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ThinkYoung Magazine #1

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Dear reader, To be inspired by people is a quality which requires openness and curiosity, whatever the subject is about.

To gain knowledge about a country and feel confident to talk about it requires a journey, not only to capture pictures but also ideas, opinions, fears, hopes and information.

People do not see Kosovo as a country to travel to for vacation; people have the prejudice of war, criminality and poverty.

I am using a clichĂŠ which I used to have myself before knowing anything about Kosovo and only trusting what is reported by the media.

The idea to send five students on a study trip to Kosovo revolved from the idea to give young people the opportunity to make up their own mind about a country only known for war.

ThinkYoung made this study trip possible.

An opportunity for young people from Belgium, Cyprus, Germany, Greece and Romania to see a country with their own eyes, to listen to people explaining the situation in their country firsthand and exchanging information between the countries.

Stephanie Harstenfeller

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CONTENT

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BEFORE KOSOVO What our participants thought on Kosovo before going on the journey.

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A TRAVEL DIARY Introducing the cities we went to, what we were up to and what we have to say about it and what UNIGROUP has to say about it.

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INCREASING KNOWLEDGE A selection of the articles written during the trip

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What our participants think about Kosovo now.

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PUBLISHED ARTICLES

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BEFORE KOSOVO

What do young Europeans know about Kosovo?

What questions they have and what do they want to find out, when visiting this interesting country? In order to get an idea about their interests on Kosovo, our participants wrote down what they know about Kosovo.

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ON KOSOVO:

THOUGHTS BEFORE A JOURNEY I am a student of international relations. I am studying towards a degree that teaches me that the only thing we can be sure about in this international system of paranoia, is its instability, its unpredictability, and yet its interconnectedness. This is my only excuse for driving this discussion beyond sovereign borders and beyond the exclusionary structures of (post) modernity. The battlefield that best captures our times is one where the local and the global collide.

For Kosovo, this is an urgent observation. While the state is severely confined by supervised interdependence, striving to meet conditions put forward by various patronizing entities, the hope for change and true civic liberty lies in the hands of the people of Kosovo. And with over 50% of the total population under the age of 25, there is a brand new generation to convey Kosovo’s message for the future. Weapons and bullets are a nonoption. It’s been a while since guns have been silenced and we’ve had enough of that. The most valuable, not destructive but, indeed, constructive, “weapon” for young Kosovars is civil society. That is, genuine civil society advocated from within.

“This is the Balkans; this is not a joke”. Loosely translated from Greek, this phrase - relic of the Balkan wars - seems to accompany any historical discussion about the Balkan region and its (mis)adventures. This is the stereotype that has legitimized all foreign intervention in the Balkans: a beast has been unleashed and it needs to be tamed.

However, I should remain focused. I do not aim to produce a critique of the disciplinary tactics of Euroamerican governance and international statebuilding. This is beyond the scope of this project. Nevertheless, I would like to address the potential of internally mobilized civil society in Kosovo taking this as my point of departure.

There has been epistemic violence

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committed in Kosovo and this is an instance of local versus global in which the latter strikes hard and dominates. Loosely translated from Greek, this phrase - relic of the Balkan wars - seems to accompany any historical discussion about the Balkan region and its (mis)adventures. This is the stereotype that has legitimized all foreign intervention in the Balkans: a beast has been unleashed and it needs to be tamed. However, I should remain focused. I do not aim to produce a critique of the disciplinary tactics of Euroamerican governance and international statebuilding.

This is beyond the scope of this project. Nevertheless, I would like to address the potential of internally mobilized civil society in Kosovo taking this as my point of departure. There has been epistemic violence committed in Kosovo and this is an instance of local versus global in which the latter strikes hard and dominates. The independence of Kosovo has been of colossal significance.

This year the “Newborn” is celebrating the fourth year of its independence.

However, there is still some territory to be won, but not that kind which will upset belligerent neighbors. It is the “territory” of knowledge that keeps Kosovars segregated because it is monopolized by the international experts that reside in the offices of Pristina, claiming to know all the how-to’s and are to teach these to the indigenous population.

Loosely translated from Greek, this phrase - relic of the Balkan wars seems to accompany any historical discussion about the Balkan region and its (mis)adventures. This is the stereotype that has legitimized all foreign intervention in the Balkans: a beast has been unleashed and it needs to be tamed. However, I should remain focused. I do not aim to produce a critique of the disciplinary tactics of Euroamerican governance and international statebuilding. This is beyond the scope of this project. Nevertheless, I would like to address the potential of internally mobilized civil

society in Kosovo taking this as my point of departure. There has been epistemic violence committed in Kosovo and this is an instance of local versus global in which the latter strikes hard and dominates. The independence of Kosovo has been of colossal significance.

This year the “Newborn” is celebrating the fourth year of its independence.

However, there is still some territory to be won, but not that kind which will upset belligerent neighbors. It is the “territory” of knowledge that keeps Kosovars segregated because it is monopolized by the international experts that reside in the offices of Pristina, claiming to know all the how-to’s and are to teach these to the indigenous population.

Elena Georgalla WHY KOSOVO? In a few days, my second journey to Kosovo will begin. Even though, I have visited Kosovo in the summer before to shoot a documentary about young people beyond Prishtina, I will now take part of this study trip, not only to represent ThinkYoung, but also to travel as a European student.

I call myself European because I live in Germany, work in Belgium and study in the Netherlands. What a freedom!

Unfortunately, not everyone has the same opportunities we have in the European Union. I did not know the situation in Kosovo was so bad, meaning that people can only travel visa free to 5 other countries and achieving a visa for the European Union, a Schengen visa, is rather difficult.

During my research in the last months, I considered it rather unbelievable that there are parts of the world where people are actually forced in a “ghetto”.

I think what makes you European is that you have the possibility to travel, to experience new cultures, learn about different ways of life and learn how to respect and live in another country. I think it is also the road to success nowadays.

So how should a country, which is longing to become a part of the European Union, become closer to European standards, culture and way of living, if they do not have the possibility to do so? And how can the European Union justify why only Kosovo is left out of a road map to get visa liberalization.

Unfortunately, just as I write this report, Cecilia Malmström visits Kosovo to release the news that Kosovo now has a real chance to get visa liberalization.

