Volume 55 Issue 3

INSIDE: FATPHOBIA AND ROB FORD • 4 // UTSU EMERGENCY TOWN HALL • 2 // TUMBLR’S SOCIAL JUSTICE COMMUNITY • 8-9 // YA LITERARY SALON • 10

the Breaking free from mentalism STRAND VICTORIA UNIVERSITY`S STUDENT NEWSPAPER vOL. 55 iSSUE 3 • Oct. 1 2012 • WWW.THESTRAND.CA

in university spaces:

An interview with the Mad Students Society

BY PAULINE HOLDSWORTH & MUNA MIRE

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fter their DisOrientation event “Resisting Mentalism: Becoming an Ally to Mad People” on Sept.

18, The Strand sat down with Elizabeth and Alisa from the Mad Students Society (MSS), a community-based organization that runs peer support meetings and engages in Mad Pride advocacy and activism. The Mad Movement works to counter oppressive and mentalist actions and attitudes that erase, sensationalize, misrepresent, or commit mental or physical violence against mad people and/or those with mental health concerns.

Mentalism was coined by community member Judi Chamberlin, and refers to discrimination and oppression experienced on the basis (or on the perceived basis) of mental health, disability, and madness. San(e)ism is often used to refer to these forms of discrimination, but, Elizabeth explains, saneism is a term that

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“We wonder if it’s necessary, or ‘in their best interests.’ People sometimes don’t think of these things as discrimination because they think of them as care.”

comes out of law and is beginning to be used in social work, while mentalism is “the term our people use to name that experience.”

“Our movement happens in ways that are not visible to outsiders. A lot of it is small and small-looking,” says Elizabeth.

As a community-based movement, Mad Pride works to foster relationships and friendships and may not look overtly politicized to people unfamiliar with the community. “What’s so political about crazy people getting together to do mutual support?” she asks. Part of what does make mad pride political is that it opens up the conversation around alternatives, making room for building communities and connections in addition to seeking to reform the psychiatric system. It acknowledges and incorporates the experiences of psychiatric survivors as well as current consumers of psychiatry or traditional therapy, and it serves as an example of

“how to be with difference,” especially in progressive spaces.

In conversations about social justice and equity, mental health concerns are often left out of the picture. In particular, problematic attitudes and actions towards people experiencing mental health disabilities are often framed, paternalistically, as care rather than coercion, even when they involve forced institutionalization.

“That’s still part of the conversation about mad people—things are done to us ‘for our own good’,” says Elizabeth. It’s a question about who has access to your body, who gets to dictate which public spaces you’re welcome in and which you’re not, who you’re allowed to interact with, and which services you have access to. “We wonder if it’s necessary, or ‘in their best interests.’ People sometimes don’t think of these things as discrimination because they think of them as care,” she explains.

For many, including some of those within the mad community, understanding the connection between madness and pride can be challenging. “The pride piece is hard. And it doesn’t look how people think pride looks. Pride involves shame sometimes. It can involve wishing you were different in moments, and still being glad of who you are—but having these moments where you just wish life was easier, and you just wish you could get to school when you can’t and everyone else can. It can still involve that frustration, and you can still really want to be yourself,” says Elizabeth.

And it’s hard, too, she says, because “you’ll think, does that mean I must not want to never be depressed, and never have a panic attack? Is that what pride is, that you want to have panic attacks and experience depression? That’s not what pride looks like for most people. It’s about celebrating our existence, about celebrating the fact that really depressed people exist, crazy people exist, people who have very different experiences with the world exist.”

“The best thing that worked personally for me in terms of shame was to really get to know a bunch of crazy people. Getting to know a community, getting involved, can really help you see the strengths, the beauty, the talent, the creativity, the brilliance—all of those beautiful things,” says Elizabeth.

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here’s a real need to bring these conversations to university spaces, where administrative and bureau-

cratic systems aimed at mental health and wellness often run the risk of posing barriers in their efforts to offer support, or of underestimating the difficulty students face trying to access these services. Mental health campaigns on university campuses are often aimed at promoting “awareness” but stop at that, which raises the question of who that awareness is for, and what it’s supposed to accomplish. “The students with mental health concerns already know they’re crazy. They know what depression looks like, they know what the warning signs are,” says Elizabeth. If these campaigns are for students without mental health concerns, they “further a culture of monitoring.” It’s a culture “that says we perpetually check and see who is having mental health concerns, and then if you do, this is what you’re expected to do about it. So it can further alienation from the campus community, it can further a sense of not belonging on campus, it can further a sense of difference, and it does very little to provide alternatives or positive steps you could take,” she says.

Campaigns that hold up awareness as one of the university’s most important goals also work on the faulty asumption that support services are readily available and accessible to students. This is an assumption that runs counter to students’ lived experiences with month or year-long wait lists, discriminatory support workers, and convoluted bureaucratic systems that require run-around instead of providing support. “If you can’t see them at a certain time, or if you can only see them briefly and then they kick you out, or if you can’t see them while you’re on a leave of absence, or while you’re a part-time student, or while you’re at the hospital—there are ways to do that better,” says Alisa. What’s missing from people’s awareness is an understanding that some of these spaces are highly inaccessible and that students often struggle when navigating these systems

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“People see different kinds of support as being useful to them.

You can have pride and take drugs. You can have pride and go to therapy.”

—not the simple truth that mental health concerns exist.

Another crucial gap in traditional awareness campaigns is their lack of recognition when it comes to students’ experiences with poverty and financial difficulty. “When you’re talking about disability, or talking about psych services on

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“Getting to know a community, getting involved, can really help you see the strengths, the beauty, the talent, the creativity, the brilliance—all of those beautiful things.”

campus, there is a limited understanding of poverty in those spaces. People don’t realize that students might be using food banks, or that students might be experiencing homelessness. They might be couch surfing, they might be set to run away,” says Elizabeth. And since the conversation in campus health centres often centers around medication, there’s a sense that the only financial barrier standing between students and their treatment plan is a drug plan or lack thereof, she explains.

Particularly in a climate of austerity, conversations about mental health and cost become increasingly complicated.

“If you’re talking about mental health as a burden, if you’re talking about services as being very expensive, then the conversation changes. It’s not about justice, it’s not about people - it’s about money,” says Alisa. These conversations also misplace the reason these costs are incurred, attributing them to what people “lack” rather than workplace discrimination. “The high statistic of people with disabilities not being able to access employment isn’t really about disability, it’s about workplaces not being accommodating places, and not valuing people’s skills, and not having jobs where people can thrive and enjoy their lives,” she says. And even when advocates turn that conversation around and think about the burden of discrimination rather than the perceived burden of disability,

SEE ‘MENTAL HEALTH’ ON PAGE 3

UTSU’s emergency town hall:

VICTORIA CHUEN

NEWS

Are you worried?

WENDELLE SO STAFF WRITER Students convened in an emergency town hall last Tuesday Sept. 24 to raise objections and concerns about several radical changes proposed to our present post-secondary educational system—and some cautious support.

Released last June 28, the Ontario Ministry of Training, Colleges, and Universities’ discussion paper aims to “transform the post-secondary education sector” by proposing a series of practicality-oriented reforms aiming to expand student options beyond the traditional academic route.

This means awarding similar bachelor’s degreecredentials to students who opt to take online cours-

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“What will the school look like if these policies are implemented?”

es, or finish three-year degrees instead of four-year schedules. The paper also proposes to level the process of switching institutions by equalizing the credits obtained from first- and second-year introductory courses in different universities.

The proposal also had news for educators, placing an increased emphasis on assessments measuring the skills students learned and the ‘performance growth’ students experienced from taking their courses. It also called for greater faculty orientation towards teaching, rather than the present focus on research.

The paper claims that it was motivated by “evolving economic and student learning realities”, and suggests that offering online learning may be a part of the solution. This would help put a cap on tuition increases, as well as limiting class sizes and increasing funds for career-oriented endeavors, such as co-op and student business initiatives.

Not everyone agrees. “What will the school look like if these policies are implemented?” asked Abigail Cudjoe, host of the Town Hall ‘icebreaker’ and Vice

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President External of UTSU. “You can’t go to master’s degrees programs out of the province, which don’t accept three-year programs. You can’t do a choice of 2 majors or specialists, but only one degree. And even if the university moves to full-year learning even during the summer, students cannot work at summer jobs.”

Provost Cheryl Misak seconded that copying the three-year programs of the UK will not be beneficial for students looking to pursue graduate school. “[Our situation is] unlike the UK, because their last year of high school is intensive—almost equivalent to 4 years,” she said.

Some faculty members have also been critical of the basic visions of the government proposal. “If the government wants to make these changes to education, they should make an effort to understand this sector,” said Prof. Scott Prudham, president of the UofT Faculty Association. “The better approach would be to fill up the funding gap to support universities.”

Prudham also raises concerns about the proposal’s lack of respect for faculty research. “There is a good reason [for summer breaks]; most of our research is concentrated during that time when there is not a lot of formal instruction,” he argued. “They fail to see the good relation between teaching and research; they see that the Biology Department here is equal to the Biology Department there, when the faculty of different institutions have different specializations.”

“There has been a funding gap since the 1990’s: increases in class size, waitlists, faculty workload, and undermined infrastructure,” Prudham explained, suggesting that a different kind of educational reform is necessary.

Others, including Misak, were more open to the Ministry’s proposals, suggesting opening them as options for students while maintaining and focusing on the traditional format of the university. “I think there are good sides to this,” she said. “We are not going to require you to take courses online, but we will make it available to you for flexibility. If students want to pursue a 3-year degree, they can through the program ‘University of Toronto Three-year Fast-track Degree.’”

Meanwhile, as sponsors of the Town Hall, UTSU claims that it has not yet established an official position with regards to the issues of educational reforms.

“You can expect our submission (of the report) to

serve this purpose,” said UTSU president Shaun Shepherd, referring to the compilation of opinions voiced by student participants in the town hall, which will be sent to the Ministry by Sept. 30. Students who were unable to attend can also send their own opinions to PSEsubmissions@ontario.ca.

