Table of Contents
- Korea Focus - June 2013 - TOC - Politics 1. Abe’s Dangerous Tango with Kim Jong-un 2. Make the Best of the North’s Unusual Proposal for Dialogue 3. A New Framework for Peace on Korean Peninsula 4. North Korea and the Chinese Press 5. Prime Minister Abe’s Incorrect View of History
- Economy 1. Productivity Holds Key to Coping with Weak Yen 2. Industrial Policy for Next 50 Years 3. How to Create More Jobs 4. Role of Financing in Creative Economy 5. Debate on Optimal Compensation
- Society 1. South Koreans Become Resolute in their Anti-North Sentiment 2. ‘Not-Mom-Like Moms’ Are Coming 3. Kicking a Ball into an Enlarged Goal 4. What Women Want is Opportunity, Not Sympathetic Consideration
- Culture 1. On Return of the Historic Gate 2. Why I Learn Pansori 3. Prehistoric Petroglyphs Need Urgent Preservation Scheme 4. Cultural Flourishing Eventually Hinges on People and Money
- Essay 1. China’s Policy Shift after North Korea’s Third Nuclear Test 2. Changes in Job Market Structure in the Past Decade 3. Ways to Improve the Foreign Workers Employment System
- Feature 1. Suncheon Garden Expo Harmonizes Nature with Humans
- Book Reviews 1. Reasons Why Politicians Feel Weak before the Buddhists of Gyeongsang and Christians of Gangnam 2. Koreans Ate Red Kimchi as Early as the 17th Century
- Interview 1. Lee Sang-hwa: “My goal is to come first in the next race.”
- COPYRIGHT
- Abe’s Dangerous Tango with Kim Jong-un - Make the Best of the North’s Unusual Proposal for Dialogue - A New Framework for Peace on Korean Peninsula - North Korea and the Chinese Press - Prime Minister Abe’s Incorrect View of History
Abe’s Dangerous Tango with Kim Jong-un
Kim Mi-kyoung Associate Professor, Hiroshima Peace Institute Hiroshima City University
North Korea and Japan form a peculiar couple, with Pyongyang slapping in Tokyo`s face whenever the latter is in the mood to cry. When Japan badly needs to implore the United States for help or when its leaders are compelled to stir up conservative public opinion, North Korea emerges as an unrivaled prop. Behind Japan`s current rightist government`s move to amend the country`s “peace constitution” is the explanation that it has to effectively meet threats from North Korea. In April, when Japan resisted international clamor to sign an agreement banning the use of nuclear weapons, its selfjustification largely rested on the possibility of a North Korean nuclear attack.
But is North Korea really a credible threat to Japan? Japan`s annual defense budget amounts to some US$52 billion, the sixth largest in the world and about 45 times that of North Korea. Plus it has boundless technological resources in the private sector, which can be easily transferred to military uses. Japan`s space technology and enriched uranium reserves make the country a virtual nuclear power already, and in air power, a pivotal factor in modern warfare, Japan is rated as one of the most advanced and mightiest nations in the world. In short, North Korea`s military capability simply does not come near Japan`s.
If Japan is truly trembling, the reason stems from surprising parallels between North Korea today and Japan of the past. To be sure, Japan today is regressing to the past. Much like the hereditary dynasty
of North Korea, Japan`s imperial monarchy forced its people into unconditional subordination and sacrifice. A Japanese citizen who safeguarded the emperor`s portrait during Allied bombing was treated as a hero, just as a North Korean must treat portraits of Kim Il-sung and his successors with utmost reverence. As North Korea is stricken today by chronic food shortages, Japan also suffered from a severe lack of daily necessities during World War II. Because of its wartime experience as an aggressor, Japan may believe North Korea could do the same.
On the other hand, if Tokyo is only pretending to be fearful, the performance is targeted at the United States and the Japanese public, characterizing Japan as the “sufferer.” A primary point of the pretense underscores the rightist claim that the peace constitution, the main obstacle to Japan`s rearmament, is an institution that was forcibly implanted by victorious America`s occupation forces and that it should be revised, if not eliminated, because it was unfit for Japan from the very beginning. Of course, in this process, debate on who should be held accountable for the war is conveniently forgotten or evaded.
Few dare to discuss the link between Japan`s sneak attack on U.S. Navy ships at Pearl Harbor in 1941 and the U.S. atomic bombing of Japan in 1945. Instead, the rightists insist that Japan`s pacifism is an unrealistic legacy of the past when Japan continues to face North Korean threats nowadays. Therefore, the Shinzo Abe government asserts, Japan needs a constitutional revision and rearmament.
Under these circumstances, it`s none other than North Korea that occasionally comes forward to dance to Japan`s nationalistic tunes. Following Kim Jung-un`s rise to power upon the death of his father, Kim Jong-il, in December 2011, there was cautious optimism for stability in Northeast Asia. However, Pyongyang`s provocative acts over recent months, including a ballistic missile launch in February, a third nuclear test in March and the closure of an inter-Korean joint industrial park at Kaesong [Gaeseong] in April have completely erased hopes for dialogue and peace. At the height of the tension, the Abe administration sent an emissary to Pyongyang, without a prior notice to either Seoul or Washington, ostensibly to discuss the release of about a dozen Japanese citizens kidnapped to the North in the 1970s and 1980s.
Over the last 10 years or so, Japan has attempted to negotiate the repatriation of its citizens kidnapped by the North, denouncing the abduction as a “terrorist act” and making appeals to the international community, particularly to the United States. Thus, Japan is again portraying itself as a victim of North Korea. In 2002, then Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi visited Pyongyang to meet North Korean leader Kim Jong-il and ask for the return of Japanese abductees. What strategic lessons
would Kim Jong-un have learned from his father`s deal at the time? The talk with the visiting Japanese leader included a discussion on normalizing relations between the two countries. The senior Kim admitted the abduction and apologized. Then, Japan`s governing Liberal Democratic Party made an issue of Kim`s acknowledgement in its political campaign at home, fanning anti-North Korean sentiment among the public. At present, the Abe administration is effectively attempting to “kill two birds with one stone� by using the North Korean threats as an excuse to convince the Japanese public and the United States to permit rearmament via a constitutional amendment. Is this what the North really wishes to pursue? It is hoped that about this time Kim Jong-un and Shinzo Abe will stop dancing their extremely dangerous tango.
[ Chosun Ilbo, May 18, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Make the Best of the North’s Unusual Proposal for Dialogue
Editorial The Kyunghyang Shinmun
South and North Korea are set to hold a ministerial meeting, the first since the Park Geun-hye administration was inaugurated in February. When North Korea offered official talks with South Korea on June 6, Unification Minister Ryoo Kihl-jae quickly suggested the talks be held on June 12 in Seoul.
The North`s Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of Korea issued the offer, seeking a dialogue on three issues: resumption of normal operations at the joint industrial complex in Kaesong, the reopening of South Korean tourist visits to Mt. Kumgang and the reunion of split families.
The committee also proposed a joint ceremony to celebrate the 41st anniversary of the July 4 joint statement [on principles on reunification and inter-Korean relations, in 1972], in addition to renewing an earlier proposal to hold a joint ceremony marking the 13th anniversary of the June 15 joint declaration [which was issued in the wake of President Kim Dae-jung`s summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong-il in Pyongyang in 2000].
There should be no obstacle to cabinet-level talks, with the North having entrusted the South to decide when and where to hold talks. The two sides are expected to begin preparatory contact sooner or later, given the North`s willingness to reopen communications through the Red Cross channel at the truce
village of Panmunjom.
The North`s non-conditional proposal and the South`s immediate reply are indeed welcome developments. After operations at the Kaesong Industrial Complex were suspended in early April, South Korea sought working-level talks only on shipping finished goods and materials to the South. Now there is no need to limit the agenda. South and North Korea need to start talks without any preconditions, adopt the principle of separating business from politics and commit themselves to uninterrupted operations at the Kaesong complex.
Nor should the two Koreas delay the reopening of South Koreans` tourist visits to Mt. Kumgang, which the Lee Myung-bak administration suspended in 2008, shortly after a South Korean visitor was fatally shot when she strayed into an off-limit area. In response, North Korea illegally confiscated assets held by the South`s Korea National Tourism Organization and Hyundai Asan, the South Korean tour operator. Yet, the confiscation is not an unsolvable issue. All that needs to be done to restart cross-border tourism is for North Korea to commit itself to the security of visitors and the prevention of similar incidents.
As for family reunions, it is a matter of humanitarian concern to end the suspension that began in 2010. There would be no justification to exclude any of those issues from the agenda for renewed inter-Korean dialogue. Neither the South nor the North should harbor any rash expectations for a breakthrough in their relations. Nor should they make a hasty conclusion about each other`s intentions.
Until recently, North Korea has threatened to nullify the 1953 armistice agreement [which ended the Korean War] and used warlike rhetoric against the South. It also has not stepped back from its strategy of pursuing economic advancement along with nuclear armament. In light of these circumstances, it was unusual for the North to propose talks with the South. The Park administration, which has yet to flesh out its “Korean peninsula process of trust building,� is not fully prepared to sit down with North Korea. Still, it would be shortsighted if South Korean authorities believed that the North was simply following its past pattern of proposing talks after mounting provocations. Both sides should reopen their communication channels and enter a long process of resolving problems.
Be it building confidence on the Korean peninsula or promoting peace and cooperation in Northeast
Asia, the process will be long and arduous. The South needs to sit down with the North, instead of turning away, to move forward step by step. The South`s attempt to put pressure on the North to behave itself in alliance with the United States and China would bring no results; it would end up as a mere semblance of alliance to delay solutions. North Korea, for its part, should accept the South as its primary dialogue partner on building a permanent peace on the peninsula as well as its nuclear armament.
On the heels of the South Korea-U.S. summit talks in early May and the U.S.-China summit talks today, South Korea-China summit talks are slated for late this month. Top leaders of all major stakeholders are meeting face to face in this significant year marking the 60th anniversary of the Korean War cease-fire. Regardless of their intentions, it is time for the two Koreas to restart dialogue and seek to improve relations, so that they keep the momentum rolling and play leading roles in addressing issues concerning the Korean peninsula.
Editor`s Note: An inter-Korean ministerial meeting, scheduled to be held in Seoul on June 12, was canceled because the working-level negotiations convened at Panmunjom on June 9 failed to forge an agreement on who would lead their delegations.
[ June 7, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
A New Framework for Peace on Korean Peninsula
Lee Hong-koo Former Prime Minister Advisor, The JoongAng Ilbo
The Korean peninsula faces a grave crisis today, shrouded by soaring tension and hovering clouds of war. North and South Korea have been locked in confrontation and stalemate since an armistice halted the Korean War on July 27, 1953. Crisis management has proved to be almost ineffective, with an emergency alarm ringing again. The Korean people who have lived in a twilight zone of neither outright war nor permanent peace, as well as the external powers that have high stakes in the peninsula, are beginning to lose their patience and endurance.
As North Korea drifts farther away from the global process of development and the general current of world history, its choice of intemperate behavior may be regarded as a preordained path of a pariah state driven to extremities. With the draining of resources to sustain its path of geopolitical anomaly, the North must be sending out a distress signal as a last resort.
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry`s latest visits to Seoul, Beijing and Tokyo helped to mitigate the intensity of tension on the peninsula, raising the possibility of a diplomatic resolution. In particular, he led Chinese leaders to reaffirm the viability of the joint statement on September 19, 2005 of the six-party talks (among the two Koreas, the United States, China, Japan and Russia) as the basis of renewed negotiations for the denuclearization of North Korea. However, in order to forge a new framework for durable peace on the peninsula, a review of the seven-year impasse is necessary to
eliminate factors that led to today`s risky situation.
Between 1989 and 1992, the two Koreas paved the way for peaceful coexistence through mutual reconciliation and cooperation, overcoming such Cold War legacies as the South`s “March North” slogan for unification and the recurring provocations by the North. With hopes of restoring a single community of all Korean people and attaining national unification gradually, the Inter-Korean Basic Agreement was adopted in 1992, providing for reconciliation, nonaggression, exchanges and cooperation. The agreement was preceded by the simultaneous entry in 1991 of both Koreas into the United Nations and their joint declaration of a nuclear-free Korean peninsula.
However, the rosy expectations and hopes for a peaceful union shattered in 1993 with the discovery of North Korea`s surreptitious nuclear development program. Why did the North discard the precious opportunity of peaceful progress along with the South?
The end of the Cold War left the United States as the sole superpower of the world. Apart from the progress in inter-Korean cooperative relations, North Korea must have believed that its security and survival ultimately lay in the hands of America and it grew anxious in the absence of any friendly assurance from Washington. Given such uncertainty, Pyongyang might have concluded that the most effective self-defense measure would be to develop nuclear arms. Over the past two decades, however, Washington has been more preoccupied with the Middle East issues than North Korea`s nuclear question, while Beijing has been stuck to its decades-old stance of regarding the status quo as the best option. The North`s latest provocation is an outcome of this negligent inactivity.
History often makes unanticipated surprise turns. While the North Korean nuclear crisis has intensified over the past two decades, the rapid ascent of China has eroded the United States` monopolistic superpower status and realigned the global balance of power. As such, a resolution of the Korean peninsula question and peace in Asia requires Sino-U.S. collaboration.
China is burdened with the pressing tasks of improving relations with the United States and South Korea, now deemed a “strategic partner,” and stave off nuclear proliferation in Asia. Above all, Beijing is inevitably pressured to reappraise its policy toward North Korea. Indeed, it is being asked to persuade Pyongyang to make a life-and-death decision.
Durable peace on the Korean peninsula and its denuclearization would be feasible if the two Koreas establish a new framework for coexistence and co-prosperity with guarantees by the United States,
China, Japan and Russia. The new framework would be most effective if the concerned parties render all available diplomatic, security and economic means for North Korea to shed its pariah status, join in forming an all-Korean community and engage in economic development as a responsible member of the international community. Such a momentous diplomatic undertaking necessitates a shared vision and trust among top leaders of the countries concerned.
In this respect, the upcoming summit talks between Presidents Park Geun-hye and Barack Obama of the United States could serve as a good starting point for a chain of diplomatic endeavors. It is ardently hoped that the two leaders do their best to successfully devise a diplomatic initiative to establish a new framework to ensure a lasting peace on the Korean peninsula.
[ JoongAng Ilbo, April 22, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
North Korea and the Chinese Press
Yu Sang-cheol Staff Reporter The JoongAng Ilbo
In August 2004, a researcher of the Tianjin Academy of Social Sciences drew attention with a rare essay harshly critical of North Korea. In the essay, contributed to a journal named Strategies and Management, he argued that North Korea was embarrassing China by doing whatever it wanted to do without any show of gratitude for Chinese support. He also wrote that the North was hell-bent on developing nuclear weapons with whatever money it could raise; and it was doubtful if the North Korean government ever paid any attention to its people's welfare.
A month after publishing the essay, the 11-year-old journal had to cease publication due to a strong protest from the North. Five years later, in July 2009, Jishi, a documentary TV channel affiliated with Shanghai Media Group, aired a five-part series titled “Eyewitness Stories ― North Korea.” Its critical tone also attracted attention. One installment described medical care in the North so deficient that even cataracts couldn`t be treated properly. Many online responses in China were sarcastic, calling the series a “comedy.” Producers of this TV program didn't get off scot-free, either.
Top executives of Shanghai Media Group were called to Beijing for interrogation. Rumors were rampant that the chief producer of the documentary program faced a severe penalty. The North Korean regime reportedly lodged a bilious protest.
In late February this year, Deng Yuwen, an assistant editor of the Central Party School's journal, Study Times, faced dismissal for contributing a translated article titled “China Should Abandon North Korea” to the British daily Financial Times. He gave five reasons why China should give up the North. The original Chinese version also circulated online in China, creating a buzz. In an interview with the JoongAng Sunday, Deng said that he had been “dismissed from his post.” Nobody would deny that the North was the main reason behind his dismissal.
Why is Pyongyang so intent on trying to control the Chinese press? It is because the North Korean regime is afraid that China`s public opinion could turn against it.
The Chinese media`s coverage of the North carries great significance, because it has an educational effect. If the media ever begins to criticize the North`s wrongdoings in earnest, all of the Chinese people will change their perception of the North. This is what the North Korean regime is afraid of the most.
For now, Chinese people harbor a special sentiment toward the North Koreans. To the Chinese, North Koreans are their “special” neighbors who are not blood relatives, but shouldn't be left uncared-for, either. Former Chinese President Jiang Zemin once said his visit to the North was like a “visit to a relative's house.” To many Chinese, the North looks like a poor socialist relative. They regard North Korean`s provocative acts merely as part of their “pathetic efforts to survive.” Basically, the Chinese pity the North Koreans. The Chinese government's persistent defense of the North is based on such a sentiment.
The current fifth-generation Chinese leadership led by Xi Jinping is very sensitive to public opinion. The Chinese leaders consider it important to demonstrate their tangible achievements and try almost anything to curry favor with public opinion because they find it hard to justify the Communist Party`s rule based on ideologies as their charismatic predecessors like Mao Zedong or Deng Xiaoping did in the past.
Former Premier Wen Jiabao had to cancel a meeting with then French President Nicolas Sarkozy, scheduled on the sidelines of the China-EU summit in 2008, due to a strong protest from the Chinese people. Earlier, Sarkozy's meeting with Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of the Tibetan people, had angered the Chinese people, who sent more than 1,000 e-mails to Wen urging him to cancel his meeting with Sarkozy.
Xi took his beautiful wife Peng Liyuan on his recent overseas tour, and Premier Li Keqiang raised his hands more than 30 times during a press conference following the end of the National People's Congress last month ― all because they were mindful of public opinion. Accordingly, the Chinese government will have to consider completely revising its North Korea policy, if the Chinese media begin to find fault with North Korea`s wrongdoings regularly and if the Chinese people thus become cold-hearted toward the North Koreans.
It still seems too early to speculate that China's basic policy toward the North has changed. The North Korean regime is on pins and needles for fear of such a change and therefore hell-bent on trying to control the Chinese press. At this juncture, South Korea should step up public diplomacy toward the Chinese people to win their hearts and minds. Public diplomacy primarily consists of PR diplomacy by the government, media diplomacy for propagating the truth, and cultural diplomacy for promoting exchanges in culture and the arts.
