Korea Focus April 2015 by The Korea Foundation

Table of Contents - Korea Focus - April 2015 - Politics 1. Amazing Survival Instinct of the Ruling Party 2. Opposition Party Must Be Bona-fide Alternative 3. The New Prime Minister and Regional Harmony 4. The Limits of Politics and Political Science

- Economy 1. A Surging Dollar Does Not Necessarily Mean Crisis 2. Prepare for China’s Era of Slow Growth 3. [DEBATE] Fiscal Stability over Welfare Expansion 4. ‘Regular vs. Non-regular’ Approach Can’t Solve Employment Problem 5. Inflation Politics and Deflation Politics 6. What Keeps a City Alive

- Society 1. Role of Sports in Inter-Korean Exchanges 2. Racism in Korea 3. Why We Need a Body for Educational Reform 4. Father’s Tears I Saw for the First Time 5. Is Late Marriage the Primary Cause of Low Birthrate? 6. How I Became an Ajumma

- Culture 1. Tears of a Church in Seochon 2. About the Dreariness of Jongno 3-ga 3. There’s No Republic of Korea in Seoul 4. Dispute on Korean Film Council’s Revised Support Program

- Essays 1. Changes in the Quality of Life of Korea’s Middle Class

- Features 1. Film Moves Korean and U.S. War Veterans to Tears 2. North Korean Refugee Marks 60 Years in Show Business 3. ‘I Will Donate This Entire Museum to Unified Korea’ 4. Men Favor Gangnam Bars, Women Love Gangbuk Restaurants

- Book Reviews 1. Korea-China Relations Seen through Exchange between 20th Century Intellectuals 2. How Did Goryeo’s Faithful Subject End Up in Joseon’s Confucian Shrine?

- Interview 1. ‘IS and al-Qaeda are Political Groups Unrelated to Islam’ 2. Yukari Muraoka: “It’s a Shame That Koreans Have a Low Regard for Makgeolli.” 3. Weekend Warrior Conquers the Seven Summits

- COPYRIGHT

- Amazing Survival Instinct of the Ruling Party

- Opposition Party Must Be Bona-fide Alternative

- The New Prime Minister and Regional Harmony

- The Limits of Politics and Political Science

Amazing Survival Instinct of the Ruling Party

President Park Geun-hye shakes hands with the ruling Saenuri Party's new floor leader Yoo Seung-min during a meeting with party leaders at Cheong Wa Dae on February 10.

Yang Jeong-dae Staff Reporter The Hankook Ilbo

“They truly are amazing people,” said a senior lawmaker of the main opposition New Politics Alliance for Democracy when he heard that Rep. Yoo Seung-min was elected floor leader of the ruling Saenuri Party (on February 2). “The Saenuri people know how to disguise themselves to win in the general elections,” he went on. During the three minutes of my telephone conversation with him, I heard him repeat the words “surprising” and “amazing.” Many inside and outside the governing party had predicted that Rep. Yoo would defeat his rival, Rep. Lee Joo-young. But that forecast surfaced only after a series of developments surrounding President Park Geun-hye: the so-called “Chung Yoon-hoe paper” divulged a cat-and-mouse game among President Park`s close associates; many salaried workers turned their backs on the Park administration, fearing the “tax bomb” caused by the change in the tax return rules; and the president`s approval ratings fell below the 30 percent mark to spread a sense of crisis in the entire ruling camp. It appeared to be a neck-and-neck race when President Park praised Lee`s leadership upon his return to the National Assembly from a stint as the minister of oceans and fisheries, which involved the hard work of dealing with the tragedy

of the Sewol ferry sinking. Some Park loyalists said Lee should be the ruling party`s floor leader and many in the party talked about Lee`s distinct sociability and broad human network. Yet, the odds tilted in favor of Yoo in mid-January, an exclamation point to Park`s waning popularity. Whatever is said of the president`s current power status, she is the one and only leader of the ruling camp. An outside spectator could not throw away the thought that Park`s intent must still be hard to ignore. But the Saenuri members of the National Assembly thought and acted resolutely against the general assumption, with determination many times stronger than believed. They turned deaf ears to Lee`s appeal “not to reject her (the president`s) will” and embraced Yoo`s proposal that the party “use me as an offering for the party`s victory in the next general elections.” It was a great irony that President Park`s intent had little effect in the Saenuri Party`s floor leader election this time, considering that many of its lawmakers were in fact “the Park kids” who had won party nomination in 2011 with the blessing of Park while she was the provisional leader of the ruling party. On the day of the voting, Park postponed the regular cabinet meeting in order to convey her will more clearly, but these Park kids turned it down. So we are stunned by the survival instinct of the Saenuri lawmakers and are even frightened by the animal instincts of those who constitute the present ruling party. In 2004, Park, as party head, kept the then main opposition Grand National Party from collapsing in the public backlash against the impeachment of President Roh Moo-hyun. She helped the GNP secure 121 seats in the 17th general elections, held later in the year. In 2012, she again led the party to an election victory against great odds. Now her party has rejected her on the pretext of respecting the public opinion. The entire process was too natural and clear-cut. The Saenuri lawmakers` choice certainly reflected their expectations about Yoo`s political capabilities in addition to their desperate desire for a win in the next elections. Yet, if the Saenuri Party fails to deal wisely with the public`s wishes in the days ahead, they will face a severe penalty for blindly pursuing elusive votes dictated by hackneyed electoral stratagems.

Perhaps, the new Saenuri floor leader will now be carrying a heavier burden because of his colleagues` change in behavior. Pursuing moderate reforms in the areas of economy and welfare based on conservative stability, Yoo is believed to have the resources and capabilities that a future ruling camp leader must possess, beyond representation of the Daegu-Gyeongbuk region. He should be able to perceive how his colleagues, who ignored public opinion in the early stage of the Park administration, have chosen him in the name of public preference. The people will quickly discard any expectation of him and his party as soon as they realize his inability to address such absurdities in the party. Â We are now turning our attention to the leadership contest in the main opposition New Politics Alliance for Democracy. The choice its lawmakers, local representatives and ordinary partisans will make in the party convention will help us preview the general elections next year now that we have watched the events on the other side of the political aisle. Â [February 3, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Opposition Party Must Be Bona-fide Alternative

Moon Jae-in, head of the opposition New Politics Alliance for Democracy, puts on camouflage face painting on a visit to a Marine unit in Gimpo, Gyeonggi Province, on March 25.

Kang Won-taek Professor, Department of Political Science Director, Institute of Korean Political Studies, Seoul National University

Some time ago I attended a public debate arranged by the main opposition New Politics Alliance for Democracy. The debate was about why public support for the NPAD remained languid despite widespread dissatisfaction with President Park Geun-hye and discontent over her administration`s inept handling of tragic incidents such as the sinking of the ferry Sewol. One of the participants argued that the low approval ratings of the main opposition party are due to its “failure to act like an opposition party.” He said that to be recognized as a genuine opposition force, the party should have acted more aggressively and displayed a clearer progressive ideology. Rather than concur with his assertion, I began to question what it meant to be an opposition party. Under authoritarian rule, opposition parties were virtually deprived of an opportunity to win power. Elections were held periodically but the rules were written in favor of the ruling group. The incumbents were guaranteed victory through liberal intervention of administrative power and vote buying. The result was decided even before voting and the question was how many ballots the opposition candidate would be able to collect under those unfavorable

conditions. The opposition forces in history, whether they were called the Democratic (Minju) Party or the New Democratic Party, had to be content with being the “traditional opposition.” These parties had no real power, so they were incapable of resolving national problems. But they were also free of responsibility for policy decisions. Therefore, all an opposition party had to do was routinely engage in hopeless power contests with the ruling force and stick to ideological progressivism, which did not have to consider reality. During that period, “opposition” meant little more than just opposing and fighting. Looking back on the 1970s and the 80s, we remember the moderate political courses of Lee Chul-seung and Lee Min-woo were always overwhelmed by the calls for a “purer opposition stance” from Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung. The “two Kims” enjoyed stronger support from democracy-oriented people. Now it is different. Power can change hands in any election and actually the opposition force has clinched power two times. Under these circumstances, being an opposition party should have different meaning. An opposition party should claim its raison d`etre from its readiness to win power rather than voicing dissension and mounting struggles. In other words, an opposition party should find its significance in being the alternative to the ruling party or the power in waiting. However, what we are witnessing in the New Politics Alliance for Democracy nowadays is far from this. Our society in the 21st century is wrestling with the problems of employment, housing, education, post-retirement welfare and other pressing needs of life. At the same time, it is under pressure to address the issues of sustainable development, future growth engines and the cause of sharing, which all are difficult tasks in this age of low growth and globalization. Voters are looking for a political force that is better prepared to tackle these tough tasks. No party can solicit votes solely on its records of diehard opposition and struggles, or hollow sloganeering and irresponsible promises. In 1945, in the wake of World War II, the British electorate rejected the victorious Conservative Party of Winston Churchill and chose the Labor Party. In the wartime coalition, the majority Conservatives were in charge of defense and foreign

relations to fight the war while the Laborites were responsible for the domestic affairs of economy and welfare. The minority party had displayed policy capabilities well enough to win the British people`s trust during the war. In Korea today, the NPAD still appears to be focused on maintaining a “traditional opposition” image. The oppositionists continue to emphasize ideological purity, boast of fighting spirit and harbor a self-righteousness attitude. When pollsters reveal the approval ratings of President Park falling to below-30 percent, there is little sign that the people are shifting their support to the NPAD, virtually the only opposition party. It is because the electorate does not regard it as a viable alternative political force. In a recent Naeil Shinmun polling of the Honam region, the traditional bastion of the opposition party, 50.1 percent of respondents said they see low possibility of the NPAD winning the next presidential election in December 2017, while 40.8 percent believed that it would win. If voters in Honam are pessimistic about an opposition win, voters in other parts of the country probably have an even less regard for the NPAD`s chances. Rep. Moon Jae-in was elected chairman of the main opposition party. His political future will depend on whether he would be able to turn the ragtag members obsessed with the warrior image of their party into a trustworthy alternative force that is ready to take the reins of government. A party that cannot dream of winning power had better close down. [JoongAng Ilbo, February 9, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

The New Prime Minister and Regional Harmony

Prime Minister Lee Wan-koo speaks at a meeting on reform of public organizations, held at Government Complex Seoul on March 26.

Kwon Hyok-chul Regional Desk Editor The Hankyoreh

I did my Army basic training in Nonsan and advanced training at the Daejeon Communications School, both in South Chungcheong Province. I was assigned to a reserve division in Chungju, North Chungcheong Province. My unit had more short-term local enlistees unlike regular servicemen like me. They were from Chungju and its vicinity and I felt most of them were gentle, courteous and warm-hearted. But I had a little trouble in getting used to their ambiguous way of speaking. I am from Gyeongsang, known for direct talk. One day, I instructed one of the local enlistees to do something. With a sullen look on his face, he said “Dwaessiyu (“Don`t` mind”)….” I understood that he meant “Okay,” but my instruction had no result. After repeated such experiences, I realized that their dwaessiyu did not mean “will do” but indicated a euphemistic refusal. Accustomed to using equivocal expressions, the Chungcheong people tend to not express their thoughts straightforwardly. These days Chungcheong people are often heard saying the “age of “YeongChung-Ho,” which is shorthand for Yeongnam [Gyeongsang], Chungcheong and Honam [Jeolla], the three regions south of the Seoul-Gyeonggi metropolitan area. As of May 2013, the population of North and South Chungcheong provinces (5,250,136) overtook that of Honam, or North and South Jeolla provinces

(5,249,728) by a margin of 408. It was the first time since population census started in 1925. North Chungcheong Governor Lee Si-jong introduced the shorthand term, and other Chungcheong people are following him, obviously with intent to change the traditional order of provinces. The population difference between the two regions widened by 75,916 last year as Chungcheong provinces had 5,329,140 and Jeolla provinces had 5,253,244, and the trend is expected to continue in the years ahead. The Statistics Korea estimates that the difference will increase to 410,000 in 2020 (Chungcheong with 5.46 million vs. Honam with 5.05 million), 650,000 in 2030 (Chungcheong with 5.67 million vs. Honam with 5.02 million), and 770,000 in 2040 (Chungcheong with 5.68 million vs. Honam with 4.91 million). The steady population increase in Chungcheong is attributed to the semiconductor and display manufacturing industries clustered in the CheonanAsan area, iron and steel works in the Seosan-Taean-Dangjin area, and the new Sejong Administrative City. In a representative democracy, population is the source of power, so Chungcheong will naturally play an increasingly important role in Korean politics. For a long time, Chungcheong residents have been treated with little respect. They had a derogatory nickname, “Hatbaji” (literally “padded pants,” implying a pushover). At best they were seen as election swing voters in the cutthroat confrontation between Yeongnam and Honam. The new favorite moniker “YeongChung-Ho” implies the Chungcheong resident`s strong desire to recover their pride, which has long been lost in the prolonged east vs. west political contest in Korea. But, the potential problem here is regional pride turning into regional selfishness. Upon the parliamentary confirmation of the appointment of Lee Wan-koo (lawmaker of Buyeo-Cheongyang, in South Chungcheong Province) as prime minister, regionalism raised its head to the chagrin of many non-Chungcheong people. The Daejeon Metropolitan City chapter of the ruling Saenuri Party issued a congratulatory statement, saying, “We regard it as the gun salute declaring the opening of the era of Yeong-Chung-Ho!” Many local media outlets published articles and contributions looking forward to the “coming of a president from Chungcheong,” which they said was now in sight.

I am not against the Chungcheong region playing a more significant role in the so-called age of Yeong-Chung-Ho. But I hope the people of Chungcheong will guard against falling into the trap of regional selfishness merely on the basis of population increase. I would like to remind them of the true meaning of the “Yeong-Chung-Ho era” ― that their role lies in harmonizing and reconciling the perennial rivals of Yeongnam and Honam, and all the other regions of the Republic of Korea, as North Chungcheong Governor Lee Si-jong declared in his New Year message last year. [February 25, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

The Limits of Politics and Political Science

Civic activists demand President Park Geun-hye keep her election promises on welfare and education, at a rally held near Cheong Wa Dae on December 15, 2014.

Lee Hong-koo Former Prime Minister Advisor to the JoongAng Ilbo

The Year of the Blue Sheep began with a note of uneasiness rather than the usual feelings of joy. The chances are high that the prevailing sense of disappointment stems from Korea`s feeble, even paralyzed, politics. The causes of this malaise are varied, but the primary source is our political leaders. We need to ask them why this is so. When we look for solutions to the economic, social, environmental and cultural challenges that we face, we have to start with politics. The public puts the burden of finding solutions squarely on the shoulders of our politicians. We are living in a time of unprecedented change and the public expects our politicians to rise to the occasion. When our leaders fall short, we must look to political scientists to precisely diagnose what ails the body politic and find the proper cure by drawing on the classical tradition of thinkers like Aristotle in the West and Mencius in the East. Our political leaders are over-confident when it comes to assessing their own abilities. Instead of turning to a refined theory, they mistakenly rely on brute strength to push others around. They ignore the diagnosis and prescriptions

offered by scholars. We can find countless examples of this throughout history. However, the biggest reason why both our politics and political science have become enfeebled is because of the inadequate understanding of the gap between academic theory and the actual reality we face. The general public is intimately familiar with the diagnoses offered by scholarly research, but when it comes to the treatment, politicians are often unclear on how to fill the prescription. There are also countless cases of the costs and the side effects of treatments being excessive. In Korea, the paradigmatic case of this can be seen in the 2012 presidential election. As an election pledge, “economic democratization” was ambiguous and the prospects for implementing the policy were unclear, but widespread calls for economic democratization prompted the ruling and opposition parties to adopt the notion as a policy goal. This led the conservative candidate, Park Geun-hye, to appear more progressive to the public and proved to be an effective pledge for winning the election. However, if economic democratization was a concrete objective rather than a mere election slogan, we cannot know whether an academic review was done scrupulously to draw up a concrete plan of action. After she was elected, Park and her team looked at the internal and external economic environment that they faced. It seems clear that they reached the conclusion that the conditions were not right for implementing economic democratization. At the start of the year, a dramatic episode unfolded in France that provides a perfect example of the disconnection between academic research used for policy prescriptions and actual governance. Thomas Piketty`s “Capitalism in the 21st Century” has attracted widespread attention for its critique of capitalism, particularly the link between wealth and income inequality. He was selected to receive France`s most prestigious award, the Legion of Honor. It is worth taking a look at why Piketty decided to turn down the award. During France`s general elections in 2012, Professor Piketty supported the Socialist Party`s candidate Francois Hollande. The two held the same view that the

greatest issue confronting the world and France in the 21st century is income inequality. As a presidential candidate, Hollande had pledged to adopt a progressive income tax that would top out at 75 percent on incomes over one million euros. When Hollande backtracked after his election and announced that he would not raise taxes on the rich, Piketty could not hide his disappointment and decided to reject the award. Even though they were in agreement on the policy objective of reducing income inequality, we can clearly see that Piketty`s academic opinion and Hollande`s judgment as the leader responsible for the country diverged. This is the difference between theory and reality. In running a country, a leader has no choice but to recognize that income inequality is but one of many policy variables that he or she must consider. In a democracy, it is essential for leaders to comprehensively assess the issues confronting their country. Only then can they secure the support of a majority of voters. That`s because policies cannot be implemented effectively without the support of the public. In the case of President Hollande, by early this year he had become one of the most unpopular presidents of all time, falling behind even the leader of the farright National Front, Marine Le Pen. Then his political fortunes suddenly changed. The terrorist attack on the satire magazine offices of Charlie Hebdo led to a surge in support for Hollande when he found himself at the center of a rising tide of national pride. Hollande`s public support suddenly jumped from 10 percent to 40 percent. However, Hollande now faces the daunting task of trying to uphold freedom and achieve equality simultaneously. The French government must also develop a public welfare system that embraces multiculturalism and religious pluralism as well as inspires brotherly love by its citizenry. France has no choice but to accept the limits of politics and political science. France`s ordeal provides us with many valuable lessons. [JoongAng Ilbo, January 26, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

- A Surging Dollar Does Not Necessarily Mean Crisis

- Prepare for China’s Era of Slow Growth

- [DEBATE] Fiscal Stability over Welfare Expansion

- ‘Regular vs. Non-regular’ Approach Can’t Solve Employment Problem

- Inflation Politics and Deflation Politics

- What Keeps a City Alive

A Surging Dollar Does Not Necessarily Mean Crisis

An employee at Korea Exchange Bank main offices in Seoul handles U.S. currency on April 3, amid reports that Korea's foreign exchange reserves rebounded to US$362.75 billion in March.

Kang Nam-kyu Deputy Editor, International Business Desk The JoongAng Ilbo

The U.S. dollar remains strong. It has gained about 20 percent against the currencies of America`s major trading partners during the past six months. There have been no comparable surges in recent memory, except in 1980 and 1995. The surging dollar is a reminder of gloomy events ― financial crises in emerging markets. A soaring dollar was in the backdrop of the debt crises that crushed Latin American countries in the 1980s and the financial crises that hammered Mexico and Asian countries in the 1990s. With the dollar soaring, debt crises swept Latin American countries in the 1980s. In the 1990s, Mexico and Asian countries went through financial crises. Dong Tao, chief regional economist for Non-Japan Asia at Credit Suisse, compared the strong dollar to a dinosaur venting pent-up energy on the weaker parts of the global economy, leaving behind a trail of destruction. When a situation occurs more than twice, it tends to be perceived as a natural consequence. That apparently is why domestic and international financial experts are so sensitive to every phrase in U.S. Federal Reserve statements. Each time the U.S. central bank mentions raising its key interest rates, the dollar surges,

resurrecting the specter of a crisis among emerging economies. Signs of a crisis seem to be appearing here and there. The Brazilian and Venezuelan currencies have plunged. The balance of payments among Latin American countries has worsened due to falling international prices of oil and other natural resources. Also fueling a sense of impending doom is the popularity of government bonds in advanced economies. Harvard University Professor Martin Feldstein warned that bond prices have risen far above the historical average and that Fed rate hikes could reverse the situation drastically. While it looks as if a crisis is ready to hit some part of the globe, as in 1980 and 1995, there is no guarantee it will happen. Behind the 1997 Asian financial crisis was not just a strong dollar but also the tightening of monetary supply in Japan. In support of the Fed`s cut in money supply, Japan siphoned off huge sums of money from the market. Japan was a major source of capital, together with the United States. At the time, as Dong Tao of Credit Suisse said, Japan was Jupiter while the United States was the sun in the solar system of global capital. Major sources of liquidity will have to tighten supply simultaneously to ignite another financial crisis in some emerging economies. Unlike the Fed, the European Central Bank and the Bank of Japan are in the middle of quantitative easing. As a result, European bond yields are now ranging from 2 percent to 3 percent. To make use of historically low interest rates, corporations in China and elsewhere secure funds by issuing euro-denominated debt instruments, according to the Economist and the Financial Times. Euro funds serve as an alternative to dollar-based financing. In recent talks with the JoongAng Ilbo`s adviser Sakong Il, ECB President Mario Draghi implied quantitative easing and low rates will continue until 2017. Emerging economies, if strong enough to secure funds from the market, will be able to avoid being dealt a severe blow by the strong dollar as they were without any recourse in 1997. [March 23, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Prepare for China’s Era of Slow Growth

Chinese President Xi Jinping, bottom center, and other government and party leaders applaud during the annual National People's Congress, held at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, on March 15.