The absence of Minister Glen Murray in the Town Hall panel to advocate the Ministry’s viewpoint also caused some controversy. When contacted by The Strand, Murray’s office replied that he chose not to attend after UTSU withdrew his invitation to speak.

“We only had time for three speakers,” Shepherd said.

“We don’t want to lose time for student feedback. The purpose of the panel is to get students to speak.”

Student reactions after the town hall were mixed.

“I do not accept the explanation put forward by the UTSU executive that they had only allocated time for three speakers, and Mr. Murray was the last to respond,” said student Michael Scott. “If we had time for the rather bizarre collection of leading questions put forward by the UTSU as an ‘icebreaker’, we had time for the Minister.”

Meanwhile, Dalton Sanderson said that the Ministry should respect the university’s mission of research.

“I agree with the union head that profs need time in the summer to focus on their research, and that year-

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If the government wants to make these changes to education, they should make an effort to understand this sector.

long teaching would take away from that,” he said. “ Moreover, Sanderton argues that, “the UTSU acted as if the discussion paper was the government’s policy, which it is not. It is just a discussion paper.”

Jonathan Scott, President of the UofT Liberals and former Head of Trinity College, voiced similar opinions. “This is a discussion paper. It is necessarily meant to provoke discussion,” he said.

Offensive portrayls of Muhammad spark violent protests ASHKAN SALEHI STAFF WRITER Protests, accompanied by violent assaults on foreign personnel and property, gained momentum in Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa on Sept.

11 2012. Several embassies have been attacked, with protesters breaching compounds and setting flags and property on fire. Although US embassies have been the target of most assaults, a German embassy was also attacked in Sudan. The trigger of these protests: a short, low-budget YouTube video entitled ‘The Innocence of Muslims.’

What is being protested is the video’s portrayal of the prophet Muhammad as a pedophile and as engaging in sexual acts; depictions that Muslims find extremely offensive and blasphemous. In recent years, similar publications, such as Danish caricatures depicting the proph-

et Muhammad, have also yielded widespread protests in the Muslim world.

According to The Guardian, the video was produced by an Egyptian Christian named Nakoula Basseley Nakoula, a convicted drug dealer who was released from jail last June. Following the widespread protests, many actors from the video are filing lawsuits against Nakoula with accusations of being misled about the video’s true purpose. The Daily Mail UK reports that Nakoula had falsely identified himself as Israeli Sam Bacile, and had dubbed their voices without their knowledge of an antiIslamic movie being produced.

The video begins with scenes of Egyptian Coptic Christians being attacked by a Muslim mob while the police stand idle. The video then switches to a crude green-screened retelling of the life of the prophet Muhammad, set in a desert and involving amateur black-

face techniques.

Related to this film is the killing of US ambassador Christopher Stevens during a US consulate attack in Libya. US officials declared the killing as pre-planned and unrelated to protests surrounding ‘The Innocence of Muslims.’ Tensions remain high as French embassies in twenty Muslim countries closed on Sept. 20 to prevent possible retaliations to a Muhammad cartoon published by French magazine Charlie Hebdo during the week of Sept. 16.

These recent protests have ultimately raised questions about whether media censorship should be a tool in preventing religious discrimination, or whether the right of free speech and criticism of all religions should remain to ensure equity. Regardless, political and religious tensions once again remain high in the Middle East.

“MENTAL HEALTH” FROM PAGE 1 naturally more violent, disregarding the kind of interaction, not one that furthers ity of life they want,” says Alisa. “People they’re still limited by it being a conversation about money, not experiences and support.

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the distance between you.”

“Don’t make up stories about crazy people that you saw on the street,” says Alisa. “You don’t need to sensationalize a story to get brownie points for your courage, or your pity, or how charitable you are.”

As an organization and community, MSS is about respecting people’s individual choices about their treatment and support options, whether they seek support from a community or an institution. “People seek mainstream support around these issues too, so that they can live the life they want, and have the qual-

see different kinds of support as being useful to them. You can have pride and take drugs. You can have pride and go to therapy.” Whether it takes the form of grassroots efforts to reform existing systems, building community networks of support, or anti-psychiatry activism, the Mad Movement involves a diversity of lived experiences, attitudes towards diagnoses, and worldviews. “We can celebrate that diversity of people, and we can celebrate that we are those people,” Elizabeth says. “We do fantastic things in the world, have great relationships, are good people.

Those things merit celebration.”

SARAH CRAWLEY

he experiences of mad people are often turned into a punch line on university campuses, where affluent students complain about interactions they’ve had with people on the street or on the subway. “We’ve done harm to you because I’m on the same street as you and you get nervous and sweaty,” says Elizabeth. These reactions work on misplaced assumptions that mad people are

violence that is perpetuated by non-mad people every day without our knowledge, whether in the form of domestic violence or institutional and systemic violence.

Additionally, they erase the violence done to mad people, particularly those experiencing homelessness and those experiencing abuse, discrimination, or coercion at the hands of a caregiver or a medical professional.

As a daily act of anti-mentalism, Elizabeth encourages students to “treat people well that you see on the street, or on the bus, that are crazy. Say hi back. Have a different kind of interaction, a human

Personalized stem cell treatments?

SHREE SENTHIVASEN Over the last few decades, stem cell research has replaced cloning as the ethical grey zone of biotechnology. This past summer, a team from UofT partnered with SickKids to become the first group to successfully mature fully functional lung cells from induced pluripotent stem cells (or in English: skin cells turned stem cells).

This research is part of a series of similar advancements happening the world over, accomplishing the medical equivalent of alchemy: culturing vital organ tissue gold from cheap-as-dirt skin cells.

From liver cells matured in New York, to blood cells cultured in France, there seems to be no end to the breakthroughs that are flooding the scientific headlines.

These breakthroughs can be used for a lot—not just for transplants, transfusions, and tissue grafts. For the researchers at SickKids, the most immediate practicality is the development of drugs to treat cystic fibrosis, a genetic condition that manifests itself in the secretion of fluid directly into the lungs. While treat-

ments for cystic fibrosis do exist, they only attack symptoms with a cocktail of antibiotics and a variety of expensive hospital equipment.

That’s where Dr. Janet Rossant (Chief of Research at SickKids Hospital and a professor in the Department of Molecular Genetics, Obstetrics and Gynaecology here at the University of Toronto) and her team come into the picture.

With readily available cultures of lung cells derived from skin cells, all manner of experimental drugs can be tested in vitro, at no danger to humans or human embryos—or to lab mice, for that matter.

What’s more, initial experiments have shown that not everyone responds to the drugs the same way. These findings are in line with a growing trend towards what could very well be the next big thing in medicine: personalized medication.

The theory is pretty intuitive: while cystic fibrosis stems from the mutation of a certain gene, the way in which the body responds to treatment varies according to a whole host of other genes that will differ between individuals. The solution, then, is to test various drugs, techniques,

and doses on many different types of patients—a suggestion that is not only impractical but unbelievably dangerous without the possibilities afforded by stem cell research.

While the costs and time associated with this method of maturing stem cells is still beyond truly individualized treatment, many experts feel that this is the logical step forward as the techniques and technology firm up. In the very near future, a cystic fibrosis patient could have a skin sample taken, and in a few days be given a precise prescription tailored to their own genetic makeup. “The data is all in the DNA,” Rossant tells us, “it’s just a matter of analyzing it.”

But why stop with cystic fibrosis? Alzheimer’s disease, Parkinson’s disease, autoimmune diseases, diabetes and even some varieties of cancer are all part of a growing list of genetic ailments that researchers are hoping to tackle with personalized medication and induced pluripotent stem cells.

Perhaps most promising of all is the rate at which progress is being made with this research. Human induced pluripo-

tent stem cells were first produced only about five years ago—iPhones have been around about as long. But in that short time, researchers have managed to turn back the genetic clock of cells to when they were just an undifferentiated stem cell, and have now managed to grow it right back into one of many fully developed adult cells.

Looking forward, stem cell research promises to better our understanding of the role of specific genes in complex genetic diseases, to provide invaluable and ethical cell populations to study the chemistry of our bodies, and to one day enable medicine to become an entirely personal matter. While there remains a lot—a lot—of work left before you can send some skin off to a stem cell lab, the potential, technology, and determination are certainly there to make that dream a reality.

So perhaps we won’t find the cure for cystic fibrosis, cancer and other such genetic diseases in our lifetime. But if Rossant’s work is anything to go by, we just might find your cure.

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News • 1 Oct. 2012 • news@thestrand.ca

Recent breakthroughs at UofT and SickKids provide new hope for cystic fibrosis patients— and it won’t stop there

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SARAH CRAWLEY

OPINIONS Cut the bullshit

Rob Ford and the proliferation of fatphobia

ARIEL LEUTHEUSSER & SAM SAWTSCHUK On Jan. 16 2012, the first mayoral weigh-in of Mayor Rob Ford and his brother Councilor Doug Ford in their “Cut The Waist” campaign took place. On exhibiting his weight for the world to see, Ford stated “[y]ou can’t be running the city, you can’t be doing all this, at 330 pounds. You guys know it, I know it,” to the gawking media.

From the moment he was elected to office in October 2010, Rob Ford has faced both veiled and explicit criticism relating to his body size and diet. In particular, when Mayor Ford announced the end of his “Cut The Waist” campaign, the critiques of Ford’s lack of control around food consumption, as well as lack of commitment and discipline regarding his weight loss journey were linked to his lack of control and long-term thinking pertaining to his mayoral duties.

Links were drawn between his quest for instant gratificationthrough his indulgent feasting on KFC and the rash, unpopular decisions he unleashed upon the citizens of Toronto.