The Park Geun-hye administration is focusing on cultural diplomacy vis-a-vis China. It should also drastically strengthen media diplomacy targeting the press in China. Nothing remains unchanged forever. China`s North Korea policy will also change with the passage of time. There is no better means than the Chinese media to lead the change.
[ April 10, 2012 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Prime Minister Abe’s Incorrect View of History
Yi Man-yol Professor Emeritus Sookmyung Women's University
Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe finally revealed his “true color” as an ultra-rightist, when he questioned whether Japan`s military actions toward its neighbors in the past were actually invasions. During a session of the House of Councilor`s budget committee, convened on April 23, he made an issue of the word “aggression” mentioned in an earlier statement by one of his predecessors, Tomiichi Murayama. Abe claimed, “There are no set academic or international definitions of the word. It depends on the point of view of individual countries.” He implied that imperial Japan`s occupation of Korea was never an “invasion” from Japan`s point of view.
The Murayama statement, which Abe challenged, was issued on August 15, 1995. In the statement, Murayama said, “During a certain period in the not too distant past, Japan, through its colonial rule and aggression, caused tremendous damage and suffering to the people of many countries, particularly those of Asian nations. In the hope that no such mistake will be made in the future, I regard, in a spirit of humanity, these irrefutable facts of history, and express here once again my feelings of deep remorse and state my heartfelt apology.”
Up to then, the statement was the Japanese government`s strongest apology for imperial Japan's
colonial rule of other countries. Murayama`s statement, as well as an earlier statement by then Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono, was considered part of Japan`s efforts to reflect on its past acts of aggression based on the historical truth. Two years earlier, in August 1993, Kono issued a statement admitting the “involvement and coerciveness” of the Japanese military in forcing Asian women into sexual slavery for imperial Japanese soldiers.
Abe`s denial of Japan's colonial past is related to the political views held by Nobusuke Kishi, his grandfather on his mother`s side and former prime minister. As the minister of commerce and industry in the Hideki Tojo cabinet, Kishi was involved in the wartime mobilization. After the war, he served in prison for three years as a Class a war criminal. He returned to politics later. Upon his inauguration as prime minister, Kishi attempted to put Tokyo-Washington relations on an “equal” footing by revising Japan`s post-war “Peace Constitution.” Now, Abe seeks to finish what his grandfather started.
Abe`s historical perspective is deep-rooted. Around the time when Kono and Murayama issued their statements, the Liberal Democratic Party, to which Abe belonged, launched the History Review Committee in 1993 and later organized the so-called Liberal View of History Study Group in cooperation with Professor Nobukatsu Fujioka of Tokyo University. The committee branded introspective reflection on Japan`s imperial past, as seen in the Murayama statement, as a “masochistic view of history.”
Such moves led to the birth of the Association to Create a New History Textbook in December 1996. As a result, the “New History” textbook, which justified Japan's World War II invasions, was published by the right-wing publisher Fusosha in 2001. The creation of the “New History” textbook influenced five other textbooks to remove descriptions of “comfort women.” Abe played the central role among lawmakers who actively supported the association.
This was not the end of the story about Abe's campaign to distort history. After he took power for the first time in 2006, he revised the Basic Education Act and launched a full-fledged campaign to distort history. As far as textbooks are concerned, the revision of the law is considered tantamount to a constitutional amendment. The Japanese government made the most of the revised law to further distort history in school textbooks. Japan has since stirred controversies repeatedly every year, due presumably to the revised Basic Education Act.
Abe is also attempting to revise the Constitution, on the back of a 70 percent approval rating he is
enjoying thanks to the effect of a weaker yen. Nobody knows what cataclysmic changes will occur in Japan's relations with South Korea, as well as with China and North Korea, if he succeeds in revising the “Peace Constitution” and rearming Japan as he intends to. As if to repeat the “glory” of imperial Japan, Abe is trying to erase Japan's acts of aggression from history first of all. His distorted view of history could disturb peace in Northeast Asia in the foreseeable future. His denial of Japan's invasions of its neighbors is based on a colonial view of history.
Some Japanese people have argued that South Korea, after liberation from Japanese rule, was able to achieve industrialization thanks to Japan`s efforts to “modernize” Korea during the colonial period. This theory attempts to justify Japan's invasion of Korea and further supports the notion that “Korea benefited from Japan's occupation.” It is lamentable indeed that some South Koreans sympathize with such a distorted view of history.
[ Seoul Shinmun, April 26, 2012 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
- Productivity Holds Key to Coping with Weak Yen - Industrial Policy for Next 50 Year - How to Create More Jobs - Role of Financing in Creative Economy - Debate on Optimal Compensation
Productivity Holds Key to Coping with Weak Yen
Suh Jung-hee Stock Market Editor The Maeil Business Newspaper
Quite unexpectedly, the nation has been thrown into confusion over allegations of presidential spokesman Yoon Chang-jung`s sexual misconduct during President Park Geun-hye`s first official visit to the United States in early May. The unprecedented scandal surrounding the 56-year-old Yoon`s alleged sexual harassment of a Korean-American intern has cast a pall over Park`s five-day U.S. trip as well as her fledgling administration`s bid to infuse new hope into the people and promote their happiness.
Before observing its 100 days in office after Park`s inauguration on February 25, the administration was trying to accelerate its policy-making process and produce some visible outcomes. If the scandal had occurred in an ancient dynastic period, the implicated official would have been executed, not merely sent into exile. Personally, I wish the Park administration would take the scandal as an opportunity to make a fresh start.
In fact, it cannot be denied that the Park government has spent recent days somewhat anxiously. The president has yet to make any visible achievements. Even worse, signs of new hope and energy that are usually associated with a new administration have been too feeble to be detected across Korean society. Instead, the North Korea factor and controversy over Park`s key appointments have sapped her administration`s initial momentum and vitality.
The new government`s economic stimulus package was supposed to create a wave of excitement but has yet to accomplish its intended goals. What is more important than the central bank`s recent decision to cut its benchmark interest rate by 0.25 percentage points is mustering the spirit of national unity. However, it seems that the virtue of national consensus has not been maximized despite the latest interest rate cut and the approach of global monetary exit strategies. Hence, the presidential office was particularly annoyed by Yoon`s scandal. It had been planning to build upon the diplomatic outcome of Park`s U.S. visit, which featured her stylish traditional Korean dresses and fluent English speech. But is this the whole story? I don`t necessarily think so. “Kindling� is merely used over a short period of time to start a fire. It can hardly replace shrub that keeps a fire burning for a long time. The government`s supplementary budget and the central bank`s interest rate cut are a mere kindling. In order to make a fire truly sustainable, people and their minds as well as the tendency of society should change. Then anger will turn into new hope so the world can change, too.
Unfortunately, however, long-term fundamental innovation, such as technological advances and accumulation of social capital, appears to be scarce under this government. At Hyundai Motor Co. and its affiliate Kia Motors Corp., for instance, the unions and management agreed to resume weekend overtime but the agreement has not been enforced for 10 straight weeks due to an internal conflict among the unions. Lawmakers of rival parties seeking to win back voters approved a controversial bill on extending retirement age to 60 without closely analyzing potential conflicts of interest between the young and old generations.
What should we do, then? A productivity survey released by Ernst & Young Han Young seems to offer us some food for thought. The survey of 3,000 white collar workers at private companies and public institutions in Korea found that they spend about 4.5 hours per day on personal activities or inefficient and unnecessary duties. They spend an average of one hour and 54 minutes, or 18 percent of their daily work hours, on personal activities and another two hours and 30 minutes, or 38 percent, on inefficient or unnecessary duties, according to the poll.
The non-work time is estimated to be worth 146 trillion won (US$129 billion) in annual economic value. Even more surprisingly, 46 percent of the respondents thought of themselves as unproductive. The ratio is much higher than the 30 percent level widely seen in other countries. This means that, aside from blue collar workers, Korean white collar workers themselves have acknowledged that their
workplaces have serious productivity problems.
Domestic workplaces need to refrain from unnecessary meetings and strengthen merit pay systems in order to improve productivity. More importantly, our society should be made sensitive to the issue of productivity improvement, which has received little attention in Korea, unlike in other developed countries. That is probably because the nation has a comparatively less competitive industrial structure while the government provides abundant subsidies, both visible and invisible. All vested rights should be removed and replaced with the single goal of enhancing productivity.
In the face of the steady depreciation of the Japanese yen, in particular, Korea urgently needs to boost its productivity. The government cannot ceaselessly intervene in the foreign exchange market in order to stabilize the value of the Korean won against the yen. Instead, it would be better to launch a campaign to upgrade the nation`s productivity by 10 percent.
Today`s circumstances are different from those of the Kim Young-sam government, which was accused of triggering a foreign exchange crisis in the late 1990s by mounting a campaign to improve productivity in return for keeping the value of the won intentionally high. The Kim government allegedly stuck to the strong won policy in order to lift the nation`s per capita income to $10,000 ahead of joining the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
The present circumstances are diametrically different. With advanced countries moving to exit from their monetary stimulus programs, it is feared that Korea may slip again into a foreign exchange crisis as long as the nation resorts to the regulation of the currency market alone without making any effort to boost productivity. In her inauguration speech, President Park promised to open a new era of hope. But such an era will never be achieved free of charge.
[ May 14, 2013] ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Industrial Policy for Next 50 Years
Choi Joong-kyung Senior Visiting Fellow, Heritage Foundation Chair Professor of Economics, Dongguk University
Two recent U.S. newspaper reports attracted particular attention. In one report, U.S. President Barack Obama proposed mapping the brain`s activity in unprecedented detail as part of his initiative for future economic growth. The other report described a push by European chemical and steel manufacturers to build plants in the United States amid a steep fall in natural gas prices caused by technological advances in extracting shale gas. Meanwhile, in Korea, debate rages over the definition of a “creative economy.� But the concept could be easily exhibited in action plans. If we are more aggressive, a creative economy would be a blueprint to better sustain future generations.
Korea has achieved brilliant economic growth on the back of drastic economic restructuring in the 1970s. At the time, economic experts at home and abroad reacted cynically to Korea`s plan to shift from light industries, such as textile, wig and plywood, to heavy and chemical industries comprising steel, chemicals, cars, ships, semiconductors and electronics. But the Korean government led by then President Park Chung-hee was undaunted.
It is no exaggeration to say that the decision back then has fed Koreans over the last 50 years. Now, the government of President Park Geun-hye needs to configure its creative economy campaign for
the next 50 years. The initiative is a logical fit for her goal of a “Second Miracle on the Han River.” If the industrial restructuring of the 1970s was the “evolution of hardware,” the second overhaul pursued under the banner of creative economy can be dubbed the “advancement of software.” Thus, the creative economy should call for consolidating the international competitiveness of the hardware industry by combining information technology with various industries and exploiting new global business opportunities. The creative economy would thus constitute a “perennial gale of creative destruction,” an expression popularized by American economist Joseph Schumpeter.
The mental foundation of a creative economy lies in a ceaseless pursuit of productive changes, instead of satisfaction with the existing framework. There should be an omni-directional approach to immediate policy tasks as well as grandiose projects of higher dimensions. There are several things that we need to keep in mind.
First, we should not proceed without a map. An accurate assessment of Korea`s industrial and technological competitiveness and technological labor force as well as global trends should precede any attempt to set the contours of a creative economy. In particular, we should determine how to overcome the ever-intensifying competition between overlapping Korean, Chinese and Japanese industries.
All the unfinished policy tasks of the previous government should not be abandoned. All worthwhile tasks should be immediately reorganized under the banner of the creative economy. If the incumbent government excessively tries to differentiate itself from its predecessor, the creative economy drive could lose a sense of balance due to its lopsidedness.
The second thing we have to do is to prevent the abuse of the creative economy. If every Tom, Dick and Harry starts to preach his concept of creative economy, the focus of the policy drive will be lost. Even worse, all sorts of policy support will be extended to wrong recipients. The word “creative” has already begun to appear in almost all reports issued by government institutions. But there should be a clear limit.
There is an indispensable fertilizer to help the creative economy blossom. Business start-up and expansion funds should be more systematically provided. The process of commercializing newly developed technologies is turbulent, which is another kind of creation. Revolutionary measures should be devised to stimulate funding for startup businesses. Creditor banks should be able to
systematically offer syndicated loans to enterprises that need massive funding to expand into new areas.
The definition of a creative economy is not that important. Instead, it is necessary to concentrate our efforts on recognizing concrete policy tasks, selecting the parties to implement them, working out time frames, and determining funding requirements and procurement methods.
Korea has been an exemplary case for globally unprecedented economic development brought about by a revolutionary paradigm shift in the 1970s. But the Korean economy is now challenged by fastgrowing economies. Against this backdrop, the importance of a creative economy cannot be overemphasized. There should be a keen sense of history. We look forward to the birth of an excellent roadmap that will lay the foundation for Korea`s new industrial policies of next 50 years.
[ Korea Economic Daily, April 16, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
How to Create More Jobs
Kim Jung-sik Dean and Professor of Economics Yonsei University
The most important and urgent task facing the Park Geun-hye government is to create more jobs. Job growth helps improve livelihoods, and also helps reduce government debt by cutting back welfare spending. The Park administration has responded by front-loading expenditures to stimulate the economy and increasing public sector employment. It also is pushing ahead with its “creative economy� initiative, which encourages new thinking to achieve job growth in service and culture industries.
However, increased fiscal spending only produces short-lived jobs and the service and culture industries can create only a limited number of new jobs. We need high-quality jobs with guaranteed employment security; this can be satisfied only when businesses increase investment.
The Lee Myung-bak government initially concluded that excessive government regulation was repressing corporate investment. It thus emphasized deregulation and lower corporate taxes, but investments did not increase. In the latter half of its term, the Lee administration switched direction and pushed for shared growth between small- and medium-sized companies and large conglomerates, viewing their business relationship as unfair.
The Park administration is now calling on corporations to increase investments to help realize a
“creative economy� and produce new technologies. Higher corporate investment tends to lead to new technologies so the administration`s stress on innovations in science and technology are desirable. Still, sky-high wages and excessive labor-management disputes are among the most important reasons why companies are reluctant to increase investments.
This is on display in China, where wages are rising. Investment in the Chinese manufacturing sector is declining and foreign companies are flocking to other countries in search of lower wages. If wage inflation and labor disputes were tamer in Korea, it could attract some of the companies leaving China. Unless those issues are resolved, investments by Korean companies can hardly be expected to increase. The ongoing youth unemployment and job scarcity will also persist for the time being.
Rising food prices are also problematic. The authorities in advanced countries always do their best to stabilize food prices. Without stability in the prices of food and other basic necessities, the ordinary working people`s livelihood can hardly be stable. But Korea`s food prices are excessively high. Wage hikes are inevitable due to the rapid increase in food prices. Accordingly, the government has to do its best to stabilize the basic food prices. It needs to overhaul the distribution of agricultural products to eliminate unnecessary costs, provide farmers with supply and demand information, and prevent wholesale food supplies from being monopolized and hoarded.
By doing so, the government may be able to stabilize the prices of agricultural products and fresh foods. If need be, the government should increase the food supply through imports. At the same time, it should establish a new organization to oversee distribution-related policies which are now spread across the Ministry of Strategy and Finance, the Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Rural Affairs, and the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy.
Excessive labor-management disputes repeatedly occur in the absence of efficient welfare and pension systems. Without such safety nets, early retirees risk falling into a lower economic class and suffering family breakdown. Therefore, employees naturally resist layoffs and pressure to retire.
The government should lose no time in expanding various support measures for job losers, such as job transfer training and unemployment benefits. At the same time, a new pension system should be firmly established. The government also has to build a selective welfare system because welfare resources are limited.
The Korean economy is now trapped in a vicious cycle of wage hikes, investment cuts and dismissals.
Excessive wage increases and labor-management disputes dampen corporate investment, which leads to layoffs and more labor-management conflict. The Park Geun-hye government should strive to get rid of this vicious cycle. Now is the time for the government to analyze the fundamental reasons for sluggish job growth and come up with proper countermeasures.
[ The Edaily, April 17, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Role of Financing in Creative Economy
Kwon Soon-woo Vice President Samsung Economic Research Institute
Korea has attained remarkable economic growth by using imitation to gain competitiveness. But a copycat economy is no longer a viable growth strategy. The number of foreign products to imitate has gradually decreased, while imitation itself has become increasingly difficult. Under such circumstances, it is not easy to find attractive investment targets and productivity is not rising. It seems inevitable that the economy`s growth potential is falling.
The nation has to create new industries and markets in order to find new investment targets. To that end, we need creation, not imitation. The role of financing is as important as that of science and technology in the transition from the knockoff economy to a “creative economy� advocated by the Park Geun-hye government.
Compared to a knockoff economy, an economy based on creative ideas and technologies will be more unpredictable and require more time to materialize. Close relationships between financial sources and corporations will be needed to ensure funding during the development process. Indeed, the role of financing will be critical.
During the 1980s, people armed only with a strong entrepreneurial drive leaped into various businesses. Demand for capital always outstripped supply and financial institutions lacked risk
management capabilities. To fill the void, the government came forward to connect financial institutions with enterprises and supplied policy loans. Since the economy was small and uncomplicated, the government was able to control and regulate it easily. In terms of efficiency and legitimacy, the government`s leadership in the capital market was not questioned.
As the economy expanded and became increasingly sophisticated, however, the government`s handling of financial resources became less efficient. The relationship between the government, financial institutions and enterprises became increasingly collusive. Hence, starting in the 1990s, the financial market came to the fore, on the back of the liberalization of capital movement. But the market experience during the past two decades has not been very satisfactory. In the early stages of market liberalization, the government`s intervention hardly subsided. Even worse, half-baked support policies for businesses resulted in their over expansion, paving the ground for the 1997 currency crisis.
The collusive relationship between the government and the private sector was successfully severed, but the ties between financial institutions and enterprises became strained. That was the biggest loss. Capital supply fell sharply in the risk-prone corporate sector and money flowed into the household sector, which was comparatively less risky and guaranteed a stable flow of revenue. That has led to massive household debt.