Mun Il-hyun Guest Professor China University of Political Science and Law

China`s next economic policy will be a top issue at the National People`s Congress and the Chinese People`s Political Consultative Conference, which begin their annual session next week. The keen interest is due to the Chinese government`s plan to unveil a policy that aims for a “new normal,” that is, midspeed growth. China`s exact growth target and how its basic economic model may change will be among the main concerns of everyone. Moreover, the whole world will be watching closely because for the first time in 24 years China failed to achieve its growth target in 2014. An annual growth goal of around 7 percent is expected. In 2009, it was set at 8 percent. Still, it will be far from easy for the Chinese economy to grow 7 percent, given that its gross domestic product bulked up to surpass $10 trillion last year. Optimists say that slower growth is a natural progression as the Chinese economy normalizes. They say signs of normalization are the level of consumer spending that is accounting for 51.2 percent of growth, a rise in wages that is leading to consumption, and the income of farmers that is growing at a faster pace than

that of urban residents. On the other hand, pessimists warn that China may face a serious fiscal crisis, with the financial health of provincial governments losing vitality. Xia Bin, counselor of the State Council, says that the weakening of three growth engines ― exports, consumption and investments ― is at the core of an economic crisis. What he says is summed up as follows: Exports are slowing because Europe and the United States are in a slump. Growth, though boosted by an increase in domestic consumption, is too slow. Scrapping the agriculture tax, which has been maintained for thousands of years, is aimed at encouraging farmers to spend. But its effect is negligible. What is left is investment. Because of oversupply, however, the operating rate is as low as 70 percent in the manufacturing sector. Given the overcapacity, new investments are hardly imaginable. Provincial governments are responsible for investing in infrastructure, but they cannot increase investments because their balance sheets are in distress. Bubbles in the property market also are bursting. Both prices and transactions are declining. The strategy of lending for land development to boost growth is showing its limits. The growth rate may fall to the 6 percent level, or even to the 5 percent level, this year or next year. The differences in viewpoints are in stark contrast. Yet, the two sides agree that the Chinese economy is slowing down. The International Monetary Fund recently lowered its 2015 growth forecast for the Chinese economy to 6.8 percent from 7.1 percent. The World Bank warns that the slowdown will have a major impact on the world economy. The early casualties have been raw material producers. With its investment appetite weakening, China no longer needs high levels of energy and raw materials for capital projects. Oil producers and major raw material exporters such as Brazil and Australia have been hit hard. Also feeling the pain are parts and components suppliers to China, such as Korea, Japan and Taiwan. Weakening Chinese exports directly impact their economy. In Korea`s case, it is seeing its technology being matched by China, which is further dampening Korean exports to China.

Korean companies doing business in China find themselves in a dilemma. Some of the parts and components they are bringing in will be forced out of the market when they lose their competitive edge. A growing number of Korean companies in China are turning to Chinese companies for sourcing. They are also losing in the race for logistics and marketing. Â When Chinese companies gain in the quality and functionality of their products, they can deal a blow to Korean companies, especially to those who have few proprietary technologies. A case that speaks volumes in this regard involves Xiaomi and Huawei, which copied iPhones. They pose a greater threat to Samsung Electronics than to Apple. Â In the past, Korean companies have focused on speed and manufacturing processes in supplying products to China, instead of developing proprietary technologies and new materials. Now they are paying the price. Chinese companies are quickly catching up to Korean companies in advanced technologies and managerial knowhow. Now Korea needs to revise its basic economic paradigm and strategy, especially because the Korean economy has high levels of reliance on the Chinese economy. Â [Maeil Business Newspaper, February 24, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

[DEBATE] Fiscal Stability over Welfare Expansion

Parents attend a class at a daycare center in Seoul on March 11, the once-a-month open class day designated by the city government.

[PRO] Oak Dong-suk President, Korea Institute of Public Finance

[CON] Shin Young-seok Vice President, Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs

The proposition that welfare can be expanded without tax hikes has naturally led to criticism that it is a pie-in-the-sky idea, given the nation`s fiscal condition. Hence, debate over the feasibility of not increasing the tax burden has been intense. The views are evenly divided. They are represented here.

[PRO] Tax Hike for Welfare is Hurdle to Fiscal Reform Since the country was democratized, incoming presidents have failed to realize fiscal limitations during the transition period between their election and inauguration. Basking in victory glow, they fail to look straight into the issue. They believe that there are no fiscal problems or enough taxpayer money will be available when the country regains growth momentum. Only after they take office in February and start to restructure government agencies, reshuffle personnel and plan state affairs do they realize the huge fiscal constraints. At that point, the temptation is to look for new sources of revenue. The aim is to kill two birds with one stone ― expand welfare and find new financial resources but without increasing taxes or halting or reducing state projects. Such a 24

temptation is often expressed in various euphemistic terms. But they all boil down to the same thing: “Spend now and let the next administration pay!” Five years later, when another administration is inaugurated, the temptation proves to be an insidious trap that throws the country into a crisis. To break the cycle and lay a welfare framework, the current administration has promised to raise 135 trillion won during its five-year term through spending cuts amounting to 75 trillion won (15 trillion won per year) and increasing tax revenue by 60 trillion won (12 trillion won per year). This means cutting back on spending commitments made by the previous administration. Right after the inauguration, estimates of tax and non-tax revenues to finance the 2013 budget and commitments of the previous government were found to be excessive. That forced the government to hurriedly prepare a supplementary budget to make up for a 12 trillion won shortfall in tax revenue. The current administration also needs to end the fiscal operational model used by the three previous administrations. They dumped state-sponsored projects on public enterprises, which caused liabilities at 10 major public corporations. The projects were worth 20 trillion won, 120 trillion won and 160 trillion won during the administrations of Kim Dae-jung, Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myung-bak, respectively. Breaking this addictive vicious cycle is equal to curtailing fiscal spending. Tax and fiscal revenue targets were adjusted downward by about 25 trillion to 35 trillion won per year. And there was almost no additional fiscal expansion. This implies that roughly 30 trillion won has actually been saved each year, considering the past abnormal fiscal operating practice using public corporations. As it turns out, the basic framework of election promises has been maintained. But there still are many uncertainties as to the extent and scope to which they are fulfilled. Faced with overdue tasks of tax reform, such as reduction in tax breaks and exemptions, legalization of the underground economy and levying heavier taxes on capital gains, the government is tempted to raise tax rates and make more items liable for taxation. The government seems to find it more urgent to restructure spending programs, as its net fiscal capacity dwindled after public corporations were ruled out.

In its process of industrialization and economic development, the nation tended to protect certain industries, corporations and occupations, and certain individuals in certain regions. But welfare states protect the general public. How can we create a welfare spending structure without causing much conflict? Our task for a Korean-style welfare state is not limited to choosing between high and low levels of welfare and their attendant costs. Micro tasks for tax reform and restructuring of government expenditure are more complex and difficult to address. If we choose to increase taxes by raising tax rates, wouldn`t it mean we may still be too complacent about the urgency of reform? If we aren`t firmly determined, it would be difficult for us to take even the first step toward tax and fiscal reforms. Welfare too should go hand in hand with such reforms.

[CON] Welfare is a Social Distribution Mechanism There has been a fierce debate over welfare without tax hikes. The president made a promise during her election campaign to build a welfare state without more taxes. But the leader of the ruling party fueled the debate by saying, “Welfare without tax hikes is impossible, and it is not right for politicians to deceive the people with such words.” Some people are concerned that our nation could face a sovereign default like Greece or Argentina, if we increase welfare. As of 2011, the nation`s welfare spending under public programs accounted for about 9.1 percent of GDP, less than half of the OECD average of 21.7 percent. Naturally, people should bear a heavier burden. The public`s burden, including taxes and social security contributions, stood at 25.87 percent of GDP, far lower than the OECD average of 35.24 percent, as of 2011. Except the United States and Japan, most countries, whose per capita income exceeds $40,000, are highwelfare, high-burden countries. Of course, the foundation of a nation could be shaken if welfare benefits are increased without taking into consideration the ability to afford them. A good example is Greece, which raised the pension income replacement ratio to a whopping 90 percent. The point is to seek a proper welfare benefit level. Until the 1980s, Korea concentrated all its energy on economy. At the time, the welfare

benefit level was low. Then the Asian financial crisis hit the country in 1997, when the government introduced an earnest welfare system to support unemployed and needy people. For about a decade thereafter, relatively more money was spent on welfare than before. But inequality deepened. The changed international environment, including growth without employment as a result of globalization, automation, and capital and labor market flexibility, directly affected Korea`s export-oriented economy. The moneyed class was able to accumulate more capital but salaried workers became more marginalized. This deepened bipolarization. Recently, tragic deaths of families in dire situations have become hardly surprising. A mother committed suicide along with her two young daughters. A woman in her twenties, who was looking after her mentally handicapped elder sister by herself, committed suicide. In another case, a man struggling to care for his parents, who had dementia, killed them. These extreme cases aside, 1.5 million households cannot receive medical services because they have failed to pay health insurance premiums for economic reasons. With its elderly poverty and suicide rates at the highest level among the OECD member states, Korea needs to raise its welfare benefit level. Welfare is not consumption. An unequal distribution of wealth shrinks education opportunities, hampers the effective allocation of human resources and mobility between classes, undermines relations between generations and causes social conflict, ultimately leaving negative effects on economic growth. Especially, for Korea, whose economy is highly susceptible to external factors, a fair distribution system is prerequisite to stable growth and fiscal soundness in the long run, as well as to increasing employment opportunities, through effective allocation of resources and expansion of domestic demand. What comes next is how to secure financial resources for more welfare and enhance the effectiveness and efficiency of the welfare system. Korean employers bear 55 percent of social insurance premiums, which is lower than the OECD average of about 63 percent. Korea ranks lowest among the OECD countries, except for Japan and Poland, in terms of the progressivity of income tax. Its vertical equity of income tax has eroded since the mid-2000s. In Korea, lowincome workers have a relatively high burden at a time when workers` share of

income is dwindling. A tax reform reflecting such a reality could serve as a means to find financial resources. Â It is crystal clear that expansion of welfare through a tax reform is the only path we must take. But we need to make the welfare framework sustainable from a mid- to long-term perspective, given the low birthrate, population aging and low growth. We may learn from Richard Titmuss, a British scholar of social policy, when we set a new direction for our country`s future welfare policy. A welfare method, in which selectivism is combined with the principle of universalism, is a way to more equitable and meaningful distribution in that it hands out more resources to those exposed to bigger social risks, he said. Â [JoongAng Ilbo, February 11, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

‘Regular vs. Non-regular’ Employment Problem

Approach

Can’t

Solve

Jobs seekers queue up to enter an employment fair for experienced/middle-aged people, jointly held by 150 companies at BEXCO in Busan on March 25.

Kim Tae-gi Professor of Economics Dankook University

Reform of wage labor requires a clearer understanding of the employment problem. In the past, the difference in regular and non-regular, or contract, workers has been used to interpret the problem. The conventional solution has been to reduce overprotection of regular workers and discrimination against nonregular workers. Small- and medium-sized enterprises employ nearly 90 percent of Korea`s workforce. Unionized workers employed by large corporations account for no more than 7 percent of the total number of workers. Because of a wide gap in pay between large corporations and SMEs, most job applicants want to work at large corporations even on a contract basis. But large corporations do not have enough job openings for them. As such, SMEs have most of the non-regular employees. Pay is low at SMEs and their working conditions have much to be desired, which leads to a high turnover of workers. On one hand, there is no agreement that regular workers are nearly as overprotected at SMEs as unionized workers are at large corporations. On the other, few non-regular workers at SMEs feel they are

seriously

discriminated

against.

Overprotection

regular

workers

and

discrimination against non-regular workers are not problems in the entire labor market. They are limited to workers at large corporations. In addition, the nation`s business structure has changed so much that about 70 percent of workers are employed in the service industries. Thus, the key question is how to improve employment at SMEs and in the service industries. But it has been ignored, with unwarranted attention focused on the regular vs. non-regular dichotomy. None of Korea`s successive administrations have promoted higher productivity and wages at SMEs and in the service industries, most of which are involved in domestic consumption. As such, SMEs and the service industries have weakened and they do not create as many jobs as they possibly can, making an economic slowdown a structural problem. What makes it difficult for government officials to get out of the regular vs. nonregular thinking is public sympathy toward non-regular employment. “Nonregular” gives the impression of being in an “abnormal” situation. That conveys the discontent of workers earning meager wages. In addition, unions at large corporations and in the public sector are disparaged in public opinion for their alleged collective egotism. No wonder labor is exploiting the issue concerning non-regular workers in their struggle against management, and the government yields to labor`s demands. Korea is not alone in having a serious employment problem. But few other nations have a policy tailored to the regular vs. non-regular concept in dealing with the labor market. Drastic changes in technology and the demographic structure demand new types of employment. If such types of employment are simply regarded as non-regular, there will be no reform in the labor market. The term “non-regular” fuels social conflicts and makes it more difficult to solve the employment problem. The complicated mix of employment and wage in policy is of no help in raising the effectiveness of the policy.

Among the core problems concerning employment are the shortage of jobs, instability in employment and low wages. The government will have to pull itself out of the regular vs. non-regular trap to solve those problems and focus on the problems concerning the low levels of productivity and wages at SMEs and in the service industries. Â As a first step toward stability in employment, it would be useful to distinguish between permanent and temporary jobs. Separating the issue of overprotecting regular workers and the issue of discrimination against non-regular workers would be a more effective way to solve the employment problem. Â [Chosun Ilbo, February 17, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Inflation Politics and Deflation Politics

Parents rally to protest the South Gyeongsang Provincial Council's decision to discontinue fiscal support for free school meals, in Changwon on March 19.

Song Hee-young Editor-in-Chief The Chosun Ilbo

“Borrow in an era of high inflation.” That is a golden maxim for investors. If they borrow and invest when inflation is high, they will earn a lot of money. When both growth and inflation ran high in the 1960s to 1980s, business enterprises simply needed to get bank loans and build factories. They had huge gains before long. Housewives also borrowed and bought homes. It did not take long before the home prices soared, making it possible to pay back their loans, borrow again and purchase larger homes. Debt offers an opportunity to make money when inflation is high. Election promises are politicians` liabilities to the electorate. Politicians incur debt when they get elected and try to fulfill their election promises. Among them are presidents. The more ambitious campaign pledges are, the more appealing they are to the electorate. Hence, there were such promises as apartment purchases at half the prices, an annual average growth rate of 7 percent and making Korea the fourth biggest economy in the world. In an era of high inflation, the more implausible the promises are, the higher the possibilities of being elected are. Economists

frequently say that inflation covers up all the wrongs coming from fast growth. The entire nation is abuzz when land and housing prices are soaring. It is like a person who is overly agitated about the possibility of holding a winning lottery ticket. High inflation is like casino gambling in which a majority of gamblers break even while others win or lose to varying degrees. High inflation, while fueling envy and jealousy, washes away a widening income gap, rampant speculation and other economic problems into oblivion. People have high expectations that they will hit the jackpot before long. Politics is easy in an era of high inflation. All that a politician needs to do is lay claim to a new road in his electoral district. The new road will raise land prices, encouraging voters to reelect him when the next election comes around. The electorate will forget unfulfilled election promises he has yet to make good on. “When deflation comes, amass cash.” This is an irreversible investment rule as well. Deflation is a stay or decrease in prices, which comes when growth stops. We are now on the threshold of deflation. We will have a greater bargain tomorrow than today. It is better to delay a purchase until when the price will likely be lower. If a person has something to sell, it should be done as soon as possible. What comes to mind is the sale of 5,700 safes in eastern Japan after the tsunami hit the region in 2011. The value of the 10,000-yen note did not decline, though the prices of land and homes in the region were halved. Deflation angers people. The majority of people lose money while only a few make money in an era of deflation. It is a game in which the winner is one who loses less than the others. In an era of high inflation, politicians say you eventually will have a huge windfall. You just need to wait for your turn. In an era of deflation, you are told you are to lose next time. No wonder people get angry. Deflation begets tumultuous politics as the electorate turns impatient. Francois Hollande won the French presidency in the spring of 2012. He had a high approval rating when he slapped a punitive wealth tax on those in the highest income bracket. But the electorate turned its back on him in the midterm elections two years later when he had a dismal economic record.

Japan changed prime ministers as many as 15 times during the two decades of deflation. One of them appealed to the electorate to no avail to wait for five years until free childcare and free school meals took root. A promise of more tax refunds next year went unheeded. The promise to build a happy nation was long forgotten. What was critical to the cash-worshipping electorate was this very moment. Deflation triggers a politics of exclusion. It is a politics of subtraction, which removes what appear to be obstacles down the road. It is the opposite of inflation politics, which enlarges profits for sharing. Deflation reduces the size of a pie, leaving less to be shared. It is so much the better if one stakeholder is eliminated from profit sharing. It is better to go ahead with a sale at a loss now and avoid a bigger loss later. Eleven parties are represented in the Japanese Diet. Some lawmakers were driven out of their parties and others deserted them, resulting in a split in the ruling party and opposition parties in disarray. Does Korean politics show any such signs of chaos? The 10-year-old Unified Progressive Party has been ordered to break up on the threshold of deflation. The pro-Pyongyang party was tolerated when people were in their earnest desire to win big on a lottery ticket. At the time, no one bothered to lift the cover of democracy behind which the party had been keeping itself and dig into its true identity. With deflation setting in, did people finally decide not to tolerate it any longer? What is to fear now is a politics of extremism to which deflation can possibly give rise. Such politics was espoused by the Hitler regime long ago. Now it is being embraced by the Alexis Tsipras government of Greece. The Shinzo Abe government of Japan that is denying the country`s history of aggression emerged when its growth and price increases were put to an end. In Korea, growth has been decelerating and prices have been stagnant the past two years. Neither the progressives nor the conservatives have succeeded in resuscitating the economy. Yet they are pushing for free welfare programs and tax increases that are hard to sustain. They fail to shed the old habits they

acquired in the era of high inflation in exchange for the ones befitting the economic structure that has undergone a drastic change. Â We are witnessing the collision of inflation politics and deflationary economy. Their conflict and cacophony are creating an atmosphere in which capricious public sentiment may spawn political turmoil. As deflation is deepening, the siren call of heretical politicians may sound louder. Â [February 22, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

What Keeps a City Alive

An old stationery store is part of the familiar streetscape in Seochon, a popular tourist attraction in central Seoul.