The language and attitudes evoked in criticisms of Rob Ford as Mayor are grounded in a fatphobic discourse, as they use his fatness as an indicator of

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The language and attitudes evoked in criticisms of Rob Ford as Mayor are grounded in a fatphobic discourse, as they use his fatness as an indicator of bad character.

bad character: namely a lack of discipline, a slovenly disposition, gluttony, and laziness. Fatphobia operates under the belief that fat people are inferior to thin people; that thin is better than fat. This plays out on fat bodies through medical discourses such as BMI and the obesity “epidemic,” as well as the attitude that if you eat healthy and are physically active you will be thin and will therefore be not

only physically but also morally superior.

It has been the work of fat activists to divorce the “inevitable” connection between health and fatness.

This means looking critically at the single narrative of health and healthiness that holds people to an often unrealistic, unattainable standard of the ideal body. Movements working to dismantle fatphobia focus less on caloric intake of food and the shaming implicit in the quantifying of consumption and more on reimagining fulfilling relationships with food and dieting and reclaiming pleasure in food. Fat activists are working to shift the focus from grueling physical activity whose aim is to burn calories and cut waistlines to physical movement that people partake in for the sake of enjoyment, and to stay critical of the rampant ableism in the fitness industry.

Living as a fat person in a fatphobic society is a form of resistance and way of claiming space that works to challenge negative and stereotypical ideas of fatness. Shamelessly eating in public and dressing well are forms of

fat activism in a culture that shames fat people and their eating habits, be they “healthy” or not, and contravenes the idea that fat people should be ashamed of their bodies and hide under unfashionable clothing to avoid drawing attention to themselves. The fa(t)shion movement celebrates all shapes of fat bodies in outfits that intentionally go against the notion of the necessity of a figureflattering outfit and boldly show off bulges, curves and rolls.

Though Rob Ford himself feeds into the fatphobia that he has experienced as a member of public office, in particular through his “Cut The Waist” campaign, criticism for his policies and actions as a mayor should be expressed through a discourse that does not rely on the idea that fatness, and that his fatness, is an indicator of bad character. This is lazy and oppressive criticism, which extends beyond Rob Ford and implicates all fat people. When you call Rob Ford a “fat bastard,” you are denigrating all fat people.

ready-murky figure with whom UofT regardless seems all too happy to enter into financial deals. In recent years Barrick Gold has been critized by organizations including Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Mining Watch, the Norweigan Government

freedom, and another Balsillie project, the School of International Affairs in Waterloo, which has recently come under fire for allegedly allowing the business executive’s private think tank too much control over the hiring (and firing) of academics.

Universities, of course, need quite a large amount of money to continue to provide quality education to students.

However, they must not allow these new private partnerships to corrupt the mission of delivering quality, enlightened, and reputable education.

This latest news makes it clear that Mr. Munk has no qualms about pursing his private financial interests through Canada’s government and public universities. Mr. Munk’s efforts to impose his own ideology upon “his” School of Global Affairs, in addition to his evident corporate disregard for human rights and environmental health, seriously threaten the very purpose of UofT. If students wished to be indoctrinated with neoliberal and profit-atall-costs, Gordon Gekko-style world views, they would tune in to Fox News.

Money waxes and wanes, but for an institution, integrity holds more value - and is much harder to regain once it’s gone. Going forward, UofT would do well to keep better company.

Munk Centre stands on shaky ground JONAH LETOVSKY UofT students may believe that Ottawa politics exist in a world far from our quads and lecture halls, but that’s something that may soon be changing for the worse. News emerged in mid-September of a potentially serious conflict of interest involving Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Barrick Gold Corporation, led by founder and chairman Peter Munk.

Munk, as many students and faculty may be aware, is the controversial name behind the Munk School of Global Affairs at the University of Toronto. It’s unfortunate timing for the mining billionaire, coinciding with the recent opening of the School’s newlyrenovated location on Bloor St. West at Devonshire Place.

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The investigation is another stain on the reputation of Mr. Munk, an already-murky figure with whom UofT regardless seems all too happy to enter into financial deals.

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According to an article in The Globe and Mail, the federal ethics watchdog has launched a formal investigation of Nigel Wright, PM Harper’s Chief of Staff. Mr. Wright is known to be a long-time friend of Peter Munk and his family, and is godfather to Mr. Munk’s grandson. He is accused of giving preferential access to Barrick Gold, effectively lending the massive gold mining corporation influence over the Canadian government’s foreign policy objectives with Argentina, a country where Barrick has significant mining operations. Mr. Wright is confirmed to have had multiple private discussions with the Canadian corporation shortly after the Prime Minister publically opposed Argentina’s April claims of sovereignty over the Falkland Islands.

The Argentinian government has proved to be hostile towards corporate interests in recent years, particularly when the South American nation’s natural resources are involved. In July, the nation’s congress passed a law banning drilling on oil rigs and mining around glaciers, creating a possible roadblock for Barrick’s massive planned PascuaLama gold and silver mine in the Andean mountains. It isn’t difficult to see that Munk would undoubtably benefit from the Harper government further baring its foreign policy teeth.

The investigation is another stain on the reputation of Mr. Munk, an al-

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Universities must not allow these new private partnerships to corrupt the mission of delivering quality, enlightened, and reputable education.

Pension Fund, and Greenpeace over allegations of human rights abuses and environmental destruction at its mines in Papua New Guinea and Argentina.

Privately-sponsored centres for study are a growing trend in Canadian academia—somewhat understandably, given declining revenue sources from provincial governments and the restrictions on tuition growth. Examples include a new funding agreement between former RIM CEO Jim Balsillie and York University, which many academics accuse of threatening academic

Anger, intolerance, and ‘Muslim rage’ JAMIE SHILTON WEB EDITOR

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ince the discovery of the Worst YouTube Video of All Time—a shitty little slur called “The Innocence of Muslims” that was produced for pennies by a failed pornographer, tax cheat, and meth cook—protests in a number of Muslim-majority countries, as well as a terrorist attack on a US consulate in Benghazi that killed the US ambassador to Libya, have prompted sadly predictable responses from Western observers and authorities.

Muslims, an enormous, diverse category of people, have been painted with an extraordinarily broad brush, totalized and essentialized as as unthinking, intolerant, and violent. The worst offender is the now notorious “Muslim Rage” article in the increasingly desperate Newsweek magazine by Ayaan Hirsi Ali, noted Islamophobe and associate of Dutch neo-fascists, in which she argued that the protests prove that anger and intolerance have “become the defining characteristic of Islam.”

Similarly, Bill Maher, a racist, misogynist asshole who has somehow managed to maintain left-liberal supporters, claimed on his September 21 show that “at least half of all Muslims believe it is all right to kill someone who insults the Prophet.”

It used to be that Westerners used terms like “the Orient” and “the East,” often accompanied by representations of static, irrational societies, to describe everyone but themselves. Since the era of decolonization, those terms have (mostly) fallen out of fashion, but arguments like those advanced by Hirsi Ali and Maher show that many of the assumptions undergirding those terms persist with regard to Muslims. It should be common sense that any category that includes nearly a third of the world’s people can’t possibly be reduced to simple tropes, but this truth seems to be elusive for the ignorant and lazy (Maher) as well as the bigoted (Hirsi Ali).

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n reality, the number of protesters in most countries was vanishingly small. In Cairo, one of the biggest

cities in the world and where protests leading to the resignation of Hosni Mubarak in early 2011 regularly brought hundreds of thousands of people to the centre of the city, only about three thousand people turned out to the initial demonstration, even though one had been planned a week in advance by religious extremists.

In Jakarta, the metropolitan area of which is home to nearly 30 million Muslims, 200-1000 protested at the American embassy. With only a handful of exceptions, demonstrations against the film were attended by fewer than a few thousand people, in the Muslim-majority countries that had demonstrations at all.

By contrast, about 30,000 Libyans protested extremism and the Libyan government’s failure to provide security in Benghazi, where US ambassador Chris Stevens and three other diplomatic staff were killed in a terrorist attack on September 11, 2012. It remains unclear whether the attack, which was well-organized and likely planned long in advance, was connected to the film.

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here there were large numbers of demonstrators, in Lebanon and Pakistan, local particularities better explain protests than does an assumption of “Muslim rage.” In Lebanon, it was Hezbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah, seeking to regain credibility lost over his continuing support of Bashar al-Assad’s vicious regime in Syria, who called for protests. A demonstration of over a hundred thousand people was organized by the group through the network of schools, hospitals, and mosques that it operates for economically and politically alienated members of the urban poor, particularly in West Beirut. Anti-American tendencies in this region are far from irrational; hundreds of civilians were killed when the neighbourhood was bombarded by the Israeli Air Force in 2006, and many there surely remember the even worse bombardment by Israel and its allies in the 1982 war. American politicians often say that their political and military support for Israel is unshakeable, and victims of Israeli bombs see the connection between their assailant and its patron. It is not surprising that many Lebanese were receptive to He-

zbollah’s call to protest. Despite a proximate cause in common with other protests, the the particular situation in Lebanon defies broad generalizations about the character of Muslims. In Pakistan, where tens of thousands of people have demonstrated in the last week, the film has been used as an opportunity for Pakistanis to protest American intervention in their country.

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nd again, there is ample reason to be angry. Since 2004, the CIA has operated a secret drone campaign in Western Pakistan against Islamic militants.

As a result of the US drone war doctrine that assumes that all military-age males in strike zones are legitimate targets, the strikes have reportedly killed 474-881 civilians, including 167 children. Drone pilots have terrorized Pakistanis in rural villages, targeting funerals and launching follow-up strikes on people rescuing victims of previous strikes such that aid agencies now avoid helping victims until hours after attacks. People are angry about this, and because the Pakistani government has not been responsive to this anger, it has instead been directed at symbols of the US. The claim that Pakistani anger is irrational is ignorant, offensive, and serves only to legitimize an unjust American foreign policy.

Perhaps the most baffling response to the protests came from Susan Rice, the US ambassador to the United Nations, who made the unbelievable claim that the protests are “not an expression of hostility in the broadest sense toward the United States or U.S. policy.”