The current capital mediation system that has evolved from such a flawed process seems incapable of supporting the creative economy. The present financial market system can be praised for effectively overseeing the soundness of financial institutions, but can be seen as incapable of exploiting and fostering promising venture companies. The fact that the long forgotten word “policy loan� is again mentioned frequently these days seems to indicate public discontentment with the current business financing system. But the policy loan of the past cannot be applied today; its role will be limited by the current market system.
The nation`s financial market should take on a market-oriented structure to lend greater support to the creative economy policy. The market should play a leading role in financial mediation, while financial institutions and enterprises should recover their close relationship in the long run. Start-up companies and small- and medium-sized enterprises should have free access to the financial markets, as long as they have excellent business ideas, technologies and growth potentials.
In order to help companies overcome fierce competition and grow into enterprises of middle standing
and conglomerates, a new market system should be established to lead financial institutions and enterprises to share business risks. A variety of creative and revolutionary systems and mechanisms should be developed to eliminate barriers between financial institutions and enterprises. The role of financing should become more creative if the creative economy drive is to achieve its intended objectives.
[ Chosun Ilbo, April 22, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Debate on Optimal Compensation
Cho Yoon-je Professor of Economics Sogang University
Swiss referendum voters overwhelmingly approved some of the world`s strictest controls on corporate executive pay last month, forcing public companies to give shareholders a binding vote on compensation. Sixty-eight percent of the vote favored a salary cap.
Such a referendum could hardly be imagined only a decade ago. But public sentiment has changed in the wake of the global financial crisis. France is reportedly moving to prepare a similar piece of legislation. Britain has levied a 50 percent super tax on bank bonuses exceeding the equivalent of about 40 million won. The United States has regulated executive pay at banks rescued by the government.
What are the factors that determine employee compensation? What is the fair level of remuneration? These questions have been asked since the beginning of communal living. Any production is impossible without the support and help of others from the beginning to the end. Hunting and fishing activities of the past and today`s corporate activities are no exception.
It is difficult for any enterprise to independently produce finished goods without using components and materials manufactured by others. The volume of value added and corporate profit tends to depend on how to set the prices for subcontractors` products. The national economy can operate
efficiently if production is increased through web-like collaboration and the generated incomes are properly divided. This applies to both capitalist and socialist systems; what differs is who manages the system.
According to neoclassical economics, which paved the ground for the theory of income distribution in a capitalist market economy, remuneration is determined by marginal productivity of production factors. In other words, capital and labor are compensated by the amount of their contribution to additional production in an environment of free competition. Accordingly, the theory indicates that income distribution determined in the market is fair.
But the real world is very different from a world envisioned by neoclassical economics. Economic activity is not performed on an individual basis. Instead, people engage in the production of goods through a corporate organization. Moreover, market competition is not always fair. How to divide the profits among stakeholders is usually determined by corporate governance structure, power relations within an organization and social environment, not the market.
In 2007, the compensation of U.S. chief executive officers was 344 times the pay of an average American worker. In 1980, the pay gap was 40 times. Does it mean that American CEOs made far smaller contributions 30 years ago than now? In the United States, the top one percent of households enjoyed 81 percent of all the increased income over the past four years, while the top 0.1 percent accounted for 39 percent of increased national income. It is natural that the 99 percent of Americans complain about the richest one percent of Americans.
A society`s compensation and inducement system determines its present and future. Specifically, the compensation and incentive system affects the level of social conflict by influencing the flow of talented manpower, the degree of worker loyalty, social corruption, class division and socio-economic mobility. Therefore, it is necessary to determine a set of urgent policy tasks that are important to the society`s present and future, and examine the compensation system in the various fields. If the current system doesn`t conform to our society`s needs, it should be rectified in a desirable and constructive way. That`s social reform and innovation.
In this sense, our society has at least two problems to ponder: corporate governance and compensation in the public sector. After the 1997 Asian currency crisis, Korea introduced U.S.-style corporate governance. But we have yet to be convinced that this system is suitable to Korean society or working properly. In the case of public corporations and financial holding companies, in particular, executive
salaries, the succession of CEOs and functions of the board of directors have caused ceaseless controversies. It is desirable that Shin Je-yoon, chairman of the Financial Services Commission, has decided to examine the controversial issues at public corporations and financial holding companies.
It is also necessary to review the current remuneration system for civil servants, which remains stuck in the framework of the past era of nascent economic development and dictatorship. A salary back then constituted only a part of the actual income of senior government and military officials. They also received corruption-linked cash gifts and kickbacks. Fortunately, such corrupt practices have declined sharply. But diverse expediencies involving influential government retirees show little signs of dwindling. Special treatment of former government officials, the so-called “parachute� appointment of former officials to important private sector posts, and sponsorships are among the practices that favor government retirees. It cannot be denied that such irregularities have helped bolster unfair competition and collusion.
Now is the time to amend the pay scheme of civil servants in accordance with the social changes. Otherwise, any efforts to get rid of our society`s corrupt and collusive structures can hardly be successful. It is mere hypocrisy that our society continues to denounce some influential government retirees for their selfish behavior.
[ JoongAng Ilbo, April 6, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
- South Koreans Become Resolute in their Anti-North Sentiment - ‘Not-Mom-Like Moms’ Are Coming - Kicking a Ball into an Enlarged Goal - What Women Want is Opportunity, Not Sympathetic Consideration
South Koreans Become Resolute in their Anti-North Sentiment
Hong Young-rim Chief of the Public Opinion Survey Team The Chosun Ilbo
At the outset of this year, North Korea`s Rodong Sinmun claimed that the nation`s nuclear tests were in response to public demands. But the North Korean news media has never reported the results of any opinion poll, the most scientific means to read the minds of people. The primary reason is that public opinion polls, an asset of democracy, are banned in North Korea.
As North Korea repeatedly threatens the security of South Korea, South Koreans become more resolute. Surveys by Gallup Korea and the Korea Research Center, shortly after North Korea conducted its first nuclear test in October 2006 and its third test in February this year, showed a substantial increase in the number of people favoring cutting off assistance to the North if the communist regime does not abandon its nuclear ambitions. After the third test, 46 percent of the respondents were in favor of aid termination, compared to 27 percent in 2006.
In the same surveys, support for a preemptive strike on North Korea`s nuclear test sites despite the risk of all-out war increased to 36 percent from 21 percent. Those who believed South Korea also had to possess nuclear weapons went up to 67 percent from 53 percent. A recent survey showed 72 percent supported the view that South Korea, if attacked by the North, should retaliate with more than 10 times the North`s military firepower.
At the center of the change in sentiment were those in their 20s. Many of them were advocates of the past “sunshine policy� toward North Korea but were angered when it shelled the South Korean island of Yeonpyeong in November 2010. According to a Gallup Korea survey, 73 percent of those in their 20s viewed Kim Jong-un as bellicose, followed by 64 percent of those in their 30s, 59 percent of those in their 50s or older, and 58 percent of those in their 40s.
Despite the worsening opinions, 67 percent of the respondents in a Gallup Korea survey believed North Korea would not take any military action against the South, far outnumbering those who felt otherwise (24 percent). The survey results were reported on April 10.
Seen from abroad, it seems as if war will erupt on the Korean peninsula at any moment, yet South Koreans remain calm. Experts feel the optimism is rooted in their belief that North Korea would not launch a suicidal war and their desire not to see the North provoke the South. Some worry that South Koreans are insensitive to security threats. But no less persuasive is the argument that South Koreans have learned North Korea`s bellicosity is merely a way to escalate tensions.
South Koreans have differing opinions about their government`s crisis management. According to a survey conducted by Research & Research in March, the approval rating on President Park Geunhye`s crisis management was 53 percent, higher than that on her efforts for economic recovery (43 percent). Though some had doubted that the female president would be firm in dealing with security issues, her performance was favorably appraised because she proved to be adamant and consistent in her leadership when national security was threatened.
Yet, 53 percent of the respondents believe the government is not sufficiently prepared for North Korean provocations. This finding deserves keen attention from the government.
[ April 12, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
‘Not-Mom-Like Moms’ Are Coming
Jeon Mi-young Research Professor Research Institute of Human Ecology Seoul National University
Here is a quiz. If the most predominant businesses in Daechi-dong, dubbed the “Mecca of private education” in Gangnam, southern Seoul, are private cram schools, what would be the second most thriving businesses? If you think they are fast-food restaurants, snack bars and PC rooms, all frequented by students, you are wrong. The answer is cafeterias, skin care shops and dermatology clinics. These places have one thing in common: they are spaces for mothers.
After sending their children to private educational institutes, mothers gather at cafeterias to exchange information and then move on to skin care shops and dermatology clinics to look after themselves. Now, mothers have evolved into “new moms,” who know how to care for themselves as much as their children, instead of waiting inside their cars for their children to come out of their classes. Behind this “generational change of moms” is a demographic transition. Young mothers, who were born in the 1980s and enjoyed active consumption, revolt against the image of “mom-like moms” who sacrifice themselves for their families, even though they grew up on such sacrifice of their moms. Another contributor to the change of mothers is the “carpe diem” attitude of today`s consumers, which is growing increasingly stronger. These mothers believe that “it is better to focus on the present than to sacrifice now for the future.”
In old days, there existed a kind of moral exchange relationship between parents and children: parents sacrifice themselves for children and depend on them later in life. Today, however, it is hard to find such “audacious” parents who want their children to support them when they get old. The changing mothers will bring about largely three kinds of change to the industrial world.
First, businesses targeting these young mothers will increase rapidly. Enterprises often work out their marketing strategies on the assumption that consumers have similar inclinations by generations, say in their 20s, 30s and 40s. Now, in addition to “generations,” you need to think about the “eras.” For example, you need to consider what kind of era those consumers in their 30s have lived through.
They were the first generation who took it for granted that even culture can be commercialized. For them, every matter can be converted into consumption. When they don`t like their appearance, they go to skin therapists or plastic surgeons. Some enterprises quickly launched new products for these mothers. As the number of expectant mothers going on trips for prenatal education is increasing, an airlines scored a big hit with its new “Pre-Mom” service.
Secondly, products satisfying the desires of both young mothers and their children are expected to gain popularity. These products will also serve the role of alleviating mothers` sense of guilt. If they can be of help to children and also contribute to mothers` personal development, isn`t it wonderful? For instance, Clapham Picturehouse in London, U.K., enjoyed great popularity with the “Reel Mom” project, which allowed mothers to enter the theater with their baby strollers during the daytime on weekdays, when there were not many general viewers. The project could satisfy the need of moms and babies at the same time. In Germany, Reisenthel Inc. produced the “Mother Child Tote Shopping Bag,” which has a lower handle for child and an upper handle for mother so that the mother won`t lose her child while shopping. It was a small consideration to help a mother and a little child enjoy shopping together. The reemergence of character products that were popular when mothers were young, such as “Lego” and “Hello Kitty,” also satisfies the need of both in that they evoke nostalgia for mothers and offer new fun for children.
Lastly, it is also important to foresee the ripple effects that the changing mothers will bring about. Children, who are free from mothers` sacrifice, will grow into much more independent consumers. Emblematic of this transition is the emergence of “adult kid” products, which enable children to
imitate adults. The popularity of “cosmetics for children” and “play-kitchen sets for children” means that children`s domain of commodity consumption is expanding into that of adults.
The changing lifestyle of mothers also influences the status and position of fathers in families. According to the Harvard Business Review, women purchase more than 70 percent of all consumer goods produced in the United States and Europe. However, along with the advent of mothers who are honest about their desires, chances are growing that fathers will also emerge as new purchasing powers. The Times, a British newspaper, once published a special feature about “Nordic-style papas” who spend as much time as they can with their children. Also in Korea, families going camping or on overseas trips are on a rapid rise. This is why we have to pay attention to the changing motherhood.
[ JoongAng Sunday, No. 319, April 21, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Kicking a Ball into an Enlarged Goal
Han Sam-hee Editorial Writer The Chosun Ilbo
In a report to President Park Geun-hye, the Ministry of Environment said it will reassess the nation`s “business-as-usual� greenhouse gas emissions by August. I had vaguely assumed it would. However, I wonder if it would be the correct action to take.
In climate debate, business-as-usual assumes the current emissions level will continue. Before the 2009 U.N. Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen, the Lee Myung-bak administration declared that Korea would cut greenhouse gas emissions by 30 percent from its business-as-usual baseline by 2020.
The Lee administration`s estimated 2020 emissions would be the equivalent of 813 million tons of carbon dioxide. Its pledge thus targeted less than 569 million tons by 2020. The administration, an advocate of green growth, proudly described the promise as a pacesetter.
But no follow-up action was taken. When the Ministry of Environment released the 2010 estimate two months ago, it had a 9.8 percent increase from the 2009 estimate. It exceeded the 2020 target nearly by 100 million tons. The upward trend is expected to remain intact, though it will take time until the 2011 and 2012 estimates are made available.
What the new administration intends to do is to reassess the business-as-usual trajectory. If the greenhouse gas emissions that vastly increased under the previous administration were to be the baseline, it will be far above the 2009 estimate. If the emissions were to be cut 30 percent from a larger baseline, their total amount would accordingly be larger than the original 2020 target. It would be little different from aiming a ball at an enlarged goal.
The predicament the Ministry of Environment faces in reducing greenhouse gas emissions is not beyond comprehension. The Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy has recently unveiled a plan to build 12 new coal-fueled power plants by 2027 ― an overambitious plan that was made in the wake of crises in electricity supply. With coal-fueled power plants being “carbon dioxide factories,” the chances are slim that the target reduction in greenhouse gas emissions will be achieved.
What will happen if the reassessment leads to a nominal increase in the nation`s emissions target? Other countries may say that they didn`t expect much when Korea made so much fuss, offering to host an international organization like the Green Climate Fund. Few would listen to Korea at international conferences.
The proposal to cut greenhouse gas emissions from a business-as-usual baseline was a brilliant idea. Brazil, South Africa, Mexico, Singapore, Indonesia, Costa Rica, Israel and Chile followed Korea in announcing their targets based on business-as-usual baselines in the wake of the Copenhagen conference. Some of these countries may also offer increased emissions as their revised targets, saying they have reassessed their business-as-usual baselines. If so, textbooks on international negotiations may list the “Korean way” as a “cheap trick.”
In a way, it is irrational to set an emissions target based on a business-as-usual baseline. Greenhouse gas emissions are greatly affected by extraneous variables beyond the control of governments and corporations. Among those variables are changes in oil prices, business cycles and accidents at nuclear power plants. When a government presents a target of emissions, it is making a promise that contains variables that are beyond its control.
The new administration apparently intends to make a fresh start after freeing itself from the burden inherited from the previous administration. Even so, it would better try its best to attain the target. When it proves impossible, it may ask other countries for understanding before revising the target. A nation`s credibility would be at stake if it backs away from its promise with a change in government.
[ April 20, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
What Women Want is Opportunity, Not Sympathetic Consideration
Lee Sue-kyung General Manager P&G Korea
To mark International Women`s Day, The Economist, a British weekly magazine, recently compiled its own “glass-ceiling index� for 26 OECD member countries. In the index, New Zealand ranked first and Korea finished last. The glass-ceiling index, based on five indicators such as the number of men and women respectively with tertiary education, female labor-force participation, the male-female wage gap and the proportion of women in senior jobs, clearly shows how much Korea lags behind in the cultivation of female leaders.
In the past few years, Korean business corporations have mounted various efforts to foster female talent by extending maternity leaves and establishing in-house childcare facilities. But Korea still seems to have thick glass ceilings.
Now is the time for changes in everyday life as well as policy changes. No matter how good a policy is, working conditions of women cannot improve when people remain complacent with the status quo and do not change their perception of women as human resources. Only when the glass ceiling confronted by women in their daily lives vanishes little by little through fundamental changes in policy and perception, female workers will be motivated and more female leaders produced. One of the biggest barriers women face in their everyday routine should be lack of “equal
opportunity.� Although gender discrimination has been significantly removed from the recruitment process, it still remains a common practice at many workplaces to deprive women of their opportunities under the pretext of reducing their work burden. Regardless of gender, anyone equipped with appropriate ability and enthusiasm should be given opportunities and responsibilities, and even asked to overcome challenges now and then.
This is because only those who have overcome difficulties and experienced a sense of accomplishment on their own can become future leaders. In this sense, it is not right to guide talented women along a comfortable path while they are ready to endure the arduous process of selfdevelopment. It is discrimination, not consideration.
Let us consider whether many companies are eventually sending their female employees back to their families by competitively expanding numerous women-friendly welfare benefits. Maternal welfare should be designed to help women balance work and family; it should not be exploited as a means to force women to bear the brunt of performing all their roles required at home alone. More women would be able to break the glass ceiling when society helps them avoid interruption of their careers through suitable welfare policies and endow them with appropriate responsibilities with confidence in their ability to accomplish their missions.
Good systems and institutions are definitely important and indispensable. But no system can function properly without efforts to use it every day. Indeed, behind every successful female leader there was always someone who believed in her potential and gave her an opportunity.
A good example is Professor Kim V. Narry of Seoul National University, who receives international attention for her work on microRNA biogenesis. A prominent biochemist and microbiologist, Professor Kim won the Macrogen Woman Scientist Award in 2006 and was elected an editorial board member of Cell, a top-rated journal in the field of life sciences, in 2010. Known as a potential Noble Prize winner in Korea, she once attempted to give up her dreams due to childcare problems and also experienced a lot of frustration in the face of research conditions unfavorable to women.
Particularly, when she revealed her plan to research microRNA for the first time in Korea, most people around her shook their heads at her highly adventurous and risky choice. At the time, she was only a contract researcher, but one of her professors trusted her and gave her an opportunity to embark on her research. She did not betray his confidence and successfully completed her research. Professor Kim has been able to reach where she is now, thanks to the unbounded trust and support from people
around her as well as her own ability and effort.
Women are not crystal glasses that should be handled cautiously. Excessive consideration can rather be a poison for those ambitious women who want to become executives and lead their companies. It must be remembered that what they want is not special treatment granted out of sympathy and compassion but opportunities to manifest their hidden potential. Such opportunities cannot be generated from maternity protection policies alone; they will come from the confidence of colleagues, bosses and family members, and small changes in their thinking and action.
