmens on the Korean peninsula, with their heaviest concentration being nearby rivers in Chollabuk-do province. Dozens of dolmens, even hundreds, are found in clusters in the Koch 'ang, Puan ,

Sunch'on, Y ong-am , Haenam and Hwasun areas, which, incidentally, enjoy the most temperate climate of the peninsula. The Yongsan-gang River basin alone is dotted with more than 10,000 dolmens, making it the veritable center of Korean dolmens. The warm climate of this region is especially suitable for rice farming, a particularly noteworthy point when one takes into account that the northern boundary of dolmens coincides with the northern limit for rice farming. It is no coincidence that evidence of rice farming in ancient Korea was found at the excavated sites with plain earthenware dating from the time when dolmen communities were prevalent. Dolmens are not unique to the Korean peninsula. They are found in abundance in Western European countries such as Norway, Denmark, England and France as well as in Asia including India, the Sumatra and Java islands of Indonesia and Taiwan, in

addition to the coastal regions of the Yellow Sea in China and Okinawa and Kyushu in southern Japan. Although the dolmen form of burial was not a tradition unique to the Korean people, it is not found in the inland areas of Eurasia such as Siberia, Central Asia, the Yellow River basin of inland China, or the highlands of Mongolia. It can thus be assumed that dolmens were a tradition that spread along the coastal areas and river valleys together with the primitive farming techniques of the prehistoric age. This leads us to believe there might have been some cultural exchange among the primitive peoples who shared the same dolmen tradition.

There are 442 dolmens in this dolmen area in Koch'ang (top and bottom). Most of them are of the southern style with an occasional mixture of dolmens of the northern style and those of a transitional style from the northern to southern. Dolmens, a burial system of the prehistoric age, and graves of modern times stand side by side as if to tell viewers that history repeats itself.

Who Made the Dolmens in Korea? Were the people buried under the dolmens of the same or similar stock as modern Koreans? The average Korean male of today is 167.5 centimeters tall, with yellow skin and black or dark brown hair, and is brachycephalic (short skull when seen from the top)

with a cranial index of 81.5. The cranial index, an anatomical term which indicates the ratio of the typical width of the skull to its length, multiplied by 100, varies by race. For instance, skeletons found in a Kaya tomb in Yean-ri, Kimhae, dating from the fourth to the sixth century,

show that males were about 162.9 centimeters tall and had a mesaticephalic (medium length) skull with a cranial index of 77.3, while females were about 1503 centimeters in height with a brachycephalic skull with an index of 80.4. In contrast to this, the bones found under Dolmen No. 13 in Hwangsok-ri, Ch 'ongp'ung-m yon, Ch'ungcl)'ongbuk-clo, which dates from about 2,400 years ago (ca. 410 B.C.), are of a man 170 centimeters tall with a remarkably dolichocephalic (long) skull and a cranial index of 66.3; in other words, it has the characteristics typical of a European. How a man of European physique could have been buried under a dolmen in Korea is not a question that should be easily dismissed. The remains suggest the possibility that migration and the mixing of blood played a role in the development of the Korean people. Among the Asians who engaged in the traditions of dolmen burial and rice farming, the Aryans of India had European-like 67

physical features. If the Hwangsok-ri man shared the physical characteristics of an Aryan, how did he make his way to Korea from India 2,000 years ago?

Native Indian Words in the Korean Language Linguistically, Korean belongs to the Altaic family of languages which includes the languages of the Mongols, Kazakhstans, Tungus, Manchus and other nomadic peoples. Nevertheless, recent studies reveal that over 400 Korean words originated from Dravidian, a native Indian language. Dravidian is a composite word system com posed of some 40 languages including Tamir, Bangalese, Urdu and other languages of countries neighboring India. Korean words that no one had ever thought to be anything other than native Korean can be traced back to the agricultural Dravidian language. Dolmens of various shapes are located in Tosan-ri, Koch'ang, Chollanam-do.

It is notable that many words concerning rice farming are of Dravidian origin. For example, the Korean word al, grain, is ari in Dravidian; ssi, seed, is psi; py6, rice plant, is biya; ssal, uncooked rice, is sal, which is even more noteworthy because it is also pronounced sal rather than ssal in the southern dialect of Korea; pap, cooked rice, is bap, karai, a farming tool, is kalai; and p'ul, grass, is pul. What is the origin of these Korean words? Is it possible that migration or other forms of cultural interaction occurred in ancient dolmen society? It can be presumed that tropical rice farming was introduced to the Korean fJ'eninsula during the Bronze Age , resulting in an economic revolution, and that along with rice farming came the tradition of dolmen burial and the language of the rice farming peoples of Southeast Asia. Although they are very simple stone structures, dolmens are

nevertheless relics of the people who first introduced rice farming to Koreans. Those people may have been different from us in their physiques and features, but we no doubt inherited their genes. The 20,000 known dolmens in Korea account for about half of those that anthropologists believe exist worldwide. Korean dolmens are noted for their stylistic variety. Recently, Korean anthropologists and other concerned people have been joining hands in efforts to protect dolmens which are being destroyed through ever-intrusive land development. In particular, they are waging a campaign to create dolmen parks and have them included on the World Cultural Heritage List of UNESCO for preservation and recognition as unique cultural artifacts. It is hoped that this article will also contribute to generating interest and concern for the dolmens of Korea. +

:;; 'ji! U>

MARKETS

M A R

K E T

Kim Sea-ray Reporter,joongAng llbo

~ Miscellaneous "E

Children's Clothes Women's Clothes Accessories Foods

''T

he market that never sleeps!' This is a popular description of the Namdaemun Market in Seoul, one of Korea's representative traditional markets. During the day, the market is crowded with ordinary shoppers and foreign visitors, whereas nighttime brings throngs of wholesalers and retailers from all over the country. At any time of the day or night, the market is alive with the sights and sounds that make it a truly Korean experience. Located in Namch'ang-dong, Chunggu in the heart of the city of Seoul, Namdaemun Market is a slice of life; it is where one can see and fe el the work et hic of the Korean people. With a histo ry of 585 years,

Namdaemun is Korea's oldest market, where one can find practically anything , from folk c rafts to lu x ur y imports. Most of th e Na mdaemun merchants operate their own factories and thus are able to offer goods to customers at lower prices than retailers elsewhere. While the market stalls may be cramped, each and every one represents an independent business entity , and it is this dir ect link between manufacturer and consumer that makes the distribution system of Namdaemun unique. The market attracts an average of 400,000 people per day with foreigne rs accounting for some 3,500. According to nationality, there are so me very clear buying trends. Americans tend to look for folk arts,

Namdaemun Market is a slice of life; it is where one can see and feel the work ethic ofthe Korean people. With a history of 58 5 years, Namdaemun is Korea's oldest market, where one can find practically anything, from folk crafts to luxury imports. Namdaemun Market, which takes its name from the nearby Namdaemun (South Gate), National Treasure No. 1, is typical of Korea's traditional markets (opposite page). Clustered with folk crafts shops, Namdaemun Market is a popular attraction for foreign tourists (below).

handicrafts and clothing; Japanese pine mushrooms, dried seaweed, ginseng and clothing; Chinese shiitake mushrooms and clothing; Hong Kong Chinese clothing and local products; Russians clothing and accessories; and Filipinos folk crafts and accessories. Namdaemun is one of the popular tourist stops for foreign visitors to Korea and as such the Seoul city government is looking into the idea of designating a special 632,405-squaremeter tourist zone around the area encompassing Myong-dong, Pukchangdong and Sogong-dong. The city will soon begin consulting work with plans to file an application with the Ministry of Culture and Tourism in the second half of the year to have the area formally designated a special tourist zone. "With their fashion and jewelry stores and high concentration of hotels and leisure facilities, the Namdaemun and Myong-dong areas are rich in tourism resources. It is appropriate to nurture the area so that it can become a famous international tourist attraction," said a Seoul city official. Experts seem to have no doubt that Namdaemun has what it takes to '1i become a shopping and .to unsm attraction of international renown. The Namdaemun Market was flrst opened in 1414 during the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910) as a series of retail outlets leased by the government. During the reign of Y ongjo (r. 1724-1776), the market's function was expanded and it eventually assumed a central role in the distribution ~e~1 of Seoul. There was a dark mo1T .t m its history, however, when contr~ of the market passed into the hands of Japanese merchants during Japan 's colonial rule of Korea (1910-1945). After Korea's liberation from Japanese rule, however, Korean merchants regained control of the market, which they operated under the name of the Namdaemun Merchants Association. In 1964 the merchants were autho-

rized to set up the Namdaemun Market Corp., which is the organization that oversees the market today. Namdaemun Market covers some 66,000 square meters, within which there are some 10,170 stores (50,000 merchants) selling over 1,700 kinds of goods, with a focus on clothing and accessories. An estimated 1,800 tons of goods pass through the market each day. According to business type, there

One ofthe most important attractions ofNamdaemun are the 78 8 coloiful open air stalls that can be found scattered all through the market. Hawking bargain-priced clothing, fruit, vegetables and accessories, they have long been a favorite among tourists. Though in fact illegal, these stalls are a

market institution-a stepping stone for budding entrepreneurs on the road to bigger things.

are 6,149 stores dealing in clothing, 1,590 in accessories, 461 in imported items, 397 in grocery items, 365 in miscellaneous everyday items, 362 in agricultural products, 155 in folk crafts, 122 in kitchen goods, 105 in leather goods and 103 in food and beverage and 318 in other goods. Namdaemun has the world's only collective accessories market. This market once carried the stigma of being a black market for fake copies of French and Italian goods. These days,

however, it is not copying but rather leading world trends, bringing considerable foreign exchange into the country. The second floor of the Daedo market, where many of the accessories stores are concentrated, is a dazzling sight. Its 400 stores sell thousands of different bright and shining baubles. The nearby Yonsei Accessories, J angan Accessories, Cordi Club, Chongja Market and Youngchang Accessories together comprise more than 1,500 retail and wholesale accessories stores. Most of them are specialized and design and manufacture their own goods. They account for an accessories market valued at 5 trillion won as of 1997, according to industry figures. The accessories shops are crowded with not only local customers but buyers from all over the world including the United States, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, Europe, Russia and China. Americans and Europeans mostly import a new variety of hair pins and headbands in the 1,000- to 3,000-won price range. But these days, some of the most popular buys, involving both local and export sales, are rather pricey items-large brooches made up of as many as 400 tiny glittering rhinestones, priced at about 20,000 won. In contrast, low-priced earrings and necklaces in the 500-won bracket make up the bulk of exports to the Middle East and Southeast Asia. "Excluding the market for famous brand name items from France and Italy, Korean goods practically dominate the world accessories market," said accessories dealer Pak Sang-guk. "Almost half of all accessories sold in the United States are Korean goods which make their way to overseas markets through Korean-American dealers." The manufacture of accessories calls for a great deal of detailed handiwork (up to 30 percent) and it is here that Korean goods gain their interna-

tiona! competitiveness. Im Sung-up, president of the Namdaemun Accessories Dealers Association, notes: "I have been disappointed more than once on trips to the United States and Europe to inspect their goods. I can say with confide nce that Korean goods are internationally competitive both in terms of price and design." In contrast to the past, most accessories stores in Namdaemun now design and manufacture their own products. Many of the designers they employ are art and design students armed with fresh ideas. Students from the art schools of Hong Ik University, Dongduk Women's University and Changan College are paid from 20,000 to 30,000 won per accessory design. "The student designs are more professional and original than expected and are very popular overseas," said Shin Kyung-hee, president of accessories manuÂŁ-acturer Daeyang. A baggage merc h ant from Los Angeles explained: "The price is good and the quality high. Baggage merchants like myself usually buy 10 to 30 million won worth of goods on each trip. Thanks to the drop in the exchange rate, Korean goods are more competitive than ever and I have been able to buy more products these days." Indeed, each accessories store is said to export an average of 20 million won worth of goods each month. Industry figures indicate that the accessories stores of Namdaemun alone export 350 billion won worth of goods on an annual basis. "The potential of the accessories market is infinite," said accessories dealers president Im. "Accessories is an area in which Korea can become the world leader. Diverse policy measures must be considered to nurture the industry." By far the biggest item sold at Namdaem un Market, however, is women's wear. The full spectrum is covered, from casual blouses, skirts, Tshirts, jeans, knits and jackets to formal