“Our commitment to visa liberalisation for the citizens of Kosovo is real, and I am very pleased that we can now start making concrete progress towards this goal. I know how important visa free travel is to the citizens of Kosovo and I’m happy that we’ve now set the ball rolling. Whether and how soon citizens obtain the privilege of visa-free travel will nevertheless depend entirely on the Government of Kosovo’s continuing efforts to implement reforms in the rule of law area and on concrete progress made on the ground.”

Even though, the European Union took now the first step towards visa liberalization, we do not have the power to take care of the whole process ourselves, especially because we do not know what Kosovar citizens need.

I think that young Europeans and young Kosovars should lobby together to influence decision-making in this field. Particularly, since over 50% of the population of Kosovo is under 25 years old.

As a student, I understand that not only visa liberalization is necessary for Kosovar students to become European they need more European integration than this. I think it is important to encourage them to lobby, hand in hand with visa liberalization, also for allowance to apply for ERASMUS scholarships. Moreover, I think special grants are necessary to give these young people the opportunity to go back to Kosovo and start their career and business there.

I can understand why so many migrants stayed in Diaspora and did not go back to Kosovo if not having the

same opportunities as they have in Europe. Therefore, I can also understand the politics of my own country, Germany, which was one of the countries against visa liberalization for Kosovo for a longer period of time.

Since we are known to be a “paradise for immigrants” at least that is what politicians say.

The reality looks quite different. If you look at the conditions of asylum seekers in Germany, it is quite a miserable way to live. Without a working permit or any other integration in the society, not many options are left.

Therefore, increasing the chance that asylum seekers and illegal immigrants from Eastern Europe might decrease is a positive impact of visa liberalization for Kosovars. It might be true that visa liberalization will cause a wave of new immigrants to Europe, but to be honest, I think looking around me, and young people are getting quite a “rare” species in Western Europe.

Only recently did Germany realize that with promot ing visa liberalization in the context of the reintegration measures of Kosovars living abroad illegally or as refugees, which have to be fulfilled for Kosovo to reach its goals, it serves both Kosovo and itself in solving the Kosovar immigration issue.

When looking at the subject of visa liberalization, one has to remember that in a time of populist parties in Europe, migration flows could be negative for a multicultural Europe, because it strengthens the arguments of these particular parties and the citizens following them.

Therefore, I think it is an important task to motivate young Kosovars to invest in their country. For this, a lot more problems have to be solved by Kosovar citizens.

The current political situation in Kosovo is rather not easy to solve. The import embargo on Serbian goods is a reaction on the Serbian import embargo on Kosovar goods. This behavior is a step away from Europe for both countries.

I think for both Serbians and Albanians it is impossible to join a commu-

nity of globalized countries, if they do not manage to start cooperating with each other. Looking back at European history, the very foundations of the European Union were build upon a war, only a few years after the end of World War II, French and German politicians, at that time not really fond of each other, managed to agree to set the foundation for the European Union.

Joining the European Union, to benefit from the European economy and the four freedoms is not something you do bilaterally; it means to accept supranationalism and European values.

It means to negotiate with other states, also with Serbia. I think joining the EU means being open minded even towards your greatest enemy in order to achieve something for “the greater good”. But who am I to say I understand the problems of Kosovar society. I am looking forward to hear more about the backgrounds to this complicated situation in the Balkans, I would like to hear what the ideas are of young people there and I am looking forward to engage with them in interesting conversations to learn from each other how to influence our future in Europe.

Stephanie Harfensteller WRITTEN REPORT ON BELGIUM’S STAND TOWARDS KOSOVO Belgium is one of the 87 countries through the world that have recognised Kosovo as an independent country.

This recognition came really quickly, within 10 days of Pristina’s declaration. It stands as a proof of Belgium’s consideration despite the example it could give to some Flemish backing up the independence of their own region.

The country has been following the European line concerning politics towards Kosovo.

Though, over the years, illegal migration has become a crucial concern for Belgian politicians. Considering the official numbers of asylum applies in Belgium, Kosovo represents the 3rd country of origin.

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For a long time now, Belgium has been considered as an Eldorado for migrants, especially people originating from the Balkans. In Kosovo, as in neighbouring countries, Belgium is seen as a country where you get hosted in a hotel and, if not so, you can get 500 euros a day. This is why Brussels has decided to change its asylum policies towards migrants coming from the Balkans, making it more severe.

To enter Belgium, Kosovo people have to get a Schengen visa which leads to a maximum three months presence in the country. As to get asylum, only 5% of the requests are fulfilled. The national situation is such that politics say we cannot accept any more refugees.

In fact, Belgian politics since in 2009 and 2010, the European Union applied the visa liberalization for many countries in the Occidental Balkans (Macedonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Albania). As a result of this liberalization, some European countries, with among them Belgium, had to face an important rush of migrants.

Nowadays, the fear for illegal migrants is stronger than ever in Belgium. Since then, the different Belgian ministers in charge of asylum and immigration have chosen for a very restrictive access to the country. For instance, Belgium does not recognize economical immigration.

Therefore, Belgium and Kosovo (and with the Netherlands and Luxemburg) have signed an agreement on readmission for Pristina, obliging it to take back its illegal migrants. Also, former secretary of state for migration went twice to Kosovo (and other countries of the region) to break Belgium’s Eldorado image and explain that anyone coming illegally would be turn down and sent back within two months.

Though, concerning visa liberalization for Kosovo people, Belgium is waiting on the EU’s decisions. We might say that in the last months, Kosovo has been improving a lot on what the EU is expecting from Pristina: controls on the borders, agreements with Bel-

grade, biometric passports...Which means 2012 could be decisive on visa liberalization for Kosovo by the EU, and so forth by Belgium.

Being the youngest country in the world, Kosovo could play a great role in the future of the European Union. Especially since EU’s population is aging. Therefore, further integration is needed, which is something both sides are willing to get.

Meanwhile the EU could play a great role in Kosovo students’ lives by giving them the opportunity to live Erasmus’ experiences in Paris, Madrid or Dublin; by offering professional experiences abroad which could be turned into reality at home. And this is something I have noticed through the years, many Kosovo people that had migrated to Belgium during the war have now returned to Pristina, Prizren or Mitrovica to rebuild their country.