[ JoongAng Ilbo, March 26, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
- On Return of the Historic Gate - Why I Learn Pansori - Prehistoric Petroglyphs Need Urgent Preservation Scheme - Cultural Flourishing Eventually Hinges on People and Money
On Return of the Historic Gate
Editorial The Dong-a Ilbo
Looking around Sungnyemun yesterday I observed that the gate had recovered its old dignity before its arson fire in February 2008. The old fortress walls from the days when the capital city was called Hanyang were also rebuilt, stretching 16 meters to the west and 53 meters to the east. Thanks to these walls the gate now looks even more majestic compared to when it stood alone in the middle of a busy thoroughfare. Citizens who came to see the rebuilt gate all seemed pleased. Many took pictures of the gorgeous gate with their mobile phones. Its restoration project completed, Sungnyemun, or the “Gate of Exalted Ceremonies,” Korea`s National Treasure No 1, makes its comeback in a dedication ceremony on May 4. The Cultural Heritage Administration has defined the project as “restoration” rather than “reconstruction.” With 90 percent of the second floor and 10 percent of the first floor destroyed, the gate was nevertheless not completely razed. The signboard`s calligraphy, praised by master calligrapher Kim Jeong-hui of the Joseon Dynasty as an “outstanding work of art,” also survived. The restoration was undertaken making use of all surviving materials, including the signboard which embodies the soul and spirit of the ancient city gate, thereby retaining its historical value. The gate`s status as National Treasure No. 1 remains intact as well.
There are quite a few cases in which the historical significance of cultural assets has been sustained
despite fires, wars and natural disasters. Todaiji temple in Nara, Japan, a UNESCO World Heritage site, was founded in the eighth century but reconstructed in 1709, after it had been burned down. In the long run, it is next to impossible to completely preserve historic monuments in their original state. They need constant management, maintenance and restoration, which in itself is a process of vital importance for imbuing priceless cultural treasures with new vitality.
We must not forget the shocking moment of five years and three months ago, when our National Treasure No. 1 collapsed in ferocious flames. Surprisingly, anybody could access the 14th century city gate due to negligent management. The incident made us reexamine our attitude toward historic assets and resolutely determined to restore the destroyed gate by mobilizing all our capabilities. Eloquently attesting to the resolution is 26 tons of best quality timber from homegrown trees and 23,369 pieces of roof tiles carefully produced by master artisans, among other construction materials.
On the occasion of the restoration of Sungnyemun, we must once again ponder on our responsibility to do our utmost to preserve our invaluable cultural assets and hand them down to future generations. It is because they embody our nation`s identity and common values that have been passed down from our ancestors.
[ May 1, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Why I Learn Pansori
Ryan Cassidy Professor, College of International Studies Hallym University
People often ask me why I learn Pansori. Many people have told me that they are impressed that I am learning Pansori, which most Koreans would find difficult. Yes, I am a foreigner and I learn the traditional Korean performing art of Pansori, and it has taught me that despite what obviously seem like cultural differences, human experience is actually often more similar than different. Living in Korea I consider “Language” to be the most important tool for communication and understanding. Although my ability to communicate in Korean has improved a lot through learning such traditional cultural genres as Sagunja (painting of four noble plants) and Geomdo (Swordsmanship), nothing has been more helpful than Pansori.
For most of my life, I have never considered myself to be a singer. I will never forget the expression on my music teacher`s face when I was cut from the fourth grade school choir. Since that experience and perhaps because of it, though I enjoy listening to music, I have tended to avoid situations that involved the production of music of any kind. When others wanted to go to a Noraebang (singing room), I was always the person that disappeared. Nothing is impervious to change, though. I have been learning “The Song of Sim Cheong” (Sim Chong ga) for the past three years. Above all else, my teacher strongly emphasizes the importance of opening your mouth wide and accurately pronouncing the lyrics so that the audience can understand the song. For me, the unfamiliar rhythms
and wide vocal range of Pansori have been the greatest challenges. Further, in only a few lines of lyrics there are always a number of expressions based on Chinese characters, some of which are antiquated and difficult for me to understand. To better memorize the lyrics, I study them before lessons, looking up unfamiliar words in the dictionary.
The stories expressed in Pansori mostly originate in the 17th century, yet they still remain relevant today. For example, the heroine Sim Cheong is forced to assume the role of her family`s bread winner caring for her blind father at a young age. The difficulties experienced by Shim Cheong and her father, who cannot work because of his visual disability ― possibly a metaphor for the impoverished nobility of the late Joseon Dynasty ― present us with salient lessons, such as the relationship between a parent and a child and society`s views and attitudes toward disability.
Despite the fact that one or two lines of lyrics may depict a very tiny portion of Korean culture, drawing these threads together, one can weave a much broader story that mirror a range of aspects of the Korean experience, including society, culture, economy, psychology and philosophy. As such, studying Pansori has done more than simply improve my Korean ability; it has enhanced my understanding of the Korean people and their experience.
Every individual builds a frame of thought based on his or her experience and communicates with others in that frame, hence the difficulties in interpersonal communication. Nobody can say definitively that they are right and another is wrong based solely on his or her own experiences. Everyone is just different. Understanding differences is a key aspect to interpersonal or intercultural understanding and communication.
This is why it is so important to experience and understand both similarities and dissimilarities between individuals and cultures. Closely observing different aspects of cultures over time, you will be able to understand them and consequently accept diversity much more easily. Korea`s traditional arts, especially Pansori, provided such a breakthrough for me.
Without question, Pansori is difficult; some have compared it to drawing pictures with sound. Studying it helps me a great deal in enriching myself as an individual ― to better understand diversity and further deepen my own cross-cultural understanding, which is a great asset to me as a teacher of international studies.
What is interesting is that, in my dreams, I find myself speaking Korean quite often these days and
though I don`t remember exactly when, at some point my parents and other family members also began to speak with me in Korean.
[ Dong-a Ilbo, April 1, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Prehistoric Petroglyphs Need Urgent Preservation Scheme
News Commentary Yonhap News
The debate over the preservation of the Neolithic carvings on Bangudae boulder, submerged and eroding eight months a year, is showing no signs of progress despite the new administration`s apparent resolution to protect them. There is universal agreement that they should be preserved, but the Cultural Heritage Administration and the Ulsan municipal authorities have been at loggerheads over the preservation method for over a decade. Meanwhile, the prehistoric engravings have continued to wash away.
The long-standing dispute has recently expanded to involve private organizations such as the Korean Federation for Environmental Movement. Also, the ruling Saenuri Party convened a touring meeting of its Supreme Council at the Bangudae Petroglyphs Museum, located in Dudong-myeon, Ulju County, Ulsan Metropolitan City, on May 2, focusing on the preservation of the endangered rock engravings, a major pending issue for the local city government.
The Cultural Heritage Administration has announced a plan to have the Bangudae Petroglyphs inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List by 2017 in accordance with President Park Geunhye`s election campaign promise. However, it is far more urgent to decide how to preserve the engravings than to gain World Heritage status.
The Bangudae Petroglyphs consist of Neolithic rock carvings depicting the lifestyle of prehistoric people in Korea`s southeastern coastal region. The carvings were discovered in December 1971, and designated National Treasure No. 285 in 1995. Engraved on a rock surface 10 meters wide and 3 meters tall at 53 to 56.7 meters above the ground, along Daegok Stream, the 307 images include human figures and animals such as tigers, whales and deer, as well as fishermen on boats and whaling scenes, which are the world`s oldest known depiction of whale hunting.
However, upon the construction of Sayeon Dam, the maximum water level of 60 meters has flooded the prehistoric images for much of the year over the decades. The repeated submergence and exposure to air has hastened damage to the carvings. Moreover, the sedimentary rock makes it easier for the carvings to absorb water, further increasing their susceptibility to damage.
Nobody would agree to leave the priceless historic monument in this situation. The problem is how to stop damage. The Cultural Heritage Administration has maintained the position that the reservoir`s water level should be lowered to prevent the rock boulder from being flooded without destroying its natural surroundings. However, the local city government and residents claim a lower water level would cut off their water supply. They are suggesting construction of an embankment around the boulder.
But the Cultural Heritage administration believes that an embankment and an alternate waterway would change the surrounding landscape and perhaps dampen the chances for Bangudae Petroglyphs to become a World Heritage site. The two sides reached an agreement in 2011 on readjusting the dam`s water level on the condition that fresh water would be supplied from the Unmun Dam in nearby Cheongdo County. However, the plan was scrapped because it failed a preliminary test on its economic feasibility.
The Cultural Heritage Administration also faced objections from local residents when it tried to name Daegok Stream and its surrounding area a state-designated “scenic spot� a while ago. The local community regarded the attempt to be part of a plot to lower the water level of Sayeon Dam. The Saenuri party has proposed building a temporary embankment before an alternate water supply source is secured.
Considering the value of Bangudae Petroglyphs, it would be most desirable to protect the boulder by lowering the dam`s water level and keeping the surrounding landscape as it is. However, it is also important to ensure the water supply to local residents. No clear answer has been reached in the past
42 years since the prehistoric carvings were discovered. The Prime Minister`s Office has declared it will try hard to coordinate a solution. As another positive sign, Professor Byun Young-sup, an active advocate for preservation of Bangudae for over a decade, was recently appointed to head the Cultural Heritage Administration.
Now, debate will have to restart from ground zero to search for the most reasonable solution. At this very moment, damage continues on our invaluable cultural asset. It seems certain that the task of preserving Bangudae Petroglyphs requires an immediate pan-governmental effort beyond the local city authorities or the Cultural Heritage Administration.
[ May 4, 2013 ]
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Cultural Flourishing Eventually Hinges on People and Money
Noh Jae-hyun Editorial Writer The JoongAng Ilbo
President Park Geun-hye's proposal of the so-called “creative economy” led to noisy debates to figure out what it means. At last the president herself came forward to offer its definition: “It is an industrial culmination of a convergence of science, information, communication and technology. It's a convergence of industry and culture to create new value, jobs and growth engines.” A grand explanation but the concept remains as elusive as ever.
It appears meaningless to make further efforts to pin down the definition of this catchword of the new administration. The “creative economy” will reveal its true meaning as it materializes in the days ahead. In other words, it depends on how “creative” our nation is. Not only this ubiquitous economic slogan but the three major policy goals of the Park administration, namely the economic rejuvenation, the happiness of the people and the flourishing of culture, all sound grandiose. In spite of its obviously archaic connotation, “economic rejuvenation” should mean nothing other than a campaign to live better. What does the “happiness of the people” mean? An effort to carve out a clear definition would lead to endless debates. The same holds true for the “flourishing of culture.” What would be a state of cultural flourishing? Does it mean an era when everyone in the country can play the piano or violin? Or, does it refer to a
situation where anyone can imitate Psy`s horse dance and arrogant dance? Or, would you be able to say a nation is enjoying cultural flourishing when even an old woman in the countryside knows the composer`s name and the work number upon hearing a sonata? In a gloomy period of modern history, Koreans imported the word “culture” (Munhwa, or Bunka in Japanese pronunciation) from Japan. The concept of culture had existed in the tradition of SinoKorean, but it did not refer to “Munhwa” but “Munchi Gyohwa (Wenzhi Jiaohua in Chinese pronunciation)” which meant “edifying people without using force.” The Japanese word Bunka, a translation from the German “Kultur,” was first used during the 1910s (Akira Yanabu, “Bunka: Dictionary of One Word”). Until that time culture (Munhwa) and civilization (Munmyeong) were practically synonyms in usage, but culture gradually acquired metaphysical connotations whereas civilization tended to mean the material achievements of humanity. According to “Annotations on Modern New Words” (1922), the first modern Korean dictionary of new words compiled by Choe Rok-dong, “culture” is “a vague and broad term that generally refers to mental byproducts incorporating the arts, sciences, ethics and religion, which contribute to the genuine advancement of society by stimulating and completing the character development of individuals.” The same dictionary defines civilization as “a word largely with a similar meaning.” In the meantime, “Dictionary of New Words,” published by the Korean Youth Company in 1934, defined culture as the “outcome of all human endeavors to create an ideal world from nature and human relations. But unlike civilization, culture concerns the upper structure of society (non-material segments) that involves laws, morality, state, sciences, arts and religion.” Koreans came to have different perceptions of culture and civilization over the 12 years. Anyway, the concept of culture is inherently vague. It is far more broad and ambiguous than “creative economy.” From military culture to toilet culture, the word “culture” is extensively used to describe the patterns of human life. When culture is combined with “the arts,” the meaning becomes even more perplexing. But culture has a clear identity. Culture has different standards like high and low, as well as different genres such as fine arts, music and dance. Nobody can precisely define it, but everybody knows what culture is and needs it. This is probably the reason the new administration named the flourishing of culture one of its major policy objectives.
The Arts Council Korea, a state fund for culture and arts, marks the 40th anniversary of its founding
this year. The Korea Culture and Arts Foundation, the predecessor of the council, was established in October 1973, thanks to President Park Chung-hee who turned his eye to culture after paving the ground for rapid economic growth. In the same year the government issued a declaration for the “rejuvenation of culture and arts” and also launched a five-year master plan to implement the declaration.
A variety of projects followed, such as subsidizing activities of artists and translating ancient classics written in Sino-Korean. The Korea Culture and Arts Foundation`s budget for 1974 was 862 million won, a small amount indeed when compared with the Arts Council Korea`s 2013 budget of 109.441 billion won (about US$98.5 million). Not only has the budget mushroomed but the role of the council has bulked up. Its cultural welfare programs such as cultural vouchers are expanding annually.
The council will get even busier when the Park administration begins carrying out its election promises, such as the legislation of the “basic act on culture” and the “act on the protection and promotion of cultural diversity” and development of the “cultural happiness index.”
At this juncture, I want to advise the government on two things. First, the system for delivering cultural services should be properly overhauled. Just as welfare spending has been wasted due to administrative loopholes, cultural governance will also risk greater misallocations when the scale of spending and the number of projects swell.
There may be floods of budget requests under the pretense of cultural promotion. Many people may set up new organizations to earn funds. The initiative for cultural flourishing should not end up breeding new titles and squandering taxpayers` money. With its ample experience and know-how accumulated over 40 years, the Arts Council Korea will be able to perform a useful role.
Second, the Arts Council Korea`s fund for subsidizing culture and arts should be drastically increased. As of the end of last year, the fund shrank to 260 billion won from 527.2 billion won in 2004. The administration should increase this fund as the first step to fulfill its election promise to raise the proportion of cultural spending to 2 percent of the state budget. Ambiguous as it may seem, cultural flourishing will practically depend on the effective distribution of human and financial resources.
[ April 18, 2013 ]
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- China’s Policy Shift after North Korea’s Third Nuclear Test - Changes in Job Market Structure in the Past Decade - Ways to Improve the Foreign Workers Employment System
China’s Policy Shift after North Korea’s Third Nuclear Test Park Byung-kwang Research Fellow Institute for National Security Strategy
I. Introduction North Korea launched a long-range rocket on December 12, 2012 and conducted its third nuclear test on February 12 this year at its testing ground in Punggye-ri, Kilju County, North Hamgyong Province. The North`s first nuclear test came on October 9, 2006 and its second followed on May 25, 2009. After the third test, the U.N. Security Council unanimously approved Resolution 2094 for a new set of sanctions. It added to previous penalties in Resolutions 1718 and 1874, which were imposed after the North`s earlier nuclear tests.
The latest U.N. action does not engender much confidence because China regards North Korea as a “strategic asset” that cannot be easily sacrificed. Although Beijing has joined in expressing misgivings about North Korea`s long-range rocket launches and nuclear tests, it has continued to embrace the North, ignoring the gravity of Pyongyang`s provocations and undermining the previous U.N. sanctions.
Still, China has recently shown signs of moderating its unvarnished support for its communist ally. After the North`s rocket launch in December, China endorsed UNSC Resolution 2087, which expanded and stiffened sanctions on the North. When Xi Jinping met an envoy from Korea`s president-elect Park Geun-hye shortly before her inauguration, the new Chinese leader expressed his support for the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula and made it clear that Beijing would not sympathize with North Korea if it mounts further military provocations and challenges to the international community.
In the lead-up to the North`s third nuclear test, Beijing clearly expressed its opposition. And after the test, it did not raise objections when the U.N. Security Council discussed new sanctions. Moreover, instructions were handed down to central and local administrative authorities to ensure strict implementation of the latest sanctions. The Chinese action suggests to outsiders that China`s North Korea diplomacy in the Xi Jinping era may be more objective in adhering to international norms.
If so, could the new Chinese leadership seek a significant change in its North Korea policy and strategic considerations? Or will there be more superficial criticism of the North and practically no policy shift? If China clings to its traditional stance, what would be the rationale for its inflexibility? This study seeks to provide the answers.
II. China`s Assessment of North Korea`s Strategic Value It is very important to understand how China assesses North Korea`s strategic value. It is the basis of China`s North Korea policy and is not easily altered by any singular incidents. Beijing sees three linkages between its national interests and the strategic value of North Korea.
First, China has traditionally regarded the northern half of the Korean peninsula as a military buffer zone. Historical examples include the Ming Dynasty`s intervention in the late 16th century KoreaJapan war (Hideyoshi`s invasions), the Sino-Japanese War of the late 19th century for hegemonic control over the Korean peninsula and the 1950-53 Korean War. In all these conflicts, China fought in Korea for its strategic interest. In the 21st century, China sees little difference in the strategic value of the Korean peninsula deriving from its unique geopolitical location.
Second, China regards North Korea as a strategic chip that can be effectively played against Western powers. The rise in China`s economic strength has intensified its hegemonic competition with the United States, although the two superpowers cooperate with each other on regional and global issues. In this process, China has continued to provide assistance to North Korea and made conspicuous efforts to increase its influence over the peninsula through the six-party talks for North Korea`s denuclearization. These initiatives are aimed at dictating the balance of power in East Asia and securing a competitive advantage in its relations with the United States. Third, China needs North Korea as a counterweight to the “southern triangle” of the United States, South Korea and Japan, which has beefed up its military cooperation under the excuse of coping with North Korean provocations. Beijing feels threatened because its “northern triangle” of the Cold War era with Moscow and Pyongyang has not yet been restored. To wit, Beijing constantly expressed concerns about growing military cooperation between the United States and its two Northeast Asian allies during the Lee Myung-bak administration in Seoul. As long as the legacy of the Cold War era exists on the Korean peninsula, Beijing believes it is premature to amend or abandon its alliance with Pyongyang.