From the top: Foreign tourists enjoy browsing among the street vendors; the design and manufacturing of accessories are carried out at the accessories market; Namdaemun is brightly lit, even late at night.

suits, dresses and coats and comfortab le home and leisure wear. Each store manufactures and sells its own designs, thus offering consumers original clothing at reasonable prices. The busiest trading hours are between 2 a.m. and 6 a.m. when the wholesalers make their purchases. In recent times, Namdaemun fashions have been gaining recognition overseas with ever more buyers from Southeast Asia, the United States and Europe making their way here. The major clothing markets include Daedo Lady Market, Printemps Arte , Joongang Market, Chongja Market, Kennedy Market and Bondong Clothing Market. For regular customers and tourists, the best shopping hours are from 7 in the morning to noon. Namdaemun is also renowned as Korea 's mecca of chi ldr en's wear. Some of the major venues include the Mama, Burdeng, Won, Crayon and Poky, which together account for 90 percent of the domestic children's wear market. Their products are also supplied to the major department stores. Retail buyers from all over the country begin to gather at 2 a.m. and the busiest hours follow from 4 a.m. to 6 a.m. For ordinary shoppers, the best hours are from 10 a.m. to 2 p.m. in the afternoon. Men's wear is also another important item at Namdaemun. One can find everything from casual wear to formal suits along with the latest fashion items. There is also a wide range of men's accessories such as be lts, neckties and wallets as well as underwear, sleepwear, towels, scarves, socks and swimsuits. At Namdaemun, the merchants say, you can buy sophisticated fashions at a great price. The major markets are Daedo and Mancos. In terms of color, design and fabric, Namdaemun products are generally comparable to department store items, but they can be obtained at much cheaper prices-their biggest selling point. At Namdaemun, there are also 74

many indigenous Korean products. The Daedo general market offers all sorts of Korean handicrafts sought by foreign tourists as well as locals. The range of goods includes woodwork items, enamelware and well-known regional specialties such as the floor mats of Kanghwa, Ky6nggi-do province and the bamboo ware of Tam yang, Ch6llanam -do province. Also on sale are exquisite handicrafts, which showcase the craftsmanship of the Korean people. Another feature of Namdaemun is a famed Korean specialty, fresh ginseng, and a wide variety of ginseng products. High quality kitchenware ranging from traditional ceramic ware to crystal, stainless steel and plastic goods can be found in the shops as well. Last but not least, there is a wide selection of electronic goods, up-to-date in terms of both design.and function to cater to the tastes of discriminating foreign tourists. One of the most important attractions of Namdaemun are the 788 colorful open air stalls that can be found scattered all through the market. Hawking bargain-priced clothing, fruit, vegetables and accessories, they have long been a favorite among tourists. Though in fact illegal, these stalls are a market institution-a step,Ping stone for budding entrepreneurs on the road to bjgger things. Not so long ago, there was a problem with merchants taking advantage of tourists by charging much higher than normal prices. But recently, the merchants have launched a se lfimposed campaign to eliminate such practices and it is no longer much of a concern. The merchants have good reason to maintain the good name of Namdaemun -it is now widely known internationally as a can't-miss shopping destination. Moreover, it is useful to know that bargaining has long been customary. The first price quoted by a merchant can almost always be lowered before the sale is made. + 75

LIVING

Korea's national costume, the hanbok is of a style ideally suitedfor the Korean people in terms oftheir mind-set and local climate. Its fluid lines reflect the unique aesthetic sense of their long-ago ancestors, while its liberally fitted ch'imn, skirt, andp/fi; pants, are an expression ofthe magnanimity and warmth ofKoreans.

Cho Hyo-soon Professor, Human Ecology, Myongji Qniversity President, Korean Society of Hanbok (Korean Costume)

orea's national costume, the liberally fitted ch'ima, skirt, aN.d pajf ture after Korea's libe ratio n from hanbok, is of a style ideally pants, are _an expression of the magn~ · Japanese colonial rule in 1945 radically suited for the~Korean people nimity and. warmth of Koreans. As transformed Kor'ean lifestyles and culin terms of their mind-set · such, the hanbok is a vivid manifesta-: ttire, w ith tli.e influence of internationand local climate. lts fluid tion of the "Koreanness" that defines . alizatio_n making it quite com mon for lines reflect the unique aes.thetic sense the Korean people. · Koreans to wear Western clothes. Few · of their long-ago anc~stors, while its _The introduction of Western cuiKoreans now wear hanbok for daily

garments together with shoes and purses to complement them.

wi:!ar, and many people arâ&#x201A;ŹLunfamiliar w)th how to wear the. ~nbok properlx; nor do they have .i proper underSâ&#x20AC;˘I:'fnding of their nationaf co~tume. Tiere opportuni. are also only liro.jted . ties to encounter the .hanbok in t~ay's daily life. ~

Influenced by the changing times, Korea's national costume underwent dramatic changes during the Kabo Reforms modernization implemented in 1894 and again during the second series of reforms in 1895 when people were ordered to cut their hair short

(all women and men used to wear their hair long). Men and ~omen oÂŁ the court and ruling elite began. to wear Western garments, and in 1920 Western-style uniforms were inrroduced for students, resulting in a sharp increase in the number of people

wearing Western clothing as everyday apparel. In the 1940s, men typically wore the so-called people's uniform with short pants, while women wore a seamless one-piece short skirt or loose pants with elastic bands around the waist and ankles. Fastening ribbons called kon1m were replaced with buttons, and this became the prototype of saenghwal hanbok, hanbok for daily wear. During this period, hanbok and Western clothing coexisted such that men often wore a trilby in place of kat, a traditional hat made of bamboo and horsehair, and Western shoes and socks with traditional paji, ch6gori, a traditional two-piece jacket, and magoja, a short coat. It was a period of confusion in which Korea 's dress culture was mixed with that of the West. In the 1950s and 1960s the traditional hanbok began to gradually disappear, ultimately leading to efforts to promote its revival. At the same time, hanbok designs became more elaborate, to the extent of resembling stage costumes. Designer Yi Ri-ja staged a presentation of Korean costumes for the first time in Korea, and the socalled Arirang Dress seemed to be designed to revive the traditional hanbok. Then came the introduction of a design that replaced the women's long wrap-skirt with a shorter one-piece seamless skirt, and the women's ch6gori, a bolero-like short jacket, with a longer coat reaching to the waist, and the korum with buttons or knots. This design continued to exist under the name of kaeryang or improved hanbok, until the recent emergence of saenghwal hanbok for daily wear. The 1980s were marked by diverse styles with worldwide fashion trends being dominated by a sense of history, locality, symbolism and the avantgarde due to the influence of postmodernism. Increasingly ethnic styles were presented on Western fashion stages, and in the 1990s with fashion trends becoming more diversified 78

Few Koreans now wear hanbok for daily wear, and many people are unfamiliar with how to wear the hanbok properly, nor do they have a proper understanding of their national costume. There are also only limited opportunities to encounter the hanbok in today's daily life.

with a focus on distinctiveness and high-quality, saenghwal hanbok began to enjoy growing popularity as an alternative for everyday wear. Beginning with the Textile Competition in 1981, interest in Korean-style designs began to gain momentum. Movements to modernize the hanbok around the time of the 1986 Asian Games and the 1988 Seoul Olympics led to the further popularization of functional hanbok as everyday dress. Along with Korea's internationalization campaign launched in earnest in the 1990s, interest in traditional culture surged as well, and on December 4, 1996, the Ministry of Culture and Tourism proclaimed "The Day for Wearing the Hanbok." In addition, a new measure allowed people wearing traditional hanbok to enter ancient royal palaces free of charge. In April 1998, the Hanbok Cultural Academy held a "Korean Dress Preview" for the first time, and organized a seminar on the development of the hanbok the following December, events which contributed toward further heightening Koreans' interest in saenghwal hanbok for daily wear. People dressed in saenghwal hanbok have now become a common sight on TV and on the streets, thanks to the introduction of designs which emphasize practicality, while the number of saenghwal hanbok producers has risen steadily. According to a tally by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, the number of saenghwal hanbok producers increased from 10 in 1996 to 26 in March 1998. According to another survey conducted during a 1998 seminar on the development of the hanbok, there were some 180 businesses involved in the production of saenghwal hanbok in the fall of that same year. Ever more traditional hanbok makers are beginning to produce saenghwal hanbok. This boom is due to the growing number of people who have come to regard traditional

hanbok as costumes to be worn only on special occasions, and saenghwal hanbok as suitable for daily apparel. This is regarded as a promising venture industry for young people to consider entering, in that the development of new designs with its classical beauty can appeal to international tastes. In order to open a new horizon in saenghwal hanbok, designs that retain the basic character of Korea's traditional clothing culture must be ensured above all else. For example, th ey should highlight the beauty of the ornamental trim of the women's chogori: the two-color arrangement on the collar, korum, cuffs and around the armpits. Each part of a traditional hanbok chogori has a uniqu e name: kil, the large section of the cloth forming the body of the chOgori; somae, sleeves; sop, the outer collar; tongj6ng, the detachable collar strip; and kori:im, the tie string. Eliminating these elements or retaining only a portion for the sake of simplification would result in an improvised costume without nationality, and as such does not deserve to be called saengh wal hanbok. The use of the term kaeryang (improved) hanbok should be avoided as it actually undermines the richness of Korea's national costume. Second, technical and commercialized methods must be utilized for prodtJCing beautiful natural dyes that further enhance the aesthetics of th e co lor schemes unique to hanbok. Koreans have developed an exquisite dye culture that uses only natural ingredients. Red dyes are obtained from safflower, deep blue from indigo plants, yellow from a tr ee called hwangbaek, violet from gromwell, green fr om zelkova leav es, and grey from the gall of insec ts that liv e o n sumac trees. Third, the quality of fabrics needs to be enhanced and new fabrics created. Better quality

cotton and synthetic fabrics should be used. Koreans traditionally used different fabrics for each season; wearing hanb ok made of cotton in early spring, ramie and hemp in June and July, raw silk in July and August, fine silk as well as cloth made from boiled silk threads on Ch'usok, the harvest moon festival, and silk or satin in winter. However, for some reason, hanbok makers began to use the so-called four-season kkaekki, a fabric with a silk gauze lining initially used for mainly summer clothes, even for win-

ter hanbok, thus hindering the development of diverse fabrics for hanbok. On the other hand, today's saenghwal hanbok are primarily made from cotton and hemp so that they are often perceived as work clothes. Fourth, there must be a wider range of hanbok sizes and prices. Market surveys regarding saenghwal hanbok indicate that consumers find it difficult to coo rdinate hanbok with other clothing and are dissatisfied with the narrow choice of colors, design and patterns and the lack of wrinkle-resistant fabrics. As such, hanbok designers must develop more fashionable styles that preserve the traditional mode and colors but at the same time use comfortable, non-wrinkle easy-to-care fabrics. In addition, a reasonable range of prices should be established, more diverse fabrics created, the production and distribution system improved, patterns fo~ different sizes developed and accessories diversified. Accordingly, hanbok designers, fabric designers, apparel coordinators and merchandisers must be encouraged to further develop new designs, fabrics and colors for hanbok. The lines of the traditional hanbok, which have been an integral part of Korean culture since the dawning of Korea, should be perpetuated in saenghwal hanbok while meeting the demands of the times so that they may also be worn and appreciated by people in other countries in the 21st century. + 79