This is completely, utterly wrong. Since 9/11 especially, but before that too, the US has pursued a violent, neoimperialist foreign policy in the Middle East and other Muslim-majority countries. It has invaded and occupied Iraq and Afghanistan, supported Israel through its occupations and wars, and has now expanded a campaign of predator drones that buzz above Pakistani and Yemeni villages for days before unleashing hellfire from the sky. Most recently, a drone in Yemen killed 13 civilians on Sept. 3. It shouldn’t be surprising that victims of these policies are angry at the US; what’s really surprising is that it seems like we’re not at all.

My definition of an activist is what I consider to be a radical individual; one who actively and continually takes direct action in various forms for the sole purpose of achieving specific political or social changes.

To a certain degree, I do consider myself an activist. However, despite having learned to recently embrace this title, I came to challenge my definition and perspective on activism when recently sitting through a two-hour workshop with dubpoet, monodramatist and educator, D’bi Young.

On Sept. 20, as part of OPRIG’s Disorientation Week, d’bi hosted a two-hour workshop titled “Let’s Talk About Revolutionary Love” at University of Toronto’s OISE building. To begin this workshop, she guided a room full of guests into a forty-minute meditation, where we were challenged to tap into past memories and face our “former” selves as a strategic exercise to learn and attain self-love.

In a small room, with our eyes closed, d’bi asked us to imagine our current selves alone in a room facing a mirror.

In this mirror, she asked us to imagine that we were looking at a reflection of ourselves one-week prior. Our imagined selves were to then ask our past selves: “Who am I? What am I? What is my purpose?” Sitting in complete silence, d’bi then asked us to repeat this exercise six more times, only each time we would look at a reflection of ourselves even further into our pasts: one month ago, one year ago, five years ago, ten years ago, fifteen years ago, and finally, our earliest childhood memory. Each exercise ended with our imagined selves telling our past selves, “I love you, I love you, I love you.”

Once completed, d’bi began to express the significance of practicing self-love exercises daily in forms much similar to the meditation conducted, particularly for those who heavily engage in activism.

“Before we can deal with global change and shifts, I’m going to suggest we look at ourselves and begin change within. I feel like to talk about love and integrity, we must start here,” she said as she hovered her hand over her heart, glaring intensely at a room of (just under) fifty visibly emotionally overwhelmed bodies. Many faces in the room I had recog-

nized as individuals heavily involved as activists in numerous communities on our campus and within our city.

During this workshop, d’bi helped me acknowledge the existing elitism that I have conducted unknowingly in the past as an activist—elitism in the sense that I never viewed myself as a contributor to “the problem” within society. How contradictory is it for me to practice in my day-to-day life a minor act of selfishness—such as refusing to share the bit of change I have with one on the corner of Spadina and Bloor who has less than myself—and then turn around and ask

how systems of power and oppression exist? The comparison may be magnified and sensationalized, but both require the symptom of selfishness, just on very different scales. We are all oppressors on varying scales.

By the end of this workshop, feeling overwhelmed yet tranquil, I left with the understanding that we, as activists and members of this society, must be the blueprints of the change that we want to occur. It’s vital that I begin to look in the mirror before I analyze the world I live in.

“In order for revolution to occur, it needs to begin within. We need to look in the mirror in order to understand humanity.” – d’bi young

CHE KOTHARI

HUDA HASSAN

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Opinions • 1 Oct. 2012 • opinions@thestrand.ca

Finding self-love in activism with d’bi young

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EDITORIAL OUR MASTHEAD Editors-in-Chief Pauline Holdsworth Muna Mire Patrick Mujunen

ur mental health series starts today, with the frontpage interview with the Mad Students Society on community-based resources, peer support, and Mad Pride. In spring 2012, we published an editorial on the student culture surrounding mental health and the ways in which a sink-or-swim in environment can be damaging to students’ well-being. The response we received to this article pointed to a lack of spaces where students felt comfortable discussing their experiences with mental health.

We’re interested in carrying forward this conversation, because we think it’s one that’s often missing from university spaces, unless it takes the form of standardized awareness campaigns. Our aim is to go beyond the bare-minimum truth that postsecondary students have mental health concerns and to engage in a sustained and critical conversation about what the university needs to do to commit to being supportive of its students. We’re working under the assumption that our current systems and structures aren’t working as well as they could, and that widespread

student dissatisfaction with these systems acts as a barrier to students getting support.

This series will involve a variety of content, ranging from opinions pieces, surveys, interviews, and articles on the representation of mental health/illness in the media, arts, and pop culture. In the near future, we’ll be taking a close look at students’ experiences with and impressions of Counselling and Psychological Services. If you’re interested in getting involved with this series, or if you have any questions or suggestions, contact us at editor@thestrand.ca.

News Associate

Sabina Freiman Vacant

Opinions Associate

Sara Deris Vacant

Features Associate

Malcolm Sherwood Vacant

Arts & Culture Associate

Paula Razuri Vacant

Film & Music

Associate

Bahar Banaei Alex Griffith Vacant

Stranded Associate

Will Pettigrew Vacant

Liberalism, tone policing, and hypocrisy

Copy Associate

Blaire Townshend Vacant

Or: learning when to sit down and be quiet about forms of activism

Photo Thomas Lu Victoria Chuen Associate Vacant Art Associate

Sarah Crawley Vacant

Web Associate

Jamie Shilton Vacant

Distribution

Jen Roberton

Editorial Assistants Vacant Contributors Victoria Beales, Haley Currie, Ilse De Mucha Herrera, Devika Desai, Arash Ghiassi, Huda Hassan, David Kitai, Davin Leivonen-Fok, Jonah Letovsky, Ariel Leutheusser, Wenting Li, Emily Milton, Askhan Salehi, Sam Sawtshuck, Wendelle So, Shree Senthivasen, Fan Wu, Jessie Yao Cover Illustration Sarah Crawley Copy Matthew Casaca, Emily Pollock, Emma Tennier-Stuart Design Nathan Watson In our last issue, we incorrectly spelled Applonia Cornolius’s name. The Strand regrets the error.

The Strand is published 14 times a year and has a circulation of 2500.

It is distributed in Victoria University residences and across the University of Toronto’s St. George campus.

The Strand enjoys its editorial autonomy more than fancy drinks, so like, a lot.

Please direct inquiries by email to editor@thestrand.ca.

Our office is located at 63 Charles St.W.,Toronto,ON,M5S 1K9.

Follow us on Twitter for news and updates: @strandpaper If you follow us, we’ll follow you too.

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O

MENTAL HEALTH SERIES

PATRICK MUJUNEN EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Getting involved in resistance against oppressive hierarchies of power is often a daunting idea, but what’s disconcerting is that so many people, even selfdescribed “radicals”, are openly contemptuous of any attempts at resistance by marginalized groups that fall outside of liberal, consensus-building enlightenment projects. Shielded from the realities of brutalization, discrimination, and harassment that characterize the lives of the transgendered, the homeless, or the Indigenous (and countless others—sorry for the erasure here) by their relative privilege, they patronizingly lecture about the need for “civilty”, “restraint”, and “common sense”: basically, the message is “avoid rocking the boat at any cost.”

It’s completely wrongheaded, but we in Canada tend to have a wistful, romantic image of Canadian society as pluralistic and multicultural, in which we’re all just multiple actors in struggles that are all equivalent. As a result, we’re quick to react against claims by marginalized groups because it disturbs the big illusion that we’ve managed to eliminate oppression and that all that remains is to mediate between competing “interest groups”; in a perverse twist, the very groups reacting against long histories of persecution and violence are, as Sarah Ahmed writes, “bound by the happiness duty not to speak about racism in the present, not to speak of the unhappiness of colonial histories, or of attachments that cannot be reconciled into the colorful diversity of the multicultural nation.”

Just pointing out the existence of, say, widespread anti-Native sentiment usually provokes a good deal of hostility, but the ultimate insult to this liberal pluralist worldview is militant direct action.

People who exist relatively comfortably under the status quo find it inconceivable and alarming when other, less privileged people decide to take any sort of action beyond toting a sign at a rally, forwarding a canned email to an MP, or

(my favourite) liking page on Facebook.

God forbid they confront a cop, or set up a roadblock to protect treaty rights to land! Be nice to the people who oppress you and demand your non-existence, that’s how to get what you want. Instead of furiously condemning the struggles of militant activist groups, we should continually be examining the ways in which capitalism, patriarchy, racism, neocolonialism, heteronormativity, etc. interact to privilege us at the expense of others, and to support those struggling for emancipation.

I recently sat down with a couple of activist friends of mine to complain about the usual combination of racist government policies, warmongering politicians, corporate pillaging, and environmental degradation both in Canada and abroad and to half-heartedly toss up possible solutions. Without exception, these were forms of action familiar to anyone who’s ever been involved in local activist circles: strictly pacifist forms of protest aimed at “raising awareness” and “shifting attitudes” such as demonstrations, petitions, awareness campaigns, etc.

Now, I absolutely don’t mean to say that these tactics are bad or wrong or useless, but over time I haven’t been able to help noticing that that their most vocal supporters tend to be relatively privileged to begin with: usually white, firmly middle-class, straight, cisbodied. The privileged body of the typical pacifist aside, pacifism comes from an inherently privileged context that ignores the fact that immense structural violence already exists, and that it is the most disadvantaged who bear its effects.

As Peter Gelderloos writes, “pacifism assumes that white people who grew up in the suburbs with all their basic needs met can counsel oppressed people, many of whom are people of colour, to suffer patiently under an inconceivably greater violence, until such a time as the Great White Father is swayed by the movement’s demands or the pacifists reach that legendary ‘critical mass.’”