China is witnessing growing instability in North Korea, however, due to the deepening economic difficulties caused by its closed system and international sanctions. Yet, Beijing refrains from discussing contingency plans to avoid North Korean suspicion that it is joining a grand international conspiracy against Pyongyang. Instead, Chinese leaders continue to stress traditional friendship and strategic communication, which they believe will help ensure stability in its neighbor.
To sum up, the Chinese leadership believes that maintaining traditional friendship with North Korea, increasing high-level interactions and continuing economic assistance to Pyongyang would help restrain the North`s nuclear armament and military provocations. However, this stance invites international criticism that China is skirting the collective responsibility to effectively enforce sanctions and help apply pressure on the North to end its nuclear ambitions and provocative actions.
III. Basis of China`s North Korea Policy Chinese perception of North Korea began to change in the Hu Jintao era, but it remains to be seen whether China`s new standpoint on the North will lead to significant policy change in the Xi Jinping era. The “traditional friendly relations” between the two countries were defined in the “16letter principle” announced during Jiang Zemin`s visit to North Korea in September 2001 and their bilateral economic ties in the “12-letter principle” presented by Premier Wen Jiabao during Kim Jong-il`s visit to China in January 2006. The Chinese government has stressed the need to help North Korea ease its security concerns through a multilateral guarantee, settle the North`s nuclear development problem through dialogue and recognize the North`s right to pursue the peaceful use of nuclear power.
On the other hand, China opposes North Korea`s possession of nuclear weapons and its exit from the six-party denuclearization talks. Analyzing China`s general policy statements and occasional pronouncements on the Korean question, Beijing`s basic stance on North Korea can be outlined from the following points.
First, China wants to prevent the collapse of the North Korean regime because the subsequent instability on the Korean peninsula would hinder its national objectives of “continued economic development” and “stability in the periphery.” China`s biggest fear is the resultant chaos that would cause a flood of defections by North Koreans into China and possible international intervention that may spark armed conflict.
Second, China wants to lead North Korea into economic reform and openness. Chinese leaders believe that the resolution of the North Korean nuclear question can be expected only when the North has secured the ability to survive on its own through structural reform. China`s stance also is related to its comprehensive regional development strategy, including economic development of the three northeastern provinces of Jilin, Heilongjiang and Liaoning. This strategic vision stretches beyond Korean reunification.
Third, China wants to deter North Korea`s military provocations. After the North`s torpedo attack on the South Korean Navy patrol craft Cheonan in March 2010 and artillery shelling of Yeonpyeong Island in November the same year, China was concerned that such provocative actions disrupt peace and stability not only on the Korean peninsula but in the entire Northeast Asian region, eventually to invite U.S. intervention. China believes that North Korea`s military provocation not only shatters inter-Korean relations but aggravate South Korea-China and U.S.-China relations as well. Chinese leaders have therefore used every opportunity to convey to the North their opposition to its longrange rocket launches and nuclear tests.
Fourth, China wants to maintain strong influence on North Korea because it aims to create the image of a “responsible superpower” and gain leverage for negotiations with the United States and South Korea. China was seen to have only limited influence on North Korea in the wake of its first and second nuclear tests and has since tried to gain a bigger voice. For example, all seven members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China paid a condolence visit to the North Korean Embassy in Beijing after Kim Jong-il died in December 2011. They also sent a telegram to Pyongyang, saying, “We hope that the people of the DPRK will be united around the Choson (North Korea) Workers` Party led by Comrade Kim Jong-un and achieve a powerful and prosperous socialist state in accordance with the will of Comrade Kim Jong-il.”
Fifth, China wants to resolve the North Korean nuclear question and realize the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Tension on the peninsula caused by the North`s nuclear program obstructs China`s foremost goal of peace and stability on the peninsula. Beijing also is afraid that nuclear armament by the North would trigger a nuclear arms race in Northeast Asia, directly threatening the security of China. If the North is allowed to continue its nuclear development, a security crisis will develop in Northeast Asia, which could spur a U.S. military buildup in the region with a commensurate increase of its political influence. That would inevitably put the United States and China on a collision course. But China is concerned that stronger pressure and sanctions on North Korea could lead it to resort to extreme reactions or cause the regime to collapse, both of which
would cast instability and uncertainty on the region. Therefore, China`s basic stand on international actions against the North on its nuclear tests is that “punishment should not be the objective of sanctions.” It has continuously called for a “solution through dialogue and negotiations.”
A noteworthy development in China`s policy is that the North Korean nuclear question has apparently been put on the back burner, whereas it was a top priority during the early years of Hu Jintao`s tenure. This could be a realistic response in view of the fact that North Korea conducted nuclear tests twice during Hu`s rule: it means that China has shifted its role from “resolving” the nuclear question to “managing” it. This basic policy stance is likely to be maintained in the Xi Jinping era.
IV. China-North Korea Relations in the Xi Jinping Era North Korea has been a constant source of headaches for Chinese leaders. The second North Korean nuclear crisis occurred in October 2002, a month before Hu Jintao took the helm in the 16th Communist Party congress in November that year. Hu stressed the normal state-to-state relationship between the two countries instead of special “party-to-party” relations in approaching the question, but Pyongyang rejected it. Pyongyang continued to embarrass Beijing by conducting nuclear tests twice and staging the Cheonan and Yeonpyeong incidents during Hu`s 10-year tenure. China reacted with “indignation” and “disappointment” each time North Korea conducted a nuclear test. When the North tested a nuclear device for the first time in October 2006, Beijing openly denounced the “arbitrary” action and joined in the adoption of UNSC Resolution 1718, which contained sanctions against the North. It was the first time that China took part in a forceful international action against its ally. China took the same position when North Korea conducted its second nuclear test in 2009. Particularly after the second test, critical opinions were expressed among Internet users in China, who branded the North Koreans as “traitors” and “rogues.”
These Chinese reactions in both the official and private sectors indicated difficulties in simultaneously pursuing the denuclearization of the North and maintaining cooperative relations with it. China, while joining in international denunciations for nuclear tests, however, did not enforce sanctions. Instead, calling for stability on the Korean peninsula and steps not to aggravate the situation, China coddled the North, thus increasing its influence. This stemmed from the view that engaging North Korea was consistent with China`s view of the strategic and security value of the North and the historical relationship of the two countries. This indicated that the “traditionalists” won over the
“internationalists” in Beijing`s policy debates. Yet, it also suggested the ambivalence of the Hu leadership in straddling between enforcement of sanctions and assistance to the North.
In short, the Hu Jintao era showed a change in China`s perception regarding North Korea but no significant policy change. So, it is of great interest whether the Beijing-Pyongyang relations in the new Xi Jinping era will go further and bring about tangible policy change.
Xi succeeded Hu as the party general secretary in the 18th CPC National Congress in November 2012 and was appointed president in the 12th National People`s Congress in March this year to become the supreme leader of China. His ascent to power last December coincided with North Korea`s launch of a long-range rocket, which stirred the security of Northeast Asia. Pyongyang`s third nuclear test in February this year further damaged the prestige of China ahead of Xi`s inauguration as its head of state. The series of North Korean provocations and challenges against the international community are testing the diplomatic capabilities of Beijing, causing serious trouble to the new leadership just as Pyongyang annoyed Hu Jintao a decade ago.
Xi badly needs stability in neighboring countries as well as in China. North Korea`s nuclear test and long-range rocket launch poured cold water on the new Chinese leadership and brought home worries over the U.S. “pivot to Asia,” which is feared to pose a serious challenge to China`s strategic interests. Opinions are spreading in China that North Korea is a stumbling block to the country`s rise in the global community and possibly matching the United States in political, military and economic terms in a few years. There is a strong probability that the Xi leadership will review China`s current relations with North Korea and its policy on the North.
A report from the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), issued immediately after the North`s latest nuclear test, said the Chinese patience with North Korea was being exhausted and their bilateral relations were becoming complicated. It further noted that the newly-surfaced tension between the two countries was challenging the new Chinese leadership`s foreign policy decision making and that high-level consultations between them were in a stalemate. The CFR report observed that China and the United States now shared common interests in deterring North Korea`s nuclear development and keeping Japan and South Korea from going nuclear. It argued that operating a regional consultative body involving China and the United States may be the best option.
Calls for a review of North Korea policies hit a new high in China after the North`s third nuclear test. Many social media users in China called North Korea a “mad dog” and criticized the Chinese
government`s lukewarm reaction. Some demanded that their Foreign Ministry “retaliate” and mount “sanctions” against North Korea rather than repeating statements of “resolute opposition.” Internet postings said that “China should abandon North Korea” and that “North Koreans returned evil for good” with nuclear tests. Some citizens staged protests in front of North Korean missions in Guangzhou, Shenyang and Beijing. The scale of demonstrations was not remarkable, but such spontaneous public actions were surprising considering the “blood ties” between the two countries.
An interesting article was contributed to a foreign newspaper by a staff member of the Communist Party`s training institute. Deng Yuwen, deputy editor of Study Times, the journal of the Central Party School, said in his article published in the Financial Times that it was time for China to abandon North Korea. “North Korea`s third nuclear test is a good moment for China to re-evaluate its longstanding alliance with the Kim dynasty. For several reasons, Beijing should give up on Pyongyang and press for the reunification of the Korean peninsula,” he said. Deng also said that once reform begins in North Korea, the regime of Kim Jong-un could be overthrown. “Why should China maintain relations with a regime and a country that will face failure sooner or later?” he asked.
The fact that Xi Jinping, while he was the vice president, had concurrently served as the rector of the Central Party School, an education facility for senior party members, raised a delicate question concerning the backdrop to the article. Some China experts warned against interpreting the article as reflecting any official position of Chinese authorities and insisted that the opinion was the author`s own. However, the school is an important national organization and any of its employees must get approval before contributing an article to a major newspaper with global readership. So, we may detect certain intentions of the Chinese government hidden in this article.
Signals flashing from China following North Korea`s latest nuclear test are diverse and somewhat confusing. For example, the Chinese Department of Traffic and Transportation instructed its branch offices and provincial authorities to strictly implement the UNSC Resolution 2087 adopted after the North`s long-range rocket launch last December as well as Resolution 2094 that followed the North`s third nuclear test. Li Baodung, China`s ambassador to the United Nations, pledged full implementation of Resolution 2094. The Global Times, a sister publication of the People`s Daily, elaborated on the reasons why North Korean nuclear weapons were detrimental to Chinese interests, mentioning possible collapse of the Pyongyang regime in the future.
In contrast, Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi told a news conference during the 12th National People`s Congress, that “sanctions are not the fundamental way of resolving the North Korean nuclear
question.” He called on the concerned parties to exercise calm and restraint. Interpreting Yang`s remarks, the New York Times said that “China will not forsake North Korea.”
During the months before and after Xi`s ascent to power, Sino-North Korean relations were not especially amicable. There were reports of a heated argument between Chinese Foreign Minister Yang and his North Korean counterpart Pak Ui-chun during the ASEAN Regional Forum in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, in July 2012. In what was seen as a move to avoid isolation from the Southeast Asian region, North Korea dispatched top-level delegations to Indonesia, Vietnam, Laos and Myanmar, but no notable high-level contacts were reported between North Korea and China, except for Jang Songthaek`s visit to Beijing last August. Kim Jong-un has not made a visit to China since he was installed as North Korea`s supreme leader, while some observers detect Pyongyang`s efforts to broaden its diplomatic horizon instead of deepening dependence on China. A further absence of communication may be anticipated.
China is not willing to recognize North Korea as a nuclear power despite its nuclear tests. And Beijing will continue for the time being to straddle international sanctions and cooperative relations with Pyongyang. However, the nuclear problem will undermine China`s strategic interests. Pyongyang will never give up on gaining international recognition as a nuclear power, while the situation on the Korean peninsula and in Northeast Asia can turn into a crisis at any time. In the meantime, North Korea will not be able to make any meaningful progress in economic reform and openness.
V. Conclusion North Korea`s third nuclear test targeted not only South Korea but also the United States and China. It was an armed provocation against the new leaders of the three nations, which therefore promptly acted together to produce the latest UNSC resolution providing harsh sanctions against the North. Yet, past records tell us to wait and see what effective and consistent actions China will take in the days ahead because it had previously joined in adopting U.N. resolutions but always remained halfhearted about implementing them.
The diverse reactions Chinese society has shown to the latest North Korean nuclear test raises hope for a change in the Chinese government`s attitude toward the North. While North Korea continues its provocative moves disrupting regional stability, anti-North sentiments will rise in Chinese society along with calls for a change in government policies toward the North Korean regime. The Chinese authorities will then have to consider public opinion in addition to ideological and strategic factors in
handling relations with North Korea. This new element will press for more tangible results when the policy begins to shift.
At the moment, however, it is hard to tell where the new Chinese leadership is headed. The fact that diverse voices are heard about North Korea in the Chinese media and the cyberspace means that no major policy swing has been made, and caution is needed in predicting the possibility. “Maintenance” rather than “change” is more likely as conditions have not apparently reached a boiling point for dramatic changes. The reasons are:
The latest North Korean nuclear test provoked anger from both Chinese authorities and public but they do not obviously feel the “shock” needed for a radical policy shift. As the North repeats nuclear tests, the impact on the Chinese people is gradually diminishing. Besides, Beijing has chosen to play the role of “manager” instead of “resolver” with regard to the North Korean nuclear question. It will henceforth deal with the nuclear problem with the premise that the North will never give up its nuclear arms.
Second, there is no fundamental change to the North`s strategic value for China despite its latest nuclear test. Under the present competitive structure between the United States and China, North Korea continues to possess significant value as a buffer zone and a strategic card in dealing with the West. China may seek a regime change to discard Kim Jong-un but Chinese leaders will not make such an attempt unless strong trust has been established with the United States. The Xi Jinping leadership would not want to risk losing its strategic asset by seeking a radical policy shift, but may consider it a realistic choice to try to strengthen ties with the new ruler in Pyongyang by offering practical favors.
Third, China should be ready for the loss of influence on North Korea if it attempts a policy shift on the regime. China already had such an experience after it supported the UNSC Resolution 1695 in July 2006, following the North`s launching of Taepodong-2 rocket. Beijing stopped oil shipments to North Korea in September that year. But North Korea went ahead with its first nuclear test in October and China-North Korea relations sank to an all-time low, with Beijing losing face in the international community. China should be extra cautious not to repeat such consequences.
Fourth, the Xi leadership is now grappling with the pressing task of eradicating corruption in Chinese officialdom. The government report to the 12th National People`s Congress was devoted largely to domestic affairs. It is assumed that, for the time being, the new Chinese leadership would not attempt
to complicate relations with neighboring countries, such as reviewing its North Korea policies and destabilizing bilateral ties. Beijing`s external attention will probably be on its relations with the United States and Japan and the territorial disputes in the South China Sea.
However, China will not refrain from reviewing its North Korea policies indefinitely. The present time may be defined as a period when China and North Korea are accumulating factors of mutual conflict, to which Pyongyang contributed a lot with its latest nuclear test. If this stage of accumulation continues, the negative factors will eventually reach the breaking point, when the Chinese leadership will be forced to make a dramatic policy change. When this condition ripens and Xi Jinping has consolidated his power to make independent and autonomous decisions, a significant policy shift will be possible on North Korea ― probably when his rule has been extended into a second term.
[ KDI Review of the North Korean Economy, March 2013, published by the Korea Development Institute ]
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Changes in Job Market Structure in the Past Decade Jeon Hai-young Senior Researcher, Hyundai Research Institute
Jo Gyu-rim Senior Researcher, Hyundai Research Institute
Oh Jun-beom Researcher, Hyundai Research Institute
I. Overview Korea has experienced “jobless growth” over the past decade with its employment rate stagnating at 63 to 64 percent because of economic slowdown and weakened links between output and employment. Faced with deafening demand for job creation, the Ministry of Employment and Labor is aiming for 2.38 million new jobs and a 70 percent employment rate in the next five years.
But society is also seeking the improvement of job quality. Many of the jobs recently added involve low-value-added work, fueling a “working poor” phenomenon. This calls for an analysis of the qualitative structure of the job market over the past decade.
This study is based on Statistics Korea`s surveys of the economically active population from 2003 to 2012. Particular attention was placed on job security, income level, age group and working hours.
Job security was divided into regular (permanent contract) and non-regular jobs. Income levels were classified based on earnings vis-à-vis the median income. The low-income class was defined as those earning less than 50 percent of the median income; middle-income class, more than 50 percent but less than 150 percent; high-income class, more than 150 percent. Hours per workweek were used to segregate employment levels: less than 36 hours, underemployed; between 36 and 50 hours, optimally employed; and more than 50 hours, overworked. Workers aged between 15 and 55 or more were divided into five decennial groups.
II. Trends in the Changing Job Market Structure 1. Structure of Job Markets in the Past Decade
Between 2003 and 2012, the number of jobs increased by about 2.54 million, from 22.14 million to 24.68 million, In particular, the ratio of wage workers to total employed people rose steadily. The number of wage workers increased by 3.31 million, from 14.4 million in 2003 to 17.71 million in 2012. On the other hand, the number of self-employed people declined by 770,000, from 7.74 million to 6.97 million. Accordingly, the ratio of wage earners, which stood at 65.1 percent of total employees in 2003, rose to 71.8 percent in 2012, while that of self-employed people decreased from 34.9 percent to 28.2 percent over the cited period.
The ratio`s trajectory indicates that the job market is gradually transforming into a pattern common to industrial countries. A survey of the wage earners` shares against total employees in major OECD member countries as of 2011 shows the United States had a ratio of 93 percent; Canada, 91 percent; Germany, 88.3 percent; and Japan, 88.1 percent. Korea`s ratio was 71.8 percent, far below the OECD average of 83.8 percent, but its persistent rise is approaching advanced nations.