It this therefore important to understand as citizen of the European Union what are the mechanisms and ideas which lead Kosovo’s population on the way to a European integration; what are Kosovo’s youth perceptions of today’s life, 4 years after the independence, and its hopes for the future; and finally, and what are the main differences between how the elderly and the young Kosovo feel about each other as it goes on being Serb or Albanian.

Damien Roulette THE RELIGIOUS FACE OF KOSOVO ‘Muslims - Danger or Chance? More and more Muslims live in Europe today, what does it mean for Europe?

How does it affect European values?

Do they want to integrate? Do we let them integrate? How do Christians and Jews handle it?’

These are questions asked in a poster published on the World Wide Web by a think thank, with the purpose to encourage a dialogue. There is no doubt that it refers to immigrants, but it fails to recognize the fact that Muslim groups have lived in Europe for centuries, have shaped the European his-

tory, been part of it and enriched our continent with their culture.European Muslims are based mainly on the territories of Albania, Turkey, Bosnia Herzegovina and Kosovo. Out of the three, Albania ranks first and Kosovo has the second largest number of Muslims in the Western Balkans, which represent 90% of its population (the rest consists of around 6% Orthodox Christians, 3% Catholics and 1% Protestants).

Islam is the predominant religion of the ethnic Alba-nian population of Kosovo, but also of the Bosniak, Gorani and Turkish communities, and of some of the Roma/Ashkali communities.

But how many of the Muslim-declared residents of Kosovo are religious and comply with the religious practices?

The answer is: far less than everyone.

The capital and bigger cities are inhabited mostly by young people, who do not place religious rituals in a position of priority among their daily activities.

Instead, their schedule includes interests that are familiar to most young Europeans, such as studying, partying and drinking, shopping and travelling (when it is possible to get a visa).

Through the clothes they wear and the music they listen, they are in no way different from the young generations in Western Europe. So, should they be considered a danger or a threat to the European society?

Moreover, Kosovo - with its 90% Muslim population - is branded as a secular and multicultural state by its own government. Not only that it does not represent a threat, but it actually adopted the European values even before having seen its statehood recognized by all the countries of Europe.

Despite that, if a Kosovo citizen wants to visit any EU country, he/she is required to have a Visa that most of those who apply for won’t get. So do we let them integrate? It is futile to portrait Europe as a Christian club when large communities of Muslims were here for a long time, and to antagonize the two religions when SouthEast Europe is the proof that religious groups can coexist peacefully, leaving

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aside the self-destructive period of the 1990s. As a matter of fact, when interethnic and inter-religious conflicts broke out it happened because the truth is never complete, as people imagine, instead a piece of it is seen

by Christians, one is seen by Muslims, one by other and another group. But in essence, people living in geographic proximity have too many similar concerns and are facing the same problems, so they must never again perceive each other as enemies merely because they happened to be born in families that believe in different symbols.

The only Muslim symbols visible in Kosovo are the mosques, which do not surpass the number of Christian churches and monasteries built there, and are outnumbered by modern cafés and lounges. The streets of the youngest country in the world are filled with positive energy, hope and belief in a better future. No one must worry that young Kosovars do not want to integrate. It is thus the moral duty of Europe to give up its double standards, to suppress its phobia about Muslim invasion and to allow these people to move freely around the continent in search of education opportunities and in pursuit of their dreams.

Doris Manu TWO DAYS BEFORE THE KOSOVO EXPERIENCE Why all these wars and all this blood in the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia? How can the United States’ interest in the region can be justified and where does it origin from? Why a defensive alliance, NATO, intervened twice in the region ignoring strong opposition? Till when will nationalism prevail in the Balkans? What do the Albanian Kosovars want? What do the Serbs want? What are the proposals of each one of them for a better future? Why twelve years after the war the Kosovo issue remains unsolved?

Does violence help? Did the war help the Kosovars? Is Kosovo viable? Is

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Kosovo independent? What about Kosovars everyday life? Are they hap pier now or was it better for them in the ‘80s? Or ‘70s? Why does it happen that a country with the Kosovo’s economy uses a strong currency like the euro as its currency? Who was right, the KLA or Ibrahim Rugova? And who was more popular among the Albanian population? …I could get on till tomorrow. I admit that I feel a little awkward. I remember I was still at college, when I first heard the word Kosovo. I cannot recall if I heard it on the television or by someone else, but I remember very well asking the next day at school an older friend of mine “do you know what Kosovo is??”. His answer was simplistic and real at the same time: “Kosovo”, he said, “is a region in Serbia where the 95% of the population are Albanians”.

The only thing I remember after this brief talk was me wondering how this could be possible. The years passed, and I finally learned that everything is possible. But the “mystery” about Kosovo’s nature was always there.

Thus, I am thrilled that I am having the opportunity to visit this place.

I must acknowledge that I feel a little awkward though. I chose the nature of this text resembling to a diary, or a personal confession, because I would consider it irresponsible from my side to rush into proposals, conclusions, or judgmental statements without having full knowledge of the situation there.

I still haven’t figured if this is a symptom of my law studies in Thessaloniki, where I learned not to speak if I am not sure about what I am saying, or my more recent ones on international relations in the Sorbonne University in Paris, which taught me reality is not always such as we perceive it, or as respectful people present it to us.

So in this text, I’ll restrain myself to only talk about the visa liberalization; subject on which I am sensible and I carry a strong opinion.

The last years, especially in Greece but also in the other European countries I want to believe, have taught us

some useful lessons.

First, that our creation, the so called European Union, was far from perfect.

Second, and most important, that till each one of us doesn’t clarify what EU means for us and, essentially, what sort of Europe do we want, we will remain unable to construct a union that each of its citizens will be able to feel part of it.

At this critical point that we are going through today, my opinion is that, as Europeans, the last that we want is creating a black hole in the Balkans. If we do that, the prediction that “there will be trouble” is really close to sociologist’s Robert Merton concept of self-fulfilling prophecy.

Therefore, I am for the visa liberalization as part of the more general perspective of what we should do as Europeans in order to respond to the demands of our times. And the response, in my opinion, is clear: more and non-bureaucratic Europe, more European integration, more multiculturalism, more multilingualism, more civilization.

In other words, to build on what we have experienced as good till the moment from the European experiment, instead of bringing the whole thing down because some problems interfered in the way.

A Europe for everyone and not only for the powerful ones. A Europe where the renaissance ideas will not be left into theory, but will also come into action; and become reality.