Robert Fouser Former Faculty Member Seoul National University

Mike Duggan, the mayor of Detroit, announced a new housing policy when he delivered his state of the city address on February 10. He said a new $8 million loan pool with a zero interest rate would be available to those who wanted to fix their homes with new roofs, windows and plumbing. Beginning this year, loans ranging from $5,000 to $25,000 will be available. Of course, an applicant would have to be living in the home being repaired and be deemed capable of paying off the debt. At first glance, the loan pool did not seem to be large enough. Nor did its provision look like an innovative housing policy. But it was a big event, given that the city had been focused on bulldozing uninhabitable homes for the past five years. The city filed for bankruptcy in 2013. Though it managed to exit bankruptcy the next year, it still had fiscal difficulty. Yet, it adopted the new housing policy, which reflected a belief that a shrinking city cannot recover unless residents stay. The 2010 national census found that Detroit`s population dropped 25 percent from 2000. The city is managing its basic services capacity by concentrating the

remaining population into certain sections. Urban farming has been introduced in deserted areas. Urban farming might sound attractive. But it has been hard to persuade residents to move to the designated areas. Moreover, reducing inhabited areas is not far removed from giving up on the possibility of urban recovery. Detroit`s population peaked at 1,850,000 in 1950. Recovery to that level can hardly be expected. Yet, there is a strong possibility that it will surpass the current 700,000, if the city improves its environment enough to attract young people willing to relocate. The policy of reducing inhabited areas would eventually mean giving up the possibility of future growth. Detroit is far away from Korea. But what to do with unoccupied homes and how to keep homes suitable to live in are problems it shares with Korean cities. Korea attempted to bulldoze dilapidated apartment buildings and build new ones in metropolitan areas. But it had to scrap the urban renewal projects when the 2008 financial crisis caused a deep slump in the property market and dampened the demand for apartments. Like other large cities around the world, Korea`s metropolitan areas have all types of houses ― houses too old to live in, houses livable but unoccupied, houses worth repairing and houses well maintained. There are also lots that have been vacant after homes were razed. The mix is somewhat different from area to area. More importantly, each house is in a different state of maintenance and repair, which renders it impossible to adopt a one-size-fits-all policy. If it is to grapple with the complicated urban problem, Korea will have to assist each city in recovering vitality as a whole. Jane Jacobs (1916-2006), a renowned urban theorist, said in her book, “The Death and Life of Great American Cities,” published in 1961, that urban health and vitality came from diversity. Then she presented what she called “four generators of diversity” ― mixed primary uses, short blocks, buildings of various ages and states of repair, and population density.

Backward metropolitan areas in Korea have diversity generators Jacobs suggested. But they have one problem ― one concerning the diversity of buildings. There should be various buildings that satisfy various livelihoods if one area is to have diverse activities. For instance, a large family needs a large home, but a small home is also needed for a single person or a couple without children. In addition, there should be a variety of homes with different sizes and prices to accommodate families of different income classes. Neat, fashionable structures are not the only type of homes that are needed. Homes of modest standards are needed for people who can only afford low rents. One important task for large Korean cities is to maintain a variety of buildings. They need to provide support for homeowners when they repair their homes. Some local autonomous bodies have been implementing such policies. But their support is focused on certain areas, which is unfair. Support should go to all areas. In addition, some remedial action needs to be taken for the lots of land from which houses have been bulldozed and those houses that are deemed irreparable but are still standing. It is necessary to turn them into spaces for diverse activities, instead of parking lots or farm plots. Bulldozing might be an easy, inexpensive and short-term solution. As Detroit realized, however, it would hardly differ from giving up on the future. Now it is time to adopt a new policy and invest in projects for a better future. [Dong-a Ilbo, February 14, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

- Role of Sports in Inter-Korean Exchanges

- Racism in Korea

- Why We Need a Body for Educational Reform

- Father’s Tears I Saw for the First Time

- Is Late Marriage the Primary Cause of Low Birthrate?

- How I Became an Ajumma

Role of Sports in Inter-Korean Exchanges

A South Korean athlete carries the country's national flag at the opening ceremony for the 2013 Asian Cup and interclub Weight lifting Championship in Pyongyang, in this video image dated September 12, 2013.

Cho Jung-hoon Sports Editor The Chosun Ilbo

On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the collapse of the Berlin Wall, Helmut Kohl, the first chancellor in unified Germany, recalled, “There are not many things we can boast of in German history, but the German reunification of 20 years ago is indeed something we can be proud of.” Kohl thus professed his pride in how the Germans were reunited peacefully after decades of separation under different systems. Sports played an important role in the German reunification process. From 1957 to 1961, when the Berlin Wall was erected, the two German states had some 3,970 exchanges through sports. Between 1956 and 1964, they participated in six summer and winter Olympic Games as a single national team. There were also times when inter-German exchanges were severed for various reasons. However, through the signing of a protocol on sports exchanges between East and West Germany during the 1970s and 1980s, as well as a cultural agreement that facilitated cooperation in sports, inter-German exchanges were dramatically expanded and finally, on November 9 in 1989, the Berlin Wall was brought down. 40

The Korean situation is similar to Germany`s in many ways. South and North Korea had their first contact for sports through a working-level meeting in January 1963. The 59th general assembly of the International Olympic committee, held in Moscow in June 1962, had recommended the two Koreas attend the 1964 Tokyo Olympics as a unified team. Although the negotiations eventually broke down, it was significant enough that the two Koreas sat down to discuss an issue of common concern. A unified team was not fielded until the 1991 World Table Tennis Championship in Chiba, Japan. Then, in 1999, the two Koreas alternately hosted basketball games in Pyongyang and Seoul, and in 2000 their athletes and coaches marched together at the opening ceremony of the Sydney Olympics. These international athletic events, in which North and South Korea jointly participated, fueled hopes of unification among the Koreans on both sides. In September 2013, when Pyongyang hosted the Asian Cup and Interclub Junior and Senior Weightlifting Championship, it allowed South Korea`s national anthem to be played and its flag raised, which had long been considered unimaginable. This year marks the 70th anniversary of Korea`s liberation from Japanese colonial rule. As part of the commemorative events, some local autonomous bodies and private organizations are seeking sports exchanges with North Korea. A cashstrapped local government is reportedly planning to take advantage of the InterKorean Cooperation Fund run by the central government. It is never too late for concerned government agencies, such as the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism, the Korean Olympic Committee and the Ministry of Unification, to organize a committee of experts to filter out “fake” events and those inclined to ladle out aid to the North. The two Koreas may jointly devise necessary standards, as the two Germanys did. The government faces another daunting challenge in how to take advantage of the 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympics to improve inter-Korean relations. It should carefully examine every possible card, such as joint training of South and North Korean athletes and co-hosting of certain games. North Korean IOC member Chang Ung has said the North is willing to “offer the Masik Pass Ski Resort, which was completed in 2013, as a venue for the Pyeongchang Olympics.”

Hence, the ball is now in the South`s court. Staging games that require relatively fewer facilities at the Masik Pass Ski Resort is worth considering as “Plan B.” It is absolutely nonsensical to rule out the idea for the very reason that President Park Geun-hye has stated that “there will be no co-hosting.” Now is the time for all parties concerned to do everything possible to make the Pyeongchang Olympics a meaningful event to be remembered for long, if not a profitable one. [March 6, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Racism in Korea

International students of Pai Chai University in Daejeon practice taekwondo on January 29, one of their activities to experience Korean culture.

Vladimir Tikhonov (Pak Noja) Professor of Korean and East Asian Studies Oslo University

Because of their cultural prejudice and world view, many Korean universities have an obsession toward Caucasians. They see the world as a huge, pyramid-shaped hierarchy. This perception reflects Koreans` ranking of nations according to their economic strength and symbolic capital such as language and religion. It is a discriminatory view but has nearly become an informal system. I stumbled upon an English pamphlet of a Japanese university the other day. Most of its foreign students are from Korea, China and other Asian countries. But except for Japanese students, all of the students featured in the pamphlet are Caucasians. I was told later that this is a common practice at Japanese schools. Asian students account for 92 percent of the approximately 130,000 foreign students in Japan. Most of them are from China (62 percent) and Korea (12 percent). The students from “white countries” take up a mere 4 percent, and many of them actually have homes in Asian countries. Japanese universities believe they gain prestige by having Caucasian students. Therefore, they do not want to draw attention to the high enrollment rates of non-Japanese Asian students, thinking that it would deter Caucasians from applying for admission. This might be dismissed as crude and immature behavior by the Japanese, who

have tried to divorce themselves from Asia and become just like a major European power. So, why should it matter to those who have been victimized by Japan`s racism? The point is, Korea shares a considerable portion of the anomalous ideas harbored by the Japanese, because it has been ruled by elites who inherited Japan`s colonial legacy. The moment I opened the pamphlet, the term “white project” came to mind. The term was used in private by exchange officers of a university in Korea that I visited earlier. It envisions “trying to lure as many white students as possible by offering them exceptionally good benefits as a way to boost the school`s prestige.” Given their candid briefing to a visitor like me, it seemed that they were almost unaware that their “white project” amounted to racism that is considered a crime by international norms. In fact, the number of foreign students studying in Korea is roughly the same as that in Japan. Among some 86,000 foreign students in Korea, 76,000 are from Asian nations and only 4,000 of them are from Europe, mostly as short-term language trainees. For historical and cultural reasons, neighboring nations like China and Vietnam can best import knowledge produced in Japan and Korea. How did the universities` preoccupation and lavish spending to get Caucasian students start? One of the immediate causes is the unwavering neo-liberal policies implemented by the successive governments since the Kim Dae-jung administration. These policies treat academics and education as commodities. If college degrees and theses are goods just like mobile phones, they need to be sold in the language used by potential buyers. The American and British academic markets are deemed to be the biggest of their kind, so even Chinese universities give rewards to authors of English theses. Under these circumstances, Korean universities have naturally decided to force their professors to give lectures in English and turn their campus and research centers into English thesis factories. If they are not neo-liberalists, they will regard education and learning as tools for human development and self-fulfillment, not as commodities, and conclude that education and the humanities should consist of multiple languages and serve the majority of the population. In a situation where Korean is pushed aside as an academic language and

teachers and students are compelled to speak English, it is natural that Korean universities give priority to students who are native English speakers or have a high English proficiency ― in other words, those from Western countries. Most of Korea`s education policymakers have degrees from U.S. universities that are regarded as the main symbolic capital, so they ignore misgivings about the system. After all, what the Gangnam people, a bunch of Korea`s ruling elites, want to see are Westernized or Americanized Korean professors giving lectures in English at the so-called SKY universities (Seoul National, Korea and Yonsei). And they want half of the classroom seats filled with students from Western countries with the sons and daughters of Korea`s elite families occupying the other half. They believe Korea will be Americanized in this process and the next generations of Korea`s ruling elites may not have go abroad to study. Given that higher education was conducted mostly in Japanese during the colonial period, it is easy to imagine the thinking of today`s Korean ruling elites, who are displaying their colonial legacy. But if they simply need many foreigners who speak English fluently, they have no reason to discriminate against Chinese students. Many Chinese students have far better English proficiency than their Korean counterparts. Besides, students from various Asian nations such as India, Malaysia and the Philippines speak English better than average Koreans. Koreans` hierarchical view of the world can be traced to books of the Enlightenment period, including Seoyu Gyeonmun (Observations on a Journey to the West, 1895), which introduced Western and Japanese concepts of the hierarchy of civilization. The travel book introduced a very complicated pyramidshaped structure, whereby Western powers` economic strength is gauged in accordance with their symbolic capital, including their languages and religions. Koreans` hierarchical view of foreigners was formed as the nation placed the top priority on economic growth and materialism, and its top business conglomerates formed a hierarchy based on the English proficiency of their workforce. After all, the hierarchy applied to foreigners is an extension of the internal hierarchy.

Eventually, Koreans end up “worshipping” white people. Those who feel this most acutely are ethnic Koreans from North America. They feel disregarded and ignored, compared to white Americans or Canadians, even in their own fatherland. Surprisingly, worship of white people and systemized elitism can coexist quite well. According to law, “overseas Koreans” and ordinary foreigners alike are given discriminative treatment. But it is relatively easier for the overseas ethnic Koreans to extend their residency in Korea. Compared to foreigners with whom they have no blood relations, Koreans generally have a deeper affinity to their “compatriots” who are considered part of “a greater Korean nation.” But when it comes to an unofficial hierarchical order, most Koreans give higher rankings to white people than their own “brethren.” Korean-style racism does not end with their worship of white people and disregard of non-white people. Regardless of their skin color, people from the “poor” East European countries experience humiliation here. In another case, a rich second-generation immigrant of Indian descent with British citizenship enjoys “favorable treatment” thanks to his wealth and English proficiency. In addition, an unofficial religious hierarchy also plays its part. For example, a Christian Singaporean of Chinese descent gets better treatment than a Muslim Singaporean of Malay descent. This reflects a multifaceted structure of discrimination. A society with deep-rooted discrimination can never be happy. If we really are to become a multicultural society, we must overcome our obsession about white people and tendency to look down on “poor nations.” To this end, we need to get rid of, first of all, the hierarchical order by which we give uniform rankings to all Koreans according to the amount of their wealth. [The Hankyoreh, February 18, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Why We Need a Body for Educational Reform

New students of Seoul National University attend their entrance ceremony on March 2.

Shim Kyu-seon Senior Journalist The Dong-a Ilbo

“A text message has arrived vibrating my cell phone. It`s another breakup. How many these have there been this year already? I studied for 12 years to gain university admission. Then I spent another four years working part-time jobs, getting credits at university, and compiling qualifications for full-time employment. Time passed like that so I didn`t even have a chance to look for somebody who suits me. When will I be able to win the “heart” of an interviewer and go out with a company? … I turn on my computer to prepare for yet another “self introduction” to show others.” (Senior at D University) “I`ve been working and trying so hard but kept failing. My frustration with job seeking is gradually turning into anger. I started to blame the older generation for creating a society like this without knowing what a tough time they have been through themselves. So many speakers talk about hope and dream, and advise us to do what we really want to do. Now such sloppy consolations don`t work. The book title of the bestseller “It Hurts Because It`s Youth” has now become the most hated line for young people.” (Junior at I University) “The winter break is coming to an end with the new semester approaching. I have a heavy heart checking my major courses. I don`t know how I will survive another semester. To be honest, I`m one of those who put higher priority on the ‘name

value` of university than on my major. The problem is there are many other people like me. It may be rather strange if this pathetic situation did not result from the current high school education which is more concerned with “university ranking” than with what students want to major in. I`d like to take this opportunity to say this: Please no more scapegoats like me!” (Sophomore at H University) The word “hope” has disappeared from the writings of university students. They are suffering from frustration, anger and lethargy in a room with no exit. Who has made them a “loser”? This is a question to avoid responsibility. Our entire society is a “loser.” The university students` pain originates from high schools and high schools are helpless against bossy universities. Universities copy society`s rule of winner-takes-all and society considers education as a tool in competition for status. The aptitude and personality of individuals have long gone from education. The existence of the nation and the world, to which education should contribute, has also been forgotten for a long time. With the root and branches all cut off, we are now embracing only the crooked and rotten branches calling them education and worshiping them. The Inchon Memorial Foundation, Dong-a Ilbo, Channel A and Korea University held a joint education symposium titled “From Unlimited Competition to the Era of Respecting Individuality” last week. Ahn Byung-young, a former education minister, suggested creating a “Future Korea Education Committee” (tentative name) to forge a broad consensus about education in our society. Most participants agreed with this idea. Every past administration created its own organization for educational reform: Presidential Commission for Education Reform (Chun Doo-hwan administration), Presidential Commission on Education (Roh Tae-woo administration), Education Reform Committee (Kim Young-sam administration), Presidential Commission for the New Education Community (Kim Dae-jung administration), and Presidential Committee on Education Innovation (Roh Moo-hyun administration). The Lee Myung-bak administration gave an additional duty to the Presidential Advisory Council for Science and Technology and renamed it the Presidential Advisory Council on Education, Science and Technology, but the incumbent Park

Geun-hye administration reverted to the original name. An organization is not a panacea. The end of an administration also meant the end of the organization. However, the current situation is completely different. It`s nearing a boiling point. The current education system can never relieve the pain of students. To talk about “future” while looking away from their pain is hypocrisy and dereliction of duty. The Park administration is also talking about educational reform but it`s mostly trying to bring about change within the current framework. What we need now is a vision for the future. There is no change when there is vision, and the vision must be based on a long-term point of view and specific. Now is the golden time to create an organization endowed with strong authority to bring about a quantum leap for our education. Former Education Minister Ahn also proposed that the educational reform organization has a seven-year tenure so that it will not be dominated by a specific administration. I think it would be better to make it a nine-year term for the organization and three-year term for its members (with reappointment possible). As for its members, the ruling and opposition parties should appoint neutral figures through mutual agreement from the start instead of setting a quota for the president and the ruling and opposition parties. Only in this way will it be possible to prevent unnecessary ideological conflict and legislate for necessary matters right away. There has been enough talking. Some people say it will fail. However, what we should fear is doing nothing and not even having a chance to fail. I believe the strongest driving force for the proposed body for educational reform should be “crisis awareness.” We should no longer turn away from the outcry: “How come those who were once youths do not understand our agony?” (Junior at D University) [February 16, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Father’s Tears I Saw for the First Time

Job seekers read notices on recruitment interviews at a job fair for baby boomers, held at Seoul Plaza on September 17, 2014.

Kang Sung-hwi Senior, Department of Political Science and International Relations Korea University

On February 4, I got a text message from the Korea Student Aid Foundation telling me to confirm my place in the income quintile it had calculated. I could see the exact amount of my father`s monthly income. The seven-digit figure overlapped with the image of my father shedding tears a few weeks earlier. A while ago, our whole family had dinner together, which is rare. Since my father and I seldom have a chance to talk, I chose his retirement preparation as a topic of conversation. I happened to have read a JoongAng Ilbo feature article about “half-retirement age.” My father jokingly warned me, “Don`t even dream about inheritance because the current house will become collateral for our pension.” But he also said, “I`ve recently been worried about that, too. Thank you, son.” This remark was more impressive to me. A few days later, I saw my father`s tears. He returned home drunk and referred to our dinner conversation, saying, “I really appreciate that my elder son worries about his parents.” I was shocked at seeing my father`s tears for the first time. And I felt sorry, too. The reason why I had asked about my father`s retirement plan was because I was not confident about by ability to provide enough support to my parents after

they retire. But I couldn`t tell my father that. The income replacement rate of Korea`s public and private pensions is 55 percent, much lower than the 70 to 80 percent recommended by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. Statistics say that national and basic pension plans can cover only 35 percent of the average monthly cost for one`s old age, which is estimated at 1.53 million won. There has been a big change in the mindset of our society regarding support for one`s elderly parents. However, the remaining 65 percent of the cost is still a burden on the younger generation in this era of 6 million non-regular workers. My father was born in 1963. He is part of the so-called baby boomer generation. When I was a child, I promised my parents that I would become rich enough to build them a house and buy them a sports car. The time has come to keep that promise ― so soon. I don`t know when I will land a job, but my father`s retirement is just around the corner. Even if I get a job, I don`t know if I would be able to send them some money every month just like my father does to my grandmother. Also, I`m not sure if I can be with my parents much; I even am worried that I may not be able to accompany my father on his fishing trips, his favorite hobby. For nearly 30 years, my father has been carrying the burden of the seven-digit income. He wants to put down that burden now but he can`t because of his two children. I want to relieve him of the burden, but I don`t know how to do it and I`m not sure if I can do it. I just hope my father can hold out a little longer despite his exhaustion. In this way, the future of the baby boomer generation is becoming the future of their children. [JoongAng Ilbo, February 14, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Is Late Marriage the Primary Cause of Low Birthrate?

A couple marries in a traditional wedding ceremony at hyanggyo, a local Confucian school and shrine, in Jinju, South Gyeongsang Province, on September 14, 2014.

Hahm In-hee Professor of Sociology Ewha Womans University

Signs of a declining fertility began to appear in Korea 30 years ago, when the nation`s birthrate, which had stood at 2.06 in 1983, plummeted to 1.55 in 1988. It was a warning signal for Korea`s birth control policy but the government ignored it. Instead, the government continued to promote slogans such as “A well-raised daughter is better than ten sons” or “The Korean territory is already overcrowded, even if you have only one child,” which followed the successful catchphrase in the 1970s, “Whether boys or girls, let`s just have two children and raise them well.” This was based on the fixed notion that Korean territory is small, lacks natural resources and has a population that is too large. To such a government campaign, the so-called 386-generation women, who went to college in the late 1980s, responded with a joke, “Talk to your neighbor about family planning so that either of you two families has one child.” Despite massive government investments the past 10 years, the nation`s birthrate has remained at 1.18 to 1.19. With no clear breakthrough in sight, some people are serving up absurd ideas. They include restoration of a midnight curfew, the argument being that the birthrate began to fall after it was lifted, and a special tax on single people.