CUISINE

TRADITIONAl

Han Bok-jin Professor of Korean Traditional Cuisine Hallim College of Information and Industry

ost Koreans, even after a heavy meal, welcome a bowl of refreshing rice punch, shikhye, or persimmon punch, sujonggwa. Shikhye and suj6nggwa are seasonal drinks for cold months, whereas hwach'ae, drinks decorated with flower petals or pieces of fruit, are perfect for spring and summer. The first written record of Korea's traditional cold beverages, called umch'ong, "refreshing drinks," is found in the Samguk sagi (History of the Three Kingdoms). It is recorded that when passing his house on the road to battle, General Kim Yu-shin asked his servant to bring him some changsu, and upon drinking it said: "It tastes the same as before so all must be well here." From this episode, it can be deduced that changsu, a drink made of a mixture of fermented grain and

water that came to Korea from China, was made in private homes during the Three Kingdoms period (1st century B.C.-A.D. 7th century). In Samguk yusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), it is recorded that King Suro made offerings of "drinks and alcoholic beverages made of orchids" to his subjects when he received the queen. In ancient Chinese literature, it is noted that "The Shilla people drink tea made of dried mint leaves," and "the omija (schisandra chinensis) fruit of Kogury6 is excellent because it is fleshy, sour and sweet." During Korea's Kory6 Dynasty (918-1392), tea drinking thrived, not only among the nobility but among commoners as well. In the Tong-iii pogam (Exemplar of Korean Medicine), a medical book published in 1610 during the mid-Chos6n period (1392-1910), saengmaeksan, sam ult'ang, ssanghwat'ang, and chehot'ang are list-

ed as tonic drinks made of local herbs. Shiuijons6, a recipe book published toward the end of the 19th century, lists various drinks made of rose petals, cherries, wild berries and peaches. From . this it can be inferred that toward the end of the Chos6n Dynasty, punch drinking was widespread, even among commoners. In addition, in Chos6n-period recipe books and records of court festivals there are references to numerous hot and cold beverages made from fruits, herbs, grains, pollen, flow e rs and honey. Hwach'ae, Cold Fruit Drinks

Many people make a fruit drink by adding pieces of fruit to sugared water, but this is not the right way to obtain the proper taste. To make a proper hwach'ae, a stock is made from grated

fruit, and then garnished with small pieces of fruit to floate in it. Strawberries, peaches, and citron are common ingredients of hwach 'ae. Depending on the main ingredient of the stock, hwach'ae can be divided into omija, honey, herbal, and plain fruit. The most popular stock is made of omija because of its contrasting sweet and sour taste. For garnish, azalea flowers are used in spring, newly harvested barley, berries and rose petals in summer, and pears in autumn . When flowers or fruits are not readily available, starch noodles or rice cakes are added, which provide a seasonal touch as well as nutritional benefits. Omija is a deciduous, broadleaf, perennial vine that typically grows on hillsides. Its red fruit tastes sweet, sour, bitter, salty and spicy because it is rich in malic and tartaric acids. Omija can be bought at herbal medicine shops. The fresh fruit is sticky and bright red. In Oriental medicine, omija is considered effective for quenching thirst and relieving exhaustion, so it is used in invigorating tonics. To make omija stock, dried omija are soaked in water (the ratio of

water to fruit is four or five to one), and then the liquid is sieved through a soft fabric, and sugar or honey is added to taste. Boiling or steeping in hot water intensifies the fruit's sour and bitter tastes, so it is best to soak it in cold water for a day and a half. In spring, azalea petals are floated in the stock, and in summer edible yellow rose petals. To use azalea petals, the stems are first removed and then the petals

are coated with starch, scalded in boiling water, and finally rinsed in cold water for a smooth texture. For pear garnish, pears are cut into small, rectangular pieces or flower shapes. When flower or fruit floats are not readily available, one can prepare transparent noodle-like embel 路shments called suim yon, 路csfJlftB;gmyr:!J or h wam yon. This is don y o ri ~ixture of bean starch m 路 eEl ith water into boiling water to form hin sheet. The water is drained off a cut into t 路 gieG s like In late autumn, w l e citron provides a grt?t'fla o an ears are ripe, citron drink is at its best. It is made of thin slices of peeled citron and pears, added to honey or sugared water, and steeped for about an hour. When serving, jewel-like pomegranate seeds and

pine nuts can be added for a visual effect. Sun ch'ae (w a ter lil y ), waega mja (sweet potato), pokbunja (blackberry), sansa (red hawthorn), karyon (lotus) and tuch'ung (Chinese gutta percha) are some other drinks recorded in old recipe books. Chehot'ang From long ago, ordinary Korea n households prepared a thirst-quenching concoction for hot summer days by brewing together arro Âˇoot, omija, ginseng, and lii:iQ~â&#x201A;Ź graminifolia. During the Ch os6n ~na ny, a drink called chehot'ang--was flO~ulm- with the court. In China, from where tbe word cheho (ti hu) orig ina.~,.&heho has several meanings. A'I5G e -all, Âˇr refers to a nourishing drink <1arefully prepared w ith . cow's milk0:; The fifth lunar month is w hen summer begifls te ea1 UR. In the court on Tano (the fiftn Clay CDf th fifth lunar month), the Ro~~rmar y brewed chechot'ang a ~e nt ed it to the king. The king, in turn, gave his cabinet ministers a vessel of chehot'ang and a fan, w ishing them a healthy summer. Chehot'ang is a refreshing drink, made

=--...,ju..---.

by mi x ing a spoonful of a solution made of boiled, dri ed and po w d e red appricot, am omun xanthoides seeds, santalum album and ginger in water, and adding honey to taste. The apricots, dried and straw-smoked, are effective for thirst, diarrhea and coughing, according to Oriental medicine. A tea can be made by mixing powdered dried plums in honey and cold water.

In the Tong-ui pogam, chehot'ang is listed as a cure for "summer heat and frequent thirst." The Royal Infirmary's recipe for chehot'ang is as follo ws: Mix 1 kun of coarsely ground dried apricot, 1 ryang of finely ground ginger root, 5 chon of santalum album and five kun of honey; store in a porcelain jar; mix with cold water to drink Misu, Ground Grain Powder Most summer drinks are prepared for th eir coo ling effe ct. How eve r g ro und grain p owder mixed w ith water is not only a ' '@freshing drink but also a ow:ishing snack that is perfect for su mer w hen lmany people tend to lose fl1eir appeft~. It is an easyto-digest instant food, made of powde red cook ed rice or barley. Fro m ancient t~ , peopl<5 ca rried powd e red gra:i:t w-h e n tmv e-ling o r in wartime. Chinese c aracters signifying pow dered fried rice (qiu ) and dried steam ed rice ( bei) can be found in Chinese literary sources from around

misu powder is put in a bowl or glass and then water is added a little at a time while stirring. Otherwise, if the water is added all at once to the powder, hard-to-dissolve lumps will form. An easy way to make this drink is to put sugar in the grain powder before adding the water.

Songhwa Milsu, Pine Pollen Honey Drink Songhwa milsu is a summer drink mad e with pin e pollen and h o ney. Pine fl owers begin to bloom in the fifth or sixth lunar month, and come into full bloom in about a week, at which time the pollen is released into the air. To gather the pollen, flowers are picked from their stems when they are still half-open, then spread o ut on a tray to dry for three or four days, after w hi ch the stems w ith flo we rs are shaken to loosen the pollen. To eliminate foreign objects, the pollen is put in a large basin of water and stirred. When the pollen rises to the surface of the water, a gou rd is put in the water; the pollen sticks to the bottom of

relieving respiratory ailm ents, neuralgia and headaches.

Sudan, Rice Cake Floating in Honey Water Sudan is made by adding white rice cake cut into sma l . ieces to honey water. Pine n.ut-s~re added for decoration and fla vor. D1 r" ng rhe h ottest summer days, cooke barley is often used instead of rice cak . In the pas , a rite was H.eld on the sixth day of the si tb. I mar month to offer barley, wheat, melons, cucumbe rs, wa termelon a --6 efher n ew ly harvested crops to the ancestral spirits. Farming households placed rice cakes at irrigation channels and rice paddy paths, and prayed for good crops and no misfortun e. Y u d um y6 n , n ood les for th e six th day of

the sixt.h lunar month , sud a n and k 6ndan (plain rice cakes) were among the special food s prepared for the day. Rice cake sudan is a cold drink made w ith small rice cake balls and honey water or omija stock, served with ice. K6ndan is believed to have been rice cakes served without putting them in honey water. Barley sudan is made by steaming new ly harvested barley, coating it w ith starch and then scalding it in boiling water. The barley sudan is th en flo ated in a sour o mija stock. Floating in the pink stoc k, barley sud an is notably attractive. It is fun to eat because of its crunchiness. + 83

KOREAN THOUGHT

S6n(Zen)Thoughtand SOn Monks in Korea Lee Eun-yoon Staff Writer,]oongAng Ilbo

ne of the high points in the history of human thought, Zen, or Son as it is known in Korea, is the product of East Asian philosophy, religion and life. The West learned about Zen through Japan after World War II,

and more recently it has also become known as Chan, its Chinese pronunciation . These days, it is receiving keen attention as an alternative form of thought offering a new paradigm for humankind in the 21st century.

The religious aspect of Zen as represented by its subjective spiritualism doctrine is referred to as the "Zen Sect" or "Zen (Chan) Buddhism," while the ideological and academic aspects of Zen are respectively referred to as "Zen Thought" or "Zen

- -. Studies." Zen's origins can be traced back to Indian yoga and ultimately to Buddh is m at the tim e of Sakyamuni. However, the Patriarchal Zen that blossomed in Korea, China and Japan is actually derived from a Chinese fo rm of Buddhism. The Chinese grafted Indian Buddhism onto the indigenous philosophies of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu to create a teaching that emphasized human subjectivity and introspection. This later entered Ko rea and Japan where, by the ninth or tenth century, it became the main Buddhist school. Hum an it y is now fer ve ntl y searching for a new cultural paradigm to carry it into the next millennium. Frequent calls for "change" and "reform" show that modern civilization, engulfed by environmental problems and other issues, deeply senses that the previous cultural paradigm, w ith all its limitations, is unable to guarantee the future of humankind. Zen's system of thought offers the ideological and philosophical nutrim ent fo r th e "fundam ental transform ation" essential fo r any major change or reform. From its early development 15 centuries ago, Zen has sought to break through all established conventions, proclaiming that "the bridge flows but the river is still." Zen teaches that everything in the world w ould return to its roots if we discarded our discriminating thought process of thinking in dualistic notions such as high and low, long and short, good and evil and life and death. In this way, we can develop a universal mind and a pure, intuitive outlook in which all ph enomena and the self are in unity. Death is humankind's most critical issue; yet if life and death are seen as being the same, there is no reason to love life and hate death.

Zen philosoph y's attempt to surmount th e problem of life and death via a transformation in one's way of thinking is much more than mere wordplay. Zen challenges conventional thinking which says a circle and square are distinctly different. In Zen, a circle can become a square and vice-versa. Zen Buddhism believes that there is an inner "real self" and claims: "There is no place where the Way (i.e., truth) does not exist." Based on a traditional, East Asian pragmatism, Zen says that one should simply eat when hungry and sleep when tired: in oth er words, one's every day . mind, when operating naturally and unfettered by selfishness, is the very source of truth. Filled with paradoxes, contradictions and virul en t tirades, th e reco rds of Zen dialogues ca n be called the progenitor of revolutionary, new scientific theories involving "paradoxical logic," such as chaos theory, complexity theory and hologram theory. In th e West, Zen is now being researched and utilized in the fields of psychiatric analysis, management and sports. For example, Phil Jackson, coach of the NBA's Chicago Bulls basketball team who took the Bulls from a three-year losing streak (1992-1994) to the winningest season in history, attributed h is success to training in Ze n

Zen's origins can be traced back to Indian yoga and ultimately to Buddhism at the time of Sakyamuni. However, the Patriarchal Zen that blossomed in Korea, China and Japan is actually derived from a Chinese form of Buddhism. The Chinese grafted Indian Buddhism onto the indigenous philosophies of Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu to create a teaching that emphasized human subjectivity and introspection. This later entered Korea and Japan where, by the ninth or tenth century, it became the main Buddhist school.