Unsurprisingly, people who benefit from the status quo and its array of

systemic forms of oppression are often loath to engage in or even endorse any form of activism that threatens their privilege, and instead prefer the vaguely radical, yet ultimately meaningless language of NGOs, nominally “leftist” politicians, and much of academia. I’ve certainly been as guilty as anyone of this, but a crucial point for anyone seriously engaged in anti-oppression politics (actually, make that anyone, period) is that marginalized people don’t need to seek the approval of their oppressors. Liberals have a fondness for quoting MLK to justify their paternalistic views, but conveniently gloss over passages in which he rails against a more dangerous threat to civil rights than even the White Citizens Councillor or Ku Klux Klanner: the white moderate, who “is more devoted to ‘order’ than to justice; […] who constantly says ‘I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I cannot agree with your methods of direct action’; who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man’s freedom.”

As King goes on to say, “shallow understanding from people of good will is more frustrating than absolute misunderstanding from people of ill will.”

It’s therefore imperative for anyone devoted to social and economic justice to support a diversity of tactics in pursuit of those goals. Given the historical connections between strict advocates for non-violence (specifically, those who would impose their ideology across the entire movement) and white people’s manipulations of the struggles of oppressed groups, it’s somewhat galling when people treat it as a foregone conclusion that the use of force in social movements is both wrong and selfdefeating (at least, as Peter Gelderloos wryly notes, “if it occurred anywhere within 1000 miles of them”). This isn’t to say that pacifist forms of protest shouldn’t be employed – I don’t know of any activist who argues that militant action should be the only method used – but rather that situations should be met with a full range of tactics decided by those most affected.

Dear Doctor SexLove, I am in an amazing relationship with a girl I am totally in love with, except that I have no interest in having sex with her. The thing is, this isn’t just about this girl. I’ve never felt attracted to any of the women I’ve had crushes on or dated. I thought once I fell in love that things would change and I would want to have sex with that person, but it’s just not the case. At first I thought I may be gay, but I’ve never been attracted to men or wanted to date them like I want to date girls. I really want to continue dating my girlfriend but I feel guilty because I have to pretend to be into the sex for her sake. What should I do? What’s wrong with me?!?!

-Anxiety Causing Ennui

Dr. SexLove

Dear ACE, First of all, get the idea that there is something wrong with you out of your head. Sexuality is a very personal subject and it is different for everyone – there really is no basis of “normal” when it comes to this topic. But since it is troubling you, you may want to do some research and exploration to help you put your own experience into context.

Have you ever considered the possibility that you may be asexual? Asexuality, or a lack of sexual attraction, is a completely viable identity: the only reason why you feel abnormal is because we live in a society that privileges sex! Most notably, asexuality coincides with all other orientations (for example, you can be a straight asexual or a queer asexual, a cis-gendered asexual or a trans-gendered asexual). Like

sexual people, asexuals also experience variability in terms of their romantic orientation with some identifying as

“

Asexuality, or a lack of sexual attraction, is a completely viable identity: the only reason why you feel abnormal is because we live in a society that privileges sex!

“romantic” and others identifying as “aromantic” or “grey romantic.” The asexuality movement is flourishing, particularly online. Take a look at the Asexual Visibility Education Network (www.asexuality.org); I also recommend the asexual community on the Tumblr-verse.

In terms of your current situation with your girlfriend, the best thing you can do is to be upfront with her. Both

of you deserve to be in an honest relationship where all of your needs are being met and if you keep your lack of sexual attraction private, then you aren’t being fair to her, and you certainly aren’t being fair to yourself. She may surprise you! Asexuals and sexuals can date successfully and you will need to discuss that with your girlfriend to set parameters that work for both of you. If you disclose to her and it doesn’t work out, that is okay! If you can’t be true to yourself in a relationship, that leads to an unhealthy situation. So if that’s the case, “dry your eyes, mate,” as The Streets say, “There are plenty more fish in the sea” seeking (a)sexy types like yourself!

Love,

Dr. SexLove

Editorial • 1 Oct. 2012 • editor@thestrand.ca

SEX200 LEC0203 WITH

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7

FEATURES

tumblr. emily milton

social justice gone awry 25

The idea of writing an article about Tumblr both excited and perplexed me.

It also made me laugh. Tumblr is sort of a joke, right? At the very least, it is a medium in which users find a lot of humour, intentional or otherwise.

Even reflecting upon Tumblr’s existence makes my head spin a little bit. It is simultaneously very simplistic (“oh, what’s Tumblr?” “uh, y’know, a blog, where you like, post stuff”) and incredibly complex in its variety of subject matter. It is difficult to pinpoint a universal Tumblr experience, as each blogging experience is tailored to your little corner of the Tumblrverse.

For those of you unfamiliar (um, get a Tumblr!), Tumblr.com is a blogging platform first established in 2007 that has become recognized as one of many popular social networking sites, alongside Twitter and Facebook.

Tumblr’s premise is quite simple: get an account, post whatever you like (file types range from text and audio to video posts) and follow whomever you choose. The user’s ‘dashboard’ is essentially the front page reflecting the blogs they follow.

When I first signed up for a Tumblr account, I was halfway through a degree in Women and Gender Studies; essentially, a baby feminist (hopefully I’ve reached at least toddler status by now?). Tumblr became an incredible tool. It became a wonderful community full of articles, opinions, links, and images chock-full of all of the things I love about anti-oppression but found hard to access outside of the classroom: poignant, personal posts from other self-identified feminists, useful articles on current events, and plenty of pictures of Lauryn Hill and Bjork. I was smitten. Even more intimately, it felt like all of the bloggers I followed shared my sense of humour (then again, everything is hilarious at three in the morning when you’ve come home stoned after someone’s posted Honey Boo Boo Child spam.) It felt like there was a community growing right before my eyes, one so accessible that all I had to do was log in.

However, like all social networking sites, this speaking platform is open (ideally?) to all voices, often forming a rough amalgamation of what must be reflective of our diverse real-life communities. Tumblr, as a speaking platform, is even more readily available, with the option of commenting anonymously. The longer I had a Tumblr account, the more I noticed all of the blogs I followed—regardless of actual similarities—were being lumped into a category known as ‘the Social Justice Community.’ The SJ community on Tumblr, seen through a lens of users situated outside of this community (who are what—anti-social justice?) is marked by its constant participation in the ‘oppression Olympics,’ a large amount of bullying and in-fighting, and the trivialization of actual marginalized identities.

This trivialization takes place through the creation of growing communities who identify as ‘otherkin,’ ‘trans-ethnic,’ ‘trans-abled,’ and quite frankly, a bunch of other made-up terminology that just isn’t real. The otherkin community refers to individuals who identify as partially or entirely non-human (ie, angels, warlocks, fairies), while trans-ethnic and trans-abled refers to individuals who are one ethnicity but identify as another, or who are ablebodied and identify as disabled. In summation, these categories consist of individuals who do not experience any of the systemic marginalization experienced as a result of the identities they appropriate, which is why they are often taken as highly offensive. Although these communities do not, in actuality, have claim to the identities they appropriate, their desire to have said identity is still real and problematic.

I’ve provided these definitions in order to give some background as to why the SJ community began to be ridiculed—it was attached to a small number of ostracized bloggers who, through notoriety, became the face of what it means to be a Social Justice Blogger—fighting for rights that you don’t lack, and creating complex, self-imagined identities (the validity of these identities is still contestable—but, c’mon, are you really a transethnic, trans-abled, otherkin two-headed warlock who was an Asian grandmother in another life?)

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However, that was not why I eventually came to want to detach myself from the stigmatized label—which had now evolved into an “SJ Warrior” (the internet’s intense, eh?). Very recently, in the summer of 2012, online blogger and sex positive educator Laci Green received a message notifying her of a transphobic slur she had used in a video released several years prior. Green responded to the message with an apology, acknowledging that it was not her word to reclaim and guaranteeing that the video would be deleted. However, her apology did nothing to quiet the frothing internet rage that would continue for the following week: insults, slurs, death threats, and a photo of her apartment with a message letting her know that the posters knew where she lived and were threatening her with violence. Green has since retreated from the internet and taken a hiatus from making videos.

The Laci Green debacle speaks volumes about the SJ community, but also doesn’t. Although the violent reaction to Green’s video is reflective of a very real portion of the SJ community that uses insults and threats to navigate their way through debates, the non-violent concerns raised surrounding Green’s popularity were equally real and completely overshadowed by the overwhelmingly threatening nature of Green’s witch hunt. Many other members of the SJ community found Green to be exemplary of a culture where white, cisgendered women’s voices are privileged in feminism—where a white woman will say something that has been repeated by quieted voices, and will be hailed as a heroine for her repetition. Other bloggers also sadly noted that concern and outcry over Green’s treatment were often reactions reserved specifically for white women. Bloggers had seen many women of colour harassed and threatened online with no outcry of defense. I watched all of this unfold on my dashboard with my eyes glued to the screen, palms feeling a little sweaty.

Do I think that the flaws demonstrated in Tumblr’s SJ community are demonstrative of that community as whole? Absolutely not. But their surfacing is a positive step forward. Tumblr’s use as a platform for unearthing voices otherwise non-existent is a great mechanism for creating a screen-cap of issues within modern day sects of feminism. That being said, Tumblr is an enormous resource for any subject matter. The immature culture of internet arguments is not something specific to the SJ community. For whatever reason, our generation’s presence on the internet has sparked its own culture which is deeply embedded into any internet community—fighting over the internet is something I would easily label universal in terms of online spaces.

My experience on Tumblr is deeply individualized—I have chosen to follow the blogs that I do, and I have chosen to watch the drama unfold. I do this partly because it can be entertaining, but also because it is hugely informative of what third-wave feminism within my generation looks like on the internet.

It’s not always pretty; it’s not always inspiring—it is often a juggling of hurt individuals who are releasing pent-up aggression towards a system that provides them with fuel on a daily basis. When released on the internet, these aggressions unfold in a way often wholly different than in the real world. Debates can go on and on and ultimately be fruitless, but it is the glimpse into these conversations that is so incredibly vital to my own feminism, and presumably, to many others’. Guys, internet feminism just gives me all the feels.