The government even pinpointed late marriage as the main culprit and the president also came forward to persuade the public that there is not much time left for the nation to turn the tide on the birthrate. Looking at all these movements, I can`t but feel the government`s approach is too romantic as it faces a looming demographic cliff. As is well known, policies to address declining birthrates can be divided between European and American models. Europe is adopting a “policy of separating marriage and childbirth,” while the United States is benefitting from its “immigration policy.” In France, where one out of every three couples is not married, the birthrate began to rebound when the government decided to grant children born out of wedlock the same benefits as those given to children of married couples. Sweden also experienced an increase in birthrate after the government displayed its determination to take full charge of childcare and education regardless of family type, single mothers and same-sex marriages included. Sweden also abolished the notion of “illegitimacy,” meaning “children born out of wedlock.” Thanks to these ground-breaking efforts, most European countries are now maintaining their birthrates between 1.6 and 1.8. However, in Korea, where the people have a strong sense of family and cherish a family-oriented culture, the European model of separating childbirth and marriage would probably provoke a backlash, so there is little chance of it succeeding here. Meanwhile, the United States is enjoying a relatively high fertility rate of 2.2 to 2.4, largely owing to the high birthrates among immigrant families from Asia, Africa and South America. Of course, the United States also has a hidden concern. With the birthrate of white people remaining very low, the proportion of its white to non-white population is forecast to be 49 percent to 51 percent in 2040 and consequently, the United States will fall out of the white-country category. In Korea, it is obvious that the widespread late-marriage trend is responsible for the extremely low birthrate to a certain extent. However, anyone who believes that the birthrate will be raised by earlier marriages is too naïve and oversimplifying reality. The trend of deferring or avoiding marriage is more

attributable to socio-economic factors such as the consolidated class structure, individualism, tight job market and exorbitant wedding expenses. So, there are few policy options that the government can take to effectively resolve the problem. In Singapore, the government has offered a variety of strong incentives such as arranging blind dates among young people and providing newly-wed couples with housing assistance under the slogan, “Romance Singapore.” Yet, Singapore`s birthrate remains to be the lowest in Asia. Then, is the U.S. model the only alternative we can take? What kind of problems should we expect if we go beyond the current limited marriage-immigration policy and adopt the U.S.-style immigration policy? Examining this question from various angles and actively searching for answers to resolve or minimize the expected problems will be the way for us to take in order not to miss on this golden time to resolve the low birthrate issue. [Seoul Shinmun February 11, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

How I Became an Ajumma

Participants in the annual Ajumma Day ceremony and festival, organized by the housewives' fraternity site azoomma.com, watch a stage performance. (File photo Mary 31, 2013)

Geoffrey Caine Senior Correspondent for Korea and Japan GlobalPost

Five years ago, as soon as I arrived in Korea, I learned my first lesson: “Always defer to the strong and powerful ajumma.” I have lived in many countries, but the ajumma stereotype seemed fairly unique to Korea. She was a mighty, middle-aged woman who donned a garish perm and colorful pajamas. She won arguments by yelling, elbowed through crowds, and loved discount coupons. But I stopped fearing her once I, too, became an ajumma. With my blue eyes, boyish face and pale skin, nobody would ever mistake me for an actual ajumma. But it is true: the ajumma spirit lives inside me. You see, as a oegugin [foreigner], it all started when I first arrived in Korea. There is a saying, “You catch more bees with honey,” meaning a friendly and polite approach is better than strong-arming your fellow humans. (And bees, after all, will sting if you fight them.) I soon learned that this approach did not always work. My first-ever taxi driver in Seoul frowned, snarled and then yelled in banmal

[impolite talk]: “I`m not going there!” Another dropped me at the wrong location, refusing to drive another two minutes to my apartment because it was inconvenient. In all of these instances, I smiled and asked for polite cooperation. But nobody cared because I was a harmless and reserved young man. It was disheartening. But I found an unusual glimmer of hope when, on the subway, I was introduced to the commanding spirit of the ajumma. I watched my first ajumma, unyielding and fully ready to defend herself, elbow her way through the subway line, push me aside, and battle with another ajumma for her seat. She was relentless, and she won. After pondering the history of Korea, I soon realized the ajumma was an evolutionary adaptation to her environment. Like a tigress that evolved to protect her cubs, the ajumma needed a fierce survival instinct in the economic battlefield of the 1960s to 1980s. Inside the ajumma had a warm heart and loved her family. But once she left the home, she was surrounded by predators, so she couldn`t trust anyone outside her inner circle. Every day was a fight for survival ― or else she would go instinct. Korea is no longer a developing country. Yet the toughened spirit of the ajumma lives on. It survives, foremost, inside the Koreans who show unwavering love and warmth for their families at home ― but who must battle with the scary world every day for jobs and paychecks. Don`t get me wrong: I have always been grateful for the warmth and friendship that Koreans have shown me. My decision to become an ajumma was not a conspicuous one. As I gradually joined Korean society, the ajumma spirit also crept into me. Within a few years, there was a nagging ajumma in my head. This pushy little voice ordered me to stand up for myself and for the people around me. When a restaurant charged me incorrectly, I raised my voice, demanded to speak to the manager, and bluntly explained that the receipt was not correct. When a teenager didn`t give his seat to the elderly, I ordered him, like a military general, to stand for the old struggling lady. Whenever somebody shoved me in a crowd, I pushed back.

Suddenly, the taxi drivers and restaurant owners who once dismissed me were in fear of my newfound ajumma spirit. All problems were solved swiftly, but only because I was a hard-nosed and fighting ajumma. My ajumma spirit may sound funny, but it is also troubling. It means we are starting on the assumption that our fellow humans cannot be trusted, and that we must approach them with our swords drawn. After all, the same taxi drivers and restaurant owners chose to fight, and to dismiss me, because they saw my demands as a distraction from their own daily struggle. My taxi route was too unprofitable. My requests to the restaurant owner slowed down the urgency of serving many customers, when she had to pay for her children`s education and her mortgage. Everybody, to some extent, is up against a daily grind. The stress of defending oneself is high, and it eats away at the soul. [Kyunghyang Shinmun, February 13, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

- Tears of a Church in Seochon

- About the Dreariness of Jongno 3-ga

- There’s No Republic of Korea in Seoul

- Dispute on Korean Film Council’s Revised Support Program

Tears of a Church in Seochon

Chebu-dong Holiness Church, which began as a prayer room in 1920, represnts the open nature of the middle-class culture of the Joseon Dynasty in Seochon.

Kang In-sik Staff Reporter The JoongAng Ilbo

Chebu-dong Holiness Church in Seochon, central Seoul, is at a crossroads. The fate of the 95-year-old church symbolizes the clash between change and preservation faced by its booming neighborhood. Located 80 meters from Exit No. 1 of Gyeongbokgung Subway Station, the church is a brick structure that reflects the progressive nature of culture created and relished by Joseon Dynasty`s middle-class people, called jungin. Sitting on a plot of 467 square meters, this church is considered to possess the highest historical value among the brick buildings in the old city center of Seoul. It began as a prayer room in 1920 and was built anew in 1931 with the congregation`s donations. The church is noteworthy not only in modern architectural history but in historical and social significance. It is a rare case of multiple styles of brickwork used in one building. “The steeple would not have been erected if the church was in Bukchon [north of Gyeongbok Palace],” said Kim won, a leading architect and co-representative of the National Trust of Korea. Bukchon used to be the residential area for yangban, or the noblemen. “The church could be built right next to the palace because Seochon accommodated more open-minded, middle-class lifestyles for centuries.”

Last summer, the church proposed to sell the building to the Seoul Metropolitan Government at the official appraisal value of 2.6 billion won because the neighborhood was losing residents while drawing more and more tourists and transforming into a commercial district. The offer was far lower than the estimated market value of 4 billion won, but the church`s officials felt that preservation was far more important than monetary gain. While the city government withheld a reply due to its complicated decisionmaking process, a Chinese national offered 5 billion won for the church. The church`s development committee put this matter on the table earlier this month. Those who wanted the building sold to the city government did not sound convincing. Head pastor Yeom Hee-seung said that time was running out. The same can be said about the whole neighborhood of Seochon as well as Bukchon and Samcheong-dong areas adjacent to Gyeongbok Palace. Professor Ahn Chang-mo at the Department of Architecture at Kyonggi University has visited the church many times to provide counsel to the Seoul Metropolitan Government on managing the historic city center. What caught his eye first were the red bricks. When the small oratory was extended into a church in 1931, it was built with what is called a Flemish bond, a choice influenced by Western missionaries. After Korea was liberated from Japan in 1945, the church was again expanded in a different style, English bond. Eventually it was remodeled in the style of Stretcher bond. A window is also a reminder of gender inequality. It was originally a smaller entrance for women in the early days. Only men could use the main entrance. The church is proof that the jungin class of later Joseon Dynasty directly imported Western culture. According to Professor Ahn, the value of the church lies in the fact that “people began to directly interact with the outside world, not through Japanese colonialists.” Why is the future of this historically significant church challenged? “Residents are leaving,” says Han Cheol-gu, 45, a local flower shop owner. Of the shops that line the Ogin Road leading to Suseong-dong Valley, there are very few shops that are more than two years old. Cafés and restaurants are rapidly replacing old public bathhouses, dry cleaners and bookstores which used to do business with the

locals in the old way, a natural consequence of the recent rent hikes. Likewise, the church is losing its local population base. “Many young couples come here on a date,” said Pastor Yeom. “But there are no kids playing around in the area now. It`s been increasingly difficult to run the church in the last two to three years.” The local autonomous body has tried to preserve Seochon for many years. Former Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon declared that he would preserve hanok, or traditional Korean houses, in central Seoul, and the incumbent Mayor Park Wonsoon`s plan to restore historical sites in the capital`s central district also targets areas around Gyeongbok Palace. Chebu-dong Holiness Church is one of the 210 buildings designated for conservation in Park`s plan. However, the church`s congregation is not aware of this because there was no outreach program informing the residents of the plan. Recently, more resources and departments have been allocated to the management of areas near Gyeongbok Palace. There are at least four parties within the Seoul Metropolitan Government related to the sales of the church building: Housing Construction Bureau`s Hanok Management Division; Urban Regeneration Headquarters` Historic City Center Regeneration Division; and the Culture, Sports and Tourism Headquarters` Cultural Heritage Division and Cultural Policy Division. But the church is still uncertain of the city government`s position. The church made its sale offer to the city last July and city officials replied with a price tag of 2.6 billion won, which was based on an administrative review not an on-site review. The church repeatedly conveyed its willingness to sell to the city government even at a loss but never received an answer. “It is a paradox of bureaucracy because a specialized and departmentalized organization is delaying decision-making,” said Pastor Yeom. The price of the church building is also controversial in view of the real estate values in the area. “Buildings lining the main street in this neighborhood are worth 60 million won per pyeong (3.3 square meters), and those located in smaller alleys are worth about half,” says Park Dae-beom of real estate consulting firm Taegyeong Partners. “But given that the church is in a limited development

zone, the price will be lower than 30 million won per pyeong.” But some others say the land price in the neighborhood has risen more than tenfold in the last 15 years. “Whoever becomes the next mayor of Seoul will try to preserve Seochon,” said executive director Jang Yeong-seok of Arumjigi, a cultural preservation organization. “But, paradoxically, it will heighten the value of the neighborhood as a tourist attraction.” A realtor commented that the 5 billion won deal offered by the Chinese national may prove to be a bargain in a few years. Cultural heritage organizations such as the National Trust of Korea and Arumjigi are suggesting collaboration between the public and private sectors. “The city authorities may consider paying for half of the cost while inviting the private sector to pay the other half,” said Kim Geum-ho, secretary general of the National Trust of Korea. A new law dealing with architectural landmarks, which is to be enacted in June, states that public institutions may support individuals or organizations in purchase of assets. Another solution is to use old buildings as public facilities as in the cases of Spain and Italy. An official at the Jongno District Office said using the church building to help give the area an economic boost is being considered but the idea will not go forward without financial support from the Seoul Metropolitan Government. [February 14, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

About the Dreariness of Jongno 3-ga

Lotte Cinema, a multiplex combined with a jewelry shopping mall in Jongno 3-ga, Seoul, evolved from Piccadilly Theater, the second-oldest movie theater in Korea.

Kim Bong-ryol President of K-Arts Korea National University of Arts

Dansungsa Theater in Jongno 3-ga, central Seoul, opened in 1907 as a performance hall for pansori, traditional Korean narrative song, and was turned into Korea`s first movie theater with the screening of “Fight for Justice” in 1918. Afterward, legendary director Na Un-gyu`s “Arirang” was screened, and “Seopyeonje,” the first Korean film to have drawn over 1 million moviegoers, also opened at this theater. The historic cinema was closed down a few years ago and put up for auction, but it has failed to find a new owner in three successive biddings. The most popular arts genre in the 20th century, the motion picture has undergone tremendous changes with the development of cutting-edge technology. Beginning with silent movies it evolved into talkies then into color movies, peaking at 70mm movies in the analog age. Transitioning into the digital era where there is no distinction between the original and copied versions, the times changed the concept of a movie theater into a multiplex cinema. The 109-year-old Dansungsa, in keeping up with the changing times of the film industry, made renovations, expanded its space and sustained business. In 2001 it went so far as to tear down the old building and erect a seven-screen multiplex

theater in its place. However, it eventually went bankrupt, and the building was turned into a jewelry complex, which was later closed down. Bando Theater right across the street from Dansungsa, opened in 1958. It was later renamed Piccadilly Theater, and contributed to the transformation of the Jongno area into the capital`s main movie-screening area with Seoul Theater nearby. Piccadilly also put up a new building renovating itself into a multiplex theater with management handed over to Lotte Cinema, so it now looks much different from the olden days. The old, historic movie theaters have been hard hit by the mega-multiplexes, which do not just screen movies. They also operate large restaurants and shopping malls adjacent to subway stations, capturing the hearts and opening the wallets of new generation of consumers. These mega-multiplexes have also succeeded in taking over film distribution by leveraging a few large conglomerates` distribution channels. Amid such high tides, Dansungsa and Piccadilly made desperate efforts to stay afloat, which were highly commended. In the end, however, Dansungsa went under and Piccadilly has lost all of its vitality. Jongno 3-ga began to develop into the largest jewelry shopping district in Korea in the 1930s. Currently, there are approximately 3,500 jewelry shops in the district and they account for 80 percent of the jewelry transactions nationwide. Although jewelry making and sales is considered a high-end industry, the shops are far from luxurious. Tenant shops in the jewelry complex buildings use second-rate lighting and display jewelry on bare shelves, doing their best to depreciate the value of their merchandise. Jongno 3-ga is also a neighborhood where thousands of senior citizens flock. “Silver culture” is vibrant where the elderly voluntarily engage in Chinese character lessons, Bible studies and healthy debates. However, the encouraging signs of old age are overshadowed by incessant news coverage of drinking, urinating in public, fights, violent incidents and even prostitution. The society is turning its back on the neighborhood, and it is becoming a problem zone in need of overhaul and restructuring. The senior citizens who have devoted their whole lives to taking care of their families deserve respect and proper treatment, but those frequenting Jongno 3-

ga are subject to crackdown and guidance by the law enforcement authorities. Sparkling jewelry deserve to be displayed in the finest boutique shops but in reality the 80-year-old jewelry shopping malls look like very shabby wholesale markets. Korea`s oldest and second-oldest cinemas, instead of being preserved as historic monuments, are bordering on extinction. This is rather an unexpected side of the Korean movie industry enjoying its heydays and producing box-office hits every year. Getting old and making history means making a contribution to society based on years of experience and forming an attractive spot in the city. Unfortunately, the facilities and spaces in Jongno 3-ga are becoming dilapidated and gloomy. Is there any way to revitalize the old theaters, jewelry shops and the spaces for the elderly into something more elegant and prestigious? We must find a way to pay due respect to the senior citizens, make the jewelry shine brighter and resurrect the 100-year-old movie theaters so that the youths of the world may come and enjoy. Let us build a society that becomes more beautiful with age. Let us create a city of history and culture which cherishes quaint spots. [Hankook Ilbo, February 25, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

There’s No Republic of Korea in Seoul

Seoul Plaza in front of the Seoul City Hall in the heart of the capital is ready for new sod on March 17.

Jun Sang-in Professor of Sociology, Graduate School of Environmental Studies Seoul National University

This year marks the 70th anniversary of national liberation as well as Seoul reborn as the capital of the Republic of Korea. During the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), the city was called Hanyang, and during the Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945), it was named Gyeongseong [Keijo in Japanese]. In 1945 when the nation regained independence, the city took its current name Seoul, a pure Korean word meaning “capital.” Since 1946, the city located in the heart of Gyeonggi Province, has been separately administered as a special city and for the past seven decades, it has led Korea`s prosperity and economic success. Indeed, Seoul`s 70-year-long history and the 70th anniversary of the nation`s independence can be thought of as the two sides of the same coin. What is strange, though, is that the nation`s capital does not represent the Republic of Korea properly. In retrospect, our nation has never attempted to undertake well-designed modernist capital planning. Created as a new town, it served as the royal capital of a monarchy for 500 years. After national liberation, the city sustained its tradition as the nation`s capital without undergoing any extraordinary spatial planning, which could have been anticipated for the capital of a modern state.

Even such “autocratic” leaders as Presidents Syngman Rhee and Park Chung-hee eschewed and refrained from excessive capital planning. In East Asia, a nation with a capital city has been taken for granted. But in world history, it is a relatively new concept. Capital cities as they are known today did not emerge until the establishment of modern states in Europe after the 18th century. In particular, the 19th and 20th centuries were the heyday of capital planning all over the world. As the representative city of a country, capital has emerged as a space demonstrating national identify and symbolizing national pride. Paris, Vienna, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Washington, D.C. and Tokyo, which we are presently familiar with, are all the outcomes of state-led capital planning. In fact, the urban renovation project initiated during the period of Korean Empire (18971910) toward the end of the Joseon Dynasty had the basically same concept. The acme of the 21st century capital planning is Beijing. The beautiful scenery of Beijing around Changan Boulevard and Tiananmen Square fully reflects the national power, wealth and prestige of China today. Japan`s acclaimed architect Kengo Kuma said, “As everyone has their own prime time, every state and city have their own architectural eras.” He claimed that Beijing is currently enjoying such an “architectural era.” Unfortunately, however, as far as I can remember, Seoul has never experienced such an “architectural era.” Seoul has had a “construction era” instead of an “architectural era,” and merely “city planning” rather than “capital planning.” There was a good reason for that. Extremism has marked Korea`s modern history. When those who denied the Republic of Korea for ideological reasons had louder voices, there was even an attempt to build a new capital in lieu of Seoul. At the same time, when development works were in full swing, Seoul became urbanized too quickly. In the process, priority was placed on functionality of urban planning rather than symbolism of capital planning. That forms a sharp contrast with North Korea which adorned Pyongyang as a stage for displaying the power of the “Kim dynasty.” No matter what the reason may be, the current status of Seoul which fails to properly represent the Republic of Korea is greatly disappointing and lamentable.

Seoul aspires to become a global “SEOUL” on the one hand, while remaining as a historic “Hanyang” on the other hand; nevertheless, it is not easy to find spatial symbols of a modern nation state which connects the past and the future. Indeed, Seoul has no representative avenue or square eloquently attesting to the nation`s historical vicissitudes including the founding of the Republic of Korea government, the recovery of the capital from communist control during the Korean War, nation building based on education, democratic uprisings and economic miracle. It is somewhat fortunate that the National Museum of Korean Contemporary History opened in front of Gwanghwamun Gate against all odds two years ago. However, the museum alone is absolutely not enough for the nation`s history to be kept alive in everyday life of the city. Just in time, the Park Geun-hye administration is planning celebrations for the 70th anniversary of national liberation. The administration has promoted “flourishing of culture” and “grand national unity.” I believe that if the capital planning befitting a successful modern state is to be put up for debate, this year is the right time to do that, and the incumbent administration is cut out for the job. The issue should be taken up at the national level because it would not be easy for a capital to enhance its own historical significance and spatial dignity through a typical urban planning project undertaken at the level of local autonomous body. As shown in the examples of other countries, the central government, not the Seoul city government, should take the initiative in the capital planning project. Within the central government, culture-related agencies should play a central role. In most advanced Western countries, like France for example, urban planning including architecture falls under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Culture, as opposed to Korea where it comes under the responsibility of the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport. The knowledge involved in the area has also come from the humanities and social sciences, including history, philosophy, geography, sociology and political science. It goes without saying that the literary and arts communities can make vital contributions. In contrast, the nation`s Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport, and relevant academic circles are closely associated with engineering, technology or real estate sectors. Efforts to create the proper image of Seoul as

the birthplace and the cradle of the Republic of Korea should be made through the power of culture. Seoul and the Republic of Korea have the same origin. Â [Chosun Ilbo, February 9, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

Dispute on Program

Korean

Film

Council’s

Revised

Support

A poster of "My Love, Don't Cross That River," a commercially successful indie documentary film released in 2014.