This having been said, I’ll close with a brief quote from Slavoj Zizek: “In contrast to the nineteenth century of utopian or ‘scientific’ projects and ideals, plans for the future, the twentieth century aimed at delivering the thing itself - at directly realizing the longedfor New Order. The ultimate and defining moment of the twentieth century was the direct experience of the Real as opposed to everyday social reality - the Real in its extreme violence as the price to be paid for peeling off the deceptive layers of reality.”

Lazaros Kalaitzidis

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A TRAVEL DIARY

This section comprises extracts of the Diaries kept by the Study trip participants and each member of UNIGROUP accompanying us.

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PEJE In the morning we set for Pec/Peja, a southern town in Kosovo. After a three hours ride, we discovered a typical Balkan municipality surrounded by beautiful mountains.

Here we had a meeting with staff and students from the local university, followed by an encounter with high-school students who surprised us with their vast knowledge of the socio-political situation of the country.

Back in the street, despite the cold weather there were a lot of young people walking around, as in the rest of Kosovo.

A special feature we discovered in Peja is the bazar located in the center of the town, where locals sell everything from silver jewelry to tobacco and spices. We also had the privilege to be invited to try Cebape (traditional food made of beef meet) in a local fastfood, and found out that the region of Peja is renown for the mastery of locals in cooking this type of food. Later we went to visit the Monastery of Peja, an Orthodox enclave safeguarded by KFOR soldiers and we came across an oasis of peace in the middle of a charming landscape.

On our return way to Prishtina we stopped for a talk with the oldest member of the Rugova family, the uncle of the first president of Kosovo.

It was probably the most impressive person I got to know during the study trip, as he had extensive life experience after surviving two wars and a several political regimes. Thus he had so many breathtaking stories to tell, such a good memory despite the age and also well-informed opinions, so he could answer any type of question we posed during the meeting.

Doris Manu MITROVICA MIIt is a foggy white morning in Pristina when we depart for Mitrovica. On the way I feel a certain anxiety. I had been looking forward to this visit for

a while. Growing up in divided Cyprus, the bitter sight of walls, barricades and bridges separating people, blurring the lines between tolerance and hostility, solidarity and enmity, are to me painfully familiar. The New Bridge of Mitrovica, built in 2005 by the French KFOR, has become the iconic ymbol of Kosovo division as it separates around 80,000 Kosovo Albanians in the south from half as many Serbs living in the north. It is used as a military checkpoint and provides a defacto border between Serbia and Kosovo.

In my head Mitrovica is the most colourful of all the places we visited. In retrospect, this seems somewhat a paradox; it was a grey sunless day and the snow in the streets had turned an ugly shade of brown. I suppose my sentiments have something to do with the emotional tension of being in Mitrovica as well as with the diversity of the people we met. In fact, what was extremely striking about Mitrovica was the existence of a very vibrant and active civil society.

Our first appointment was scheduled at the offices of CBM (Commu nity Building Mitrovica), a remarkable NGO promoting peace and cooperation in the wider Mitrovica district in Northern Kosovo. The staff consists of both ethic Serbs and Albanians who grew up in the region and aspire to restore the previous confidence destroyed by the war and politics.

We had an interesting debate with the editorial team of M-Magazine, who write daily in three languages (Albanian, Serbian and English) in the online portal of the magazine. What was particularly noteworthy about the team of M-Magazine was its unique composition, varying from trainee-journalists who still attend high school to university students and older experienced writers, both Serbs and Albanians.

Meeting the journalists was, I dare say, refreshing. There seemed to be a general awareness of the current situation in which civil society in Kosovo is operating at the moment, with many of the participants in the conversa-

tion pointing out the overlapping work of many of the NGOs (local and international) active in the region which unfortunately contributes to a rather dysfunctional environment.

This, in addition to the preeminent role of EULEX, KFOR and other authorities operating under a quasi-governmental mandate, which by and large excludes citizens from decision-making processes. This is a crucial fact for the work and objectives of M-Magazine.

They all agree that the ultimate goal is to encourage active citizenship by compromising the needs of the people and the agendas of the various decision-making institutions. An indispensible part of this is to encourage intercommunal dialogue between the two sides of Mitrovica. I am astonished by the dynamics of the conversation. In a small blue room in Mitrovica the local and the global collide and make way for the local-local that has the ability to set both aside and speak for the real people in the way that some Genevaconceived, Brussels- approved and Washington-implemented ‘peacemaking’ initiative has failed to do.

Finally, everyone’s thoughts (I hope) are summarised by a tall boy with a moustache who is rushing to leave because he has an exam but has earlier declared that a university degree is simply a backup plan because he plans to join the military academy: ‘’We can change the world if we can change ourselves’’ (sic).

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The river divides Mitrovica in two sides and three bridges serve for crossing.

We opted for a smaller bridge that is not guarded by KFOR soldiers.

I re- member getting the same vertigo I feltlast summer when for the first time I crossed the UN buffer zone in Cyprus’ capital, Nicosia. It was the guilty feeling you get when you break the rules and realise that it’s actually pretty harmless. At first sight, northern Mitrovica is definitely messier.

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Most carsack a license plate, there’s construction work going on, and large Serbian flags flying between tall concrete buildings the walls of which are covered with posters of Russian politicians. It is possible to detect some previously existent continuity with the other half of the city, which, however, has been viciously and suddenly interrupted.

Our visit is short. Nevertheless, we have enough time to immerse ourselves into what turns out to be an extraordinary place. School’s out for the day it seems and we get to talk to a lot of teenagers. Everyone is obviously affected by the division. The story they hear is the same everyone does; that one that perpetuates hate and nationalism. At least that’s the image I got.

I know exactly how that feels, I know how it’s done. I was raised with it. I have always been told that beyond the border of my own country dwells a nation of barbarians. They have hurt us and we should always hate them for that. Of course, my view is that the situation of Cyprus -politically speaking- is different to that large glass windows Mitrovica with its brown roofs and its minarets is inviting you to explore her.

Time flew by and the dusk had fallen by the time we finished our long talk with the crowd that had arrived to meet us: patrons of the library, the owners, artists, the director of the Mitrovica ethnographic museum.