Features • 1 Oct. 2012 • features@thestrand.ca

emily milton

#tumblr #socialjustice #equity #otherkin #fetis

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STUDIO GHIBLI ILLUSTRATIONS

Source: thestrand.ca

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9

ARTS & CULTURE

Impossible Words WENTING LI 231 Wallace Avenue is a nondescript storefront in the midst of a quiet residential neighbourhood— not exactly where you’d expect to find the likes of Hiromi Goto (Half World) or Charles de Lint (Little (Grrl) Lost; The Dreaming Place) milling about.

Yet Impossible Words, a completely free bi-weekly series of laid-back “literary salons,” brings the giants as well as the emerging names of Canadian young adult fiction to Toronto’s youth readership at precisely this location.

Every two weeks, starting on Sept. 8, readers have gathered at the Academy of the Impossible’s Wallace Ave space to listen to authors read from recently published books, engage in Q&A sessions with the author, and even share their own work with the audience during the Open Mic that concludes each event. The latest session, taking place on Sept. 22, featured Mariko Tamaki, a graphic novelist and young adult author whose works have included Cover Me, True Lies, Emiko Superstar, and Skim.

“

Young adults, in Tamaki’s opinion, are able to approach each new book they read as if wandering through a wondrous, foreign new land.

This particular Saturday, Tamaki took the opportunity to read from her new novel, (You) Set Me On Fire, which she described as being “[a] sort of murderous slant on the ‘Freshman Fifteen.’” Tamaki regaled the audience with some of her own crazy university experiences, including a story

about getting set on fire—much like Alison Lee, the protagonist of her new book. She also advised the audience that university, aside from being a place of schooling, can be a place to meet fellow eccentrics who share your heretofore-unique peculiarities.

“If there were three people who liked Dungeons and Dragons at your high school,” Tamaki said, “then there’s going to be twenty at university.” Acknowledging, too, the difficulty many university students face in leaving the safety of their dorm rooms, Tamaki stressed that no matter how hard it is, in order to be able to find the people you can relate to, you have to be willing to first put yourself out there.

Young adults, in Tamaki’s opinion, are able to approach each new book they read as if wandering through a wondrous, foreign new land.

Due to their youth everything is a revelation; a marvelous new discovery. She finds that speaking with young (and young-at-heart) readers always leads to more “exuberant” conversations. And Tamaki loves talking with her audiences, saying, “I’m really into having conversations—I love meeting people!”

Irfan Ali, co-curator of Impossible Words (and co-founder of The Academy of the Impossible along with his mentor Emily Pohl-Weary), is thrilled about the enthusiastic responses they have received from the audiences and authors who have participated thus far in Impossible Words. For him, these events are a chance to showcase the authors’ perspectives and to celebrate the diversity of his city. Together, the events make a point of showcasing unique voices across different cultures, races, sexual orientations, viewpoints, and especially different ages. As cofounder of the Academy of the Impossible, Ali is especially concerned with the voice of youth.

Ali and Pohl-Weary established their Academy as “somewhere a person can come and real-

WENTING LI

The value of young adult fiction and literary salons

ize whatever dream they have.” It is a place where youth who have been marginalized by society are encouraged to tell their stories, hone their crafts, and work towards establishing a place for themselves in both the literary world, and the larger community. Impossible Words, growing out of the ideology of the Academy, is one more way of showing young writers that the things they think might be impossible—such as being a published author—may not be as far-fetched as they believe.

Forest of Arden comes to Hart House Circle Setting and content combine to great effect in the UC Follies’ As You Like It DEVIKA DESAI Escaping persecution to find a chimerical life in a forest full of hope, love, and new beginnings–if only that were possible in real life. I came close to it when the UC Follies performed Shakespeare`s As You like It in Hart House Circle on a cool weekend evening.

As You Like It follows the story of lovers Rosalind and Orlando, who both flee separately to escape persecution only to find each other in the Forest of Arden. The UC Follies brought a little bit of home to their take on the classic by setting the story in a French-Canadian context. In this version, duchesses replaced the dukes; Duchess Frederick, who usurps her sister’s lands, lives luxuriously in the city of Quebec, and banishes Duchess Ferdinand to the cold Canadian climate with her loyal courtiers.

The simplicity of the outdoor setting allowed nature to play a role in the experience in the form of trees, grass, and cold evening weather. By the end of the first half hour, I couldn’t even hear the city babble anymore; I, too, became a part of

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the play itself. Feeling at one with the characters, I joined in with the courtiers accompanying the duchess to the forest. The setting of the play also explored the difference between country and city life in two ways: the first was through contrasting the carefree lifestyle of the expelled courtiers to the building tension within the court of Duchess Frederick. The second was through ourselves, as we absorbed the solitude of the secluded greenery while still remaining aware of Toronto nightlife continuing a few streets away. The original music that accompanied the lyrics of the banished courtiers` songs was soothing and added to the quiescent mood.

The actors’ investment in their respective characters through movement, speech, and expression made it hard to distinguish the actor from the role. The vivacious portrayal of Celia brought out both her character’s playful wit and steadfast loyalty. John Patrick Mclean was heartwarming as Orlando de Boys; his recurrent method of entering into a scene by running in blindly and shouting out his love for Rosalind painted the perfect picture of a fool in love. Steven Conway was espe-

cially impressive as Jacques. He showed his character’s cynicism of the world not only through speech but also in his gait and comically disdainful expressions. Lauren Goodman as Rosalind was dominating as both ‘man’ and woman, constantly displaying Rosalind’s boldness and headstrong personality throughout the play whilst keeping us aware of her vulnerability as a person in

“

The UC Follies brought a little bit of home to their take on the classic by setting the story in a FrenchCanadian context.

In this version, duchesses replaced the dukes.

love.

The UC Follies put up a fantastic performance that had me engaged even after the play ended. As Dominic Cavendish proclaimed, “As you like it ? My, how we loved it!”

Polanski in the spotlight JESSIE YAO Film enthusiasts all over the city are celebrating the life and legacy of Roman Polanski as the Ekran Polish Film Association makes its first stop in North America on its worldwide tour.

BLAIRE TOWNSHEND COPY EDITOR Since moving to Toronto two years ago, I have fostered a burgeoning relationship with Theatre Passe Muraille—a relationship that has been riddled with surprises.

Last fall, their open-air production of The Tale of a Town proved to be an overwhelming yet utterly enjoyable experience, and left me questioning the presupposed boundaries of the theatrical space.

This past Sunday, I found myself headed towards the grounds of the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health to attend a second alfresco production by Passe Muraille, titled The Queen West Project and billed as a performance that would explore mental health and homelessness. The inevitable streetcar delay meant that I sprinted from University to Ossington, arriving dripping with rain and utterly out of breath.

I was given a hand-drawn map and an mp3 player, instructed to put in my headphones, and sent along my merry way.

As I stood panting at the intersection, a woman started speaking in my ear. “Hi. Can you hear me?” she said. “I will be walking with you and talking with you…and I’d like to talk openly, if you don’t mind.” She instructed me to follow my map, and in doing so I realized that the other participants were dispersing; we had all received different maps, and were to follow a path of our own.

After several blocks, the voice instructed me to stand on an “X” on the sidewalk.

An airy musical riff began to play in my headphones, and a man sitting beneath a nearby tree began to dance to the melody. At first, I thought I was making too much of a coincidence; but I then remembered that we were to be paired with a dancer from the company, who would act as our personal guide. It initially seemed rather a lot to ask that I follow someone I’d met under a tree in an industrial park, yet I somehow found myself falling into step behind him without a second thought.

From there we explored the CAMH grounds together while the voice in my headphones explained the institution’s history and a variety of relevant facts. Unfortunately, much of the information was lost in the distraction of the physical experience itself and in my fascination with the actions of my guide, who was at once childlike and world-weary, and towards whom I felt immensely sympathetic.

Over the course of the next 40 minutes we walked, we ran, we played hide-andseek, and finally found ourselves in a community garden, where other pairs joined us one by one. After the dancers had performed a remarkably poignant movement sequence, the voice spoke in my ear for the last time, saying, “Take out your headphones, please.” We all stood there for a long moment, listening to the sounds of the city and of the local wildlife rushing back in a confused and yet somehow comforting jumble.

In retrospect, I feel that the more educational aims of the project did not leave a strong impression. However, the experience inspired a strong sense of community, which made me hyper-aware of those I passed on the street on my journey home—an effect that was perhaps more important after all.

Arts & Culture • 1 Oct. 2012 • artsandculture@thestrand.ca

Queen West explored through the lens of mental health & homelessness

The exhibit is meant to foster an appreciation of the FrenchPolish director in the younger generation, many of whom may be unfamiliar with his earlier works. A revitalization of his life, organizers hope, will influence those aspiring to be involved in the film industry.

“Polanski’s early career was really developed through his time at college,” explained Ashley Watson, curator of the L Space Gallery. “It gave him the tools to build his career and develop as an artist.” According to Watson, The L Space Gallery was launched as “a professional space for the students to be able to show their work,” which remains the primary mandate of the space.

Funded by the Polish Consulate, partnered through Ekran and Lakeshore Arts, and assembled by the Łódź Film Museum, the exhibit has preserved a Polish identity, remaining true to Polanski’s heritage. Much of the exhibition was procured by Polanski’s friends and colleagues, including Andrej Kostenko, Gene Gutowski, and Andrej Wajda. The collection also features original Polish texts alongside their English translations.

There is a greater sense of becoming intercontinental, even universal. In fact, the exhibit has already stepped across borders into Europe and South America. “They had the idea in mind that they wanted it to travel, to go international, to show not to just the Polish community but a more international community… his career, and how that’s affected other filmmakers,” said Watson.

The lighting, schematic elements, and mixed media all came together holistically to reflect Polanski’s career. The exhibit highlights the progression of photos from sepia to black and white to vibrant colour as a reflection of changing times, as well as a sculpture of Polanski by Waldemar Pokromski, makeup artist for The Pianist.