Lee Hye-in Staff Reporter The Kyunghyang Shinmun

There are places which breathe life into the Korean film market which is dominated by the standard fare of mainstream films. The nation has 39 art house cinemas exclusively reserved for the screening of the films categorized as “diversity films” (indie and art house movies), according to the 2013 data of the Korean Film Council. These theaters screen their own choices from about 150 to 200 films which are categorized as “diversity films” every year. Programmers of respective theaters select movies according to the concept of their theaters. Some theaters choose music films, while others show documentary films shunned by multiplexes for extended periods of time. These art house theaters have thus provided an alternative to mainstream commercial movies, ensuring diverse choices for moviegoers. But these theaters are in crisis. The Korean Film Council (KOFIC) is attempting to revise its support program for art house theaters beginning this year. Under the proposed revision, the state-run council`s support fund for art house theaters will be channeled mainly to those theaters that agree to screen 20-odd films approved by KOFIC every year. There are fears the move will dampen the autonomy of the theaters and dilute the diversity of the films offered to moviegoers. 70

The film industry strongly protests the KOFIC`s move. At a news conference organized by the Association of Independent Art House Theaters and the Korean Network of Independent Film Distributors, given at Art Nine, an art house theater in Dongjak-dong, central Seoul, on February 16, a group of filmmakers including Kim Jho Gwang-soo, a film director/producer who serves as chair of the Diversity Film Culture Subcommittee, vehemently opposed KOFIC`s plan to revamp its support program for the operation of art house theaters and release of diversity films. The so-called “support plan based on seat occupancy of art house theaters,” which is being pushed by KOFIC, combines the council`s existing two support programs for the operation of art house theaters and release of diversity films. So far, KOFIC has selected art house theaters meeting the requirements of screening diversity films to provide financial support on an annual basis. All the selected theaters have to do is screen diversity films for more than 219 days a year. The theaters can choose films on their own since it does not matter what kind of films they show. On the contrary, the proposed revision calls for the support fund to be doled out to a selection of 26 titles only. Under the revised plan, KOFIC will entrust a contractor every year to select 26 diversity films, which are to be shown on 35 screens for more than two weeks. Then, KOFIC will provide a subsidy amounting to 15 percent of the seat occupancy rate to each art house theater that satisfies the requirements. Filmmakers complain that the plan encroaches upon the freedom of expression by unilaterally choosing and controlling the films to be shown to the public. Jung Sang-jin, head of Art Nine, said, “This can be compared to the government providing a certain amount of financial assistance to all newspapers that have carried the articles approved the government for two days a week. It is tantamount to controlling the moviegoers` rights to choose movies they want to watch.” Cho Young-gak, director of the Seoul Independent Film Festival, criticized the proposed plan as “an attempt to eliminate certain movies, the theaters showing those movies and the groups who organize their screenings through a

government policy.” He noted that after the screening of the controversial documentary “The Truth Shall Not Sink with the Sewol” at the Busan International Film Festival last year, there was an attempt to pressure the festival`s director, Lee Yong-gwan, to step down. “After all, what KOFIC is implying is that the art house theaters which receive financial support from public funds should follow its instructions,” Cho went on. “We cannot but consider it as an attempt to interfere with cultural activities, beyond the realm of cinema.” In the process of drawing up the proposed revision, KOFIC did not take heed to the voices of art house theaters. Kim Jho Gwang-soo, who participated in the review of the draft plan, claimed that KOFIC pushed ahead with the plan, while he pinpointed the problems of the plan and insisted it was unacceptable. He said that his suggestion to hold a public hearing to collect opinions of filmmakers was ignored. The filmmakers who were present at the February 16 news conference urged KOFIC to scrap the proposed revision and write a new plan in cooperation with filmmakers after hearing their opinions. Jung Sang-jin of Art Nine said he will launch a campaign to collect signatures from moviegoers visiting his theater and deliver their opinions to KOFIC so that it can clearly understand why art house theaters are necessary and what kind of movies the audiences want to watch. [February 18, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

- Changes in the Quality of Life of Korea’s Middle Class

Changes in the Quality of Life of Korea’s Middle Class Choi Seong-keun and Lee Jun-hyup Research Fellows, Hyundai Research Institute

I. Outline and Method of Research Korea is expected to soon enter into an era of $30,000 in per capita income, adding to its upward trajectory in wealth since 1990. But the middle class, the most important income strata for stable growth, has been shrinking steadily for decades. This has created a sense of urgency in the government to improve the quality of life among the economy`s main consumers and workforce suppliers. Indeed, there is a wide gulf between the criteria of the middle class as felt by the Korean people and those set by the OECD, with about 55 percent of the nation`s middle class believing they belong to the low-income class. Also, Korea is ranked lowest among OECD member countries when it comes to expanding the ratio of middle class by using fiscal policies designed to redistribute income. This study attempts to analyze changes in the middle class`s quality of life from a mid- to long-term viewpoint, and provide policy implications for expanding the basis of the middle class and improving its livelihood.

Â This study applies the OECD definition of middle class: people who earn between 50 percent and 150 percent of the median income in terms of equalized

disposable income, which takes into account the number of household members. As of 2013, the disposable income of Korea`s middle class was between 1.93 million won and 5.79 million won (median income at 3.86 million won) for fourmember households, and between 960,000 won and 2.89 million won (median income at 1.93 million won) for single-member households. Among the 11 items on the OECD better life index, this study picked up six items, and made a comparative analysis of the changes in the middle class`s quality of life during 1990-2013. The six items include income, housing, employment, education, leisure, and health, which can be analyzed from the aspects of income and expenditure. It then divided each of the six selected items into two or more sub-categories, and made comparative analysis of changes in the middle class`s quality of life, using household survey data of the same period.

II. Changes in the Life Quality of Middle-class Households Out of the total 11.4 million households in the nation, as of 2013, there were 7.65 million households in the middle-income bracket, and they showed a relatively 76

sluggish growth rate compared to households in other income brackets. The total number of households increased from 6.47 million in 1990 to 11.4 million in 2013, an annual average increase of 2.5 percent. Low-income households had the highest annual average growth rate at 5.4 percent (from 490,000 to 1.63 million), followed by 2.8 percent (from 1.13 million to 2.12 million) for the high-income bracket, and 2.0 percent (from 4.86 million to 7.65 million) for middle-class households. The relative decline of middle-class households and the sharp rise in low-income households suggests that many middle-class households dropped into the low-income bracket. In the past, the representative middle-class household in Korea had four members led by a high school-educated, single-income couple in their late 30s. Today, the middle class is represented by the household of a college-educated, double-income couple in their late 40s who have one child. The share of household heads who graduated or attended colleges is now nearly half of the total, and that of two-paycheck households has more than doubled since the 1990s. As women`s social participation has expanded, the share of households led by women surpassed 15 percent while that of households led by jobless men amounted to 8.5 percent, partly because of a rising number of retirees.

1. Income Among all income brackets, the middle class had the highest growth rate in average gross income (on a nominal basis). The gross income of the middle class increased at an annual average rate of 7.0 percent, from 820,000 won in 1990 to 3.84 million won a month on the average. During the same period, the monthly average income of the low-income class grew from 320,000 won to 1.22 million won (6.1 percent), and that of the high-income class rose from 1.74 million won to 7.81 million won (6.8 percent). The disposable income of the middle class also rose from 700,000 won to 3.16 million won during 1990-2013, recording an average annual growth rate of 6.8 percent, higher than 5.8 percent for the low-income class and 6.6 percent for the high-income class. The share of deficit households (those whose disposable income minus consumption expenditure is in red-ink figures) out of the total middle-class households rose sharply from 15.4 percent in 1990 to 23.9 percent in 2000, but fell back to 19.0 percent in 2013. The consumption expenditure of the middle class increased at an annual average rate of 6.8 percent and their nonconsumption expenditure (tax and pension premium payment) also rose 7.8

percent in the cited period, recording higher growth rates than other income brackets. Â Along with their income, the consumption and non-consumption expenditures of middle-income households also showed the steepest growth, restricting the improvements in their balance sheets. Â

2. Employment In 1990, the share of jobless middle-class households remained at 2.2 percent but the ratio sharply rose to 10.0 percent in 2010. Since then, however, the ratio has been on a downturn. Meanwhile, the share of jobless households in the lowincome group amounted to 50 percent, while the comparable ratio among highincome households has been steadily falling, from 7.5 percent in 1990 to 5.6 percent in 2013. The share of double-income households in the middle class remained at 15.1 percent in 1990, but steadily rose to 37.9 percent in 2013. The comparable ratio in the high-income group surged from 18.9 percent in 1990 to 57.1 percent in 2013, while that for the low-income bracket rose from 3.7 percent in 1990 to 10.6 percent in 2010 but fell back to 6.8 percent in 2013. This seems to be partly due to an increasing number of college-educated women joining the labor force. The rise in the number of dual-career families has pushed 80

up a part of middle-class households to the high-income bracket. Â

3. Housing The share of monthly rent in the total spending of middle-income households rose from 11.9 percent in 1990 to 12.8 percent in 2013. In the low-income bracket, the share leaped from 14.7 percent to 19.5 percent, while that of the high-income group climbed from 8.2 percent to 12.3 percent. The relatively small gain in the middle-income group`s monthly rent payment seems to be because a considerable number of households in this group have shifted to the semi-jeonse (combination of monthly rent and lump-sum key deposit) type. The key deposit paid by the middle-class households living in rental housing has sharply increased, and its share out of their gross income also surged. The average amount of key money paid for rented homes by the middle class jumped from 8.9 million won in 1990 to 17.07 million won in 2013, an annual average 82

growth rate of 11.8 percent. Â The advance deposit paid by the middle-class households for rented homes was 1.1 times their yearly disposable income in 1990, but the ratio soared to 3.1 times. This means middle-class households would have to save their entire income for 3.1 years to raise key money to rent a home. Â

The per capita living space (in terms of the area for exclusive use) of middleincome households is smaller than those of other income brackets. Total living space of an average middle-income household increased from 57 square meters in 1990 to 72 square meters in 2013, but their per capita living space of 21.3 square meters in 2013 was relatively smaller than the 24.6 square meters for lowincome households and 26.5 square meters for high-income households. This seems to be partly because the middle-class households have more members than those of other income brackets. The low-income group has relatively more households of elderly people with fewer members. The home ownership in the middle-income group is also the lowest of all income brackets. The share of the middle-income households living in their own homes sharply rose from 39.7 percent in 1990 to 64.6 percent in 2013, but still remains at the lowest level of all income brackets. Home ownership of low-income households surged from 33.5 percent in 1990 to 65.3 percent in 2013, hovering above the middle class`s level, and that of the high-income bracket also jumped from 64.9 percent to 73.6 percent. 84

This suggests that although the middle class`s income has increased, their conditions for buying homes have not sufficiently improved, considering the number of household members and other factors. Also, it indicates middle-class households are experiencing serious hardship with respect to housing because the scarcity of rental homes as well as skyrocketing rents and key deposits have combined to heighten the barriers to their home buying. Â

4. Education The burden of education spending (formal education cost plus childcare cost and college tuition) of middle-income households is heavier than that of other income brackets. They even spend more than high-income households on private education. The middle class`s spending on education soared from 13.4 percent of their total consumption expenditure in 1990 to 23.1 percent in 2010, but fell back to 20.9 percent in 2013 thanks to the government`s financial support for childcare cost. The middle-income households` burden of private education cost (paid to private teaching institutions, group-study teachers and others) against their disposable income rose from 6.8 percent in 2000 to 10.5 percent in 2013, even higher than that for the high-income bracket. This seems to be because the middle-income households` rate of participation in private education has risen although their disposable income is smaller than that of the high-income bracket. 86

Â 5. Leisure Â Middle-income households` spending on eating out has increased while the share of their expenditure on other leisure and cultural activities relatively declined. Â The share of the middle-income households` spending related with entertainment and culture against their total consumption expenditure dropped from 5.9 percent in 1990 to 5.3 percent in 2013. Households in the low-income bracket also saw their ratio of spending on entertainment and culture fall from 5.4 88

percent to 4.3 percent, while that of the high-income group fell from 7.1 percent in 1990 to 6.5 percent in 2010 but rebounded to 6.9 percent recently. This suggests that the middle class`s spending on leisure and culture has been sacrificed to maintain high spending levels on housing, education and pension premiums. However, the share of the middle class`s spending on eating out has consistently increased because of the rise in dual-career couples and other factors. This category surged from 41,000 won per month on average in 1990 to 320,000 won in 2013. The low-income group`s comparable expenditure also rose from 17,000 won to 119,000 won, while that of the high-income group jumped from 92,000 won to 470,000 won during the same period. The middle-income group`s eating-out expense has tended to rise while its spending on food purchase declined as two-paycheck couples increased amid the development of dining industry.

6. Health The share of the middle-income households` spending on health and medical care has stagnated, and their per capita spending in this area is the lowest among all income brackets. The middle-income group`s share of health and medical spending against their total consumption expenditure has remained almost unchanged: the ratio was 6.5 percent in 1990 and 6.4 percent in 2013. The comparable ratio in the highincome group has not changed much either, from 5.6 percent to 6.1 percent, while that of the low-income group has risen sharply from 6.2 percent to 10.5 percent. This seems to be because the low-income households` average age is 60.0 years, far older than the other income groups, 48.0 years for the middle-income group and 48.2 years for the high-income group.

The middle-income households` per capita annual spending on health and medical care rose from 105,000 won in 1990 to 559,000 won in 2013, but the increase was smaller than that of high-income households (from 166,000 won to 830,000 won) and low-income households (from 66,000 won to 599,000 won). The fact that the middle-income group spends the least on health and medical care means low expenditures on treatment and prescriptions under the heavy burden of housing and educational costs.

7. Overall Assessment During the period 1990-2013, Korea`s middle-class households became better off economically thanks to increased income and other reasons, but their quality of life worsened because of increased housing and education costs and falling spending on leisure and health care. Economically, middle-income households have enjoyed high growth in gross income and falling unemployment and debt levels due to the conspicuous rise in double-income households. However, the growth rate of the key deposit for rental homes in the middle-income group was higher than those in the other two income brackets, and their educational expense against total consumption expenditure also marked the highest level. Meanwhile, the middle-income households` spending on entertainment and cultural services as well as health and medical care declined in relative terms.

III. Policy Implications Although it is necessary to increase the income of middle-class households to enhance their quality of life, equally important is to help ease their financial burdens to meet housing and education costs, as well as boost their spending on entertainment and culture by encouraging them to make better use of their leisure time. First, it is necessary to help ease their excessive housing cost burdens. The government should expand the supply of leased and rental homes for the middle-income class, and improve their rental terms and conditions to help them more easily raise funds to pay for key deposits and rents. Particularly, it needs to establish a system to expand housing supply and options such as more homes available on a lease-purchase contract. The government should also push ahead with its policy to make taxation on lease income and rental home market more transparent so that the financial burdens caused by the shifts from long-term lease to monthly rents are not passed on to

the middle-income households. Second, the government ought to ease the education cost burdens of the middle-income class by normalizing public education and other means. It needs to continue to reduce the private education cost burdens of the middle class by normalizing public education, improving the quality of public education programs and enhancing the educational environment. It ought to craft measures to improve the overall system with respect to the difficulty level of lessons, student workload and college entrance exam-oriented curriculum. In order to lighten the burdens from high college tuition, the government needs to expand incentives, such as larger tax benefits on scholarship providers, while diversifying tuition payment methods. Third, the government should induce higher leisure-related spending by improving society`s understanding of making better use of leisure time and providing more diverse entertainment and cultural services. In addition to flexible work schedules, the government needs to promote “life with leisurely evening” and “Family Day,” when employers are supposed to encourage workers to leave early to enjoy family outings and leisure activities. The government also has to expand entertainment and cultural offerings, such as high-quality theatrical plays, concerts and exhibitions, and boost investment in related infrastructure, including performance halls and camping sites, to encourage the middle class to spend their leisure time in better ways and increase related expenditures. [Issues and Tasks 15-06, February 11, 2015, Hyundai Research Institute]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

- Film Moves Korean and U.S. War Veterans to Tears

- North Korean Refugee Marks 60 Years in Show Business

- ‘I Will Donate This Entire Museum to Unified Korea’

- Men Favor Gangnam Bars, Women Love Gangbuk Restaurants

Film Moves Korean and U.S. War Veterans to Tears

Korean War veterans watch the blockbuster "Ode to My Father" at the Regal Fairfax Towne Center movie theater in Virginia, United States, on February 11.

Chae Byung-gun and Park Seong-gyun Staff Reporters The JoongAng Ilbo

When retired U.S. Marine Corps Lieutenant General Stephen Olmstead, 85, stood in front of the screen at the Regal Fairfax Towne Center movie theater in Virginia, United States, on February 11, his eyes were filled with tears. It was right after a screening of “Ode to My Father,” the Korean movie that contains a scene depicting the Hungnam Evacuation, the rescue of U.S. troops and Korean civilian refugees in December 1950 during the Korean War. “The Korean War is often called a forgotten war. But it is not true. It`s a forgotten victory,” said Olmstead, a private first class in the Korean War who later was promoted to lieutenant general. “The modern world Korea is now enjoying is the result of the sacrifices the soldiers made during the war and the suffering civilians made at that time. Our sacrifices paid off.” Descending from the rostrum, he added, “The separation of the child and his father during the evacuation depicted in this movie isn`t just a story of a family there, but is a story of us. Yes, I cried too.” Grey-haired Korean and American war veterans shed tears together that day. The Korean Churches for North Koreans (KCNK), human rights group the Liberty in North Korea (LiNK) and the Washington Bureau of the JoongAng Ilbo jointly

organized the special screening of the South Korean box-office hit movie, with the sponsorship from the National Unification Advisory Council`s Washington, D.C. Chapter. The 200-odd participants at the screening included some 50 war veterans from Korea and the United States, 10 or so employees of the U.S. State Department who are soon to be dispatched to South Korea, staff members of the Defense Attaché Office of the South Korean Embassy in the United States, and Korean residents. Whimpering was heard when the scenes depicting the evacuation came up. And then scattered sobbing began when there was a scene depicting separated families being reunited. Throughout the screening, there was the sound of quiet sobbing from the seat next to me. When the movie ended and the lights were on again, I met my seatmate, 84-year-old Kim Yun-tae. “It`s hard to find words right now,” he said. “It brought up memories of the past. I was in the Korean War….” He could not continue. As he slowly pushed himself up from his seat, Nas Culliver, 85, said, “I was so deeply moved. I will recommend all veterans of the Korean War watch this movie. It will tell them how far Korea has come today from the suffering of the war. They must feel proud.” Kim Yun-han, 87, while slowly walking out of the theater with great difficulty, said, “It`s our story. How can`t I cry while watching the movie?” Among the participants was retired Colonel Thomas Fergusson, 72, the grandson of the late Edward Almond, who spearheaded the evacuation as commander of the U.S. Army`s X Corps. Not only Almond and Fergusson but Fergusson`s stepfather served in Korea. Fergusson said, “Grandfather told me that the refugees were those who ran away from North Korea because they hated communism. There was no time to plan the evacuation or to consider whether the operation was safe or not. He said he just did what he had to do.” - What did your grandfather say to you about the Hungnam Evacuation? “He said he was tormented at that time. The priority in the evacuation operation was to have as many soldiers and supplies as possible on board. But he couldn`t turn away from the refugees who were desperately looking at him. So, my grandfather decided on the spot to throw all the weapons overboard and put refugees on board. He said the decision was made without the permission from Supreme Commander MacArthur, but he was later praised, not rebuked, for

allowing the refugees to board the ships.” - What did he say about the refugees? “He said that at that time they did not have enough men to work, so they decided to get help from the refugees. Each group of two of refugees rolled 50gallon barrels on board. If it were not for those refugees` help, he said, those supplies had to be burned or might have been taken by the enemies.” - What was Commander Edward Almond like? “As I said in the eulogy read at my grandfather`s funeral in 1979, he was a patriot, a soldier, a leader, a father, and my grandfather. He really liked the passage from William Shakespeare: ‘A coward dies a thousand times before his death, but the valiant taste of death but once.` And he put it into action all his life.” ♦ Hungnam Evacuation: Facing heavy attacks by Chinese troops, three U.S. military divisions and the Korean capital division operating on the frontlines in the northeastern region of South Hamgyong Province, North Korea, evacuated from the port of Hungnam, along with 100,000 North Korean civilian refugees. The SS Meredith Victory that carried more than 14,000 refugees was listed in the Guinness Book of World Records as a ship with the largest number of people onboard. [February 13, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

North Korean Refugee Marks 60 Years in Show Business

Song Hae, the nation's oldest active entertainer, sings at an eponymous variety show at Mapo Art Center in Seoul, on February 8.