Elena Georgalla PRISHTINA Draculic writes in Cafe Europa: ‘’What does Europe mean in the Eastern European imagination? It is certainly not a matter of geography, for in those terms we are already in and need make no effort to reach it. It is something distant, something to be attained, to be deserved. It is also something expensive and fine: good clothes, the certain look and smell of people. Europe is plenitude: food, cards, light, everything a kind of fes-

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tival of colours, diversity, opulence, beauty. It represents freedom of expression. It is a promised land, a new Utopia, a lollipop...’’

Of course Draculic writes before the war, before even Kosovo was conceived as a separate state. Not much has changed, and as one after the other countries of the former Yugoslavia are following their respective European paths, Kosovo is defining its own. How it is doing this we had the privilege to hear first hand during a visit to the government. Sat around a large wooden table, three men in suits- all high officials of the Ministry of European integration- explained to us the plan step by step.

There are four principal reformation pillars towards a visa-free regime: Reintegration of re-admitted persons; changes in border control; introduction of anti-corruption policy; and finally, elimination of organised crime.

They seem very confident. There is no alternative route, they say. Kosovo has got to join the European Union.

They patently answer all our questions, they shake our hands, we have a picture taken with the Kosovo flag on the background and we hit the streets of Pristina for one more time.

On the same day we visited at least two NGOs, entirely run by people below the age of 30. There is potential in Kosovo and it should not remain unexploited. Europe has a lot to gain from such a hard-working people. Of course these are hard times: there’s insecurity, financial instability and social turbulence. Isolation or relapsing in violence are certainly not an option.

Europe is to Kosovo the only viable path. It was probably the most impressive person I got to know during the study trip, as he had extensive life experience after surviving two wars and a several political regimes. Thus he had so many breathtaking stories to tell, such a good memory despite the age and also well-informed opinions, so he could answer any type of question we posed during the meeting.

Elena Georgalla

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INCREASING KNOWLEDGE

A selection of articles written during the trip.

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A SACRIFICED GENERATION They represent 50% of Kosovo’s population and surely are an advantage as the rest of Europe is aging. Though, they are affected by a high unemployment rate. In a country that is trying to rebuild itself, everybody wants a piece of the cake and it might just be that Kosovo’s youth will be sacrificed for the sake of Kosovo’s future.

On the 17th of February 2012, Kosovo celebrated the fourth birthday of its self-declared independence. Since 2008, or shall we say since the end of the war, Kosovo’s authorities have been trying to rebuild and reorganize the country. And it is a mammoth task when you look at it!

One of the challenges Prishtinë/ Prishtina (in Albanese/Latin Serb) is facing is getting the youngsters to work. This is, you could say, something every other government has to work on. Though, in Kosovo, this issue takes a totally different turn when you look at the numbers: the youth between 18 and 30 represent half of Kosovo’s total population! This makes Kosovo the youngest country in Europe. However, its situation is not idyllic. The unemployment rate concerning those younger than 25 years old goes through the roof: 73% following the 2011 EU progress report. _GETTING DOWN BY SMALL JOBS On the bus from Kosovo’s capital to the city of Prizren, two friends sit at the back. They are about nineteen and are not really confident about how bright the future might look: “I am working in my family firm; we have been working in the electronic business for ages.

But right now, the situation is really bad and there is not much work for us.

Therefore I have to work in a cafeteria where I earn 150 euros a month.”

This example is one of many allaround Kosovo. And living on the Albanian or the Serb side does not change anything. Worse is the case of those having a master degree but struggling anyway as Patrick, student in French

literature, explains: “It has become quite common to see one selling cigarettes on the corner of a street or serving macchiato in a café. Everybody is trying to make a decent living, sometimes you have to give up your dreams or at least sacrifice yourself for a while”.

The reasons, concerning education and employment, are to be found in History. “Back in the early 90’s, we, Albanian, were kicked out of schools and universities by the Serbian authorities” Besa Luzha, pianist, teacher and social activist, explains: “We were giving classes at home, in garages…

Our educative system lost its efficiency then. Then came the war and the independence, and we had to start all over again.”

Students also had to start all over as Eli (it is an alias). She is 30 and has decided to start studying two years ago: “With the war, I could not enter a university. Since then, I have not be able to find a good job. I chose to study to become a schoolteacher.

It really interests me and I think it is also a key field for the future of the country.”

Kosovo government is trying to help improving education standards and employment rates by giving scholarships. On the one hand, it helps youngsters whose families have economic difficulties to afford going to school (one semester at a public university costs at least 50 euros). On the other hand, these youngsters have to work afterwards for the government during three years, which helps fighting unemployment. In 2011, 47 scholarships were given in a program backed by the European Union.

cians. This state of mind reflects a paradox. On one side, “Young Kosovo are less politicised than we use to be” Besa Luzha analyses. Though, on the other side: “More and more youngsters are entering political parties.

Especially those living outside Prishtinë/Prishtina” Vedat Jashari, head of division for youth policy development, points out. Voting for and backing up politicians has become a way to enter the professional life. A so called good option when you hear that economically, in two years, Kosovo will be back at its level from 1989.

But is this young generation a ‘sacrificed generation’? Besa Luzha and Vedat Jashari agree: “It is a harsh and strong observation. You might just say that our generation (the 30 to 50 years old) was also a scarified generation. We suffered the occupation and and the war…”

Between dreams and reality, there is a real gap that many might not be able to fill in. And this, for the sake of Kosovo’s future and stability.

Damien Roulette

_BETWEEN DREAMS AND REALITY With education and high unemployment, we are here approaching what seem to be the 2 main worries for Kosovo students. Plenty of them are observing a current situation: “If you want to get a job, you have to know someone!”.

And by someone, they refer to politi-

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MAINTAINING ECONOMIC HAPPYNESS To invest in Kosovo is to invest in life.

Kosovo might as well present an unprecedented case in the chronicles of Europe. There is so much optimism in such a small place that to ignore it would be to ignore the immense potential of an entire generation. Home of the youngest population in Europe, it is also the home of a thriving community of young people, entrepreneurs, professionals, innovators, artists, and scientists. From the ancient streets of Prizren to the modern cafe districts of Prishtina, one can feel the positive energy in every heart beat and in every smile.

Kosovo is a land of great paradoxes.

Despite an appalling 47% unemployment rate, the sense that nothing is impossible is prominent. Whatever young Kosovars aspire, they believe they can achieve. There is potential on the ground waiting to flourish.