2. Characteristic of Changes over the Past Decade
1) Declining Share of Non-regular Jobs The ratio of non-regular workers inched up from 32.6 percent in 2003 to 33.3 percent in 2012, while that of regular workers edged down from 67.4 percent to 66.7 percent during the period. However, the overall trend is that the portion of regular workers has risen since 2004, while that of non-regular workers declined, pointing to slight improvement in job security.
2) Rising Share of Low-paying Jobs In terms of income level, the proportion of high-wage workers declined while that of low-wage workers rose. The share of high-income jobs was 29.5 percent in 2003, but 25.7 percent in 2012. In contrast, the share of low-income jobs climbed from 10.5 percent in 2003 to 14 percent in 2012.
3) Rising Share of Low-paying, Insecure Jobs If income level and job security are both taken into account, the proportion of jobs with both low income and low job security has increased. The number of non-regular jobs paying less than 50 percent of the median income increased by 810,000 over the past decade, from 1.17 million to 1.98 million. The share of such low-income, low-security jobs rose from 8.3 percent in 2003 to 11.1
percent in 2012.
On the other hand, the proportions of high-income, high-security jobs and low-security but highincome jobs are both declining, suggesting the overall job market structure is deteriorating. The number of high-income regular jobs paying more than 150 percent of the median income increased by 410,000, from 3.62 million in 2003 to 4.03 million in 2012, but their proportion in total jobs dropped by 2.9 percent, from 25.6 percent in 2003 to 22.7 percent in 2012.
Also, the proportion of high-income, non-regular jobs fell from 3.9 percent in 2003 to 3 percent in 2012, once again suggesting weakness in the nation`s employment structure.
4) Decreasing Working Hours of Low-income Workers The overall working hours of Korean workers are falling. The proportion of the overworked group dropped by 10.3 percent, from 32.2 percent in 2003 to 21.9 percent in 2012, and that at the optimal work level fell from 45.3 percent to 42.1 percent over the citied period. On the other hand, the proportion of underemployed soared by 13.6 percent, from 22.5 percent in 2003 and to 35.1 percent in 2012.
On income levels, underemployment is increasing across the board, especially so among the lowincome jobs, a majority of which are non-regular jobs. The share of underemployed among the mainly non-regular, low-income jobs increased by 4.2 percent, from 5.7 percent in 2003 to 9.9 percent in 2012, with a continuous rise since the 2008 global financial crisis.
Although fewer working hours produce such positive effects as improving workers` quality of life and more job-sharing opportunities, they also mean dwindling income, reduced work opportunities and drop in job security.
5) Non-regular, Low-paying Jobs Increase among Aged Workers The ratio of non-regular workers is rapidly increasing among workers aged 55 or older, indicating worsening job security for the senior group. Seen from the aspect of employment contract, the ratio of non-regular workers among wage earners edged up in 2012 compared with 2003, but job security improved as a whole during the period. However, the ratio of non-regular workers aged 55 or older continued to increase from 5.4 percent in 2003 to 8.8 percent in 2012.
Also, the share of wage workers aged 55 or older among low-income workers is rising fast, indicating the quality of jobs is rapidly deteriorating in terms of not only job security but also income for aged workers. The proportion of low-income workers aged 55 or older out of all workers doubled from 2.5 percent in 2003 to 5.1 percent in 2012. This is apparently attributable to the sharp increase in the ratio of aged, non-regular workers and points to worsening job insecurity and standards of living among the elderly as population aging accelerates in Korea.
Among workers aged between 26 and 35, their employment shares are falling rapidly in both the regular and non-regular categories, illustrating the seriousness of population aging and youth unemployment.
III. Policy Suggestions First, it is necessary to expand social safety nets for low-income workers who are exposed to job insecurity, and help them continue working by enhancing vocational training and job placement services.
Non-regular workers earning low income need social support as they tend to be low-educated, lowskilled and older. It is necessary to expand social security for the needy and the elderly, as well as strengthen social safety nets for them, such as unemployment benefits and subsistence allowances. Reemployment, especially finding a better position, is difficult for those who lose their jobs. Thus, it is necessary to strengthen vocational education and job-matching systems for labor market flexibility. Second, more fundamentally, conditions for creating “decent jobs� should be provided by, for instance, improving the corporate environment for capital spending and increasing support for small and medium-sized enterprises with high potential for job creation so as to nurture industries that can create high-value-added jobs, such as knowledge-based service sectors.
The decrease in the ratio of decent jobs that offer high job security and high income is partly due to the inflexible job market and labor market mismatch, but a more fundamental reason is sluggish investment by businesses.
Third, it is urgent to draft measures to help aged people secure optimal income on a stable basis. Possible steps could include tax incentives for businesses employing elderly people and enhanced job placement networks for seniors.
The nation`s rapid population aging is outstripping the capacity of its social welfare system. Therefore, it is important to help elderly people secure stable income sources through continuous work. Accordingly, long-term concrete measures are needed on the state level to make the most of elderly people in the job market.
For example, the government should help create conditions to allow aged people to work continuously by extending legal retirement age and providing tax benefits for companies that employ the elderly. It also will need to devise ways to actively utilize the elderly workforce by strengthening employment networks for seniors in both public- and private-sector projects.
[Appendix Tables]
[ VIP Report, No. 522, April 2, 2013, published by Hyundai Research Institute ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Ways to Improve the Foreign Workers Employment System Kim Yeon-soo Associate Fellow Korea Development Institute
I. Current Situation and Challenges 1. Categories of Foreign Workers Korea`s labor policy divides foreign workers into two categories ― professional and non-professional ― and provides them with different employment opportunities and hiring procedures. Currently, some 530,000 foreigners are staying in Korea with work visas. Some 470,000 of them are nonprofessionals who arrived under an employment permit system designed to help domestic businesses meet their labor needs.
The employment permit system has an annual quota and is applicable in selected industries, mainly those that feature manual labor. Companies who want to hire foreigners under this system must first pass the so-called labor market test; they must prove that they have unsuccessfully tried to fill vacancies with Korean nationals. Non-professionals are in principle not allowed to move to other workplaces within Korea. They must leave when their authorized stay expires.
On the other hand, professional workers face no practical problems getting their visa as long as they meet the provisions of the Immigration Control Law and have a work contract from their Korean
employer. They also enjoy the benefits of family migration and long-term stay. Their employers are exempted from the labor market test, and professionals can work elsewhere in Korea when their contract expires.
2. Limit in Efficient Manpower Supply
The two-category structure is not efficient in supplying workers who have various skill levels. In the non-professional category, a considerable number of new arrivals actually lack the know-how and skills that are needed. They must undergo on-the-job training to qualify as a technician, machinery operator or assembly line worker. (Refer to Figure 2) This is one reason why employers request extensions for their foreign employees.
In the professional category, a wide variety of occupations are under the single umbrella, ranging from top-class researchers to skilled technicians such as chefs and welders. The broad differences handicap the ability to formulate employment policies that take into account the required skill levels and the extent and degree of labor shortage for a specific occupation. As a result, the labor market test is not applied in any professional occupation and Koreans are shut out of professional jobs that require relatively low levels of expertise.
3. Recruitment Quota
The annual quota for non-professional foreign workers is based on demand-side data points such as shortage of workers and economic conditions. There is no comprehensive consideration of the entire labor pool, both Korean and non-Korean. Hence, the general conditions surrounding labor shortages among occupations are not understood and the number of foreign workers piles up.
The annual quota relies on statistical data extracted from surveys of employers. The shortage of local and foreign workers is calculated and the corresponding number of work permits for foreigners is decided. But this process needs to be revised as it fails to recognize the dynamics of the labor market.
In fact, the survey data fails to accurately show the need for foreign workers. Foreign nonprofessionals not only lack job mobility, they also receive lower pay than their Korean counterparts. These features make them more attractive to hire, so the demand for foreign workers is persistently higher than that for Koreans, especially for jobs with high turnover rates. (Refer to Figure 1).
4. Inadequate Enforcement of Labor Laws
Enforcement of laws on the labor market test and a ban on downsizing the Korean workforce and discrimination against foreigners has been lackluster. As for the labor market test, it is necessary to enhance its effectiveness in accurately gauging labor shortages, hence helping to fill vacancies with qualified locals before issuing work permits for foreigners. (Yu Gyeong-jun and Kim Jeong-ho, 2010) Recent research papers say that increases in foreign workers have resulted in their partial replacement of local workers. (Kim Jeong-ho, 2009; Yu Gyeong-jun and Lee Gyu-yong, 2009; Kim Hui-sam and Jeong Seong-jin, 2012) Article 25 of the enforcement ordinance of the “Act on Foreign Workers` Employment, Etc.” provides restrictions on employment by an employer “who dismisses any native worker through employment adjustment within six months from the issuance date of work permit or the date a foreign worker starts to work.” But there is no way to determine whether this provision is respected. Article 22 of the same law stipulates prohibition of discrimination, but discriminatory treatment of foreign workers, including wage gap, has yet to be addressed.
II. How to Improve the System 1. More Determinants of Hiring and Policy Coordination
Different types and levels of skill sets need to be injected into the hiring system in ways to clearly identify specific potential hires and decide whether to permit their employment.
With the nation`s core economically active population already on the decline, foreign manpower needs to be sensibly utilized from the mid- to long-term perspectives. Shortages of professional manpower should be monitored on a continuous basis to flexibly adjust the introduction of foreign workforce. An aggressive recruitment policy should be applied to high quality human resources in occupations where local workers cannot fill manpower shortages quickly.
To this end, it is necessary to establish a permanent committee for integrated policy planning and administrative coordination of foreign labor (Yu Gyeong-jun and Kim Yeon-soo, 2011). Presently, three committees are handling immigration and foreign resident affairs under the Prime Minister`s Office ― the Foreign Workforce Policy Committee, the Foreign Resident Policy Committee and the Multicultural Family Policy Committee. Their policy areas and responsibilities overlap, hampering comprehensive policy planning and coordination.
2. Deliberation on Low-skilled Foreign Workers
Under the Foreign Workforce Policy Committee, the Working Committee for Foreign Workforce oversees the employment system for foreign workers and protection of their rights and interests. The committee consists of members representing workers, employers, public interests and the government, but it has yet to properly perform its basic duties such as estimating the scale of recruitment.
The committee`s decision-making procedures should be improved in ways to enable its members with professional expertise to precisely diagnose the labor shortages in specific occupations and industries, and examine the relative cost and benefit of various measures to cope with labor shortages (e.g. support for technical innovation) as well as the linkage between those measures and the labor market policy for local workforce before finally deciding whether to import foreign workers. Apart from relevant statistical data, gauging manpower shortage should be preceded by a comprehensive understanding of multiple factors, including diverse indicators of labor market trends, such as the growth rates of employees, wage increase rates, job vacancies and unemployment rates in different industries and occupations.
The Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) of the U.K. is known to be a relatively successful example among immigration administration advisory bodies. The MAC consists of a chair and four other independent economists appointed through public recruitment, and representatives of the Commission for Employment and Skills and the U.K. Border Agency. The committee judges whether manpower shortages in the U.K. labor market at different skill levels can be relieved by recruiting foreign workers and advises the U.K. government on migration issues. More specifically, the MAC asks questions based on a “3S” criteria: What are the occupations that need “skilled” labor? Is there “shortage” of labor in those occupations? Would it be “sensible” to fill the gap by using foreign workforce? The committee compiles a list of shortage occupations based on this information. In order to make the list, the committee conducts an in-depth review of various quantitative indicators of the labor market and collects data through open and transparent participation of many stakeholders, including employers and labor unions. Among the market data points used by the MAC are job vacancy rates in all and individual occupations, rates of change in average wage per hour, rates of change in the number of employees, changes in unemployment rates in different occupations, changes in working hours of full-time employees, and durations of job vacancies (MAC,
2010).
3. Impact on Employment of Local Workers
To meet the precondition that the employment of foreign workers would not adversely influence the employment and working conditions of local people, the labor market test should be conducted more broadly and rigorously. There also is the need for procedures to monitor whether recruitment of foreign workers leads to the downsizing of Korean workforce.
In most industrial countries, the labor market test is applied even to the employment of foreign semiprofessionals, while the test procedures are sometimes simplified or exempted for occupations that suffer from severe labor shortages. The labor market test becomes stricter for lower-skill jobs, with specific instructions on the content of the notice on job opening that working conditions should be explained in detail. In particular, they have standards for the minimum annual salary or require the average salary for the same type of occupation. Also, the employers should prove they already made diverse efforts to hire local workers.
The United States has the minimum wage standards for non-immigrant foreign workers aside from the general minimum wages. Canada and Australia specifically require equal pay for the same types of jobs in each region.
Among the required efforts to employ local workers are posting job opening notices, utilizing recruitment agencies, operating a training program to solve labor shortage, and requesting advice from the concerned industry and government organizations.
Due to the service sector growth and the heightened educational levels of the economically active population, foreign workers will likely threaten the employment opportunities of Koreans in some professional occupations. Therefore, it is necessary to expand the labor market test as well as diversify the introduction system of foreign workers.
Among the 78 types of jobs eligible for Specially Designated Activities (E-7), some jobs have higher possibility of competition between local and foreign workers, such as travel products developers, hotel receptionists and sales clerks of duty free shops. Therefore, greater caution is needed when hiring non-Koreans for these jobs. Also, foreign students may get visas for Specially Designated Activities (E-7) and other categories without the labor market test after working with their Regular
Education Program (D-2) visas. This needs to be corrected, too.
The labor market test also needs to have stricter regulations. For example, notices of job openings for local workers should specify salary and other working conditions. Employers should be asked to pay wages within a certain range of the average wages for the same types of jobs. Stricter implementation of the labor market test may cause higher administration cost and possible bureaucratic operation of the system. Yet, stricter regulations will help heighten chances of success in arranging employment for local workers.
Also, there should be thorough monitoring on whether companies downsize their local workforce after hiring foreign workers. Among recommendable monitoring methods are utilizing the foreign workforce database in connection with the unemployment insurance database, conducting inspections during regular guidance sessions for businesses and workplaces that have foreign employees, or carrying out sample surveys of these businesses and workplaces on a regular basis.
<References> Kim Yeon-soo, “Labor Market Policy for Foreigners and Immigrants: Current Situation and Tasks,” Policy Study Series, 2012-12, Korea Development Institute, 2012. Kim Jeong-ho, “Analysis of Economic Impacts from the Introduction of Low-skilled Foreign Manpower,” Policy Study Series, 2009-15, Korea Development Institute, 2009. Kim Hui-sam and Jeong Seong-jin, “Impact of Foreign Workers on the Employment of Locals at Workplaces,” unpublished treatise, 2012. Yu Gyeong-jun and Kim Yeon-soo, “Study on Mid- to Long-term Directions for Implementation of Immigration Policy and Induction of High Quality Human Resources from Overseas,” a paper commissioned by the Ministry of Strategy and Finance, 2011. Yu Gyeong-jun and Kim Jeong-ho, “Substitutability of Foreign Workers and Statistical Issues,” KDI Policy Forum, No. 226, Korea Development Institute, 2010. Yu Gyeong-jun and Lee Gyu-yong, “Current Situation of Foreign Workers and Challenges,” Policy Study Series, 200904, Korea Development Institute, 2009. Migration Advisory Committee, “Skilled, Shortage, Sensible: Review of Methodology,” Migration Advisory Committee Report, March 2010.
[ KDI Policy Forum, No. 255, April 9, 2013, published by the Korea Development Institute ]
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- Suncheon Garden Expo Harmonizes Nature with Humans
Suncheon Garden Expo Harmonizes Nature with Humans
Han Pil-seok Deputy Editor Monthly Mountain
The International Garden Exposition 2013 will be held in the Suncheon Bay area, 415 kilometers south of Seoul, for 183 days from April 20 to October 20, under the theme of â&#x20AC;&#x153;Nature and Humans, Community and the World, Sharing and Enjoying.â&#x20AC;? The first event of its kind in Korea, the six-month exposition aims to highlight an exemplary model for future eco cities by providing an opportunity to enjoy the beauty and value of Suncheon Bay, where nature and humanity, and the city and wetlands coexist harmoniously.
Ecological Buffer around Suncheon Bay So far the international garden expositions hosted by European countries and others have mostly been part of efforts to resuscitate derelict sites such as abandoned mine areas, old military bases, or landfills. However, the International Garden Exposition Suncheon Bay Korea 2013 has two goals that differ: to protect Suncheon Bay, one of the world`s five best-preserved coastal wetlands, and to revitalize the local economy.
The bay area has become a popular weekend destination, threatening its ecosystem. Some three million visitors descend on the priceless natural resource annually with 3,000 to 4,000 vehicles
flooding its roads on weekends. In addition, urban expansion is gathering steam. The organizing committee unveiled an ambitious plan to form a buffer zone, dubbed the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Suncheon Bay Eco-Belt,â&#x20AC;? extending five kilometers from the bay toward the city, to prevent reckless development and urban sprawl and preserve the bay as a permanent ecotourism attraction. As for the local economy, the organizers hope the expo will help promote horticultural, landscaping and service industries. The committee will therefore encourage expo visitors to spend time in the city.
With slightly more than a month remaining before the festival, the local government and the organizing committee are shifting into high gear. Basic building and engineering work is now in its final stage. The trees and flowers will also be planted by the end of March. When completed, the venue will have 84 gardens from 23 countries: 11 national gardens, 11 theme gardens, and 62 indoor and outdoor gardens.
World Gardens, Wetland Center, Theme Gardens The expo site, covering an area of 1.112 million square meters, will have three zones: World Garden (main exposition venue), International Wetland Center and Arboretum. The World Garden Zone will have traditional gardens of 11 countries including the United States, Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Japan, Thailand and China.
The traditional national gardens feature distinctive art works designed by landscape architects to represent the history and characteristics of each country`s garden. The French Garden depicts Versailles Palace which was constructed by the order of King Louis XIV who wanted to make France the cultural center of Europe; the Dutch Garden features windmills and tulips, the two most enduring symbols of the Netherlands, which are expected to add a quintessential Dutch touch to invoke images of spring blossoms at Keukenhof gardens.