(Newsweek,June 24, 1994).

Korean Son In Korea, China and Japan, Zen or Son has existed as a single house without partitions. After the vicissitu des of 15 centuries, its original form is now best preserve d in Korean meditation halls (son bang). In China, Zen, or Chan, was decimated during the Cultural Revolu tion (1966-1976). It is now being revived, but is still far from its former glory.

(above) A Korean SOn-pang, a room dedicated to meditation. It has all the furnishings a Zen monk would need: a cushion, a set of clothes and a rice bowl. (opposite page) Zen Buddhism regards "one's everyday mind"- inaction and spontaneity in ordinary life-as the source of truth. Through chwason (sitting meditation), Zen Buddhism seeks truth, enlightenment and liberation from all kinds of bonds.

In Japan, the Zen Rinzai (Linzijung) and Soto (Chodungjung) sects are the main Buddhist orders; however, instead of stressing practice leading to the direct experience of enlightenment, they focus more on academic learning. The largest Buddhist order in Korea is the Zen Chogye Sect. To be more precise, of the Five Houses and Seven Schools of China's traditional Southern School, which taught sudden enlightenment, the Chogye Sect is heir to the Yang-chi line of the Lin-chi (Korean Imjae, Japanese Rinzai) lineage. The word "Chogye" refers to a village and stream near Paolin Temple (now Nanhuachan Temple), where Grand Master Huineng (638-713), the Sixth Patriarch and founder of the Southern School, taught. Even now, Ts'ao-ch'i (Korean Chogye) Stream in China's Kuangtung province serves as a symbol for the Southern School of Zen. In Korea, Zen Buddhism took

root with the establishment of the Nine Mountain Zen Centers founded during the late Unified Shilla and early Kory6 periods. Korean monks who had studied under prominent Zen masters in Tang and Sung China founded these centers. The introduction of Zen Buddhism into Shilla and Kory6 can broadly be divided into five periods. The first period is prior to the Fifth Patriarch Hung-jen and the division of Chinese Zen into the Southern and Northern schools. During this period, most of the Korean monks who went to Tang China remained there for the rest of their lives. The second period begins around the ninth century. At this time, large numbers of Korean monks went to China aboard trading vessels and by other means in order to study the newly emerging Zen Buddhism. However, when the Hui-ch'ang Persecutions erupted in 845, these monks had to return to the Unified Shilla Kingdom where they became

active from remote mountain areas throughout the kingdom, which formed the foundation for Korean Zen. The Nine Mountains Zen Centers were established around this time. The third period is when Zen became firmly rooted in Korea. Hy6nuk, Muy6m, P6mil and other Korean monks brought the Southern Zen lineage of Hui-neng (the Sixth Patriarch) to Korea. Given the status of kuksa (national master), these Zen monks developed Zen into a leading force in Shilla Buddhism, which up to this time had been dominated by doctrinal Buddhism that in Korea centered around the Hwa6m (Chinese Huayen) Sect. In the late ninth century, Zen monks rose to prominence as a new force, taking control of many key positions such as kukt 'ong (national overseer of monks), chut'ong (provincial overseer) and kunt'ong (county overseer). However, Zen and the previous doctrinal orders were in a state of conflict as thinkers failed to achieve a synthesis of the two approaches. The fourth period covers the time around Unified Shilla's demise in 935. Around this time, the "silent illumination Zen" championed by the Chinese Ts'ao-tung School finally arrived in Korea where it enjoyed immense popularit y. The "Four Fearless Zen Masters of Haedong (Korea),"-Ky6ngyu (pen name P6pky6ong), Hy6ngmi (pen name S6n 'gak), Yi6m (pen name Chinch'61) and Y66m (pen name Taegy6ng)-are credited with bringing Tao-ying's Ts'ao-tung lineage to Korea. The fifth period extends from the later years of the Kory6 King Kwangjong's reign (r. 949-975) to the appearance of 0 ich'6n (1055-1101, National Master Taegak). During this

time, the teachings of the Popan (D harma Eye) Sect flood ed into Korea as many Zen monks from Korea studied under the Ch inese master Yen-shou (pen name Yungming). This new development began with King Kwangjong who revered Yen -sho u as a Chinese incarnation of Maitreya, the Buddha of the Future. The king sent 28 Korean monks to train under Yenshot!. Monks such as Chichong (pen name W on 'go ng), Sokch 'o (pen name Chin'gwan) and Yongjun (pen name Chogyon) were instrumental in introducing the Popan School to Korea. Supported by powerful regional families, Shilla's Zen Buddhism of the Nine Mountains period preceded the appearance of the Five Houses and Seven Schools of Chinese Zen Buddhism. The Five Houses were soon reduced to the Yang-ch'i line of the Lin-chi School and the Ts'aotung School. In the later Koryo period, National Master Pou (1301-1382, pen name T'aego) went to Yuan China where he visited Master Ch 'ing-k ung (1272-1352, pen name Shih-wu) and received formal recognitiOn of hi s e nlight enment. Thereafter, Korean Zen lineages and traditions have been of the Lin-ch'i (Korean Imje) School. In more recent times, Zen Master Song u (1846-1912, pen name Kyongho) le d a revival of Zen Buddhism in Korea. His Dharma lineage now extends through Mangong to Hyeam , Pyokch 'o and wonda m (1926-) and through Hyewol to Unbong, Hyanggok and Chinje (1934-). There are other Zen lineages in Korea, but most of them also can be traced to Ky6ngh6. According to a stele inscription at Songjusa in Poryong, Ch'ungch'ongnam-do province, one of the original Nin e Mountains monasteries, Zen

Humanity is now fervently searching for a new paradigm to carry it into the next millennium. Frequent calls for change and reform" II

show that modern civilization, engulfed by environmental problems and other issues, deeply senses that the previous mind-set, with all its limitations, is unable to guarantee the future of humankind.

(above) A painting of the Bodhidharma by Kim Myong-guk, a famous Chos6n Dynasty Zen painter who left many Zen paintings. His style is characterized by an exceptional choice of subject matter, a beautiful use of space, and striking omissions of content. (opposite page) The Zen master strikes his palm three times with the chukpi,a bamboo stick, to signal the beginning and end of the meditation session. He also uses changgun chukpi, another kind of chukpi, to hit the backs or shoulders of monks who doze off or violate the rules of the meditation hall.

Master Muyom would always set a good example by personally engaging in even the most unpleasant tasks during temple construction or repair projects. While studying in Tang China, Muyom became heir to the Dharma lineage of Pao-che (pen name Ma-ku), a disciple of Tao-i (pen name Ma-tsu). As part of this lineage, he personally followed the simple and austere rules of the Zen School. Once when a local gang of bandits raided Songjusa, they were so inspired by Master Muyom that over 100 of them became monks. This episode suggests that the master's adherence to the "Pure Rules" for Zen monks and his willing participation in hard, physical labor greatly impressed even hooligans. Zen Master Muyom's work ethic was the everyday philosophy that Layman Fang (740-808) had espoused in his Zen poetry, while Fang's philosophy was the concrete expression of Tao-i's (709-788) teaching that: "The everyday mind is the Tao (Truth)." This emphasis on physical labor was based on the "Pure Rules" that Huai-hai (749-814, pen name Paichang), a disciple of Tao-i, established as precepts for the Zen School. According to the Pure Rules, all monks were required to engage in common physical work on an equal basis, regardless of age or relative status. The rules initiated a unique Zen Buddhist tradition under which meditation and farm labor were integrated. This notion that farm work and spiritual training should be performed in concert developed from the efforts of Zen temples to be economically self-sufficient. However, when Pai-chang's Pure Rules were put into effect, Zen monks elevated physical labor to a form of spiritual training. In Korea, this combination

of farming and meditation has been practiced from the inception of Zen Buddhism until today. Common work periods are known as taejung ully6k in Korean monasteries. For example, the monks at T'ongdosa Temple at Mt. Yangsan in Kyongsangnam -do province still grow their own rice. The ethical ideals of meditation halls, where Korean monks engage in intense meditation retreats, can be summarized as follows: 1. Simplification of lifestyle 2. Suppression of excessive desires 3. Devotion of every minute of the day to practice 4. Self-sufficiency 5. Hidden virtue 6. Action without thought of reward. The simple lifestyle of Zen monks and nuns is represented by their single change of clothing and single bowl. "Non-possession" is a term often used to describe this lifestyle. To borrow a term from the 14th century mystic Master Eckhart, the Zen monk 's life is characterized by "absolute poverty." The admonition to use every minute of time means that one should not be passively controlled by time, but should always make the most of one's time. The Zen teachings repeatedly stress that if one can take charge of a situation, "the very place where you stand becomes truth." "Hidden virtue" is an ideal focused on conservation. Resources and commodities should not be wasted. Action without thought of reward refers to good behavior done without any desire for compensation, recognition or praise. While walking along the road, I might see a child drowning in a stream. Without another thought, I rush over and save

the child. This is all: what needed to be done has been done. Without looking back, I simply go back to walking along the road. There is no need to keep thinking about the incident. Such behavior is "action without thought of reward!' In chapter six, verse three of the Gospel of Matthew, it says: "But when thou doest alms, let not thy left hand know what thy right hand doeth." The following verse continues: "That thine alms may be in secret: and thy Father whom seeth in secret himself shall reward thee openly." The first verse is similar to the Zen monk's "action without thought of reward," but the following verse promises "reward" in heaven. In this regard, we find a gap between Buddhism and Christianity that cannot be bridged. In spite of the passing of years and social change, the ethical ideals of the meditation hall mentioned previously are invaluable ethical values and moral principles. The unrestricted, free behavior of enlightened Zen masters is a striking feature of Korean Zen thought. Zen Master Ky6ngh6 (1849-1912) was once on a pilgrimage to remote mountain temples with Man'gong, his attendant. Ky6ngh6 looked back and saw that Man-gong was extremely tired from all the walking, so he told him: "I know a way of going faster. Follow me." Ky6ngh6 suddenly rushed up to a pretty girl who happened to be walking in front of the two monks, carrying a jug of water on her head. Holding her face with both hands, Ky6ngh6 kissed her. The water jug fell from her head and broke as her face turned bright red. The girl let out a piercing scream. A farmer who happened to be resting under a tree nearby yelled: "Grab those monks!" and picked up a stick and chased

after them. KyonghO immediately dashed off and Man-gong was left with no choice but to run as fast as he could behind him. Knowing that if they were caught they might be beaten to death, Man-gong ran up a steep mountain slope without stopping once. After the farmer finally gave up the chase, Kyongho sat down and caught his breath. He then said casually to Man-gong: "Because of me, you have forgotten your sore legs and ran up the hill. I did quite well myself." Like an innocent child, KyonghO bragged about his playful kiss that activated the latent power of a human to respond to extreme situations. In the history of Korean Zen, there are countless such stories of the free and unrestricted behavior of Zen masters. Behind such actions, there is always a teaching regarding the truth. In Korean meditation halls, traditional Zen teaching methods involving the "staff" and "shout" are still used as instantaneous techniques for cutting off the mental defilement of the practitioner. The staff, known in Korea as the changgun chukpi, is used to hit the backs of monks who break the meditation hall's rules during training periods. The shout is used in Zen dialogue between the master and disciple. In addition to being a philosophy of life, Zen has had a significant