Kosovo can act as a shining beckon of hope for the future in the midst of the financial insecurity and gloom that is devastating the rest of Europe. The ideological battle has already been won: there is idealism, there is will, and there is youth.

There is also the determination to work hard and to set no limits. It is the material battle that is still on. Lack of infrastructure, corruption, strict visa restrictions all pose severe limitations to the development of a fruitful Kosovar economy. However, it is possible to overcome the obstacles. It will certainly take time, but most importantly it will take faith in a youthful and aspiring population. In fact, if there is one lesson the rest of the world should learn from Kosovo is simply that happiness is not measured in GDP. In an attempt to encourage foreign investment ECIKS (Economic Initiative Kosovo) has produced a comprehensive list of ten reasons why the country is an attractive investing destination.

Beyond its central location in the very heart of the Balkans, the ex istence of a young, educated, multilingual and

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dynamic population is listed as one of the most determining factors. Given the long international presence, as well as the returning wave of young people who migrated during the 1990s, English is widely spoken and nearly an official language.

Overall, the people are the true force.

Another cardinal reason included in the list is the existence of a competitive, flexible and well-skilled labour.

Considering that Kosovo is amongst the world’s primary remittances’ receiver, one cannot question the dediistence of a young, educated, multilingual and dynamic population is listed as one of the most determining factors. Given the long international presence, as well as the returning wave of young people who migrated during the 1990s, English is widely spoken and nearly an official language.

Overall, the people are the true force.

Another cardinal reason included in the list is the existence of a competitive, flexible and well-skilled labour.

Considering that Kosovo is amongst the world’s primary remittances’ receiver, one cannot question the dedication and work ethic of the Kosovar people. Other factors to be taken into consideration are the use of the Euro as the official state currency, a modern legislation system compatible to EU standards, low tax burden, and modern business support institutions.

Therefore, unlike the disheartening conditions in many other European countries that discourage investment, Kosovo could provide an exciting, viable, and unexplored alternative.

Central to the efforts of building a sustainable Kosovo is the insistence on ensuring that there is always space for private initiative to thrive. Young entrepreneurs from Gjakova to Mitrovica and from Pristina to Prizren need to be guaranteed the freedom and support to undertake new projects that bear the potential to boost the economy, combat unemployment and attract foreign and native investment.

A crucial step towards this direction is to clearly outline the sectors of the economy into which individual initia-

tive can penetrate and establish itself.

A crucial step towards this direction is to clearly outline the sectors of the economy into which individual initiative can penetrate and establish itself.

Areas with immense potential that remain largely unexploited are tourism, telecommunications, agriculture, education, healthcare, energy (and particularly alternative sources of energy), hospitality, and retail. State support is essential, yet state intervention should remain controlled and limited in order to es cape corruption.

Everyone loves a newborn. And for the sake of Europe’s youngest children it is vital that the full economic potential of Kosovo is fulfilled with respect to a sustainable future, environmental preservation, and overall welfare, prosperity, and happiness. Europe would turn her back at Kosovo at her own peril. The last thing she needs is another lost generation...

Elena Georgalla

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PRISHTINA, THE CITY OF FASHION DIVERSITY Being in Prishtina is a great opportunity to watch fashion diversity, starting from an antique one, to a postmodern.

Since the war, this capital city of the little and new country, Kosova, is trying to be a cultural center, with a very rich and unique night life for the region and beyond. Despite the isolation, visa non-liberalization, our country is breaking the boundaries with a hard commitment to bring a new spirit in our midst.

Starting from December, the weather in Prishtina was very cold. Based on some statistics about the weather, this winter is one of the coldest in 25 last years. Despite this factor, the street style in Prishtina is a great one.

During the day it is predominated by commodious wearings, mostly jeans, sweaters, big scarfs, coats or gloss jackets. Unlike the day, the nights, with a lot of activities in our nightclubs that are so many in Prishtina, you can see a totally different dressing. Sometimes you may forget that we are facing with these low temperatures.

You can encounter girls with cocktail dresses, colorful wearings, crazy combinations through to those who even during the nights, preserving their simplicity, with jeans and a slight tone of make-up.

To describe men fashion it’s easier than for women, but not less elegant.

You can find a good style there too.

During the day jeans and sweaters are common, while the nights are characterized by pants eventually jeans, shirts, coats and scarfs, from the simplests to those specials.

If we make a compare the style between people in Prishtina and other cities people style, we will find a difference. This comes as a result of financial situations and variety of boutiques. Anyway, in general, kosovars fashion is a good one.

So, these few words were just for an introduction with Prishtina’s day and night fashion. If you find anything interesting, come and be part of this life,

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with really great people, places to visit and stories to hear. You will not regret!

Blerta Zogiani A POTENTIAL SILLICON VALLEY FOR EUROPE? Kosovo is one of the youngest countries in the world, young because its largest share of the population is under 25years old. apparently the ministry of education, culture and sports even lowered the age rate defined as “young” to those between 15-24 years old, in order to handle the otherwise too large share of the population being applicable to funding opportunities. This is a dream, which does not apply to any other country of Europe.

Kosovo’s young population now has the dream to somehow show the world its potential. Without visa liberalization and investment by foreign companies in Kosovo, this is rather a nightmare than a dream.

While Western Europe lacks young entrepreneurs and innovators, Kosovo is actually having an overlap. Well educated people who are forced to work as taxi-drivers or do yet another study because no job opportunities are given in regard to their potential.

Imagine any other place in Europe where on a relatively small space over one million young people live together which could nurture each other’s abilities, having a high level of education and the willingness to be innovative and motivated to do something for their country. Most young people in Kosovo are attracted to study Business, economics or technical engineering (numbers).

This is a phenomenon, basically a high amount of well educated young people you could just “pick” from a tree to fit wherever people are needed in their qualifying jobs, which are lacking in the rest of Europe. Nevertheless, instead of taking this population apart, why not trying to use it to build a cradle for innovation and technological development in Europe? A silicon valley in Europe, increasing Europe’s

world competitiveness in computational technology or engineering, competing more with the US and China, what an opportunity!

The geographical location of Kosovo is rather the intimidating point in the equation, located in “Eastern Europe” closer to Russia in a region which is basically known only for its conflicts, wars and “melting pot” of Europe. A poor region which is actually enormously rich in natural resources and open for a new economic market, why could this region not actually be the “future” for Europe but also turn into a stabilizing factor? And not only this, Kosovo shadows a future picture for young people, there you can find a larger amount of young women eager to study technological sciences.