In order to provide deeper insight into Polanski’s early career, L Space Gallery is screening two of Polanski’s older and little-known pieces, “Two Men and a Wardrobe,” a silent blackand-white short, and “Knife in the Water,” a full-length piece which was nominated for an Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film – and Polanski’s first feature film.

“He had a very eclectic grouping of movies that were not necessarily on the current generation’s radar,” Watson observed.

“It would be something that the community at large [the GTA] could come see.”

JESSIE YAO

SARAH CRAWLEY

Opened Sept. 10, the Polanski exhibit is now in full swing at the newly renovated L Space Gallery at Humber College.

Until Oct. 5, the gallery will be showcasing an idiosyncratic collection of photography, footage, and stories from Polanski’s thriving career as actor and director.

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FILM & MUSIC TIFF, Canadian style Arash Ghiassi reports on Jason Lapeyre and Robert Wilson’s kids-but-notreally-for-kids movie ARASH GHIASSI STAFF WRITER If you are shot you are only paralyzed for ten steamboats, but if you are hit by shockingly realistic explosions of red-dye grenades, you are dead—go home.

These are the rules for the capture-the-flag games in I Declare War, an oddly hilarious and unsettling Canadian movie shot in Scarborough and screened at TIFF. The film features 94 clever minutes of middle-schoolers running around, armed with make-believe Kalashnikovs and bazookas. Yet, the war is not to be taken lightly by the wise viewer, as realistic scenes of violence and power struggle are the rule rather than the exception.

Unusually, in I Declare War the kids are taken seriously as individuals, rather than as members of a lynch mob. They are lent a complexity reminiscent of Moonrise Kingdom, a charming fantasy centered on two kids with depression. In I Declare War, the characters’ insecurities and anxieties are allowed to run wild in the forest, and each child proves to have unexpected inner motivations: fear of loneliness, fantasy, and social

exclusion, to name a few.

Skinner (Michael Friend), the movie’s merciless, emotionally damaged antagonist, is the most extreme case. As he takes matters into his own hands and stages a coup against

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Unusually, in I Declare War the kids are taken seriously as individuals, rather than as members of a lynch mob.

his team’s general, he echoes the crazed Colonel Kurtz in Apocalypse Now. He holds a grudge against Kwon (Siam Yu) who unknowingly robbed him of his best friend, support group, and social acceptability after moving into the area. Skinner is thus inexplicably condemned to being bullied by everyone else—including PK (Gage Munroe), his former best friend and the opposing team’s general, whose friendship Skinner nevertheless wants back.

The film is thus in a sense about

bullying, especially how casually it occurs between friends, and its consequences. That said, I Declare War manages to bear all this complexity gracefully, while remaining upbeat and funny throughout.

At one point, in a series of bizarre propositions, Joker (Spencer Howes) tries to convince Wesley (Andy Reid), a shy altar boy, to “engage in coprophagia.” He even proposes to pay him. But then, when he is asked to prove he has the money, he waves an American 50-dollar bill. Now, this could pass as a casual incidence, but when I asked the co-director Robert Wilson about the choice of the currency, he told me that it had in fact come about after a long debate. Apparently, alternative shots using bills from the two sides of the border had been made, but at the post-production stage the Canadian dollar was abandoned in favour of the more internationally recognizable green substitute.

This relatively low-budget yet delightfully creative and entertaining (not to mention multicultural) feature is the definition of a Canadian movie in our collective imagination, and deserves to be recognized as such. In a recent interview with

Peter Mansbridge, Rick Mercer applauded Canadians as being selfdeprecating. Perhaps it is partly that very virtue among films like I Declare War that has devalued the image of Canadian currency in the first place. Ironically, the film is likely to have distribution problems in the States due to a particularly colorful and realistic portrayal of the kids’ language – actors improvise swearwords like wasted sailors – leading to a probable R-rating by the MPAA. All in all, the movie was a fantastic experience. The cast all had impressively smart things to say after the movie, and there was something about giving props to someone whose performance one has appreciated that’s a lot more life-affirming for both parties than, say, looking for their pictures in a certain Frenchlanguage magazine. You—yes, I’m now breaking the fourth wall—are thus enthusiastically urged to go to similar events in the future, since the International Film Festival is paradoxically one of the only outlets for the public to see homegrown productions.

TIFF, radical militant style MUNA MIRE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF There was a moment during the TIFF press panel for Shola Lynch’s Free Angela And All Political Prisoners when the eponymous scholar, activist, and radical was asked to consider her relationship to the iconic image of herself, the famous Afro silhouetted and reproduced the world over. Davis paused for a moment before answering in distinctive, lilting tones.

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“It makes me feel empowered. It makes me feel as if I can do anything I want to do.”

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“It took me quite a long time to feel comfortable in my relationship with that image because I always insisted well, it’s really not me. It’s an image that has been produced and that circulates in a certain way but I am not all that is ascribed to that image.”

She goes on to describe an encounter she had with a young woman wearing a t-shirt with the iconic image on it. Laughing to herself, Davis recalled the embarrassment she felt in that moment and in other moments when people would actually present her with gifts bearing her own image. Davis asked the young woman (who it turns out knew very little of the history behind the image) why she wore it.

The answer was simple and compelling. The young woman replied: “Because it makes me feel empowered. Because it makes me feel as if I can do anything I want to do.” After this, Davis said she reconciled herself to the work that the image performed.

In many ways, this work has been taken up by director Shola Lynch.

Free Angela And All Political Prisoners is worth seeing for many reasons. If you love documentaries, especially historical ones, it is for you.

If you enjoy crime thrillers, political intrigue or courtroom procedurals, it is also for you. If you are interested in the woman behind the icon, it is

SEE “FREE ANGELA” OVERLEAF

Nobunny loves you BAHAR BANAEI MUSIC EDITOR In 1958, The Silver Dollar Room, one of Toronto’s most well known and vibrant blues and jazz clubs, opened in our downtown core. Since its inception, the venue quickly grew from a cocktail bar into one of the cities liveliest hot spots and stood at the top of the list, alongside El Mocambo and the Horseshoe Tavern. These clubs, which emerged

roughly over the same decade, became some of the most popular venues in the city and had become familiar to artists from around the globe. Artists such as the Rolling Stones, Marilyn Munroe, the Ramones, and many others made appearances at these locations immediately making them the “go-to” spots in Toronto. Over the years, though, the Silver Dollar slowly lost some of its glitz and glamour and began introducing harder rock and punk bands. Even though the club has distanced itself

from the easy jazz that dominated the club and defined them, the Silver Dollar is still going strong and rocking hard with artists like the Pixies, Jay Reatard and Nobunny.

On Tuesday Sept. 18 the garage punk band Nobunny was headlining a show with an opening act by the Bad Sports.

Nobunny formed in 2001 with Justin Champlin as their front man.

The room was packed with people waiting with anticipation to see the leather, masks, cotton panties, crassness,

and sass that’s usually brought to the stage. Before that, the audience hoped to be warmed up by the Bad Sports, whose members also play in Champlin’s band.

But their songs weren’t just repetive— the amount of reverb on the vocals along with the thrashing guitars made my brain jiggle. Luckily, after six songs

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The room was packed with people waiting with anticipation to see the leather, masks, cotton panties, crassness, and sass that’s usually brought to the stage.

they came back on stage as Nobunny and with what seemed to be a new sound guy. They immediately turned the venue upside down. Champlin started off with songs from his Love Visions album like “Mess Me Up.” As the night progressed, he branched away from his 2008 album to songs from First Blood. By midnight the show was exactly what we were expecting it to be: loud, fast, and rough.

CONTINUED FROM PG. 12 for you. Perhaps what it is not is a meditation on radicalism. It does not purport to be an artistic documentary in the sense that we don’t get to explore the rich philosophical ideals that lie just out of reach of the film’s subject matter.

What Lynch creates instead is what she calls a “political crime drama.” Focusing almost entirely on Davis’s arrest and subsequent trial, the film strives to create a truthful narrative from the mountain of historical facts unearthed (sometimes for the first time) by Lynch and others. Relying heavily on archival footage and FBI reports, the events of the manhunt, arrest and trial are laid out in great detail.

At times, the film can seem a bit overdone. There is much made of zooming in on newspaper headlines and artificially blowing up text to create word-collages that

hope to set a tone for the events on screen. Unfortunately, the dramatic effect falls short. It’s a bit hammy.

Because Lynch wanted the film to feel authentic for Davis (and perhaps because Lynch is a black female filmmaker herself ), the

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“Forty years ago no one could have imagined, despite the fact that I was innocent, that I would be able to stand up to the power of the state.”

documentary takes special care to portray the gendered aspects of the Davis arrest and trial. The viewer is shown Davis as many things: as a lover, a freedom fighter, a professor, a prisoner, but always a woman. We are given insight into her relationship with George Jackson, a man she fell in love with while he was imprisoned. We get stolen footage of Davis chain smoking Gaulois cigarettes in too-short skirts. We see the sexism she faces within the Black Panthers as well as in the courtroom.

There are also some very funny moments in the film. The documentary is often humourously pithy in the way it is presented. In an interview with the trial lawyer for the Davis case, the now-retired civil rights attorney wryly recalled a thought experiment he asked the jury to perform: “I want you to pretend to be black for a moment.

Don’t worry! (He smiles). You’ll get to go back to being white when this

is over.”

But the best part about Free Angela And All Political Prisoners is given away in the title. The documentary was originally called Free Angela, and it was Davis herself who insisted on adding the rest.

When asked why she made herself available for the film, Davis answered: “Forty years ago no one could have imagined, despite the fact that I was innocent, that I would be able to stand up to the power of the state. I thought it might be important for young people to get a sense of what it meant to feel collectively powerful and capable of changing the world.”

This is a movie for everyone who assumes the role of activist and gets tired wading through the revolution. This is a movie that reminds us that sometimes, things do change all of a sudden.