influence on culture and art such as poetry, painting and calligraphy. As a form of praise of the Buddha or expression of enlightenment, Zen poetry called kesong has formed a distinct genre within the literature of Korea, China and Japan. These poems mainly express the joy of living in tune with nature or the ecstasy of Zen. In this sense, this poetry can be seen as a form of naturalist literature; yet it does have its own unique charm and a profound philosophy. Zen paintings, which are all predecessors to literati paintings, are black ink works that are closely related to. those of China's Southern School of painting. The very term Southern School is derived from China's Southern School of Zen. This painting style is characterized by a beautiful use of space, striking omissions of content and unorthodox expressions of the artist's mind (e.g., the use of banana trees in a winter setting). Some suggest that abstract painting actually began with the "symbolism" evident in the bold omissions and free use of lines in Zen paintings. The free and unadorned brush strokes of the "grass" (cursive) style The meditator is seated cross-legged with his hands on his lap, palms upward The hands are in the Dhyana m udra, the attitude of meditation. The right (left) hand covers the left (right) hand

tic genres. In conclus·on, nhe distinguishing features of Zen thCi)Ught can be summarized as revolution intuition, creativity, simplicity ana an em~asis on everyday life an t~com-mon people. The revolutionaF¥ asp~f Zen thought is mostl evi€lent m its attempt to overthrow ~alistic, antagonistic systems of thought. As for intuition, it is properly developed when we cease to see objects through our preconceptions or analytical modes of thinking and instead observe things as they really are. Zen places great emphasis on creativity. The master does not recognize a disciple's enlightenment if it lacks a creative aspect. In the information enterprises of the 21st century, the central elements of information technologies will be ideas (creativity) and sensitivity (intuition). At this point we must stop and ask ourselves: Is this convergence of the key elements of the information industry and Zen thought simply a coincidence or does it represeht a necessary current underlying human nature and the history of civilization? +

NATIONAL TREASURE

Elegant Simplicity and Grace

White Porcelain with Grape Design Chung Yang-mo Director General, The National Museum of Korea

Earthenware jars for storing large quantities of food began to be made early in human history. In fact, large jars were ubiquitous in Korean daily life until quite recently. Water jars, wine jars, pickled fish jars, fermented bean paste jars, red pepper paste jars, grain jars to store sweet rice, sesame, and beans, honey jars ... there were countless kinds of jars.

he history of human developm ent is divid ed int o th e Paleo lith ic, Neolithic, Bron ze and Iron Ages according to the deve lopment of tools beca use th e implements essential to daily human life provide insights into the lifestyles of their tim es. Vessels of different sizes to store food were among th e first tools to be produced in wide variety. From the emergence of low-fired earthenware during the Neolithic Age, the making of food containers continued to evolve into pottery fired at a high temperature such as celadon and porcelain. The era of porcelain began in earnest with the start of the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910). Earthenware jars for storing large quantities of food began to be made early in human history. In fact, large jars were ubiquitous in Korean daily

life until quite recently. Water jars, wine jars, pickled fish jars, fermented bean paste jars, red pepper paste jars, grain jars to store sweet rice, sesame, and beans, honey jars.. . there were countless kinds of jars. Jars found their way to the tops of rice boxes, into the kitchens and pantries, to the main hall of the house and to the storage area. Wondering w here all those jars have gone in the past few decades, one is overwhelmed yet again by the radical changes taking place in just our lifetime. Large jars w ere made all over the world for th e com mon purpose of storing fo od stuff bu t in differe nt shapes and forms in accordance with the lifestyles and the ways of thinking of their makers. In Korea, jar producti on w as mos t p rolifi c during th e Choson period. The handsome, volu-

min o us, unr es tr ain ed Choso n jars inspired tranquility in the mind of th eir use rs and v iew ers, and gave Korea the honorable distinction as a country of jars. Ch oso n jars can be g en erall y grouped into short and tall. Whereas a volumin ous upper area and a slim lower section characterize those of the latter, those of the former have a bulbo us, full bo d y. Of all th e ex ta nt Choson-period jars, few can match the "Whit e Po rcelai n Jar w ith Grape Design in Underglaze Iron" in the collec tio n o f th e Ew ha W o m an s University Museum in terms of size and appea rance. "Handsome" is th e word that best describes this jar from Choson, w hich exudes dignity, equanimity and elegance. It curves in a gentle flow from the mouth of its wellproportioned height to a generously

rounded body that tap ers rapid ly toward the bottom creating a silhouette that is fluid yet powerful. The jar is decorated with an underglaze grape motif painted in iron. The oxidation of iron pigment can result in a variety of brown shades ranging from light to dark or dark red, depending on the thickness of its application. The iron pigment produces subdued colors that, though neither bright nor vivid, evoke depth. The grape design is painted in bold, skillful strokes in various shades from the shoulder below the mouth down to the body under a translucent white glaze tinted with a pale, misty blue. Iron painting shou ld be created with skillful brushstrokes as quick as the wind. If the painter's hand is slow and hesitant, too much pigment will soak into the clay body causing the painting to become heavy and dull when fired; if the pigment is applied too sparsely, it will not soak into the clay properly and thus burn away during firing. It thus requires a great deal of experience to paint an artistic design of controlled gradation of iron pigment on the surface of clay. The grape design on this jar is we ll- composed with the leaves, vines and grapes well positioned and in different shades. The swift brushstrokes of an expert with no signs of hesitancy or doubt, are clearly evident. The artist was apparently undaunted by the broad expa nse of the surfac e and was unafraid of leaving much of the space in the lower part untouched as he wielded his brush with confidence and bold imagination on the upper section. The elegance emanating from the jar is reminiscent of a distinguished scholargentleman of Chos6n w ith his widerimmed hat enjoying a leisurely walk, with his ramie coat flapping in the wind. There are not many w hite porcelain

jars with underglaze iron decorations in the world and artistically prominent works like this one are even rarer. Chos6n jars were the product of the elegant taste and refined ambience of their time and were based on a long tradition of pottery far removed from superficialit y and pretentiousness. They are the work of self-assured artisans of ge n ero us heart w ho communed with nature and the people who appreciated them. +

Dr. Helen Kim, then president of Ewha Womans University, had the university purchase this jar in 1960. It was exhibited at the Helen Kim's Vision Exhibition held at the Ewha University Museum from February 27 through June 30 in commemoration of the centennial of her birth.

KOREAN MYTHOLOGY

The Legend of

Princess Paritegi Seo Dae-seok Professor of Korean Language and Literature Seoul National University

Myths involving violations of interdictions are creations of a society's repressed psychological resistance to certain behaviors

In this regard, the myth of the abandoned princess is a product of women's repressed

s cial obligation to produce sons.

verall Character The legend of Princess Pari is a shamanic legend that is known throughout the Korean peninsula. Some forty versions of the legend have been identified thus far. It is known by various names: "Paritegi," "Princess Pari," "The Legend of the First Shaman," "The Seven Princesses," and "Appeasing Embittered Ghosts," to name a few. The legend is acted out in shaman rites for treating the wounds of the dead. These include the Chinogi Kut in the Kyonggi-do area, Ogu Kut in the Kyongsang-do area, Ssikkum Kut in the Cholla-do area, and Mangmugi Kut in the Hamgyong-do area. The shaman songs chanted in these exorcism rites vary from region to region. The contents of the songs performed in the Seoul area best retain the mythical character of the legend, which takes place in the royal court and reveals a pattern of cause and effect. The version sung in the Hamgyong-do area has lost much of its myth-like character, being set in an ordinary scholar's home and containing many comic elements, while the cause-effect theme is downplayed considerably. Versions that have been passed down in the East Coast region share similarities with p 'ansori-the characters resemble commoners, there is much description of scenery, and much sarcasm-though the main plot retains its mythical character. Mythical Character The mythical character of the legend will be examined on the basis of versions sung in shaman rites of the Seoul area. The legend's main story line can be summarized as follows: 1. A king of the Chason Dynasty (1392-1910) consults a fortuneteller for the most auspicious date to hold his wedding. 2. The fortuneteller tells the king that if he marries within that year

he will father seven daughters and no sons, but if he marries the following year he will father three sons. 3. Eager to marry, the king ignores the prediction and marries that very year. 4. The queen bears six daughters, no sons. 5. Realizing that the fortuneteller's prediction was coming true, the king makes offerings to the gods and prays for a son. 6. The king then dreams an auspicious dream and the queen becomes pregnant. Because of the dream, they expect the baby will be a boy. However, when the queen gives birth, it is a girl. 7. The infuriated king orders the newborn princess to be put in a jade box and thrown in a river. 8. The abandoned child comes to be called Princess Pari, or Paritegi, which means "castaway." The princess is rescued and reared by an old couple, whom Buddha instructed to rescue her. The couple thus are known as the "Grandfather and Grandmother of Good Deeds." 9. When the princess is 15 years old, the king becomes ill. He has a dream in which a boy clad in blue, a messenger of the gods, tells him that he is being punished for having abandoned his baby daughter, and he can be cured only if he finds the abandoned princess and has her bring him the water of life from the land of the gods. 10. A servant of the king finds Princess Pari and brings her to the court. After meeting her parents, Princess Pari leaves for the land of the gods to fetch the water of life. 11. With the help of many gods, Princes Pari safely passes through the land of the dead and arrives at the land of the gods where she meets the guardian of the fountain of life. The princess works nine years for the guardian of the foun-

tain, gathering wood for three years, drawing water for three years, and making fire for three years. Then, only after she marries him and bears him seven sons, is she allowed to return home with a pail of the water of life. 12. When she reaches her home, the king has just passed away and is about to be buried. The princess

brings him back to life with the water of life. 13. The king, realizing that Princess Pari has saved him, makes the princess a shaman goddess according to her wish, so that she will forever receive offerings from shamans. He also makes her sons the rulers of the underworld, and the princess's husband, the guardian 93

of the fountain of the water of life, a mountain spirit. The plot of the abandoned princess thus centers on the tragic fate of the king of a patriarchal society where monarchial rule is passed on from father to son. The fortuneteller's prediction that the king would have seven daughters if he married that year and three sons if he married the following year amounts to an interdiction of marriage for that year. But by marrying in that year the king violates this interdiction. When he keeps having daughters, the king realizes that the fortuneteller's prediction was true, and thus prays to the gods, making offerings at all his kingdom's revered mountains and rivers, which amounts to an attempt to foil the fulfillment of the prophesy. As a result, he dreams that the sun and the moon alight on his shoulders and such auspicious animals as a blue dragon, a yellow dragon and a gold turtle appear before him, and his queen becomes pregnant. The auspicious dream signifies that the baby will be special and should be protected against harm. But when his queen delivers another girl, the king, overcome with sorrow and anger, orders the baby to be abandoned. This amounts to a second violation of the will of the gods. As punishment for this violation the king becomes ill. The only way he can recover from the illness is to find his abandoned daughter and have her fetch the water of life from the land of the gods. The king finds his daughter, and the water she fetches brings him back to life. The legend's narrative structure follows a pattern of interdiction, violation of interdiction, punishment, an attempt to escape from the punishment, another interdiction, another violation of interdiction, another punishment, and a successful escape from the punishment. The significance of a legend with such a narrative structure is related to 94

the nature of the interdiction. The first interdiction involves the time of marriage. The king is warned against marrying within the year in that doing so will not bring him any male heirs. This interdiction reflects the patriarchal society's imperative that marriages must produce male heirs. Myths involving violations of interdictions are creations of a society's repressed psychological resistance to certain behaviors that are forbidden. In this regard, the myth of the abandoned princess is a product of women 's