For example, the share of young women in electrical engineering is comparatively high in contrast to the rest of Europe. Regarding the still existing tension in the region, economical prosperity shared between the nations of the Western Balkans could actually lead to a Union merging into a common market forcing the states to cooperate more in terms of economic development and thus hindering war.

It would give not only the Western Balkan countries an opportunity, no also Greece, Romania and Bulgaria could profit from this rising possibility.

To be honest Western Europe is dying craving for new technological centers.

Why not merge the century long knowledge for technology and sciences and the new enthusiasm to create something new? Why not use Europe’s full potential? Why not finally sharing the knowledge with everyone in Europe?

Indeed this is probably the only way Europe can still have a voice in the world, if it finally recognizes that Europe is not only “the West” but actually also “the East”. Without real opportunities, this blossoming tree of opportunity is soon another opportunity not taken by Europe as a whole.

In the end being in the European Union, being equal should be taken seriously and giving young people in Kosovo and I mean of both ethnicities,

Albanian and Serbian, the opportunity to gain from economic development, giving them the opportunity to create something new, to contribute with a comparative advantage to Europe can only be positive for the sustainable development of Europe in the world.

milk, it is definitively not a latte macchiato, again not enough milk, it is probably a blend of all and something else, something special, it is Kosovar hospitality and heartwarming charm covered with a leaf or heart on top.

Stephanie Harfensteller

Stephanie Harfensteller THE MYSTERY OF THE MACCHIATO It sounds and looks Italian but surely this is something you can only find in Kosovo. Not only because of its taste which is wonderful, soft, warm and strong at the same time, but also because of its cultural meaning behind it. It is a taste which allows you to understand Kosovo Lifestyle.

When visiting Kosovo for the first time, it is a mystery to find bars and café’s always full of people. A country suffering of poverty and high unemployment, with its people not having a clear perspective for the future yet and are still hurt by the wounds of the war.

Nevertheless, a pride not taken away from them is the pride to drink a macchiato, even if you only have 50cents left, a Kosovar buys a macchiato.

By the end of a typical day, I would say I consumed at least four macchiato.

We even had a participant who ended up sleepless because of Macchiato overconsumption.You cannot have a conversation in Kosovo without a macchiato, business, family life, politics, history, war, has to be accompanied by a macchiato.

This is simply because, resisting to talk about subjects, is not possible if you have a lovely macchiato in front of you. When you are invited for a meeting or discussion round, the first question will always be “macchiato?” and its again a wonderful sign of Kosovo’s culture: its hospitality.

You simply cannot turn down an offer for a macchiato. But what is a macchiato? It’s not a cappuccino, not enough milk and much stronger and smaller, it’s not an espresso because it has milk but also not an espresso with

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AFTER KOSOVO

All good things come to an end, even our wonderful time in Kosovo.

I think all of us agree that Kosovo left a significant impression, giving us the chance to develop our views on the world further.

With our different political perspectives, different study backgrounds and cultural diversity, we still come to one common conclusion: Visa liberalization is not a question, it’s a necessity.

These following three reports will shed some light on the different influences Kosovo had on us.

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ON KOSOVO: THOUGHTS AFTER A JOURNEY I set a task to myself in my initial report: to search for ‘’genuine’’ civil society in Kosovo. Retrospectively, the study trip was very well suited for my mission. In my view, our encounters and expeditions gave us a rather extensive insight into the diversity of interacting forces on the ground, drawing from all global, local, and locallocal actors. On the course of seven days, we found ourselves conversing with government officials in Pristina, KFOR peacekeepers on the borderline, NGO employees and volunteers, journalists, artists, academics, ethnographers, war veterans, entrepreneurs, students, workers, strollers, Albanians, Serbs, foreigners, men and women.

Overall, Kosovo left a bittersweet taste in my mouth. There is immense potential in terms of human resources, education, skills, motivation and innovative ideas. However, most remains unexploited, boycotted by the lack of the necessary infrastructure, the elusive omnipotence of corruption, and the perpetuation of narratives that confine productive dialogue between the two communities.

The good news is that I did find what I was looking for. As far as civil society, in the sense of non-government led initiatives aiming to influence policy for a particular cause or to mobilise civil participation, is concerned, then Kosovo hosts a plethora of it. What is particularly striking to me, is that these groups are active not solely in the administrative centre of Pristina but constitute an equally formidable force across the country from north to south.

Amongst our most notable encounters I would include 7ARTE is Mitrovica which aims to promote the arts and culture and to preserve the intellectual and artistic heritage of Kosovo devastated by the war, as well as MMagazine, also based in Mitrovica, a vivid community of aspiring journalists merging the voices of both Serbs and

Albanians in a vigorous call for intercommunal cooperation. In addition, Kosovo Youth Initiative and Kosovar Stability Initiative are both particularly remarkable for their work on producing policy recommendations addressing pressing issues such as gender equality and human rights, and analysing the political landscape of Kosovo in general.

There were of course many more very notable groups - many more than we could possibly include in a week’s visit - all together forming an extremely diverse and formidable amalgam of initiatives for change, mainly pioneered by young people.

Nevertheless, there is also the bad news. Civil society activities are haltered by the structures that sustain corruption. Corruption is omnipotent and elusive. No one is to blame for it and yet everyone is at fault. Lots of ink and time have been wasted on efforts to combat it, to terminate it, to somehow track its source and the mechanisms that sustain it.

I can only think that it endures simply because of the lack of viable alternatives in the political realm or because it has the ability to reproduce itself.

Moreover, another issue that seems to contribute to a dysfunctional environment is the simultaneous existence of too many actors on the ground, the works and agendas of which usually overlap, and consequently leading to anything but the desired outcomes.

Certainly, the country depends largely on international donors who establish peacemaking missions on the ground in an attempt to supervise democratisation and development.

However, too much dependence on such entities excludes citizens from crucial aspects of decision-making and evidently harms the development of active citizenship. After all, they are based on a fundamental fallacy: Development is blocked by the (urgent) need for institutions that support development. One important lesson that agents of statebuilding should have learnt so far is the essential prerequisite of ‘institutionalisation before de-

mocratisation’.