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Film & Music • 1 Oct. 2012 • filmandmusic@thestrand.ca

Free Angela and All Political Prisoners

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The Playlist In this one-page special, Film and Music join forces (we know, crazy, right?) to bring you some of the best music-in-a-movie moments, as interpreted by our writers.

“For Whom the Bell Tolls” Zombieland HALEY CURRIE

Zombieland opens with a slow motion montage of zombies feasting on the innocent, chasing down their victims and—of course—playing in the background is the melodic Metallica song. What would be a more convincing way to show the end of humanity than this powerful metal track, accompanying the gory opening scene to the film? It sets the tone for the viewer, creating a sense of fear that could only be executed with classic metal. The typical zombie plot is revived in this post-apocalyptic comedy of fast-paced zombies, with a fast-paced Metallica song to start it all off.

“Also Sprach Zarathustra” 2001: A Space Odyssey VICTORIA BEALES

When the captivating notes of Richard Strauss’s monumental symphony rumbled out of cinema speakers for the first time in 1968, Kubrick’s audiences must have known in an instant that they were in for a film of tremendous proportions. As the opening credits roll, the audience looks out across the surface of earth from a celestial viewpoint. While the light breaks over the curve of our planet, sunrise is punctuated by each of Strauss’s perfectly arranged timpani hits — a story of massive scope and of universal significance has begun.

“Symphony No. 9, 2nd Movement” A Clockwork Orange DAVIN LEIVONEN-FOK

I believe the second movement in Beethoven’s 9th Symphony to be one of the most beautiful pieces of music that has ever graced my ear, and I am partial to its recurring use in this film. Initially beautiful to the viewer and deeply signifcant to the protagonist, it connects the movie as a whole. The 9th Symphony is Alex’s favourite pieces of music, used as a motif for what stirs up his violent behaviour. The audience hears a traditional rendition of the piece, as well as a synthesizer-generated, futuristic version of it.

Film & Music • 1 Oct. 2012 • filmandmusic@thestrand.ca

“Cat People (Putting Out Fire)” Inglourious Basterds

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ILSE DE MUCHA HERRERA

Although this 80’s song was originally written for a different film (Cat People), it feels as if it had been created to serve Inglourious Basterds from the very start. The song not only marks the beginning of the end in Tarantino’s film, but it’s also the viewer’s front seat ticket for the events to come.

The music plays while the heroine Shosanna (Mélanie Laurent) gets ready for combat and manages to perfectly complement the red hues and aggressive feel of the scene while contrasting with Laurent’s piercing green gaze.

“This is Not A Love Song” Waltz With Bashir FAN WU

In Ari Folman’s Waltz with Bashir, Public Image Ltd’s “This Is Not a Love Song”—coming from a row of televisions—places culture shock alongside the shock of the film’s relentless aestheticization of violence and the shock of traumatic events pulled apart by memory. It reawakens us to the context of our own Western liberal world: “Big business is very wise / I’m crossing over into Enterprise,” with Johnny Rotten’s voice playing the part of the inescapable monolith of Culture. “This Is Not a Love Song” is very appropriate for a film that leaves little space for love to flourish.

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STRANDED

NOW WITH 100% MORE VARIETY!

Let’s shoot the shit for a minute WILL PETTIGREW DESPERATE So Stranded is supposed to be like, the humour section or something like that. You know, the back pages, the funnies, the shit you read when you were a kid when your parents discarded the local paper after removing the flyers. Remember Ziggy? Shit was tight. Remember when you discovered Garfield Minus Garfield and thought it was the most awesome thing since you learned to masturbate, then subsequently forgot about it? You thought it was awesome because Garfield sucked and Garfield Minus Garfield gave you the opportunity to say “existential” to somebody you were hitting on. You forgot about it because it made you use the word existential while speaking with somebody you were hitting on and subsequently you did not get laid. So you fell back on masturbating.

Stranded is a lot like masturbating: it’s done alone, it’s hard to find the time to do it, you only feel good about it while you’re doing it, and it’s always better with someone else. What I’m getting at is I can only write so many jokes about rappers, iPhones, political fuckwits, tight pants, and academic bullshit until it starts to get pathetic. It’s only issue three and I’m busting out the jerking off jokes; I’m really scraping the bottom of the barrel. So how about this, dear reader(s)? Why don’t we all self-serve together? Stranded is supposed to be for the people, by the people. Cur-

rently it’s for probably just you, by one person, and I think if we really get a tight grip on it, it could be by a few people, for a few more people.

You ever see Y Tu Mamá También? Of course you did. Remember that part when the two guys are jerking it at the pool together? Remember how awesome everything ended up for them? Stranded could be like that. But it can only be like that if we all come together and pull our own weight.

So here’s the deal, let me know if you can dig it: we turn this gods-forsaken humour section into a little humour and variety section; a kind of catch-all for shit that doesn’t quite fit anywhere else in the paper. Does all the content have to be funny? A little. Does it have to be academically sourced? Fuck no. Does it have to be relevant to anything? Not at all.

So what will it be then? I’ll tell you: You mad about some shit? Rant about it, I’ll print it. Have a funny story? I’ll print it. Make silly pictures?

I’ll print them. Like writing in a casual, conversational style where you couldn’t give two fucks about being the next big student journalist to be abducted by The Varsity? I like you, we should date.

I’ll take anything really that would put a smile on somebody’s face, cause some chuckles, or elicit responses like “True dat,” “Yeah, fuck that guy!”, or “Stranded has really gone downhill this year.”

Think of it as your own little newsprint public forum or the internet that you keep forgetting to throw in the recycling. All I ask is that you re-

So, did you read Stranded last issue?

frain from actually treating it like the internet: i.e. being a total fuckface with the soul of a hater or relying on internet jokes/references, because we have the internet for that. I mean yeah, I get it, you get it, everyone gets it, but I’m not interested in this section being all the shit that was funny on Reddit four days ago. That’s only because that would be way too easy. Here’s some fallacious logic for you: masturbating is easy and relying on internet jokes is easy therefore using internet jokes IRL is masturbating. Writing original material for Stranded is wicked and bumping uglies is wicked therefore writing original material for Stranded is having sex. Having sex is greater than masturbating (usually) therefore if you write cool shit for me, you will definitely realize all of your sexual fantasies. What could be better than that?

Rubbing one out while your roommate’s in class?

Getting published in The Varsity? I think you already know the answer. tl;dr: I’m lazy and don’t want to have to write everything every time because it ends up being a prolonged textual circlejerk and having people write for me is an easy way to make friends and get my section done on time. Also, you can be my associate editor if you want. Email me at stranded@thestrand.ca and I’ll get back to you as soon as I get the password for that account.

No. I hear the editor is a dickhead though.

Though I suppose webcomics and memes do have their charm.

Corrections: Nah.

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STRANDED

ATTEMPTS AT HUMOUR AND OTHER FUN STUFF

The $15 challenge: Pork and Mushrooms in a Dijon Mustard Cream Sauce ($12.65) DAVID KITAI

Recipe

M

1. Begin by cutting the pork loin into ½ inch cubes. Heat olive oil in a large pan and brown the pieces of pork. Once the pieces are fully seared (but not fully cooked), set them aside.

2. Make sure there is a little bit of the juice from cooking the pork left in the pan. Dice two onions and the garlic. Melt a knob of butter or ghee in the pan. Sauté the onions and garlic over medium-high heat. When the onions begin to turn translucent, pour a little bit of white wine in the pan. The smell will be incredible.

3. Slice up your mushrooms and throw them in the pan with the onions and garlic. Let them sauté until they begin to soften. Add a generous helping of herbs de Provence.

4. Add in the Dijon and stir it around, then add a touch of water to spread it more evenly. Once it’s comfortably mixed in with the onions and mushrooms add about 1.5 tablespoons of cream. Feel free to adjust the quantities based on your own taste.

5. Add in the pork and mix everything thoroughly.

6. Let the sauce simmer over low heat for at least 20 minutes, stir occasionally. Make sure it doesn’t get too thick. Add salt, pepper, or whatever other spices you might like.

7. As the sauce simmers, prepare your pasta. I’m not going to teach you how to make pasta. If you can’t, there is little I can do for you.

8. Once the pasta is just al dente strain it and throw it in the pan with the sauce. Let the pasta finish cooking in the sauce as you mix it evenly throughout.

Serve with a glass of aromatic white wine or, if you’re broke like me, water.

Bon Appetit!

LIKES TO COOK y name is David Kitai and I like to cook. That’s basically it. Trouble is, I live in residence and, since I have a meal plan, I haven’t got much of a food budget. So I set myself a challenge: make a tasty meal that will feed at least two people for under $15. Here’s the first of what I hope to be many successful recipes.

This dish originates in Normandy (northern France). It takes some very strong flavours–namely Dijon mustard–and through the introduction of cream and time spent cooking, the intensity of the Dijon is muted and a very subtle flavour is created. It is especially good served on linguine.

Ingredients As certain ingredients can only be bought in larger quantities, I have listed a few ingredients used that I do not include in my $15 budget – in my case these were bought when I first set up my kitchen in res. Those assumed ingredients are: • Pasta (linguine) • Garlic (3 cloves) • Butter (or ghee) • Olive oil • Salt • Herbs de Provence • White wine (not crucial)

Special thanks to David for breaking the ice and being the first victim of Stranded`s new variety initiative! Follow his lead, reader(s), this guy is now a) a baller and b) the undisputed champion of the culinary arts on campus, all by filling half my section!

DAVID KITAI

Stranded • 1 Oct. 2012 • stranded@thestrand.ca

The purchased ingredients. Everything here was bought in Kensington Market: • 1.5 lbs Pork loin, bone removed ($5.00 from Kensington Meats) • 3 Tbsp Dijon mustard ($2.99 for a bottle from the House of Spice) • 1 Bag of onions and 1/3 lbs of mushrooms ($2.37 from Oxford Fruit) • 1 small carton of half & half ($2.29 from Zimmerman’s Freshmart)

This is how you get action in the real world

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