The myth of Princess Pari is the tale of a child's self-sacrifice for an aged parent, a deed of the highest merit in a society that considered filial piety as an esteemed virtue. The filial princess is an ethical heroine, and her story was told as an edifying tale.

repressed anxiety concerning their social obligation to produce sons. It is noteworthy that the second interdiction is of a different nature from the first. Whereas the first interdiction reflects the importance of prodlJCing male heirs in a patriarchal society, the second involves a protest by women against the abuse of daughters. Thus, in the legend of the abandoned princess two conflicting values are presented. In the end, the second issue comes to the fore, as the abandoned princess performs the heroic deed of bringing her father back to life by fetching the water of life. The legend, therefore, has the mythic significance of rectifying the unjust devaluation of women by proving the true greatness of women who are oppressed under a patriarch-dominated society. Princess Pari has touched the hearts of many as a filial daughter who pays for the wrongs of her parents by willing! y sacrificing herself. Her father committed wrongs twice. The first was that he did not wait for a year to marry in order for his marriage to produce sons instead of daughters. The second wrong was abandoning his innocent daughter out of frustration. Because he chose to marry of his own free will in a year destined to bring him .only daughters, he should have accepted the birth of seven daughters as a consequence of his own decision. But instead he transferred his own guilt at having disregarded the fortuneteller's warning onto his newborn daughter. Needless to say, an infant cannot choose his or her gender, so the child was innocent of any wrongdoing. It was an iniquitous act to set afloat on a river a baby who could not fend for itself. Despite her parents' grievous sin against her, Princess Pari volunteered to journey to the land of the gods to fetch the water of life that would save her father's life, a journey that all the courtiers and her six elder sisters had

refused to make. She did not know the location of the spring of the water of life, or how to get there , but nonetheless she set out on the journey out of a sense of filial piety. She undertook the long and perilous journey to the otherworldly realm, found the fountain of life, and performed nine years of hard labor. On top of that, she married the guardian of the fountain and bore him seven sons. She paid for the water with hard labor and her virginity. Thus, the myth of Princess Pari is the tale of a child's selfsacrifice for an aged parent, a deed of the highest merit in a society that considered filial piety as an esteemed virtue. The filial princess is an ethical heroine, and her story was told as an edifying tale. The significance of the myth can be best understood if we consider what became of the princess after her meritorious deed. The princess, for restoring her father to life, is made a shaman god, the goddess of the netherworld. Healing is the most important function of a shaman. The princess performed a medical miracle by bringing her father back to life. The greatest healing act is curing a mortal illness. Of course, bringing a dead person back to life is an even greater feat. The princess thus deserved to be recognized as a divine healer. Moreover, in the course of her journey to the realm of the gods, the princess appeased the grievances of embittered spirits and led them to their final resting place. It was believed that people who died with unrequited grievances could not rest even after death. The princess thus soothed the wounds of these troubled souls and led them to their final resting places, where they would be free of suffering. In doing so she also performed another important function of a shaman-assuaging the grievances of dead souls. Therefore the princess is a shaman goddess who brings the dead back to life and appeases suffering spirits.

Human beings, in wishing to overcome death, worship a goddess who can bring the dead back to life. We also worship a goddess who assuages embittered souls, so that they can rest in peace and leave us, the living, to go about our daily life.

The Myth as an Epic Poem The myth of Princess Pari follows the pattern of epic poems, dealing as it does with the adventures of a national heroine. The heroine of royal lineage is abandoned immediately after

birth and then rescued and reared by foster parents. She performs a heroic deed of national significance, and becomes a goddess. The myth is thus similar in structure to the myth of Chumong, the founder of the Koguryo Kingdom. However, the princess is a subsidiary heroine in that she has earthly parents rather than divine ones; is abandoned because she is born female; and her heroic deed does not make her a reigning queen but restores life to her father the king. She is a heroine who exemplifies the virtue of filial piety, a virtue extolled by patriarchy. Shaman myths predate heroic myths. Earlier shaman myths lack such affectionate aspects as love and friendship while the heroic deeds performed in shaman myths are accomplished not through natural means but rather magic. The Princess Pari story differs from early shaman myths in that it features a strong affection between parent and child and stresses the crucial role of feminine devotion and endurance in accomplishing the heroic deed. The tale of a filial daughter, it was beloved by generations of Koreans, along with the tales of such filial daughters as Chitin and Shim Ch'ong. Both Princess Pari and Shim Ch'ong sacrificed themselves for their fathers in addition to benefiting their country and society. Princess Pari saved grieving souls in the land of the dead, and saved her country from ruin by bringing her father back to life. Shim Ch'ong, by choosing to become an offering to the god of rough waters, protected local fishermen, and gave sight to her blind father and happiness to the handicapped of her country. The myth of Princess Pari voices the protests of women who are oppressed in a patriarchal society. It is an epic poem portraying the ideals of Korean womanhood in the person of a princess who embodied the virtues of devotion , courage, and endurance. + 95

BOOK REVIEW .................................................................................................................................................................................................................

Yi Mun-yol's

The Poet

Translation: Chong-wha Chung and Brother Anthony of Taize Michael Bell Department of English and Comparative Literary Studies University of Warwick

Poetry and Politics under Western Eyes The translators of this remarkable book have performed an important service for Korean literature and an even greater one for Anglophone western readers. It belongs to a distinct, if only retrospectively identifiable genre of historical fiction that has grown up in the latter half of the present century. Works such as The Tin Drum, One Hundred Years of Solitude, The Book of Laughter and Forgetting, The Master and Margarita, Midnight's Children and The Periodic Table are all meditations on highly personal and local histories , yet have achieved a world readership. This book seems to have crept up on its author partly unawares. It encapsulates his life experience so centrally that it only gradually became aware of itself as a work of literature , as a form to be bounded in a book. And appropriately it tells the story of one whom, following the inner logic of his experience, and with no such deliberate intention, himself becomes not so much a poet as a poem. Kim Pyong-yon, born in Seoul in 1807 , became Kim Sakkat, Kim of the Bamboo Hat, a travelling poet whose work expressed popular feelings and attitudes in forms deliberately in conflict with the long-established

poetic conventions of the day. When he and his brother were still young boys their grandfather's involvement, albeit initially involuntary , in a rebellion led to three generations of the family being condemned to death. Their father therefore gave them to a freed serf to bring up as his own sons in a region remote from their birthplace. Although in time the original sentence was commuted, the boy, who had by now developed an exceptional poetic talent, normally a mode of social advancement, found that his family history imposed on him a social exclusion almost the equivalent of death. After trying, driven also by his mother's ambition, to recover the family's status, he eventually accepted his outcast condition as an overt mode of life, and through that turned it into a means of expression. It is as if he recognized that his poetic authority could only be achieved under the sign of the outcast although his life and motivation are pretty much unknown. The fact that the serf, although free to do otherwise, faithfully fulfills the request to adopt the boys is a reflection of the power of loyalty in the world depicted in the book. Even the initial injustice of the sentence, as it arises from the same cultural matrix, is part of the larger logic rather than an acci-

dental premise. The historical circumstance which provides the narrative premises for this story illuminates a tragic structure within the social order at large since, even while objecting to the inhumanity of specific individuals, the outcast family themselves subscribe to the underlying values and it is therefore a conflict for which there is no solution or exit. The book's strength is indeed structural and, in contrast to the narrative pyrotechnics of some of the works just mentioned, a quality which is not to the taste of all readers, this has a pellucid simplicity of style enhancing the ultimate enigma of its subject as well as the tragic logic of its situation. The author, Yi Mun-yol, a modern poet who has sought to imagine the inner story of Kim Sakkat, was initially drawn by the analogy with his own situation since his father was a defector to North Korea and he li ved inescapably under the shadow and suspicion this caused. When the country was divided, authentic differences of political conviction became treachery, just as, by the same token, venal or cowardly traitors could claim moral conviction. Furthermore , the impact of the North Korean invasion was intimate, devastating and extensive in the lives of Koreans and that led to many

instances of at best rough justice. The ambiguity, perhaps unknowability, of the "traitor's" true motive is central to the story although this very uncertainty ultimately highlights the objective contradictions and consequences of the act. Personality, one might say, does not count for much in the world of this book except in so far as it enacts, or fails to enact, a public principle and the personal assertion that leads an individual to be a traitor on grounds of conscience carries little weight, which is why the translators, in their helpful introduction, comment on the relative absence of tragedy, as understood in the West, in Korean literature. There is rather a feeling of han, a melancholy savoring of defeat as the inescapable condition. KoreanÂˇ history, both ancient and recent, leads to reflection on the extent to which such "cultural" characteristics are sui generis or themselves the product of circumstances. Furthermore, whi le the present helps to illuminate the past, as Yi Mun-yol seeks to imagine the inner life and psychological evolution of his poetic forebear, and the past illuminates the present by indicating something of its underlying cultural structure, so the present distance from the past suggests a critical distance from both periods. The past is a mirror by which to gain a diagnostic understanding of the present. Apart from the insight into the psychological structures created by another history, the western Anglophone reader finds a dense meditation on the meaning of poetry, with pithy formulations of important, if not original, truths. For this is not a matter of general propositions so much as a slow

................................................................................................................................................................................................................................... THE POET process of deepening understanding. Early in his career, for example, Kim Sakkat meets an "Old Drunkard" whose conception of poetry, as serving no didactic purpose is incomprehensible to him until much later. And the sense that the composing of poetry is a socially valued activity, with highly conventionalized craft rules and formal competitions, lends greater force and structure both to the discussion and to the large process of Kim's education. Debarred from the normal form of a poetic career, he turns himself into an even more authentically public figure and it is the fact that the personal and the public are not torn apart that gives this imagined poetic biography its added plangency for the modern western reader . In weste rn terms Kim Sakkat's poetic development represents a compacted history of poetry since the evolution from a highly crafted and institutionalized public conception to a postromantic, and modern, personally expressivist, conception was spread over several centuries of western literary history. The fictional Kim has echoes of Skelton, of Burns and of the poete maudit without being any of these. But perhaps the most telling analogy is with Wordsworth who is in many respects the fulcrum on which the history of poetry in English most crucially turns. Born long before Wordsworth died, Kim meditates on some of the same questions about poetry and, like Wordsworth, is driven by its personal as we ll as its public significance. Some of Wordsworth 's greatest poetry, written early in his career, arises from his reflections on solitary figures, such as the Leech Gatherer

or the Discharged Soldier, who have some mysterious, and for Wordsworth an exemplary, capacity for endurance. The later Wordsworth was sustained perhaps personally, but not poetically, by an overt religious faith. Kim by contrast, having initially contemplated such a figure in the Old Drunkard, increasingly takes on this role himself. Their argument about poetry leads, after an initial sympathy and animation, to a cooling reserve and "as he tottered out of the room, the old man somehow looked like the stump of an old tree shaking in a cold wind" (p. 120). And then, before leaving the area altogether, Kim catches a glimpse of the Old Drunkard in the mode of a Wordsworthian solitary: As he was heading toward him, he happened to glance around at the surrounding landscape and felt a sudden shock. There was such a perfect harmony between the apparently dozing man and the natural scenery in which he was set. Generally, the more beautiful a scene is, the harder it is for a person to find any place in it. The Old Drunkard might have been just a block of mossy rock or a lovely pine tree, he blended so perfectly with the water and stones and trees around him. Indeed, it almost seemed that his presence raised the relatively unremarkable valley to new heights of beauty. He stood there gazing at the old man, then at the scenery around him, not even daring to breathe. That's the Old Drunkard, he kept reminding himself, starting in his direction. Yet the old man and

the details of the scenery vanished and instead his head was full of the utterly beautiful valley and harmony. (p. 122) Although the poet has not learned from listening to the articulated views of the old man, the narrative surmises that his memory of this emotional impression is what later helped to form his recognition that "the true poet is one who has renounced everything " (p. 123). In time, the poet becomes such a figure himself. When his own son, now grown up, comes to take him home he slips back into his wandering life in a way that the son can eventually accept intuitively as necessary even if he cannot entirely understand it. The old man had argued that poetry has no purpose just as the universe has none and Kim now becomes part of the landscape, joins its rocks and stones and trees, while still living although at the price of social death. Wordsworth is one of those fig-

ures who, if they had not lived, we would have had to invent, just as he largely invented himself and the many, almost mythic, characters through whom he exists for us. Great poets are always to some extent a backward creation from our own concerns and Wordsworth is highly ambivalent for us because he lived at a time when the personal and the political were being definitively divided such that his later public persona seems to many a corroboration rather than an overcoming of this split. Yi Mun-yol has consciously created such a working myth, with something of the same ambivalence, within the given historical figure. It is a resonant achievement. +