Kim Jun-dong Editorial Writer The Kukmin Ilbo

On February 8, the blockbuster “Ode to My Father” surpassed 13 million tickets sold, making it Korea`s second-highest grossing film of all time. The movie touchingly retells South Korea`s odyssey from territorial division and devastation to prosperity from the viewpoint of a North Korean refugee turned Busan shopkeeper. That same day, “Song Hae`s New Year Concert,” a variety show reminiscent of the film, was held on a Seoul stage. It happened to be the first time Song Hae, a Hwanghae Province native, had put his own turbulent life story up on the stage. As the curtain rose, images of the fall of Seoul for the second time on January 4, 1951 were displayed on a screen. A song began about a man telling the woman he left behind on a pier in the North to remain steadfast until he returns. “Geum-sun! Be strong!” Song cried out. He sadly sang about his search for his love as snow falls and a biting wind blows. In reality, Song boarded a boat at a North Korean port 64 years ago, leaving his mother behind. Song had to make his way in the South all alone in the world. Born Song Bok-hui, he decided to change his first name to “Hae” (“Sea”) as he stared into the water during his journey to the South. With a life story every bit as riveting as a movie, I watched the 88-year-old from backstage for more than

two hours that day. I couldn`t believe his age. His voice was resonant and overflowing with energy. One minute before it was show time, the mood is unmistakably tense for most of the performers. Song made a fist with his right hand and yelled, “Fighting!” He didn`t forget to encourage a children`s choir to “just sing like you practiced.” The show related Song`s joys and sorrows of life as a refugee in the South. He sang “Be Strong, Geum-sun!” “The Young Lady from Gyeongsang Province,” “Parting at Busan Station” and “Darkness Falls on Chungmu-ro.” I asked Song how he could sing so well. Song demurred, “I really don`t sing that well, but I learned a lot from the musical group that I joined as soon as the armistice was signed [in 1953].” Song graduated from the vocal music department of Haeju Arts School in the North. Song made his public debut in the South as a singer for a band in 1955. He wrote and sang trot songs based on his life experiences and released eight albums. During his early shows, Song would often change costumes and perform as a comedian. His audience`s tears of sorrow from his sad songs would suddenly turn to tears of joy. Recalling those early days, Song noted, “Those were really tough times. You couldn`t make enough money to eat if you only sang, so I did everything from comedy to character sketches. Life in the band was so tough that we regularly had to fill positions because members would run away.” The show also included a scene from “National Singing Contest,” the first thing that comes to mind when thinking about Song Hae. Broadcaster Lee Sang-byeok appeared to assist Song in hosting the show. Lee asked Song, “How about retiring as the MC for the show and turning it over to me?” Song quipped, “Of course, you are my successor, but let`s do that in 50 years.” The audience erupted in a sea of laughter.

Overcoming Grief through Music This is how Song came to host the weekly singing contest that tours around the country. Song`s 21-year-old son died in a motorcycle accident on the Hannam Bridge in 1987. At the time Song had been hosting a traffic radio show for 17 years. But he stepped down soon afterward. Stricken with grief, Song even went

100

to Mt. Nam and attempted suicide. It was at that time that KBS producer Ahn In-ki (the younger brother of movie star Ahn Sung-ki) approached Song and said, “Let`s forget everything and work out in the field.” After much thought, Song decided to accept Ahn`s proposal to be the MC for “National Singing Contest.” Thus he began to host Korea`s first TV amateur singing contest in May 1988. This is the 28th year that the show has provided solace to Song for the untimely loss of his only son. Korea`s oldest active broadcaster is hosting Korea`s longest-running television program. The day before a show is taped, Song arrives at the location. He believes there is a limit to what can be written by the show`s script writers from afar, so he listens to the stories of the local residents. Song always visits a public bathhouse and a traditional market. While stripping naked in the bathhouse and eating Korean sausage soup in the market, Song can hear all kinds of stories from local residents and get a real feel for the area. Conveying snippets of these conversations always adds an unpredictable element to his show. Song noted, “I`m going down to the North Chungcheong Province town of Yeongdong on February 11 before we film our show the next day. My body is so used to doing this that it is not difficult at all. Actually, getting to meet with a wide range of people brings me happiness.”

The Latest Challenge: A National Tour Song is scheduled to go on a national tour starting Lunar New Year`s Day (February 19) at Seoul`s Olympic Hall, followed by Busan on February 21 and Changwon on March 1. The title of his tour is “Nonagenarian Song Hae`s Big Show.” Singers Jo Gyeong-su and Mun Yeon-ju, veteran comedians Ham Jae-uk and Won Jae-ro, the Yang Hui-bong Orchestra and Jo So-im Dance Troupe will join him on stage. A national tour is a new challenge for Song. By Korean calculation of a person`s age, Song is 89. But he said the show will celebrate his 90th year. He laughed and explained, “There are many people who think I was born in 1925 because my dear friend [comedian] Ku Bong-seo once said, `Weren`t you born in the same year as me?` However, I was born in 1927. We have the wonderful custom

101

handed down by our ancestors of celebrating a person`s 88th and 89th birthdays in a big way, don`t we?” Song added, “Because I am a North Korean refugee (silhyangmin), this year has special meaning for me because it is the 70th anniversary of the division of Korea. I decided I would host a program that looks back over the past 70 years as well as looks forward to the next 30 years.” Let`s look at Song`s schedule for this week: the performance in Seoul on Sunday, a commercial for the Industrial Bank of Korea on Monday, a rehearsal for his national tour on Tuesday, his trip to Chungcheong on Wednesday and Thursday to film his next show…. It would be hard for a young person to go around the country on a forced march like this.

The Fountain of Youth: Song`s BMW I wondered what the secret was to Song`s good health: His “BMW” is the key; by “BMW” Song means bus, subway and walking. When he isn`t performing, Song goes to his office in downtown Seoul by subway or bus. He gets off at Jongno 3ga and walks to his office in Nagwon-dong. He regularly takes the stairs. He does not have a manager or a coordinator. He has a cell phone, but he keeps it off most of the time. He does check from time to time to return important calls. Song shared a second secret to his good health: people. He noted, “Not being cooped up and getting out and meeting lots of people is the secret. More than 10 years ago I met the late Hyundai founder Chung Ju-yung. He suddenly declared, `The richest man in the world has just arrived. The richest man in the world knows a lot of people and the person who knows the most people is you, Mr. Song.” Meeting lots of people brings Song joy, but he said there are times when it is a nuisance. “When I go to a restaurant these days, the owner will not let me pay and taxi drivers will not let me pay the fare, so I am forced to throw my money at them. No matter where I go, well-wishers are always urging me to be healthy, which I believe makes me healthy like this.”

Age is Just a Number

102

Song`s final wish is to host his program in his hometown in Hwanghae Province. Song expressed his longing for his mother he left behind in the North when he fled south. “My hometown Chaeryong is famous for being the most fertile soil in the country and a transportation hub. I would like to sing a song there to my dearly departed mother.” During tryouts for “National Singing Contest,” the song that can be most often heard is his old standard, “What About My Age?” He hummed, “Hey, hey, hey, what about my age? It is just the right age for loving.” It seems as if this near nonagenarian is just entering the spring of his life. [February 11, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

103

‘I Will Donate This Entire Museum to Unified Korea’

Chong Hui-du, managing director of the Koryo Museum of Art in Kyoto, Japan, poses before a photo of his father and the museum's founder, Chong jo-mun.

Jung Ji-sup Staff Reporter The Chosun Ilbo

A 29-year-old man who lost his father had to deal with the burden of carrying on his family business all alone. He worked and toiled to make money by running pachinko parlors, Japanese pinball rooms, and izakayas, a type of Japanese drinking establishment, and as his father did, put all his wealth into an art museum dedicated to Korean ceramics and paintings. This is the story of Korean-Japanese industrialist Chong Jo-mun (1918-1989), the founder of the Koryo Museum of Art, and his son Chong Hui-du, 55, the managing director of the museum. The elder Chong purchased 1,700 Korean cultural properties, including pottery from the Joseon and Goryeo periods, and paintings, which were taken out of Korea during the Japanese colonial period and scattered throughout Japan. In 1988 Chong built the Koryo Museum of Art in Kyoto with his remarkable collection of Korean art objects. Now, 26 years later, the father and son will appear onscreen as a hero and his successor who saved the nation`s precious cultural assets. With the release slated for later this year, a preview of the documentary “Chong Jo-mun`s Porcelain Jar” (directed by Hwang Cheol-min), featuring the life of the Koryo Museum`s late founder, will be held by the Korean Cultural Center in Osaka on February 21. The

104

museum`s managing director Chong Hui-du, a second-generation KoreanJapanese, will star as a lead character in the film. When we met Chong at the museum on February 6, he said, “This documentary film will be very meaningful given that this year marks the 50th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic relations between South Korea and Japan. The film was produced with a production cost of 60 million won (approximately US$53,000) donated by 250 people from Korea and Japan, respectively, who love my father Chong Jo-mun and this museum.” Chong Jo-mun went to Kyoto with his parents in his childhood and started out as a manual worker after dropping out of elementary school. When he was in his 30s he came across Joseon white porcelain and became enthralled by its beauty. Thus he began to pour his money into purchasing Korean cultural artifacts that had been taken out of the country and dispersed across Japan. He began publishing a quarterly journal named “Korean Culture in Japan” in 1969, which lasted for 13 years, with the support of prominent cultural figures, including novelist Ryotaro Shiba, Nobel Prize laureate in physics Hideki Yukawa, and Korean-Japanese novelist Kim Dal-su. The journal contributed to helping Koreans living in Japan feel proud of their identity and native culture. In 1988, Chong established the Koryo Museum of Art, the only overseas institution entirely dedicated to the preservation and exhibition of Korean cultural assets, but unfortunately four months later he passed away. The one who witnessed Chong`s lifelong endeavor to save Korea`s cultural assets is his son and current managing director Chong Hui-du, the spitting image of his father. The younger Chong majored in archaeology at Nara University. “The stone pagoda standing in the front yard of the museum was made by piecing together a pile of stones tucked in rice paddies near Kobe in the 1960s,” Chong said. “My father asked the landlord to sell him the rice paddies if he did not intend to assemble the stones to preserve them in their entirety. My father paid 20 million yen (valued at that time) for the land. Each of the objects housed in the museum has a remarkable story behind it. I am relieved but at the same time I feel regret. That`s because the artworks housed in this museum make up less than a mere one percent of Korean cultural properties scattered across Japan.”

105

Chong also did not forget to add an earnest request towards Japanese collectors of Korean cultural properties that were taken to Japan without reporting to the authorities. “We are not asking for an unconditional return of those objects. It is important to understand the current situation in order to appreciate and assess the value of the Korean cultural assets in Japan. There might be a way of sharing the value of these treasures,” he said. Chong Jo-mun chose not to become a naturalized Japanese citizen; he lived as a “citizen of Joseon” without allegiance to either South Korea or North Korea. This demonstrates his yearning for unification. He stated in his will before his death: “Korea will be reunified 25 years from now. Donate our museum to our unified homeland.” The son said, “I haven`t yet been able to follow my father`s will, but I`m convinced that although it`s a bit late, my generation will witness the two Koreas united. So my father`s dream will come true.” [February 10, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

106

Men Favor Restaurants

Gangnam

Bars,

Women

Love

Gangbuk

Citizens form a long queue at a bus stop in Gangnam, the up-scale commercial and residential area south of the Han River in Seoul.

Yu Ha-ryong Staff Reporter The Chosun Ilbo

“On the so-called burning Friday (bulgeum), a large crowd gathers around Gangnam Station”; “It is advisable to avoid noon on Saturdays if you intend to visit Seoul Grand Park.” These advisories are a part of the research findings released by the Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements. The institute conducted a study tracking the spatial flow of the floating population, Korea`s first research project targeted at smartphone users. They divided the Seoul metropolitan region (Seoul, Gyeonggi Province and Incheon) into a total of 890,000 areas, each measuring 50 meters by 50 meters. And then, by using 150 million cases of users` big data, a traffic analysis was made for different time zones on each day of the week. Kim Jong-hak, the senior researcher at the institute in charge of the project, said: “When accumulated real-time data is available, it will have potential for application to a wide range of realms, including the distribution of traffic, prevention of crimes and disasters, and information about business start-up.”

Friday Traffic 30 Percent More Than Weekend The research findings on what day has the largest floating population are similar 107

to popular belief. The bulgeum Friday in Korea is the busiest day for outdoor activities. The place where the largest crowd gathers is Gangnam district. In this district, the hourly floating population amounts to 7.64 million, almost three times more than the average floating population throughout the rest of Seoul at 2.76 million. On the other hand, Monday is the least popular day for outdoor activities. The effect of Monday Blues after two days off seems to be a major cause. Then, what about weekends? When Friday`s activity index is considered 100, that of weekdays is 97 and that of weekends (Saturday and Sunday) is 70. These figures indicate that people engage in 30 percent less outdoor activity on weekends compared to weekdays. This is apparently because many people leave Seoul on weekends. Within a day the highest activity index is at 5 p.m. near quitting time, followed by 6 p.m., 4 p.m. and 3 p.m. The time periods that have the lowest index figures include 3 a.m. and 4 a.m. Saturday has the most brisk early morning activity, while Friday has most afternoon activity. This can be interpreted as a result of people thinking they can afford to be outdoors until wee hours on Saturday morning because they have two days off ahead of them. Go Yong-seok, a researcher at the Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements, said: “Bulgeum refers to the time slot from 3 p.m. on Friday to 5 a.m. on Saturday when the floating population reaches its height.” The largest floating population is found in Gangnam, south of the Han River, early in the morning. The most preferred spot of the floating population switches to Gangbuk, north of the river, during the afternoon. Many people who work in Gangnam live in the southern metropolitan areas, including Suwon, Seongnam and Hwaseong, in Gyeonggi Province, so these areas have big crowds in the early morning hours. In the afternoon, the old downtown in Gangbuk, including areas around Gwanghwamun and City Hall, becomes the most preferred places for meetings and gatherings. Also notable is that the male floating population prefers bars in Gangnam whereas females prefer trendy restaurants and fashion shops in Gangbuk areas. In particular, this trend is more accurately applicable to both teenage boys and girls and women in their forties. This is probably because middle and high school

108

students and full-time moms in their forties share similar activity spaces.

Jongno Tops in Ratio of Floaters to Residents Throughout the entire week, Gangnam has the largest floating population in Seoul, followed by the districts of Songpa, Seocho, Yeongdeungpo, Jung, and Gangseo, in that order. In Gyeonggi Province, Hwaseong has the largest floating population, followed by Bundang and Namyangju. Park Dae-won, director of the Institute for Shopping District Information, said, “These are all flourishing business districts. This supports the hypothesis that a large floating population is required for a business district to prosper.” Jongno`s ratio of the floating population to the resident population is 4.2 times. It is followed by Gangnam (2.3), Yeongdeungpo (1.7) and Yongsan (1.4). In contrast, the resident population of Eunpyeong, Dobong, Gangbuk and Seongbuk districts exceeds the floating population. Hospitals and department stores attract the largest crowds on Fridays, followed by Tuesdays. The Seoul National University Hospital has the largest number of outpatients on Tuesdays and Wednesdays; the National Assembly building has more visitors on Tuesdays and Fridays. Seoul Grand Park, one of the most popular amusement parks in the Seoul metropolitan area, has the largest transient population between noon and 3 p.m. on Saturdays. The Seoul Zoo in Seoul Grand Park has 44 percent of its daily floating population and Seoul Land 41 percent during this time period. Senior researcher Kim Jong-hak said, “Through the analysis of big data the information on the degree of congestion by facility and season can be offered in real time, thus greatly increasing potential benefits for users.” [February 10, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

109

- Korea-China Relations Seen through Exchange between 20th Century Intellectuals

- How Did Goryeo’s Faithful Subject End Up in Joseon’s Confucian Shrine?

110

Korea-China Relations Seen through Exchange between 20th Century Intellectuals

"Origin of Korea-China Exchange in the Modern Era" written by Hong Seok-pyo and published by Ewha Womans University Press

Kim Sang-un Staff Reporter The Dong-a Ilbo

“Origin of Korea-China Exchange in the Modern Era” By Hong Seok-pyo, Ewha Womans University Press, 408 pages, 27,000 won Korean writer Yi Yuksa met Chinese writer Lu Xun in Shanghai by chance in June 1933. Having graduated from the Korean Revolution Military Academy in Nanjing, Yi had visited Shanghai before slipping into Korea under Japanese rule. Having written a book about Lu Xun, Yi must have been deeply impressed. Later, in an article titled “In Remembrance of Lu Xun,” Yi wrote, “When Lu Xun took my hand again, he had already become a warm, familiar friend.” This was the moment when the Chinese intellectual Lu Xun, who wanted to change the world, and the Korean nationalist Yi Yuksa, who rose up against the Japanese colonial rule, came together with one mind. Actually, Yi`s view of literature was strongly influenced by that of Lu Xun. In his book, Yi wrote, “To Lu Xun, art was never a slave to politics; rather, art was like a pioneer leading politics.” They shared similar views of art as well as aspirations to change the world. “Origin of Korea-China Exchange in the Modern Era” covers the relations between 111

Korean and Chinese intellectuals in the early 20th century. Their interactions were forgotten during the Japanese occupation of Korea, World War II and the ensuing Cold War. Although Korea`s sovereignty was relinquished to Japan, intellectual exchange between Korea and China remained intact, maintaining thousands of years of discourse. What is interesting is that even then there was a love-hate relationship between the two countries. Beijing University Professor Wei Jiangong, who was a visiting scholar to the Department of Chinese Literature at Keijo Imperial University in Seoul in 1926, said, “In their hearts, the Chinese and the Korean people may hate each other, but in their minds, they keep friendly relations. This is like the two opposite sides of East Asia regionalism pursuing co-prosperity and coexistence.” This extends to the present day when the two nations are forming a huge economic bloc under a bilateral free trade agreement and yet cannot smooth out the differences over historical matters such as whose history includes the ancient kingdom of Goguryeo, which existed in Northeast China and today`s North Korea. The author attempted to add more color to the past by visiting the university in Beijing that Yi Yuksa attended in 1926. He also added an interview with one of the school`s graduates to explain how Yi Yuksa became fascinated with modern Chinese literature. There is another eye-catching episode about how the Chinese writer Eileen Chang (1920-1995), author of the short story “Lust, Caution” which was made into a movie with the same title, met Choi Seung-hee, Korea`s most talented dancer at the time. [February 7, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

112

How Did Goryeo’s Faithful Subject End Up in Joseon’s Confucian Shrine?

"Genealogy of Knowledge in Joseon" written by Choe Yeon-sik and published by Ok Dang Publishing Co.