The Korean Traditional Garden showcases Korea`s landscaping tradition, which follows the natural contours of the land to create harmony between buildings and their surroundings. The garden consists of the Palace Garden, a reproduction of Changgyeong Palace in Seoul; the Nobleman`s Garden, a space modeled after Soswaewon, a private garden from the Joseon Dynasty in Damyang County, South Jeolla Province, and a plant habitat in Yeongyang County, North Gyeongsang Province; and the Garden of Hope, a space depicting a simple and idyllic Korean rural town. There are also sections that allow visitors to experience the beauty of Korea`s typical topographical features.
The Theme Gardens are nestled in the middle of the Suncheon Lake Garden, which is designed by Charles Jencks, a renowned British landscape architect. The lake garden features a replica of Mount Bonghwa in the middle of the lake; the mountain actually stands at the city center. The lake water represents the city of Suncheon; the boardwalk of the lake symbolizes the Dongcheon River running through the city; and the surrounding hills and water of the lake signify the hills and mountains enclosing the city.
The Arboretum Zone has several sections, including the Tree Ground and the Cypress Forest, where visitors can enjoy trekking and relaxing in a phytoncide-rich atmosphere. A small trail in the Cypress Forest was created to offer a quiet and relaxing natural environment with minimum human touch. The planting of the grass and plants has been completed in the Arboretum Zone; it will take time for these plants to take root before the opening.
In particular, the Woody Mountaintop View, an observation deck, is a must for photographers because it provides views of the areas surrounding Suncheon Bay. The Oriental Herbs Experience Center, an area of 622 square meters, is another venue not to be missed. It includes an exhibition hall, a remedy hall, a therapy room and an oriental medicine cafĂŠ. This facility is designed to provide visitors with an opportunity to experience various ways to lead a health-conscious life by using medicinal herbs and plants from its garden. It also offers visitors a physical checkup, an oriental medicine experience for children, and herbal and medicinal teas to drink.
The Dream Bridge, which connects the Wetland Center Zone and the main expo site, is also eyecatching. Built with 30 containers, it is the world`s first bridge turned into an art gallery. The exterior of the bridge was designed by installation artist Kang Ik-jung, who designed the Korean Pavilion at the 2010 Shanghai Expo in China. Inside the bridge are displayed some 14,000 drawings by children from around world, depicting their dreams and hopes.
Cultural and Arts Events Throughout the six-month festival period, there will be a rich variety of cultural and artistic events hosted by local artists in the downtown area. The Suncheon city government is organizing a total of 136 cultural and artistic activities in which 95 groups will participate. They include street and indoor performances and exhibitions fit for the purpose of the international garden festival. These cultural and arts events will be held mostly in major downtown locales, the Suncheon Jorye Lake Park, the Suncheon Culture and Arts Center, and exhibition halls in the expo site. Hands-on experience events
will also be held at the Eco Playground and Learning Ground.
The organizing committee is planning various programs that will turn the exposition site into an ecoplayground. Among the various hands-on experience are “I am a Professional Gardener, too!”; the “Eco Workshop,” an experience and donation program for children; the “2014 Calendar of My Family Garden”; and “Su-Nanjang,” a wild water show for children to play with water on the grass. “I am a Professional Gardner, too!” is a phased-experience program in which gardening experts teach children basic gardening skills and the correct methods of using manure. Participants will be awarded a certificate when they complete the program. In the “Eco Workshop,” participants can experience various local cultures, such as wood necklace making and straw and plant handcrafts; it is also a social donation program. “Su-Nanjang” requires applicants to make reservations on the official website in advance. Regardless of age and sex, participants can play with water on the grass; organizers expect this program will be extremely popular among expo-goers who want to cool off from the summer heat.
Emphasis will be on creating a pleasant and safe place for visitors. Within the expo venue, a total of 58 hospitality facilities, such as information offices, coatrooms, emergency rooms and call centers, will be set up. Seven motor carts with 23 seats will be available to transport children, the elderly and the disabled, as well as a wheelchair rental service. There will be lactation rooms, washrooms for women and the disabled only, and shelters for lost children. Also, the organizing committee plans to allow the disabled and the elderly, if necessary, first admission to exhibition halls.
There will be 43 stalls, including restaurants serving local dishes, fast food restaurants, cafés and cafeterias. Two local specialty stores will sell agricultural and fishery products, while nine souvenir stores will carry handcrafts, landscaping materials and plants.
A variety of accommodations will be available: a total of 471 lodging facilities, including five hotels, with 6,860 rooms can accommodate 16,000 people per day. To secure pleasant accommodations befitting international standards, the organizing committee is converting existing cheap motels into middle- and low-priced family-style hotels and is planning to create an auto camping site where visitors can enjoy nature.
In particular, in Suncheon, urban and rural communities coexist; hence visitors can experience rural
life while staying in pensions and hanok, traditional Korean houses. Group accommodations are available at youth hostels, youth centers and eco villages. If accommodations in Suncheon fill up, facilities located in the east part of South Jeolla Province, including Yeosu, Gwangyang and Gurye, all located within 20 to 30 minutes of Suncheon, will also be used.
A Legacy for Future Generations The exposition organizers expect that the upcoming garden show will serve as a catalyst to improve the quality of Koreans` lives in a way nature and humans coexist harmoniously. They are convinced that this international event, unlike other flower exhibitions and arboretums run by local autonomous entities, will provide an opportunity for Koreans to experience and verify that the harmonious coexistence of nature and humans can upgrade their quality of life. Visitors can see a broad variety of exhibits ranging from traditional European gardens from the Middle Ages to the history of landscaping recreated by modern artists in one place, and experience how the healing effect generated by nature can benefit humans.
The organizers also believe that, along with the garden expo site, not only the city of Suncheon, with its 1,000-year-old Seonam Temple and Songgwang Temple, as well as Nagan Fortress Folk Village, where people are still living, and cultural and artistic events which will take place in the beautiful gardens, but also savory local dishes will gratify visitors` senses. “The reason this international garden exposition at Suncheon Bay is drawing enthusiastic support and attention from the public is because it has competitiveness per se,” they said.
Unlike industrial fairs, the Suncheon garden expo does not require tearing down or remodeling the structures after the event. Instead, the space will be utilized as resting places for citizens. Over time, the trees and flowering plants on the site will thrive, heightening its value. “The expo venue, to which time will add more beauty, will be passed on to our descendants,” the organizers said.
History Stretches Back to 1862 London The world`s first-ever garden show was the Great Spring Show held in London in 1862, which was organized by the Royal Horticulture Society (RHS). In 1925, the International Exposition of Modern Industrial and Decorative Arts, held in Paris, used gardens as a major concept of cultural events. Hence gardens began to play an important role in expositions, with their value widely recognized. Garden expos have since been established as international festivals to introduce the varying value of
gardens and garden culture to the world so people can understand their benefits and think through problems together.
Advanced countries, including European nations, which recognized the value of garden expos early, began to host international garden expos more than 150 years ago and made their cities eco-friendly by organizing garden fairs every two years or 10 years at central or local government levels.
Japan held a garden fair in Osaka in 1990 and China in Kunming, the capital city of Yunnan Province, in 1999. These garden expositions proved successful, drawing more than 23 million and over 10 million visitors, respectively. In particular, the Kunming exposition site is still drawing over 1.5 million tourists annually. The Xian exposition in 2012, in which Suncheon participated, attracted 15.72 million visitors over 178 days.
Mascots Named after Crane Calls The mascots of the International Garden Exposition Suncheon Bay Korea 2013 feature the images of hooded cranes native to Suncheon Bay. Their names, “Gguru” and “Ggumi,” derive from the distinctive crying call, “ggureureu,” of hooded cranes, the symbolic bird of Suncheon City and Korea`s Natural Monument No. 228. Their images, which stand for eco-friendliness and love for family, evoke feelings of intimacy.
The exposition`s admission fee for adults is 16,000 won (US$14.44), 12,000 won ($10.83) for students and youths, and 8,000 won ($7.22) for children. There is a 20 percent discount for groups of more than 30, and a 10 percent discount for tickets purchased before April 12. Detailed ticket information is available on the official website.
Mayor Cho Hopes to Boost Tourism “With Mount Jiri embracing the city and the Seomjin River running through it and with lakes and the ocean, too, Suncheon has very unique and beautiful landscapes,” Mayor Cho Choong-hoon said. “Industrialization represented the spirit of the 20th century, whereas the 21st century pursues the value of the environment and ecology, and culture and arts. As Korea`s ecological capital, Suncheon will play a leading role in realizing this spirit of the age.”
On March 11, when I met him for an interview, Mayor Cho was very busy with expo preparations.
Cho, who calls himself “a sandwich man” dedicated to publicizing the Suncheon Garden Expo, flew to Los Angeles, California, in January to promote the expo to the members of the city council; he visited the Japanese Diet in mid-February for the same purpose.
Then he had another overseas promotion trip in March to Ningbo, a seaport city in Zhejian Province, China, which is a sister city of Suncheon. There he met the deputy mayor, representatives of travel agencies, school principals and media executives to invite them to visit Suncheon during the garden expo. Cho said, “We are planning an event called ‘Ningbo City Day’ during the exposition. The city of Ningbo promised to send a traditional performance team. Ten cruise ships have been arranged to make some 20 trips to shuttle Chinese visitors to the garden expo. We expect to have about 40,000 Chinese visitors, but the Korean consul general in Shanghai said the figure will be doubled. There will be a lot of European visitors, considering their keen interest in garden expos. As for the United States, our promotion effort will be mostly concentrated on Korean immigrants.” He went on, “Chinese tourists have so far been flocking to Seoul or Busan, mostly for shopping and casino games. Jeju Island is also very popular among Chinese visitors because the island has unique natural scenery, which the Chinese find to be quite different from the scenery in their own country.”
Mayor Cho hoped that, from now on, Suncheon will become Korea`s fourth tourism hub for visitors not only from China but also from the rest of the world. The hosting of the international garden expo has allowed Suncheon to become a place where tourists can enjoy all the experiences they may have in the three other tourist hubs, he said. “I hope Suncheon will become as popular as Gyeongju.” “Visitors can watch migrant birds and walk on mudflats at Suncheon Bay, while at the expo they can enjoy 80 different gardens of the world from the Middle Ages up to modern days,” Mayor Cho said. “Communing with nature while sauntering about these gardens will relax visitors` minds and bodies. They will also experience ordinary rural people`s lives at Nagan Fortress Folk Village where people still actually live. Considering all of these advantages, Suncheon can become another Gyeongju and a fourth tourism hub, following Seoul, Busan and Jeju Island.”
Mayor Cho also plans to turn the expo site into an ecological learning center in cooperation with the Ministry of Education. “Today, places like Mount Jiri or the Seomjin River, where students can get a hands-on experience in unspoiled nature, are preferred as a destination for school excursions instead
of ancient cities like Gyeongju. In this sense, Suncheon is also a wonderful candidate site for ecological education,” he said.
In Suncheon, a city where urban and rural communities exist side by side, visitors can enjoy a wide range of hands-on experiences at the farming, fishing and industrial communities, as well as a “slow” tour to Suncheon Bay. Mayor Cho added, “In most industrial and trade fairs, expo facilities are usually one-time edifices and thus reduced to a white elephant. But the expo site in Suncheon will remain open for public use, continuing to enrich the quality of citizens` life.” “The six-month exposition can be likened to a seeding period,” he said. “The gardens will thrive and the woods will grow thicker and thicker over time. Imagine this place 100 years later. I expect that Suncheon will become a leading ecological city with beautiful woods drawing floods of visitors.”
The city government expects that the international garden fair will add 1.3 trillion won to the local economy, including 670 billion won worth of value added, and create 11,000 jobs. The expo is expected to serve as a turning point for local industries, including landscaping, floriculture, beauty and oriental medicine, to make a major leap forward. The organizers also believe that the garden expo will help advance Korea`s convention culture, in which indoor events are now dominant, so that outdoor events will become popular.
[ Monthly Mountain (San), April 2013, published by the Chosun Ilbo]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
- Reasons Why Politicians Feel Weak before the Buddhists of Gyeongsang and Christians of Gangnam - Koreans Ate Red Kimchi as Early as the 17th Century
Reasons Why Politicians Feel Weak before the Buddhists of Gyeongsang and Christians of Gangnam
An Seon-Hee Staff Reporter The Hankyoreh
“Korean Politics of Religion in Five Volumes” By Kang In-cheol, published by Hanshin University Press, each volume 380 pages to 607 pages, 29,000 won to 32,000 won
How did Christmas become a national holiday in 1949 when Christians constituted a mere 1 percent of South Korea`s population? Why do our politicians feel weak before the so-called “Yeongnam [Gyeongsang provinces] Buddhists” and “Gangnam Christians?”
Like any other social sectors, religious communities cannot stay completely away from politics. “Korean Politics of Religion in Five Volumes” is an extensive study of the relationship between religion and politics in Korea from national liberation in 1945 up until 2012. An ambitious endeavor by Professor Kang In-cheol at the Department of Religion and Culture, Hanshin University, the publishing of this research series was recently completed by the university`s press after the first volume appeared last December.
During a recent interview at his office on Hanshin University`s Osan campus in Gyeonggi Province, Professor Kang, 52, said, “It had been my goal for over 15 years to write a book on a syntactic study
providing a coherent overview of religious faiths in Korea. But, looking back, this has been a formidable task I would never dare do again.”
Kang embarked on his research in earnest in 2008 and completed his writing in November last year. Throughout those five years, he pushed himself into “voluntary isolation,” answering no telephone calls (he does not even have a mobile phone), making all contacts only through email, and eating lunch brought from home in his office. To avoid being disturbed, he often worked under a single dim fluorescent light so he could pretend as if there was no one in his office.
The five-volume series amounts to a total of 15,000 200-character Korean manuscript pages. Professor Kang stretched the period of his research to modern history involving all major religions such as Protestantism, Catholicism, Buddhism and Confucianism as well as homegrown faiths, including Daejonggyo (Religion of the Divine Progenitor) and Chondogyo (Religion of the Heavenly Way). Thus he overcame the limitations of previous research that had mostly focused on Christianity under military regimes. The first volume, titled “Korean Religion, Politics and State: 1945-2012,” provides an overall introduction to the theoretical approach and concepts. The next volumes ― “Dependency and Autonomy: Formation of the Republic of Korea and Politics of Religion,” “Resistance and Surrender: Military Regimes and Religion” and “Democratization and Religion: Contradictory Tendencies” ― cover the periods from Korea`s liberation from Japanese occupation in 1945 to the military coup in 1961, the Park Chung-hee regime to the pro-democracy struggle in June 1987, and the popular uprising of June 1987 to the Lee Myung-bak administration, respectively. “New Issues in Politics of Religion,” the fifth and last volume, discusses subjects that emerged after the political democratization of 1987, such as development and religion, overseas missionary work, and conscientious objection.
Professor Kang characterizes the 1945-1948 period of U.S. military rule and the ensuing Syngman Rhee (Yi Seung-man) administration as “the rise of Protestantism into a privileged religion.” Under the influence of General Douglas MacArthur, commander of the Allied Powers, and President Rhee, both devout Christians, the Korean government implemented policies favoring Protestantism.
Christmas was designated a national holiday, and prison and military chaplains, normally found in a Christian state, were introduced in 1945 and 1951, respectively. “Protestants benefited the most from
the disposal of ‘enemy property` left behind by the Japanese,” Professor Kang claims. “The property acquired at this time laid a solid material foundation for Protestantism to thrive.” In contrast, the 26 years of military regimes under Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan saw “the rise of Buddhism.” With the weakening of Confucianism, Chondogyo and Daejonggyo, a tripartite oligarchic structure was gradually formed between Protestantism, Catholicism and Buddhism. In order to stabilize this structure, the military government offered benefits to Buddhism, such as allowing temples to collect fees from visitors for “viewing cultural artifacts.”
The author makes an intriguing assertion that Christians could actively wage anti-dictatorship campaigns because their churches were receiving financial support from American churches through U.S. missionaries. What are the roles of those religious circles that contributed to democratic movement now that Korea has achieved democracy? Professor Kang notes, “Normally, the political role, or weight, of religion tends to wither when a society has achieved a full-fledged democracy. But a new type of religious politics is obviously gaining strength in Korea.”
By the late 1980s, Korea`s religious topography had coalesced around the three predominant faiths of Protestantism, Catholicism and Buddhism. As of the end of 2005, the three major faiths accounted for 98.1 percent of the nation`s religious population (52 percent of the entire population). Democratization brings about an active electoral politics, which in turn pushes up the “political clout of large religious groups.” Perfectly illustrating this phenomenon are the “Yeongnam Buddhists” and “Gangnam Christians.” Professor Kang explains, “Buddhist laymen are traditionally not good at organizing their power, but their influence in the Yeongnam region is simply enormous. Hence no political force can dare to ignore them. In the three wealthy districts in Gangnam, southern Seoul, Protestants and Catholics maintain huge congregational communities, which no conservative political groups can dare to give up.”
The conservative shift by the Protestant church, with the Christian Council of Korea (KCC) at its forefront, has been among the most conspicuous phenomena in Korean politics of religion since 2000. Lee Myung-bak was the third Presbyterian elder to serve as president, following Syngman Rhee and Kim Young-sam. It is widely admitted that the “political activism” of the Protestant church played a significant role in his election.
Professor Kang points out, however, that the expansion of such political influence is “toxic” to the church. He says, “Moral authority and communicative ability are absolutely indispensable for a religious group to win sympathy and support from the people for its political participation. Political statements and actions of a religious group can evoke stronger opposition when it has overbearing influence but lacks social credibility.”
Kang means that the conservative Protestant church has lost public confidence due to a series of misconducts by church administrators, including hereditary succession and trading of churches and circumvention of income taxes. As a result, Professor Kang notes, the Protestant population has been falling since 1995, with the decline expected to further escalate. Professor Kang is already immersed in follow-up research. “My next subject is ‘civil religion,’ such as ‘anti-communist nationalism’ and ‘democratic republicanism’ ― in other words, the cultural foundation that integrates the society and the state most extensively and continuously.”