(London: Harvill Press, 1995) 97

IArt Review

Small Theater Movement Lee Seung-heon Culture Reporter, Dong-A Ilbo

n Korea, the 1970s marked a bleak era of harsh oppression by authoritarian military regimes. For the youth of Korea, the only ray of hope lay in the fledgling democracy movement spearheaded by the "Three Kims"-Kim Dae-jung, Korea's current president, Kim Young-sam and Kim Jong-pil-in the political arenas, poet Kim Ji-ha, the author of "Five Enemies" and "Burning Thirst," and popular music artist Kim Min-kee. "Throughout the long night .. . I stayed up" is the opening line of Kim Min-kee's memorable song "Morning Dew" (1970). This song was followed by "Evergreen" and "The Old Soldier's Song," firmly establishing him among the young people as a resistance musician. Even today, his music represents a window for venting the wrath of injustice and frustration. Kim himself has never considered his music to be politically motivated. "All I did was to try to write songs that wove experiences from my own life with the sorrows of the human condition. To say

that I'm an artist aligned with political activists would be an exaggeration. I have never even thought of myself as a singer." Kim Min-kee's characterization of himself may be difficult to undet:stand at first, but it becomes more clear when one recalls that Kim was a victim of harassment and oppression by the military regime because of his lyrics. He was forced to join the army and was discharged in 1977. After his military service, he went to work at a factory. One day, he and his co-workers went to the coast where they happened to see a fishing boat returning to port for the evening. To Kim, the sight of the boat against the brilliant glow of the setting sun was as gorgeous as a painting, and he remarked about this beautiful sight. But a female co-worker who was standing next to him retorted: "What good is beauty to the fishermen? They're just out there trying to make a living." Kim remembers how stunned he was by the woman's words; however, in her remark lay the inseparable gulf between reality and ideals. He later concluded that the only way to live a life worth living was to experience how the working class lived, and so he plunged himself into a job at a car wash in Inch'on. Later, he also worked at a garment factory and a construction site. Eventually, Kim decided to become a full-time farmer in order to transform "alienated labor into creative labor." He then left the city to return to his hometown, Iksan, Chollabuk-do province,

where he worked on a farm. In 1980, seeking to fully devote himself to agriculture, he went to an even more remote area, not far from the government-designated borderline marking areas off limits to farmers. For the next four years, he abandoned entertainment and even his music to concentrate on farming the land. Then one day, Kim experienced an epiphany that turned his life around again. It was at the crack of dawn, and he was trying to drain the water which had flooded his rice paddy. Standing alone in the huge field, it occurred to him that the only thing he could do to cultivate the rice was to shovel the dirt that was blocking the water channel. "No matter how hard I struggled, I was just a tiny speck in Nature's scheme." This realization shook Kim's values to the core. The things that he considered of the highest value and purpose in life-creation, production, progress, artsuddenly lost their significance. Appropriately enough, Kim was reborn as a result of his experiences on the farm, which has always been a metaphor for the womb. In 1984, Kim Min-kee returned to Seoul. In particular, he sought to break away from his image as a political activist and establish himself as a genuine promoter of culture. His concern over environmental issues, developed during his life on the farm, led to the song "Kaettong-i." (Lowly name of a boy. In his work, the name of a firefly.)." In 1985 he married Yi Mi-yong, a theater producer, and joined the staff of the Yon-u Theater group. Kim's ambition to open a multi-purpose arts facility was realized with the opening of the Hakchon Small Theater in October 1991, in Taehangno, the mecca for drama in Korea. At the time, Kim declared: "We will try to present entirely new, experimental and progressive public performances." Drawing on his past as a rice farmer,

IArt Review Kim considers Taehangno a sort of seedbed for "planting and cross-fertilizing new ideas." He also believes that the best way to propagate new ideas is through the small theater. "The small theater is the womb of culture, the incubator of ideas. It is from the theater that the 'rice seedlings' can be transplanted to the 'rice beds' of other forms of culture." Kim's first experimental work in the multi-functional theater movement was the 1994 rock musical Subway Line Number One, which attempted to accurately portray the lingo and culture of young teens, with a decidedly Korean flavor. It defies categorization along traditional genres; a combination of theater, music and fine arts (Kim Min-kee majored in painting at Seoul National University's prestigious College of Art), it was Kim's interpretation of his vision of an all-encompassing art form. The concept of a total, multi-dimensional theater experience was an idea whose time had come, as judged by encouraging attendance numbers. Subway Line Number One attracted 130,000 viewers, a smashing success by any measure, but all the more so considering that it was such a small-scale production. In comparison, Kim's next production was a major undertaking. In October 1995, he staged the rock musical Kaettong-i, based on his own hit song, at the Seoul Arts Center, the largest and most prestigious venue in Korea. The musical was the culmination of 11 years of Kim's efforts to compile his artistic achievements. Loosely defined as an environmental musical, Kaettong-i featured a different approach from traditional musicals, which distinguish between music and drama. Kim sought no less than to

tackle what state-run campaigns had nori and dance. It was not only a rousfailed to do: to make the public acutely ing start to the new season at Taehangno, but a veritable blast of aware of the seriousness of the nation's fresh air. environmental problems. His approach was to shape public perception of the Kim Min-kee still adheres strongly to issues subtly, through an allegoric musihis ideal of fusion in art, which he articcal suitable for the whole family. ulated during an interview in 1995 Kaettong-i is set in the insect world. upon the opening of Kaettong-i. "Until Hostility and conflicts arise among the now, the course of civilization has been that of fragmentation and differentiainsects as their kingdom becomes increasingly littered and overrun by tion. But with this generation, civilizacareless human beings. The protagonist is a firefly who, in the process of reaching maturity, sacrifices himself to save his neighbors. Kim continues to experiment across genres, "fusing" together Saxophonist Kang Tae-hwan (opposite page), Dancer Lee various elements. His Hye-kyung (below), and Kim Duk-soo Samul Nori efforts have taken on a new urgency of late as he tries to inject tion is beginning to shift back to intenew life into Taehangno. For so long gration. With this recent shift, the curthe cultural breeding ground of the rent generation must adopt a new set nation, Taehangno has not been spared of values and systems. Doesn't the confrom the economic crisis that prompted cept of multimedia imply the equalization of all things, which in turn implies the International Monetary Fund's assistance in late 1997, as evidenced by the integration? Integration is the wave of temporary closures of at least 40 small the future. And it follows that the theaters. focus in art will be on fusing genres, as Kim embarked on his latest venture opposed to their differentiation." Which is not to say that Kim did not with one of Taehangno's best-known take a significant risk with the launchproducers, Kang Joon-hyuk Their revolutionary concept involved fusing jazz, ing of his latest work Taehangno is, classical music, traditional percussion after all, a mecca for youth and the avant-garde, a skeptical culture at odds music known as samulnori, and dance with the mainstream, well-heeled audiwithin the forum of small theater. Their radical approach ences of the Seoul Arts Center. came to fruition on March Kim easily dismisses such skepticism. 25 with what they called "I've thought a great deal about how to "Hakchon Spring save what was once a font of culture, Landscape 32547," which but is now a dying form of art. I came was staged at Kim's to the conclusion that efforts should be made to keep the small theaters open, Hakchon Green theater. and at the same time, to take it mainRunning until April 7, the stream and bring in upscale, highbrow program brought together some of the nation's preaudiences. My latest work was simply a new strategy for doing just that." + mier names in jazz, samul99

jArt Re v i ew

Yun 1-sang's Opera

ShimChWng A Legend Revived after 27 years Oh Seung-hun Reporter, Munhwa Ilbo

oreans remember worldrenowned Korean-born composer Yun I-sang (1917-1995), who expressed Oriental sentiments with Western musical techniques, as "a wounded dragon." Although Yun was one of the most distinguished composers of modern times and invariably included in the list of "Great Composers of the 20th Century" compiled by prestigious music organizations worldwide,

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he had to live in exile in Germany because past Korean governments branded him pro-North Korean. He died without ever realizing his longcherished dream of returning to his hometown in T'ongyong, Kyongsangnam-do province. During his illustrious career, he produced an opera titled Shim Ch'6ng, which became as well-known as the story of his turbulent life. In 1969, the distinguished German playwright Herald Kuntz was commissioned to arrange an opera to be performed during the cultural festival at the 1972 Munich Olympics. Because the cultural festival was to be based on a theme of "the harmony of mankind" in an effort to bring down barriers between the cultures of the East and West, several works based on Asian themes were

considered as prospective candidates. However, Kuntz asked Yun, an old friend, to compose a new opera, and thus was born the opera Shim Ch'6ng. The story of Shim Ch'ong, a Korean folktale, is about a young girl who sacrifices her life so that her blind father may see again and later miraculously returns to life and becomes a queen. The folktale was adapted as a p 'ansori (a narrative, epic, dramatic folk vocal art form performed by one singer accompanied by a drummer) work, The Story of Shim Ch'6ng, from the middle of the Choson Dynasty (1392-1910), and became one of the most beloved of the p'ansori repertoire. It has since been performed in diverse forms including ch'angguk (a folk opera featuring p'ansori artists), in addition to adaptations as movies, plays and TV dramas. Yun decided to base his opera on The Story of Shim Ch'6ng mainly because of the story's universal values. He thought that a classless society in which a girl from a low social bearing could become a queen, and a society of equality in which a disabled person (Shim Ch'ong's father), one of the most under-privileged and destitute members of society, could gain his eyesight and enjoy a prosperous life, along with the noble humanity of a daughter who willingly gives up her life for her father, represented ideals which should be pursued and upheld both in the East and the West. Yun's Shim Ch '6ng features Oriental elements, Korean characteristics in particular, in its dialogue, composition and stage design. Yun used musical techniques fundamentally based on contrast and harmony, the principles of yin and yang. For example, Shim Ch'ong is depicted as a celestial being who comes down to the world of man, whereas her stepmother is cast as the prototype of an extremely secular person who wheedles Shim Ch'ong's naive father

IArt R ev i e w into squandering all his money, ultimately creating a stark character contrast. As if to symbolize the chaste soul of Shim Ch'ong, the aria she sings reaches high E, two notes higher than the high C generally considered the highest note to be sung in an aria. Yun applied a musical concept known as "dynamism in stillness." He once said: "When you listen to Oriental music, you feel that the same tunes are being repeated over and over for two or three hours. Upon closer observation, however, you will discover no tune is ever repeated and that changes of extreme diversity are taking place." The opera Shim Ch'6ng is presented in a highly unique way, quite different from the conventional musical scores most are familiar with. It proceeds without a distinct theme moment and employs a novel format of delivering the music not through a mixture of horizontal tunes and vertical chords, but through "clusters" simultaneously produced by the orchestra, chorus and arias which are accorded equal treatment. On first hearing the overture of Yun's Shim Ch '6ng, audiences familiar with the works of Mozart or Verdi may wonder if what they are hearing is actually music. The two-act opera with an overture is rooted in Taoism, with the story taking place in heaven, earth and underwater. As such, the stage was designed to present a contrasting three-dimensional view of the world. When it was first staged, the production staff visited Korea to study traditional performances including mask dances and p'ansori, as well as Choson Dynasty costumes in order to create a more realistic stage. Produced by Guenter Rennert and conducted by Wolfgang Sawallisch in joint cooperation with the musical director of the Bayern National Opera Troupe's Schutate Theater, the opera premiered on August 1, 1972, the day before the opening ceremony of