Baek Seung-chan Staff Reporter The Kyunghyang Shinmun

“Genealogy of Knowledge in Joseon” By Choe Yeon-sik, Ok Dang Publishing Co., 336 pages, 16,000 won Munmyo is the national Confucian shrine of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), where outstanding sages of China and Korea, including Confucius himself, are honored and venerated. In the Confucian-oriented state of Joseon, Confucius was undoubtedly the iconic figure in ethical, political and academic realms, and having one`s name added to the roster of sages venerated at Munmyo meant government recognition as a worthy intellectual. Munmyo originated from the Temple of Confucius in China. In Korea the state Confucian shrine was first established within the national academy of Unified Silla in the eighth century. The state Confucian shrine of Joseon was established in 1398, the seventh year of King Taejo`s reign, and houses the spirit tablets of 18 Korean scholars, along with 93 Chinese sages. Of these, the status of Seol Chong (658?-?), Choe Chi-won (857-?) and An Hyang (1243-1306) had been already determined during the Goryeo Dynasty, which in turn means that the Joseon Dynasty officially recognized only 15 individuals out of its numerous Confucian scholars. 113

The author, a professor at Yonsei University`s Department of Political Science and International Studies, weaves through the political struggle that sets the stage for the whole process of recommending and selecting the candidates to be enshrined at Munmyo in his book, “Genealogy of Knowledge in Joseon.” Conflicting interests of the king and ministers of different factions played out. The list of honorable names to be remembered in Munmyo reflected not only the scholars` academic achievements but the call of the times and individuals` ambitions. Jeong Mong-ju (1338-1392) was the first Korean scholar to be enshrined at Munmyo in Joseon. As is widely known, however, Jeong did not contribute to the founding of the Joseon Dynasty. He had opposed Yi Seong-gye, who later became King Taejo, the founder of Joseon, and was murdered by assassins dispatched by Yi Bang-won, the son of Yi Seong-gye, who would later become Joseon`s third king. There is a long story behind how Joseon came to venerate the very person who opposed its founding as the first officially recognized scholar. King Seongjong, the ninth ruler of Joseon, took the throne at the age of 13, with little grooming to be the king. He was the second youngest monarch in Joseon after Danjong who became king at 12. Queen Dowager Jeonghui, queen consort to Sejo and grandmother of Seongjong, became the regent, and for seven years after accession, Seongjong was a mere figurehead placed at the mercy of his grandmother and his ministers. Upon completion of the regency, Seongjong supported the activities of the three palace agencies (samsa). They were responsible for preventing the abuse of political and administrative authority, monitoring possible wrongdoings and corruption among officials and remonstrating with the king. Prince Yeonsan, who succeeded Seongjong, was quite the opposite. As soon as he was named the crown prince at the age of eight, he received lessons to prepare for the throne. By the time he ascended to the throne at the age of 19, the king`s position in Joseon was entrenched, and the three palace agencies were actually obstacles to the monarchy. The main players behind the veneration of Jeong Mong-ju were Jo Gwang-jo and his followers. They gained power under King Jungjong who was enthroned in a

114

coup to oust Prince Yeonsan. Jo and his followers had originally planned to nominate Seong Sam-mun and Park Paeng-nyeon to Munmyo, who had died fighting against the usurpation of throne by King Sejo from his nephew Danjong. They thought Seong and Park had died honorable deaths, not succumbing to authority that they felt was unjust, even if it meant disobeying the king. However, their plan did not work out and instead they nominated Jeong Mong-ju as a symbolic figure who fought for justice. Mentioning Jeong`s name was considered taboo in Joseon, and it was Gwon Geun who had made the first attempt to reinstate him. In 1401, the first year of King Taejong`s reign, Gwon proposed to the king who had murdered Jeong Mong-ju, “When the ruler of a nation makes it a priority to honor a loyal scholar, he is making the effort to reinforce a set of important values for generations to come.” Gwon knew early on that different logics apply at times of building and maintaining a nation. In times of maintaining the status quo, loyalty is placed over revolutionary spirit. Therefore, Joseon could politically use Jeong Mong-ju as a role model of loyalty although he faithfully served the court of Goryeo. Eventually, in 1517, 116 years after Gwon Geun`s initial proposal, Jeong Mong-ju was enshrined at Munmyo. However, Jeong Do-jeon (1343-1398), who was five years younger and a friend and disciple of Jeong Mong-ju, did not make it. Jeong Do-jeon took note of the political ability of Yi Seong-gye, and he drew up a plan for land reform in cooperation with Yi, right after Yi led a coup against Goryeo. Jeong Do-jeon was responsible for laying out the roadmap for the new nation Joseon. According to the annals of King Taejo, “There was no initiative helpful to the founding of Joseon that Jeong Do-jeon was not part of. He has made significant contributions in carrying out the grand scheme.” However, Jeong Do-jeon was no more than a founding member of a new dynasty, whose role shrank. Into the seventh year of the Joseon Dynasty, in 1398 when the first “coup of the prince” broke out, he was murdered by Yi Bang-won`s men. It was 467 years later in 1865 that Jeong Do-jeon was reinstated. Upon completion of the reconstruction of Gyeongbokgung, the main palace of Joseon, King Gojong recognized the contributions made by Jeong Do-jeon who had initially designed the palace. Admitting new names to Munmyo occurred over eight occasions during the

115

Joseon Dynasty. After Jeong Mong-ju, scholars including Kim Goeng-pil, Jo Gwang-jo, Yi Hwang, Yi I, and Song Si-yeol were enshrined, and together with the others they were edified as “Eighteen Sages of the Eastern State [Korea].” The motive behind the veneration project was to emphasize loyalty to the state and to reinstate intellectuals who had been sacrificed during literari purges. The author regards veneration at the state shrine as the ultimate result of “the endeavor to make Joseon a nation of intellectuals, not of the king.” There were, of course, side effects. Scholars of different factions submitted petitions requesting their teachers` place at Munmyo, and the king used the factional conflict to strengthen royal power. The intellectuals of Joseon lost their capabilities for competition and critical thinking. Their influence declined toward the end of the Joseon period, and the dynasty fell along with them. [February 14, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

116

- ‘IS and al-Qaeda are Political Groups Unrelated to Islam’

- Yukari Muraoka: “It’s a Shame That Koreans Have a Low Regard for Makgeolli.”

- Weekend Warrior Conquers the Seven Summits

117

‘IS and al-Qaeda are Political Groups Unrelated to Islam’

Lee Haeng-rae, 78, the spiritual pillar of the Korean Islamic faith, says the Islamic State is a political group unrelated to Islam.

Jeong Chung-sin Staff Reporter The Munhwa Ilbo

Whenever militant extremists commit highly publicized terrorist acts under the name of Islam, the Korean Muslim community feels a great heartache. At such times the Seoul Central Mosque, the first mosque in Korea, sitting on top of the hill on Usadan road in Itaewon, becomes the object of scrutiny. Lee Haeng-rae, 78, is a first-generation Korean Muslim and the spiritual pillar of the Korean Islamic faith. In 2004, when he was the head imam (prayer leader) at the Seoul mosque, he scurried around the Middle East trying to negotiate the release of kidnap victim Kim Sun-il. But Kim was beheaded by Jama`al al-Tawhid wal-Jihad, a militant Islamist group led by Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, second most powerful man in al Qaeda. In 2007, Lee worked to get the release of members of Saemmul Presbyterian Church, who were taken hostage by the Taliban in Afghanistan. In his 60 years of spreading the faith since the Korean War (1950-53), Lee has devoted himself to correcting Koreans` conception of Islam as a militant religion. While putting together the history of Islam in Korea, he looks toward his 80th year but is as active as ever in the project to rebuild the Seoul mosque or build a new one.

118

When I met Lee at his office at the Seoul central mosque, he was wearing a rounded white skullcap (taqyiah), as usual, and had a hearing device in his ear. Putting greetings aside, I brought up two recent incidents that Muslims hate to even think about: the beheading of a Japanese hostage by the Islamic State (IS) and the gruesome video of a Jordanian pilot being burned alive in March. Q. Militant Islamist groups are committing horrific deeds in the name of jihad (the “struggle” against non-believers). A. Burning alive — it`s unspeakable and something to be ashamed of as a religious person. The Islam scripture, the Quran, forbids suicide, for it is God`s will that one protect the life that has been given by God. Jihad cannot be proclaimed by an individual. The Hadith, the teachings of the prophet Muhammad, says, “One who does good deeds can do more good deeds if one lives a long time, so do not wish for death. Even those who commit sin should not wish for death. If you live a long time and repent then you will be able to receive God`s forgiveness.” Militant Islamic groups such as al-Qaeda and the IS have declared jihad in order to drag Muslims into battle and have urged them to commit suicide bombings, but these people are politicians and their acts are political acts. They are in no way related to religion. The imam sat concentrating on the interview but for a moment his eyebrows twitched. “In moral terms the acts of the IS are unforgivable. Just watching the video is horrific,” said Lee. “Muslims follow the faith in order to lead upright lives. How can you call people who commit such outrages believers of Islam?” Q. The militant groups believe in the holiness of jihad. They argue that they will be rewarded by heaven. A. Certainly I refute such claims. It is an evil deed. They will fall into jahannam (hell). These militant forces such as the Taliban, the IS and al-Qaeda are simply political organizations; they have no connection with religion. If they are religious groups, how could they decapitate or burn people alive? Lee says that the Quran vividly describes the last day and the last judgment, explaining that ihsan (doing good deeds) is the basis of all religious activities. Those believers who are praised will receive their record of deeds from the angels

119

in their right hands, while disbelievers who practiced evil will receive their record of deeds in their left hands. When the testimony of the angels is over, the good are separated from the bad according to which hand is heavier. Those with a heavy right hand are described as strong believers who practiced good deeds all their lives.” Lee goes so far as to mention “hell” for it seems the militant groups are in a battle to see who is the most evil, urged on by Iblis, the most malicious of the angels who disobeys the commands of God (Allah), pits people against each other, and incites people to the path of crime. The Islam view of life is different from that of Christianity. That is, in Christianity, human beings are considered evil by nature because of Adam`s original sin. Human beings committed the sin of disobedience to God from the moment of birth and must therefore repent. On the other hand, in Islam human beings are considered good by nature. The prophet Muhammad`s Hadith says that half of all faith is doing good deeds. Q. There is a tendency to equate Islam with militant groups acting on the pretext of jihad. A. I felt uncomfortable when I saw the 9 o`clock news the other day, which carried subtitles such as “Islamic terrorist organizations” and “Islamic armed organizations.” War and politics are clearly different and have different goals, but there is misunderstanding about the two. Islam and all other religions have the same goal of leading people to live holy and righteous lives. But how can these militant political forces who commit wrong be called Muslims? They are simply political forces committing evil deeds in the name of Muslims. The Quran clearly defines evil deeds as going against Islam. It is a grave wrong to place the holy name of Islam before the names of extremist militant forces. They should be called “anti-Islam terrorist groups” or “armed anti-American forces.” They are not religious people but political forces whose families have been Islam believers for generations. As Korea is an ally of the United States, it pains me to think that these epithets will not go away easily. Q. Surely this misunderstanding comes from the goal of Islam to align and unify religion and the state. Isn`t Islam becoming the most misunderstood religion in the world? A. The cry for unity of religion and politics in the era of the caliphs is denounced

120

as Islam fundamentalism, but this does not fit the situation today. Such ideas are simply the wishes of politicians who want to create a world where they can exert their own power. The most righteous people should be politicians, but in the Middle East as well as in Korea the problem is the politicians who think all means justify the end and engage in corruption. Q. In suicide bombings, jiahd is always mentioned. Some Islamic legal scholars say the bombings that evoke jihad fulfill God`s will. Others argue that the attacks are rash and meaningless. A. The ulama, or the Islamic legal scholars, say that those who engage in suicidal terrorist acts must be punished as criminals and do not see such persons as Muslims. The Quran urges people to do good deeds and considers terrorism as evil. Bin Laden touted jihad with the aim of increasing the funds of the Islamic Arab forces. It had nothing to do with the real jihad of Islam. According to Lee, the Sunni sect, who account for the majority of Muslims, make a distinction between the “greater jihad,” which is the inner spiritual struggle to draw closer to God, and the “lesser jihad,” which is physical battle waged to protect and expand Islam territory. “The militant aspect of the lesser jihad has been amplified and exaggerated so that it is misunderstood in the West as only that. In Korean, we call it a ‘holy war` (seongjeon) for want of a better expression,” said Lee. “But can any war be called ‘holy`? The fighting regulations of Islam are very strict. Those not engaged in battle must not be killed and no harm must be done to women and children and the elderly. In terms of human rights, these rules stand even above modern international law. Revenge and preemptive strikes are considered unjust and engaging in such acts means the regression of Islam. Acts that have nothing to do with jiahd are being committed in the name of jihad. The greatest evil is neglect of the real meaning of jihad to carry out politics in the guise of jihad.” Q. Every religion has a fundamental ideology; in Buddhism it is compassion, in Christianity it is love, what about Islam? A. The foremost ideology of Islam is peace. This is salam in Arabic, and shalom in Hebrew. Then comes brotherly love. This is strong in Muslims around the world. We call each other akh (brother) and ukht (sister).

121

Q. Why the emphasis on brotherly love? A. In the narrow sense it is love for one`s brothers, but in the broad sense it is love for all humanity. From the Islamic perspective, all people are the family of God. As all are brothers and sisters as the descendants of Adam, in the broad sense it is love for all human beings. Scholars of religion see Islam, which came later, as being very closely related to Judaism and Christianity, originating from the same ancient Oriental civilization and all created by the Semites. Q. Some say Judaism is the elder son of Christianity and Islam the younger son. A. You could see it that way. But if we were to make strict distinctions, Islam is the elder brother. Abraham had two sons, and the elder son was named Ishmael. Ishmael was born from Abraham and Hagar, his wife Sarah`s handmaid, and is the founding father of the Arab people. Abraham`s second son Isaac was born of his wife Sarah and is the founding father of the Israeli people. Q. In any case, both Judaism and Islam came from the Semites, but they are in a vicious cycle of violence. How can this chain be broken? A. The answer can be found in human history. There are many problems that must be addressed. Look at the Hussein-MacMahon Correspondence of the first World War (1915), in which powerful nations such as Britain and France supported the construction of an independent Arab state with the aim of overthrowing the Ottoman Empire; and look at the Balfour Declaration of 1917, which announced support for the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. These declarations [which in effect promised the same land to both the Jews and the Arabs] can be seen as the seeds that sowed all the war and terrorism in the Middle East. This can be seen as the incident that turned the two sides into enemies. The way Lee sees it, the vicious cycle of war and terrorism was not created by the Arab or Israeli peoples but by the artifices of the world powers seeking their own

122

interests: “The same can be said for the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916, a secret agreement between France and Great Britain for dismembering the Ottoman Empire and colonial administration of Turkish-held Arab nations. The weak were victimized by the strong. In an interview with an American journalist I said, ‘It is a problem that must be solved by the powers that created it.` The leaders of the United States and other world powers can only find a solution if they begin to care about the global family as if they were members of their own families.” Q. The lampooning of Muhammad in cartoons by the French magazine Charlie Hebdo led to a terrorist attack on its office. One side justified the cartoons under freedom of expression while the other side claimed they were blasphemy against Muhammad. A. The magazine was at fault, as were the jihadists, who did not deal with the case appropriately. Muhammad passed away after nine days in his sickbed. Of the commands that he left behind for Muslims to keep after his death, the two most important were not to keep his portrait, and not to preserve his body for too long. He did not acknowledge symbolism. Though the custom of treating the body for preservation existed, he also instructed this not to be done. Moreover, we have no Christmas. Muslims know the day Muhammad passed away but do not commemorate the day according to his wishes. Lee recalls the uproar he caused in the past when he translated the Quran into Korean and included a full-body illustration of the prophet. “A big commotion occurs if you mishandle anything related to God. Back in 1962 I went to Malaysia to study and witnessed the uproar when a man tried to peddle portraits of Muhammad. Muslims went and wrecked his store. Damaging the sacred Quran in any way is a great issue in Islamic society. We need a culture of looking after and showing consideration for each other. The French magazine may have sold many copies and made some money, but it`s a shame that the people concerned did not show more consideration to another`s religion,” he said. “Of course, that doesn`t mean Muslims can take revenge with violence. If evil is paid back with evil then that is revenge, and unwise behavior… Religious figures must behave in a way appropriate to religious figures. A letter of complaint should have been sent, asking for restraint as such cartoons were against Islamic law, or some other non-violent measure should have been taken.”

123

Q. Many years ago, “The Satanic Verses” by British author Salman Rushdie denounced Muhammad as a despot and the devil. Iran`s Ayatollah Khomeini issued a death sentence on Rushdie. A. It arose from Rushdie`s misunderstanding and intent to give offence. It was wrong. The Islam religion originated 1,400 years ago at which time the prophet stated that the first ideology of Islam is peace. “Sallaho alaihe wa sallum — Peace and blessings of Allah be on him.” We greet each other with this blessing to show our will for peace. It is a way to achieve peace. The next most important thing is equality, or musawah. The prophet proclaimed that all people are equal before God. It was a time when there was a king and slavery, 1,000 years before the declaration of human and civil rights in France in 1789. He proclaimed before the king that all people are equal. So the time before Islam was called the “dark age.” Islam was a reform that came at the risk of death. Lee also argued that the image of Islam as a religion that discriminates against women is a misunderstanding. “Women`s right to inheritance and to hold assets was recognized 1,400 years ago,” Lee pointed out. “The Quran included a stipulation on the share to be given to sons and daughters 1,400 years ago, so if no separate will is made assets are divided according to the Quran. The phrases of the Quran are taken as law. This is because it is the Muslim`s duty to keep the word of God.” Q. Just inside the entrance to the central Mosque in Seoul it is written, “There is no other God but Allah. Muhammad is his apostle.” Does this mean Muhammad is the founder or head of the Islamic faith? A. Muslims believe that Islam existed from the time God created the only religion. In Islam it is believed that all scriptures were created in the language of the absolute God rather than being the work of human beings. As they are considered to be miracles beyond human power, all scriptures are respected. Islam does not exclude nor discriminate against the only God of other religions, such as Jehovah of Judaism and the God of Christianity. As they are all the one and only God, we urge that they all be respected. [February 13, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

124

Yukari Muraoka: “It’s a Shame That Koreans Have a Low Regard for Makgeolli.”

Makgeolli sommelier Yukari Muraoka has visited about 100 breweries across Korea in the past three years.