[ April 17, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
Koreans Ate Red Kimchi as Early as the 17th Century
Park Don-gyu Staff Reporter The Chosun Ilbo
“The Birth of Kimchi in the Joseon Era” By Park Chae-rin, published by Minsokwon, 360 pages, 30,000 won The 18th century scholar Yi Deok-mu wrote, “My legs feel as languid and wilted as green onion kimchi.” In the “Anthology of Poetry by Dasan,” Jeong Yak-yong (1762-1836), a great thinker and scientist widely known by his pen name Dasan (Tea Mountain), compares crops faltering in a rainstorm to “droopy kimchi.” This means Kimchi had been embedded so deeply in the life of Koreans as to be quoted often in their times.
How many people properly understand the history of kimchi nowadays? This question led Park Chaerin, a research director at the World Institute of Kimchi, to discover some new facts about the history of kimchi. She traces back the relationship between Jeo, Chimchae and Kimchi in this book as a result of searching through some 300 volumes of texts from the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties as well as Chinese and Japanese historical sources to discover how kimchi became a staple food of Korean people. The name Jeochae (pronounced Zucai in Chinese), meaning “pickled vegetables,” appears in the “Book of Odes” (Shijing), but it differs from kimchi in that it is made using acetic acid, not lactic
acid. Nor is there any literary reference from the Three Kingdoms period or the Goryeo Dynasty, in which Jeochae is referred to as Jeo. Park explains, “From this one can infer that people who lived on the Korean peninsula had a distinctive method for storing vegetables from the Chinese.”
Park suggests reconsidering the current hypothesis that the word kimchi derived from Chimchae, in view of the fact that only 12 percent of referrals to kimchi in Joseon literature use the word. “The word ‘Chimchae’ was most likely employed to keep the sound of the native word Dimchae or came from the Chinese word Jican (ritual food), which appears in Kim Jang-saeng`s Garye Jimnam (Annotated Guide to Family Rituals),” Park says.
She found evidence on how chili peppers brought into Joseon were used as kimchi ingredients, in documents dated 70 to 80 years before what used to be known as the first relevant record ― Jeungbo Sallim Gyeongje (Revised and Augmented Farm Management, compiled in 1776). “The record was found in Songpa jip (Collected Works of Songpa), an anthology of writings by Yi Seo-u (1633-1709), compiled by his descendants,” Park says. “There is no significant time difference from when red pepper was used as the base ingredient for red pepper paste.” She added the moment she made the discovery was among the most exciting moments she experienced throughout her research. “A new cultivar of red chili pepper was developed from a foreign species introduced from South America, which was successfully grafted into Korean dietary culture.”
The book aptly combines cultural history with the author`s specialty, food science and nutrition. Studying how to introduce kimchi in the global community as a senior researcher at a governmentfunded institution, Park says, “The so-called globalization of kimchi should not aim at worldwide consumption of the Korean native food dish but its representation of the Korean people`s technological, cultural and artistic know-how and expertise.”
[ April 13, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
- Lee Sang-hwa: “My goal is to come first in the next race.”
Lee Sang-hwa: “My goal is to come first in the next race.”
Kim Sin-yeong Staff Reporter The Chosun Ilbo
Before meeting Lee Sang-hwa, the 24-year-old “queen of the ice,” at Taereung, I had requested that she wear “something pretty,” instead of her training uniform. It was a week after Lee had won her second consecutive gold medal in the 500m sprint at the International Skating Union World Championships. Having achieved six wins out of seven international competitions during the 20122013 speed skating season, it seemed she would be able to relax a bit now.
Lee, strolling across the Taereung National Training Center campus, sending a text message on the way, arrived in cropped jeans, a denim jacket and pink shoes. A big badge on the left side of her jacket caught my eyes. It was her initials, a big “SH,” with a character standing on top making a thumbs-up sign. It was a quirky Lego badge. She said that she made it herself. Her nails had also been colorfully manicured. Lee has not taken a break since her gold medal win at the 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver, Canada. She has kept going faster, and with greater determination, winning 14 international races since the Olympics.
In the same period, her fellow Vancouver speed skating gold medalist Mo Tae-bum has racked up four wins, while figure skater Kim Yu-na took a break and has only resumed competition recently. In January this year Lee set a new world record in the 500m event, earning the nickname “the world`s greatest sprinter.” Having no place higher to go, one would think it was time to relax. Why does she
seem more determined than ever? When I said, “Your records are amazing,” Lee`s voice took a sharp tone as she answered, “Don`t even mention my thighs.” I flinched, but then, pointing to her Lego badge, Lee smiled and said, “I may not look that way, but I like cute and pretty things.” ◈ No Superstitions, Hobbies Nail Art and Lego
Q. You seem to like dressing up. A. I really enjoy dressing up and fiddling with accessories and things. A little bit of diversion relieves stress. I tend to do my nails before a competition. It`s not a jinx, just a bit of investment in myself.
Q. Do you have any superstitions? A. No, I don`t. None at all.
Q. Did you do your nails yourself? A. You can`t do this by yourself. I have a place that I go to in Gangnam. The owner knows my style. Sometimes she does my nails fancy and sometimes cute…I have been interested in doing my nails since high school. My hands are the only things, apart from my face, that are visible in a speed skating competition.
Q. You also seem very fond of Lego. A. When I was little I loved the Lego world with the houses full of little people. A few years ago I came across Lego again by chance and remembered how much I liked it. So I started collecting it again.
Q. How much have you collected? A. Oh…I`m not sure, but I have around 10 boxes. Some I haven`t even opened yet and some I`ve already assembled. My favorite series is “City,” where you make your own city, and I also like the “Pirates of the Caribbean” series. Not long ago the president of the Korea Skating Union (KSU) bought me a castle from the “Monster Fighter” series, but I haven`t made it yet. In January Kim Jae-yeol, president of the KSU, presented Lee with a Lego set when he gave her the prize money for breaking the world record. Lee says that Kim sent her a text message saying he would buy her dinner, but she asked him for a Lego set instead.
Q. You`re much slimmer and more feminine in person than on TV. What do you think of the photos of yourself that come out after a race? A. Ah, there are so many bad photos of me. When I see them, well…I get upset. There are photos when my gums show and some where the whites of my eyes look really big. I get upset, thinking, “Why on earth did they use this photo?” or “The journalist is an anti-fan.” If there`s anything I hate more than bad [online] tag comments, it is bad photos. ◈ Chasing or Chased, Everyone Should Go as Fast as Possible
Q. Have you ever prepared for what you would do at a victory ceremony? A. No. I`ve never prepared a national flag or anything like that. I don`t hope for too much. Before a race I just tell myself, “There`s nothing to lose, and nothing to gain either.”
Q. Nothing to lose and nothing to gain? What do you mean? A. I`ve pretty much achieved all my dreams as an athlete. I`ve already gained so much. I`ve won an Olympic gold medal and won lots of medals in the World Championships and the World Cup. And even if I do perform badly in a race, well there`s always another chance, so it doesn`t mean losing everything.
Q. You beat one person, then you beat another. Before you know it there`s no one ahead of you to chase. Does that make you nervous? A. No, it`s not like that for me. My rivals are not only those ahead of me. My time improves because of those behind me, and that`s what made it possible for me to break the world record. It`s tough being at the front. You don`t know when someone will suddenly come up and overtake you.
Q. What makes you more nervous, having a lot of people ahead of you or a lot of people behind you? A. It`s exactly the same either way. The one who`s chasing and the one who`s being chased…it`s all the same, in terms of mood, feelings, and nervousness. When you`re in second place, you have to skate hard to catch the person in first place. If I`m in first place, then I have to skate hard not to lose my position to those in second and third place. Everyone has to go fast. Everyone has to do their best, not letting up for a single second.
Q. If you have nothing more to gain, then why not stop? A. I`m still young. There are still a lot of races to be won. For example, there`s the Olympics next
year. A new challenge always appears. People ask me, “What`s your ultimate goal?” I take on the next challenge because it`s there to be challenged. I don`t have a long-range goal.
Q. How did you feel when you broke the world record? A. I was there when Lee Gang-seok broke the world record [in March 2007 at the World Championships in Salt Lake City, United States]. I remember thinking, “Wow! He`s amazing.” But this time it was me breaking the world record. And I wondered, “Does this mean I`m amazing, too?” It was a proud moment.
Q. What is it like to break your own record? A. I think that setting a new world record is not about competing against yourself but the result of bringing up your own memories. On the basis of the way you skated before, you know that if you do this then that happens, and if you do that then this happens. It`s about remembering things like that and using them to your advantage. It`s hard to improve without recalling the past.
Q. Do people`s expectations make you feel uncomfortable? A. This season, my results were very good at the beginning and people kept talking about a new world record. Not just in Korea but in other countries as well. And because people kept talking about it, I began to feel the burden. I was really nervous before going to Canada in January [for the 6th ISU Speed Skating World Cup]. As if it was the Olympics. I kept thinking, “Things are good as they are. If I`m going to do this [world record] I`m going to have to push myself.” So I kept telling myself, “It`s not the Olympics…It`s not the Olympics.”
Q. What was the most difficult period of your life? A. Elementary school and junior high. In elementary school, when all the other kids were playing kickball on the school oval after school, I had to go to the ice rink and practice. I hated that. In junior high came adolescence. I wanted to do well but the teacher scolded me so much. It was hard. I wanted to quit.
Q. You experienced a slump at a young age. A. Hmm…I don`t think it was a slump. Just adolescence. I endured, thinking of all the energy and money my parents had invested in me. “What do you mean ‘quit.’ Just keep going,” I told myself. It was hard. ◈ Thinking, Sparked by Ambition, is the Greatest Enemy
Q. Have you ever been in a real slump? A. In 2007. It was before my name became well known. It wasn`t a good time. I entered the World Cup for the first time then. I was racing against Jenny Wolf from Germany, who is still my rival, but she finished in first place and I placed 15th. That`s when I fell into a slump. I don`t think it was psychological pressure, just a lack of practice. Although I started the season in 15th place, I managed to rise to third place by the end of the season.
Q. You just worked hard to overcome the slump then? A. I think a slump is just a fake condition that comes from internal reasons. In a corner of your mind, you don`t want to make the effort, so you call it a slump. But I kept going, without stopping. Many times I practiced alone at night. Even so, I didn`t do well in the next race. But I kept practicing. And once again I did not do well. Each time I improved a bit, little by little, though. There was a tiny difference, and I was the only one who noticed. But on the basis of that tiny improvement, I kept practicing…on and on.
Q. You seem to have no enemies. What is your greatest enemy? A. Thinking! If you think too much, there`s no end. It`s like a flame. It burns and burns. It`s frightening. When too many thoughts fill my head I need to exercise mind control. I don`t have any particular religion. All I can do is tell myself everything is OK.
Q. What is the spark that makes all those flames rise up? A. Ambition. The ambition to win whatever it takes. “I have to win. I have to win. I have to win, no matter what….” If these thoughts take over then I always make a mistake. My foot might slip and I`ll make a false start, something like that.
Q. What comes to your mind when you stand at the starting line? A. Nothing. Everything is blank.
Q. Your friend and fellow skater Mo Tae-bum says that the first three steps determine the outcome. A. Not for me. All I can do is keep racing until the end. I keep hearing everyone else skate. When I hear someone skate in front of me I think “I have to catch up.” If I hear someone skating behind me I think “I have to run away.” That`s the way I keep thinking until I reach the end.
Q. You and Mo Tae-bum have skated together since you were in elementary school, right? A. We don`t skate together now. We can`t. There`s too much of a difference in our times. We do practice together. In elementary school our coach made us race together, saying, “Sang-hwa, you follow Tae-bum. You`ll go a lot faster. Tae-bum, don`t let Sang-hwa catch you. That`ll help you to go faster.” ◈ Moving to a Big House Q. Up until the 1990s, being an athlete meant being filled with the “hungry spirit.” Some gold medalists say that they lived on Ramyeon [instant noodles, once symbolic of poverty]…. A. Ha, ha, ha…. Q. Why are you laughing? Is the expression “hungry spirit” a little funny now? A. No, not really…But anyway, it`s not like that anymore. It may have been inevitable back in those days, but a lot of time has passed since then. These days we`re not allowed to go near instant food before a race for weight control purposes. We can`t eat Ramyeon, even if we want to.
Q. I understand that your family was not that well off when you were young. You wrote in your diary, “If I become a great athlete, we can move and I will buy you a washing machine, a gas stove, refrigerator, and other household goods.” A. I gave all my prize money to my parents, and our family has moved to a bigger house. Not just with my money, but my money and parents` money together.
When she was young, Lee Sang-hwa`s family lived in a small house in Jangan-dong, Seoul. Last year they moved to a bigger house in the same neighborhood. It was two years after the Vancouver Olympics, when Lee had jokingly said to her mother, “I`ve won the gold medal now, so let`s move to a bigger house.” According to the KSU, Lee`s prize money since the 2010 Olympics comes to 210 million won (approximately US$200,000). “The ISU`s prize money for speed skating is only a quarter of that for figure skating, which attracts a lot of sponsorship,” said a KSU official.
Q. What advice do you like to hear from your parents? A. Before a competition, my parents send me this kind of text message: “It`s not like you haven`t done this before, so enjoy yourself.” Even before the Olympics they tell me not to miss the opening ceremony because of a race, to make every effort to participate and enjoy myself. It puts my mind at ease.
Q. At the closing ceremony of the 2010 Vancouver Olympics, Kim Yu-na was chosen to be the flag bearer. Were you upset that Kim seemed to receive so much of the spotlight? You did say, “No matter how many medals we win, it goes unnoticed if Kim Yu-na wins gold.” A. Oh…that quote. I apologized to Yu-na. Figure skating was an unpopular event as well. It`s popular now because of Yu-na. I have no excuses for what I said. There was no call for saying such a thing.
Q. There are a lot of tag comments online comparing you with Kim Yu-na, aren`t there? A. Yu-na and I are friends, but our fans think that we`re not. But I don`t really get a lot of bad comments. Most of the comments are encouraging. I don`t take too much notice of the bad ones. Inside, I just say, “Why don`t you shut up?” Oh, I once got this comment: “You don`t get to be in a lot of ads because you`re not as pretty as Yu-na.” I don`t get angry. It`s funny. It makes me laugh. Q. Once before you said, “Yu-na is attractive of course, but I`m sure I have my own appeal.” What do you see as your appeal? A. I didn`t really know what I was saying then. It`s a bit embarrassing. We all have our own individuality. Yu-na is pretty and full of charm, and I have my own charm. If I have to pick something, I like my eyes. They`re big even if I don`t have double eyelids. A lot of people say my nose is my strong point. ◈ ‘I Respect Ban Ki-moon and Park Geun-hye’
Q. Apart from another athlete, is there anyone you find enviable? A. There are people whom I think are extraordinary. People like Ban Ki-moon, U.N. secretary general, for instance. I think to myself, “How did he become head of the U.N.?” President Park Geun-hye, too. “She`s a woman, how is she going to rule the nation?” They`re both extraordinary. Is this what you would call envy?
Q. Would you do Ban Ki-moon`s or Park Geun-hye`s job if it was given to you? A. No. Absolutely not. So I guess I don`t envy them. It would be more accurate to say, “I respect them.”
Lee doesn`t bother to hide her boyfriend, Lee Sang-yeop, who was an ice hockey player at Yonsei University. During the Olympics Lee posted a photo of herself with her boyfriend on her mini homepage and created quite a stir with the comment attached to the photo: “Being with you gives me
such great strength.”
Q. How do you spend time with your boyfriend? A. We look at Lego and build Lego sets together. He doesn`t play ice hockey anymore. Not since he graduated. He`s preparing to go study overseas.
Q. What are you going to do when he goes away? A. I`m going to try and go with him. Not that I have made any specific plans yet.
Q. It upsets you that people mention your thighs every time you compete. You`re a girl after all…. A. Ah…really! I was so surprised when I was searching online for articles after breaking the world record. They had drawn lines on my body and pointed out that my thighs had grown this much and that they were however many centimeters round. I said that they had got it wrong. These days, I said, slim body is considered to be better for speed skating as well and I had actually lost a lot of weight. Then the next report went, “Lee Sang-hwa denied the point, but according to Korea Institute of Sport Science, her thighs have grown this much….” It was so annoying. I hated it.
Q. Aside from your thighs, have there been any other annoying reports? A. No, just that.
Q. Have you recently had an examination at the Korea Institute of Sport Science? A. Yes, but don`t ask for the results. And don`t write about body fat measurements or anything. Don`t even take an interest in the issue. Why are people concerned about these things when my times are the point?
When the photographer asked Lee Sang-hwa to strike a skating pose on the campus of Taereung National Training Center, she wildly objected and refused to the end. “It looks ridiculous for an athlete like me to strike that kind of pose anywhere aside from the ice rink,” she said. Q. You made news when you said “Life is not a windfall” after the Vancouver Olympics. A. Actually, I think that life is a windfall. If you really want something and work hard then your dreams come true. Of course, you have to keep working towards your goal, but you have to want something badly. That comes first.
Q. What kind of person would you like to be when you are 60 years old? A. I don`t have any wishes in that respect. There are people running in front of me and people behind me, so for now, I have to keep running. My goal is to come first in the next race. When I`m 60? I don`t think about things like that.
[ April 6, 2013 ]
www.koreafocus.or.kr
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Korea Focus is a monthly webzine (www.koreafocus.or.kr), featuring commentaries and essays on Korean politics, economy, society and culture, as well as relevant international issues. The articles are selected from leading Korean newspapers, magazines, journals and academic papers from prestigious forums. The content is the property of the Korea Foundation and is protected by copyright and other intellectual property laws. If it is needed to reprint an article(s) from Korea Focus, please forward your request for reprint permission by fax or via e-mail. Address: The Korea Foundation Seocho P.O. Box 227, Diplomatic Center Building, 2558 Nambusunhwanno, Seocho-gu, Seoul, 137863, Korea Tel: (82-2) 2151-6526 Fax: (82-2) 2151-6592 E-mail: koreafocus@kf.or.kr ISBN 979-11-5604-018-7
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