Th e German premiere of Shim Ch 'ongin 1972.

the Munich Olympics. Despite the extreme complexity of the opera, it was lauded as an "outstanding piece of music harmonizing the musical experiences of the East and West." Soprano Lilian Sukiz was so memorable in her performance as Shim Ch'ong that she is still talked about today. For the first time in Korea, Shim Ch'6ng, the product of Yun's passionate labor and the only opera piece to put Korea on the world's musical map, was performed four times at the opera hall of the Seoul Arts Center from May 22 through June 2 of this year. Actually, this marked the first staging of the opera since its nl.arvelous debut in Munich some 27 years ago. It was not staged earlier because of its complexity and Yun's uncomfortable relationship with the Korean government. In addition to the fact that the performance was the first in Korea and only the second in the world, it was of particular significance for Koreans because it was not only a masterpiece created by a Korean composer using Korean themes to convey a universal message, but was also staged entirely with Korean capabilities alone. The Seoul Arts Center invested 500 million won in the production, which was directed by the opera theater's art director Mun Ho-heun. Conductor Choi

Seung-han, a Yonsei University professor, took the baton, with the Korean Symphonic Orchestra, Korea's leading private orchestra, performing the Âˇ orchestral music. Soprano Kim Aekyong, who was selected through a highly competitive public audition, played the role of Shim Ch'ong. The judges evaluated her as "the only soprano with the gift to interpret and sing the difficult arias in a dramatic voice capable of flawlessly delivering the flow of the drama." Art director Mun said: "I had great problems because the opera is so difficult and complex. I had countless overnight meetings with the staff, and finally saw a faint light in the search for a feasible way of staging Shim Ch'6ng. I tried to produce an opera that elicits tremendous admiration from the audience." Although it is said that high expectations often bring great disappointment, that was not the case with the first performance of Shim Ch'6ng in Korea. It provided the audience a rare opportunity to appreciate an exceptional work of music and contributed toward enhancing Koreans' pride in their culture. It also served to exorcise the han, or lifelong grief, of Yun who could not return to his motherland in his lifetime. + 101

jArt

Review 1

f all the landscape painters who specialized in mountain and river landscapes during Korea's early modern period, Pyon Kwan-shik (1899-1976), better known by his pen name Sojong, was perhaps the most original. Indeed, critics today consider Pyon and his contemporary Yi Sang-b6m as the two most accomplished artists of their time. Pyon devoted his entire life to trying to cap-

ture the majesty of Korea's most revered mountain range, Mt. Kl'1mgang (Diamond Mountain), and it is as the master of Kumgang landscapes that he is best known. Pyon's maternal grandfather Cho S6k-jin (pen name Sorim, 1853-1920) was the key influence in his decision to study art. Active in the final years of the Chason Dynasty (1392-1910), Cho was also among the pioneers of

The Art ofSojOng .l}On Kwan-shik Choi Kwang-jin Art Critic

Pyon devoted his entire life to trying to capture the majesty of Korea's most revered mountain range, Mt. Kiimgang (Diamond Mountain), and it is as the master of Kiimgang landscapes that he is best known. Re treat in Riverside Village, ink and light color on paper, Ho-Am Art Museum

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modernist painters in Korea. Cho was a professor at the nation's first art college, Sowha Art Academy, where he had many pupils. Pyon began to learn how to draw from observing his grandfather's students. In 1916, Pyon entered the academy as a student and began his formal education. In those days, Korean art circles were plagued by an identity crisis. Under the yoke of imperial]apan, Korean artists perceived the need to break away from the schematic and conceptual conventions of Chinese painting, which had been the status quo at that time, and to create a uniquely Korean style of painting. But they were ill-prepared to do so against the onslaught of new ideas flowing in from the West and domineering Japan. It was against this backdrop that Pyon Kwan-shik came of age as an artist. In the 1920s, he took a decisive step toward an independent style free of Chinese influences. Together with fellow Sowha graduates Yi Sang-b6m (Ch'6ngj6n), No Su-hyon (Shimsan, 1899-1978) and Yi Yong-u (Mukno, 1904-1952), he founded the Tongyonsa group in an attempt to search for a new figurative language that was bestsuited for depicting Korea's unique

IArt Review 1

physical landscape. From 1925, Pyon studied in Japan, where he mastered the basics of the Southern school style of Chinese painting. Upon his return in 1930, Pyon roamed throughout the peninsula, making meticulous sketches of whatever caught his eye. These drawings laid the groundwork for his shift to portraying mountain and river landscapes in their actual state, thus completely breaking away from the idealized or conceptualized landscapes of the Chinese tradition. The mountain and river landscape genre originated in China as an outgrowth of Taoism, but the practice of painting idealized landscapes evolved as a matter of convenience. According to Chinese tradition, a scholar was expected to distance himself from the impurities of the secular world and to seek in the highest mountains and deepest gorges the splendor and orderliness of nature. As this was not always feasible, scholars began to paint embellished landscapes as a means of cultivating character. Eventually, this practice crystallized into a convention of depicting nature as lofty and profound, a tradition that carried over to Korea and Japan. Thus, Sojong's portrayal of the natural conditions of Korea's mountains and rivers marked a significant departure from such tradition, which in turn necessitated a wholly new style and method of expression. Life in Seclusion in a Riverside Village (1939) is the first work in which Sojong's individualism is readily apparent. The scene it depicts was typical of a Korean landscape-rolling hills, thatched roof cottages, trees and old men wearing topcoats. In short, it was the prototypical Korean landscape painting. Sojong not only developed a new language of painting, but also a new method. He preferred to mix the ink with only a little water, and to apply it

only with a dry brush. He would start with a translucent layer of color and run the brush over it until it was darkened. As a result, his works appear dark and heavy. His composition was also groundbreaking and powerful, as seen in Autumn Scene at Sams6nam, Outer Mt. Kumgang of 1959. Sojong's striking individualist style reached its peak in the 1960s, and many of his works of that period are extant today. Mostly landscapes of the Samsonam bluffs of the Mt. Kumgang range, the paintings capture the mysterious essence of its subject with an almost throbbing intensity. The vertical, audacious composition of these works appears to be an expression of his powerful inner strength. Pyon Kwan-shik had a very generous and masculine character, which is evident in his works. His character was no doubt shaped by the circumstances of his personal life. Pyon knew loneliness from an early age. His grandfather and mentor Cho Sok-jin passed away in 1920; the following year Pyon's mother and then his wife also passed away. Bereft of emotional support, he turned to alcohol. From 1937, Pyon spent many years wandering about Mt. K1:'1mgang, Korea's most legendary mountain range, drawing sketches of rocks, trees and other physical elements. Even after the nation was divided and he could no longer visit the mountain, he continued to devote himself to capturing its majesty. The seemingly crude but masterful brushstrokes created by his bold application of light and heavy ink elevated his Kumgang landscapes beyond mere depictions of scenery, such as granite rocks or beautiful cliffs, to a spiritual plane. Pyon did not bother with elaborate details, preferring broad brushstrokes to convey spontaneity. Moreover, he eliminated all traces of artificiality in order to be

closer to nature, an approach that is considered a "Korean" aesthetic. The impact of Pyon's unprecedented innovations was considerable: not only did he shake up an establishment that, well into the 20th century saw no need to deviate from the centuries-old traditions of Chinese landscape painting, but he also paved the way for artists who grappled with the problem of modernizing existing traditions. Typically, Pyon responded to critics who called his works too dark and mysterious by becoming even more unconventional. Living up to his reputation as a rebel, he publicly exposed the favoritism and corruption that marred the Kukjon, or National Exhibition. His favorite time of the year was not spring or summer, but autumn, a season of withering leaves and withdrawal. The predominant color scheme of his works was a dark, desolate brown, which seemed to reflect his innocent and humble personality that rejected the lure of wealth and fame. The old humorous men dressed in top coats and carrying walking sticks that appear frequently in his works, invariably inebriated and in good humor, seem to be a reflection of himself, wandering about in .nature, giving up the mundane world. The genius of Sojong was not recognized during his own lifetime, but he was never discouraged by the slights and pans of his critics. He had an unwavering conviction that future generations would appreciate his artistry, a prophecy that has been fulfilled. Twenty-four years after his death, the Ho-am Art Gallery is sponsoring a retrospective to mark the 100th anniversary of his birth. The landmark exhibition brings together 50 of his most important pieces. This is the perfect opportunity to reevaluate the significance of his works, his legacy and influence on Korean art. + 103

The Korea Foundation Fellowship Programs FEllOWSHIP FOR KOREAN STUDIES

The Korea Foundation offers fellowships for Korean studies in the fields of humanities, social sciences and arts. The program is intended to provide scholars and other qualified professionals overseas with an opportunity to carry out in-depth research in Korea for a period of three to twelve months. Each successful applicant will be provided with round-trip airfare to Korea and a monthly stipend during the grant period. Applicants should complete the Korea Foundation Fellowship for Korean Studies application form and submit their academic research proposals to the Korea Foundation by May 31. The results of the final selection will be announced by August 31 of the same year.

Support for Korean Studies Programs Abroad The Korea Foundation offers financial assistance to universities, research institutes and libraries abroad in their efforts to promote the study and understanding of subjects related to Korea. Projects submitted for consideration must be in the fields of humanities, social sciences or arts and within the categories listed below: 1) Establishment and expansion of Korea-related courses and faculty positions, 2) Fellowships for graduate students or research grants for faculty members, and 3) Library acquisitions and cataloging. Applications must be submitted to the Korea Foundation by May 31. The results of the final selection will be announced by November 30 of the same year. For application forms, program guidelines or further information, please write to:

FELLOWSHIP FOR KOREAN LANGUAGE TRAINING

Korean Studies Support Team The Korea Foundation

The Korea Foundation offers grants for Korean language training to graduate students, scholars and other qualified professionals overseas who wish to learn the Korean language at a Korean university language institute for a period of six to twelve months. Each successful applicant will be assigned to a Korean language course at a major Korean university, and will be provided with tuition and a monthly allowance during the grant period. Applicants should complete and submit the Korea Foundation Fellowship for Korean Language Training application form to the Korea Foundation by May 31. The results of the final selection will be announced by August 31 of the same year. For application forms, program guidelines or further information, please write to:

Seocho P.O Box 227 Seoul. Korea TeL 82-2-3463-5612 Fox, 82-2-3463-6075. 6076

Personnel Exchange Team The Korea Foundation Seocho P.O Box 227 SeouL Korea TeL 82-2-3463-5613 Fox 82-2-3463-6075. 6076

KOREA FOCUS A BIMONTHLY ON CURRENT KOREAN AFFAIRS

In addition to KOREANA, the Korea Foundation publishes KOREA FOCUS as part of its effort to inform the world community about Korea and to enhance international understanding in this era of globalization. KOREA FOCUS offers a comprehensive view of contempcr rary Korea in a wide-ranging selection of informative articles on Korea's current affairs. In this bimonthly, you will find timely essays and commenFOCUS~~ taries on Korea's politics, economy, society and culture, opinions on world affairs, and a chronology of recent events in Korea. Its articles are selected from leading publications in Korea, including major daily newspapers, newsmagazines and academic journals.

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