Choi Bo-sik Senior Reporter The Chosun Ilbo

The Sool Gallery, a venue for promoting traditional Korean alcoholic drinks, opened on February 11 in Insa-dong, Seoul. The opening event was attended by Minister of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs Lee Dong-phil, who expressed his gratitude to Yukari Muraoka from Japan. “She is one of the most actively involved foreigners in promoting makgeolli (traditional Korean rice wine), currently acting as president of Japan`s honorary makgeolli sommelier association and managing a Japanese makgeolli community with around 1,000 members,” Lee said. Muraoka has been living in Korea for three years. During this time she has visited around 100 or so breweries in the country and obtained a traditional Korean liquor sommelier certificate. I`ve heard of Japanese women going crazy about hallyu stars, such as Bae Yong-joon and Jang Geun-suk, but never knew that their love of Korean culture could extend to alcoholic drinks like makgeolli. “The amount of lactic acid bacteria in one glass of makgeolli is equivalent to 40 yogurt drinks. They are plant-originated lactic acid bacteria, so are able to reach your intestines without being killed by stomach acid. The old saying that ‘alcohol is the best medicine` is spot on when it comes to makgeolli,” said Muraoka. 125

Q. Notwithstanding your love of makgeolli, you can`t profess to know more about it than Koreans. A. That is true to a certain extent, but I can offer a different perspective. Koreans tend to look down on the drink as being cheap, giving you bad headaches and making you belch. Q. Since it only costs 1,500 won (approximately US$1.5) a bottle, it is a cheap drink that people with light pockets can enjoy. A. Makgeolli is a compound of the Korean words meaning “roughly, coarsely” and “sift or filter.” As far as I know, I think it is the most fresh and unique alcoholic drink in the world. In Japan, we have drinks like doburoku and nigori with a short fermentation period, but they are high proof and cannot be easily distributed fresh. Q. Frankly speaking, isn`t makgeolli of a lower quality compared to Japan`s sake? A. It`s not a matter of which is better; they differ in kind. If sake can be compared to camembert cheese that needs a ripening period, makgeolli is more like mozzarella. Q. Camembert and mozzarella cheese? A. Makgeolli retains the natural taste of the ingredients. It`s like a fresh salad dish. Usually rice nuruk (yeast cake or fermentation starter) is used when making sake, whereas wheat yeast is mostly used in makgeolli. Wheat brings out a more tangy flavor, which is why sake tends to taste sweeter while makgeolli is more refreshing. Q. It`s nice to hear you speak highly of makgeolli. If you had to choose between sake and makgeolli, which would you prefer? A. That question shows a lack of understanding of alcohol enthusiasts. Do you only drink one kind of alcoholic beverage? The choice of drink depends on your mood and occasion. When I`m in Japan eating Japanese food, I drink sake. But

126

when I`m eating grilled pork belly, I like to drink Geumjeongsan makgeolli. Wine goes well with the French dish escargot, while Baekryeon (“White Lotus”) makgeolli would be my choice with the Korean spicy sea snail salad dish. Q. Which makgeolli brand in Korea do you personally like the best? A. I like those that embody the manufacturer`s individuality. One of my personal favorites is Jahuihyang makgeolli, which is additive-free, made with glutinous rice and fermented for 100 days. It has a feminine smoothness to it. Another is Song Myeong-seop makgeolli, which has a rustic, earthy taste. Q. During our phone conversation before this interview, you told me that your drinking capacity is three glasses of makgeolli, one glass of refined rice wine and one shot of soju. A. That`s what I say openly. Do I have to reveal how much I can really drink? Actually, I`m a big drinker. I can drink around four bottles of makgeolli in one sitting. Q. There`s also soju and beer in Korea. Do you only drink makgeolli? A. Usually I drink a glass of Japanese beer as an aperitif before I drink makgeolli. Do you know what`s most inconvenient about living in Korea? It`s the fact that I can`t drink makgeolli by myself at a restaurant. If you sit at a restaurant all alone, order a dish of assorted jeon (pan-fried delicacies) and shake a bottle of makgeolli, people look at you strangely, thinking, “Has she broken up with her boyfriend?” or “Is she contemplating suicide?” Q. Isn`t that the same in Japan? A. In Japan, I usually drink wine or draft beer when I eat lunch alone. Q. There`s a tendency to think that it`s undignified for a woman to drink makgeolli by herself. A. If makgeolli is to be regarded on par with wine or sake, Koreans should first learn more about the traditional drink and truly appreciate it. Makgeolli is largely

127

known as a cheap drink, but that`s only because it`s not heavily taxed. The cost of ingredients is actually quite high compared to other drinks, which is why it is of high value. Mixed with juices, makgeolli makes a good cocktail or smoothie. Do you know how many different types of makgeolli there are in Korea? Q. I`m not quite sure. A. More than 1,000. There are even premium brands priced at around 20,000 to 30,000 won made from homegrown rice with no water or any chemical additives added. Q. I don`t think there`s a big difference in taste between brands. A. Koreans generally think that. But there is a distinct difference depending on the amount of rice; whether the rice is glutinous or non-glutinous; whether the nuruk is molded into a yeast cake or is loose; the fermentation period; whether it is fermented in an earthen pot or stainless steel container; and the amount of water added. Q. Can you really distinguish the different tastes? A. Of course. Korean makgeolli has distinctive regional characteristics. Another enjoyment of drinking makgeolli is guessing the date it was shipped from the brewery. One that has just been shipped has a strong sweet flavor because the yeast has not fermented fully. It`s just right after three to five days. Q. Do you have a keen sense of taste? A. You could say that. But I`m also a native of Kobe in Hyogo Prefecture, Japan. My home village is where they grow the super premium sake-rice Yamada Nishiki, and so it has many breweries that produce seasonal varieties of sake. When I was growing up I liked to go to the breweries and taste the sake. Q. Were your parents okay with their young daughter frequenting the breweries? A. (laugh) My late mother was a great cook, and she started teaching me how to

128

cook when I was in elementary school. Despite such an upbringing, I got a job right after graduating from college. I even worked in the timber importing business when I lived in Canada for five years. Back then I said to myself, “If my passion for cooking still remains strong when I turn 30, then I`ll pursue a career in cooking.” That became a reality. When I turned 30, I returned to Japan and became a culinary specialist. Prior to coming to Korea, I gave private cooking lessons, lectures, wrote for magazines and made television appearances. Q. What brought you to Korea? A. The Korean TV drama series “Dae Jang Geum” (a.k.a. “Jewel in the Palace”) that aired in Japan in 2004 had a great impact on me. It tells the story of the female protagonist Jang-geum who enters the palace as a kitchen cook, is exiled to Jeju Island, and upon her return goes on to become the first female physician to the king. My mother always used to say, “Medicine and food have the same roots,” and that is what this drama essentially portrays. I also saw the drama “Hur Jun.” I was gripped by a burning desire to visit Korea. Muraoka came to Korea in 2012 when she was 46. She completed the two-year course at Sogang University`s Korean Language Education Center. “My goal was to read Dongui bogam (Treasures of Korean Medicine) compiled by the royal physician Heo Jun in the Joseon Dynasty, the protagonist of the drama ‘Hur Jun.` It was a colossal task. But I really wanted to read it, so using a dictionary I managed to plow through a little bit of it,” she said. Q. How did your love of makgeolli start? A. I tasted makgeolli for the first time in a small bottle 20 years ago in Osaka. I remember it as having a refreshing taste. But I never imagined then that I`d be living in Korea one day and studying makgeolli and traditional Korean liquor. My interest in makgeolli began in earnest when I came to Korea. A Facebook friend posted about getting an honorary makgeolli sommelier certificate. That prompted me to attend a makgeolli class, and that was how it all started. Q. A lot of Koreans don`t even know that there is such a thing as a makgeolli sommelier.

129

A. It`s not anything grand. They give it to people who attend the makgeolli class for a day. But after that I continued studying about the traditional Korean drink visiting makgeolli breweries around the country, attending sampling events and festivals, and reading up on books on the subject. Last year, I participated in the traditional Korean liquor sommelier contest sponsored by the Rural Development Administration and received an award. That is an official certificate. Q. What are the judging criteria? A. The types of traditional Korean liquor contestants are judged on are makgeolli, refined rice wine (yakju) and soju. The first stage is a written test comprising of questions, such as about the history of the drink and fermentation process. The next stage is tasting. You have to guess the regional origin, manufacturer and alcohol content. Q. What is the role of a traditional liquor sommelier? A. We hold makgeolli classes for Japanese people or recommend what drink goes well with certain foods. My approach is to focus more on the aspects of culture and nature rather than the science and study of winemaking. For example, Hansan Sogokju produced in Seocheon County, South Chungcheong Province has a strong rice flavor. It`s best when paired with fresh monkfish caught straight from the waters off Seocheon. Q. You`re currently president of the Japanese honorary makgeolli sommelier association? A. Yes, we have 1,200 members, most of whom are in Japan. Q. How did they become interested in makgeolli? In some aspects, the drink`s popularity in Japan played a part in its recent comeback in Korea. A. Around 2005, a makgeolli advertisement featuring the Korean actor Jang Dong-gun came out in Japan. That sparked the makgeolli boom among fans of hallyu stars, and hence led to an increase in makgeolli imports from Korea. But they weren`t fresh makgeolli. People who had visited Korea and tasted fresh makgeolli raved about how much better they were than the imported products.

130

Q. I heard that the popularity of makgeolli has waned in Japan. A. Media reports tell of growing anti-Korean sentiment in Japan, but that doesn`t actually seem to be the case when I visit Japan. I`m sure that among Japanese makgeolli fans, there aren`t any that have any animosity toward Korea. They believe that people of a country that brews such delicious makgeolli can`t be bad. This year marks the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan. I intend to do more to further promote makgeolli and contribute in my small way to mending relations between the two countries. Muraoka runs a business that helps facilitate transactions between Korean and Japanese companies. Q. Your love of makgeolli isn`t part of your business strategy, is it? A. People have told me that I could strike it rich if I make a business out of it. But I don`t think of money when it comes to traditional liquor. I try to volunteer a lot. I hope what I do can help in whatever small way to improving Korea-Japan relations. [February 16, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

131

Weekend Warrior Conquers the Seven Summits

Son Yeong-jo, director of preservation at Mt. Deogyu National Park, climbed the highest mountains on all seven continents during the past 14 years.

Im Byeong-seon Staff Reporter The Seoul Shinmun

Since an American became the first person to conquer the highest peak on each of the seven continents, about 300 people have duplicated the multi-year feat that ended in 1985. In Korea, you can count on one hand the number of people who have done so. Four of them were professional mountaineers of unsurpassed skill — Um Hong-gil, Oh Eun-sun, Kim Young-mi, Heo Young-ho and the late Park Young-seok, who died on Annapurna in the Himalayas in 2011. But the sixth climber was an amateur with a full-time desk job, Son Yeong-jo, 49, director of conservation at Mt. Deogyu National Park in North Jeolla Province. A native of Namwon, North Jeolla Province, Son says that from the time he was very young he was happiest when he was on a hiking trail at nearby Mt. Jiri National Park. While working at a large construction company, he visited a mountaineering store without having any real plan in mind. He just wanted to meet other people who liked mountains. He joined a mountain climbing club and learned how to ice climb and other mountaineering skills. It was difficult for Son to take vacations, so he would hop on an express bus after work on Friday evenings and travel to one of Korea`s 16 mountainous national parks. It was during this period, when Son`s love for mountains was growing deeper,

132

that he saw an announcement for a job opening at the Korean National Park Service in 1995. He thought how great it would be if the mountains could be his workplace. He first had to convince his wife of less than a month to allow him to take a job that would cut his salary in half. There was no one in the area that really knew how to climb mountains so he formed his own mountaineering club and taught his young members how to climb. The decision to try to climb the highest peak on each continent came during an expedition in 2000 to climb Mt. Cho Oyu (8,201 meters). Straddling the NepalTibet border, it is the world`s sixth highest mountain and often used to train for climbing Mt. Everest. “When we reached the final base camp, another climber who had been to the summit convinced our team to turn back,” Son explained. “The weather was fine and I felt great, so I spent the next three hours squatting and crying. It was at that moment that I decided to make my own team and do things my way and climb the highest peaks on five continents.” In 2001, Son climbed the highest peak in Europe, Russia`s Mt. Elbrus (5,642 meters) in the Caucasus. Two years later he conquered the tallest peak in South America, Argentina`s Mt. Aconcagua (6,959 meters) in the Andes. After Son climbed those two peaks, those around him began to take notice. Even at his workplace, the atmosphere began to change and colleagues became convinced that he could climb the tallest mountains on the other five continents. However, Son insists his task was five times more difficult than for other aspirants. In addition to working full-time, he was attacking the summits alone. That meant he had to carry a large camcorder to have video documentation of his climbs. And, because of his job, he had to return home much faster than a normal expedition so as not to miss too much work. It was about this time that Son began to face difficulties with his wife. “I didn`t want to fight with her every time I went on an expedition,” said Son. “So after promising that I would only climb five summits, we later agreed that doing all seven would be the absolute end of my expeditions.” When Son was 11, Ko Sang-don became the first Korean to reach the top of the

133

world`s highest mountain, Mt. Everest (8,848 meters), in 1977. When Ko returned as the hero of a car parade in Seoul for his accomplishment, Son realized that “I can bring great honor to myself even by climbing a mountain that I like.” There was a second mountaineer in the back of Son`s mind during his expeditions: Japan`s Naomi Uemura. Uemura became the first to climb Mt. McKinley (6,194 meters) in Alaska, North America`s highest mountain, in the wintertime in 1984, but died during the descent. “It feels like those climbs happened yesterday,” said Son. Son`s third quest was Mt. McKinley. As Son tells it, “Snow had just fallen 1.5 meters deep and none of the climbing parties were moving, but because of my short vacation from work, I had to climb as quickly as possible. I followed a twomember Polish team, but they turned back at Denali Pass. I had no choice but to continue on my own. A thick fog descended on the heavy snows and all I could see was white. I lost all sense of direction — it was a white out. I took off my pack, sat down and for the next two hours prepared for the end. I`m about to die and the only thing I am leaving my family is a mountain of debts. Suddenly the heavens opened up and blue sky appeared.” Son was able to see the final 200 meters along Knife Ridge to the summit. This is believed to be the very same section where Ko (two years after climbing Mt. Everest) and Uemura lost their footing and fell to their deaths. Son said, “At a minimum, you have to have at least two people to cross this section. The two need to be roped in so that they can secure one another. However, I was alone so I had no choice but to cross without support. I had to muster all of my courage to overcome my fears. After agonizing for 30 minutes, I made my way across using my ice axe.” At first Son could not find any evidence that he had reached the summit of Mt. McKinley, but after some digging in the snow, he found the summit marker. After he recorded the scene, Son greeted the spirit of Mt. McKinley. This did not stop Son from falling into a crevice during his descent. “I was able to dig in my ice axe just as my feet neared the abyss. Using all my strength I was able to claw my way back to the trail,” he explained. Further down, he discovered that the Polish team was not able to descend. One member of the team was utterly exhausted and the other was suffering from

134

snow blindness. Son attached the snow blind member to a rope and led the two down the mountain. They rewarded Son for rescuing them by giving him two precious pieces of chocolate, which made them all laugh. The other expeditions did not believe Son when he told them that he had reached the peak, so when he showed them his images and video, they were astonished. Thanks to his haste Son had conquered one of the most dangerous mountains in the world — alone — a week earlier than he had expected. However, back in Anchorage, it was not easy for him to change his plane ticket to return home. Just as he was worrying how he would cover the cost of $400-$600 for each day in Anchorage, a local resident asked him to clear some unsightly moss hanging from the roof of his log cabin. Son used his climbing equipment to do the job. That allowed him to sharply cut the cost of his stay in Anchorage. In 2005 Son conquered the highest mountain in Africa, Tanzania`s Mt. Kilimanjaro (5,898 meters). Three years later, Son intended to climb the highest mountain in Asia, Nepal`s Mt. Everest, but worried about how he would come up with the $100,000 it would cost to climb the peak. Son received help from the Korean National Park Service`s auditor, Yeom Tae-yeong, who is now the mayor of Suwon. Yeom knew of Son`s circumstances and went to meet Son at a mountain hut in Mt. Jiri. After talking late into the night, they agreed that Yeom would be the official head of Son`s expedition team. Son selected three team members and trained with them for the next two years. He also received help from Kim Wan-ju, the governor of North Jeolla Province, by declaring, “I am confident that our expedition will contribute to public relations of Saemangeum [a large-scale reclamation project that had caused widespread controversy].” As Son tells it, “I was able to get a two-month leave of absence from work and left for Nepal, but because of the torch relay for the Beijing Olympics, we had to delay our plan to climb Everest by a week.” He and his team were impatient because a monsoon was approaching. Fortunately, instead of a Chinese, a Nepali carried the torch to the top, so the trail was reopened to the public. However, as Son and his team began their ascent of Mt. Everest, they realized that it would be a pity to only climb Mt. Everest. For the three members of his team, it was their first visit to the Himalayas. “So we divided the four of us into two teams, with the two taking on Mt. Lhotse” (8,516 meters, fourth highest

135

mountain in the world). I gave them four days to conquer it and I was able to guide them via wireless radio. After I had confirmed that they had descended successfully, my partner and I would start to climb Everest, with the other two catching up.” Son continued, “Other expeditions would bring with them dozens of Sherpa guides and each of their base camps would be equipped with oxygen canisters, but we only used two canisters each, one when we ascended above 8,000 meters and one for our descent back to 8,000 meters. The other teams at the base camp were shocked when we told them how we had climbed Everest.” When Son and his team arrived back in Korea at Incheon International Airport, Yeom met them. He pulled from under his arm his letter of resignation and announced with great emotion, “I believed that my role as chairman of the expedition should not end before all the members of the team have returned!” Son`s sixth summit, Antarctica`s Vinson Massif (4,895 meters), carried a financial hurdle. Son had to prepay $40,000 to the Antarctic tour operator, Adventure Network International. Son was able to piece together almost $20,000 a week before his departure, but the person who was to lend him the other half needed withdrew his commitment. Fortunately, Son was able to borrow the balance before his scheduled departure. When Son returned from climbing Vinson Massif in 2011, he realized that at the point he only had debts. When he looked at his bank account, he saw that he owed more than $70,000. With interest payments that was enough to buy an apartment. He decided to focus the next three years on paying down his debt load and passing the exam for a promotion. This left one final continent and peak to conquer — Oceania and Indonesia`s Puncak Jaya (a.k.a. Carstensz Pyramid, 4,884 meters), at a cost of about $15,000. “When my mother passed away last year, over $6,000 arrived in the form of condolence offerings. On her last journey, my mother helped with my expedition expenses,” said Son. He also had help at work. “The president of the Park Service called me directly to offer me encouragement and the mood in the office was so good that I could depart with a light heart.”

136

On November 20 last year, when he reached the top of the highest peak in Oceania, Son had achieved his most fervent wish of the past 14 years. He spent 30 minutes at the summit to savor his accomplishment. “My spirit soared. There were so many thorns in my path, but I was proud that my unyielding stubbornness allowed me to prevail. It felt much better than when I conquered Everest,” he said. Many mountaineers who have achieved the seven-continent climbs say they had a sense of dread when they descended from the seventh mountain because they began to wonder what to do next. One of the images buried deep in Son`s mind was a peak that was easy to see while climbing Mt. Everest — Ama Dablam (6,856 meters). Along with Annapurna`s Mt. Macchhapuchchre (6,853 meters) and the Swiss Alps` Matterhorn (4,478 meters), they are considered the three most beautiful peaks in the world. In Son`s cramped apartment in Namwon, there is not enough room for all the equipment he has accumulated during his years of mountaineering, so a few years ago he converted a shipping container into a mountain hut. At the entrance of the container is a picture of Mt. Ama Dablam that Son drew himself. There was special glimmer in his eyes when Son showed pictures of his exploits that he has saved in his cell phone. An hour into the interview Son finally revealed that he has a lingering foot injury due to a fall in 1997 from a climbing wall that he had made himself. He had an operation at a hospital that was not highly reputable and ended up with bone chips in his foot, which prevented proper healing. When Son wears crampons, the bone chips rub together, making a sound. Son added that he does not worry about money. “If I don`t have any money, I can always borrow some. I can pay it back later. Since I have achieved my biggest goal, even if I don`t make it to the top of another major peak, my mind is at peace.” While Son was on his expeditions, in order to ease her worries, Son`s wife learned the art of paper-folding. She became so proficient that it has become her job. When Son returned to his home after that seventh summit, his wife asked, “That`s it, right?” Son said that he did not answer her. He laughed saying that most mountaineers tell a lie in that situation. He admitted, “I don`t hide my emotions

137

very well. When I decide to do something, I go all-out.” Son has been making every effort to not be seen as someone who does his job carelessly. He recently received a certificate in forest engineering that is essential for his work. He is also diligently fulfilling his responsibilities as the president of the North Jeolla Province chapter of the Korean Mountaineers Association. In order to teach his son a love for the mountains, he has been running programs for young people at Mt. Jiri. He has also been lecturing widely about his exploits and hands out booklets to children that he made. Son doesn`t need to spend money on a health club as he walks up to his family`s 10th floor apartment and uses the weights in the park near his home every morning for 90 minutes. While taking pictures of Son from a gondola with a peak behind him, Son reflected, “It is really amazing. I was managing these small-scale expeditions almost recklessly, but I never lost anyone. For me, that is my greatest blessing and source of pride.” [January 9, 2015]

www.koreafocus.or.kr

138

COPYRIGHT Korea Focus is a monthly webzine (www.koreafocus.or.kr), featuring commentaries and essays on Korean politics, economy, society and culture, as well as relevant international issues. The articles are selected from leading Korean newspapers, magazines, journals and academic papers from prestigious forums. The content is the property of the Korea Foundation and is protected by copyright and other intellectual property laws. If it is needed to reprint an article(s) from Korea Focus, please forward your request for reprint permission by fax or via e-mail. Address:

The

Korea

Foundation

Seocho

P.O.

Nambusunhwanno, Seocho-gu, Seoul, 137-863, Korea Tel: (82-2) 2151-6526 Fax: (82-2) 2151-6592 E-mail: koreafocus@kf.or.kr ISBN 9791156041313 05050 Publisher Yu Hyun-seok Editor Lee Kyong-hee Editorial Board Shim Ji-yeon Professor, Kyungnam University Lee Ha-won Director, TV Chosun Kim Yong-jin Professor, Ajou University Hyun Jung-taik Professor, Inha University Hahm In-hee Professor, Ewha Womans University Sonn Ho-chul Professor, Seogang University Kim Gyun-mi Deputy Editor, The Seoul Shinmun Kim Hoo-ran Senior Journalist, The Korea Herald Peter Beck Korea Represetative, Asia Foundation Jocelyn Clark Professor, Paichai University ⓒ The Korea Foundation 2014 All rights reserved.

139

Box

227,

Diplomatic

Center

Building,

2558