Furthermore, albeit it being an exaggeration to argue that people do not value the work of entities such as EULUX, their credibility is becoming rather doubtful as it intervenes and handicaps internally-led initiatives. And then of course, there is the issue of visas.

Visa and borders, both an anathema for the government in Pristina and a nemesis for Kosovar entrepreneurship, art, education and overall progress.

I tend to be critical of everything. It is both a curse and a blessing. But given the immense potential of Kosovo, the youth of its population and the determination to build a prosperous and sustainable future, being critical and self-reflexive is ofparamount importance. The Newborn has just started taking its first baby steps and it is crucial that the issue of terminology is dealt with sooner than later. The government should listen to its people and define in advance what ‘development’ means for Kosovo, what ‘democracy’ is most suitable for Kosovo, what ‘institutions’ have to be established, and on what resources should the Kosovar ‘economy’ be built on. It is somehow a project of cultural relativism.

What is needed in Kosovo , like in any other post conflict environment, is further ethnographic research and better valuing of internal initiatives and proposals.

All the above might seem rather arbitrary and subjective, but I am after all writing from my very own personal perspective, from the standpoint of a student of international relations and social anthropology who growing up in Cyprus has witnessed firsthand a similar situation of territorial division and ethnic hostility.

To me, the distinguishing point about the situation in Kosovo as far as the aftermath of the conflict is concerned is that it has never come to a stalemate. Never did the actors involved in the dispute allow for the conflict to be ‘refrigerated’. In the course of a decade, a vicious war ended, an interna-

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tional government was established received by varied internal and external reactions, independence was granted, and now a referendum takes place in the north. Never were the people of Kosovo given the time to fall into political apathy, and given that most of them are very young they have the potential to unleash change.

What they lack is the resources, and even beyond that, they are denied fundamental human rights, particularly freedom of movement. With regards to this, my views on visa liberalisation have only been enhanced by my experience in Kosovo and once more I shall retreat in repeating the oxymoron underlying neoliberal globalisation: if capital, money, information, ideas and knowledge should all flow freely across the globe, then why not people?

At this point I feel the need to point out one shortfall which was indeed detected by all the participants of the trip: the lack of the Serbian perspective. This should be taken into consideration for future projects. Establishing inter-communal dialogue sounds like another old-fashioned peacemaking cliché. Yet it’s indispensible, and indeed, not that simple. Of course it would take more than the work of a western humanitarian organisation. It should be advocated from within. Education is the key.

We tend to forget how nations are nothing but imagined communities, and that identities are malleable depending on the political narratives they are subjected to. It will take a lot of effort, but a sustainable Kosovo would not want the future generations to inherit hate and hostility. After all, a little goodwill could go a long way.

I might not be the right person to do that- I don’t even hold a degree yet.

Nevertheless, I feel obliged to make some recommendations. In terms of its international affairs, Kosovo should by all means avoid isolationism. It should avoid victimisation, becoming another ‘war-shattered’ state, It will take more engagement with the international system beyond the bor-

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ders of the Union. This is why visa liberalisation is so crucial.

So that Kosovar citizens can travel with dignity, so that Kosovo can be seen as an ally and not another source of unwanted migrants. One of the pillars of policy towards a visa-free regime is the reintegration of readmitted citizens.

Kosovo is currently the sixth largest receiver of remittances in the world, and has one of Europe’s highest unemployment rates. Citizens need motivations to stay in Kosovo and help rebuild it. Combating unemployment is indeed a priority but this has to go hand in hand with improving (or even creating from scratch) infrastructure, supporting local entrepreneurs, promoting innovation, and generally galvanising a local, self-sustained, and flexible market. Money needs to flow into the country from other sources, as dependence on international donors cannot continue indefinitely. Foreign investment should be invited, and the full potential of areas such as tourism, agriculture, and alternative energy resources should be fulfilled.

Meanwhile, sensitive factors that directly affect sustainability, such as environmental preservation should be seen as priorities for both the government and civil society. Since Kosovo is being entirely reconstructed there is the luxury to include such issues in the development agenda and eventually make Kosovo a shining example of statebuilding.

Moreover, on the civil and social level I am in favour of a multi-dimensional multi-vocal approach that advocates the broken-down resolution of issues, and that is binding to both government and civil society. The agenda should feature human rights, gender equality, persistent and constructive dialogue with Serbia, and the representation of minorities.

However, the objective should not be to satisfy Europe or any other patronising international entity. The ultimate goal is to work for the benefit of the people of Kosovo and it is towards this end that it is vital to encourage

active citizenship.

People- the electorate- should never feel disconnected from decision-making processes.

On the contrary, they hould be given the freedom to voice their demands themselves. Certainly, I understand that all these are long term goals.

However, this is exactly what suggests their urgency. At the same time, there are no easy paths towards achieving these objectives. Modernising education is one essential strategy, perhaps not enough, but yet a good place to start.

It is very likely that I got it all wrong. I amrather sceptical of using the word ‘should’ too often. It is possible that I saw everything from the perspective of a young starry-eyed idealist who wishes to produce an optimistic account.

But I feel like this is the only approach I can take. Kosovo captivated me and I surrendered.

I fell for the kindness of its people, the genuine, effortless and heart-warming hospitality, its sweet coffee-flavoured afternoons, its ancient river bank towns...

Kosovo taught me that it is still possible to believe in the power of the people, that life is precious just because it’s so fragile, and that happiness is not measured in GDP...

With this thoughts, I leave the last words to Slavenka Draculic: ’Perhaps the difference between yesterday and today lies in the hope that history won’t be for much longer a toy in the hands of a powerful few. When directly faced with the question of personal responsibility, a person cannot view history as a series of incomprehensible acts of a leader or a government.

Eventually he must understand that it also depends on what he himself says and does...’’

(Cafe Europa: Life after Communism).

Elena Georgalla

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FINAL REPORT ON THINKYOUNG’S STUDY TRIP IN KOSOVO In one week, the study trip organised

by Think Young took us all around Kosovo: Prishtinë/Prishtina (in Albanese/ Latin Serb), where we were staying in a homestay family, Prizren, Pejë/Pec and Mitrovicë/Kosovoska Mitrovica.

We had the opportunity to meet high school and university students, teachers, government representatives and youngsters getting by to make a living.

Though, if we had the opportunity to walk around the north part of Mitrovicë/Kosovoska Mitrovica, it is honest to say nothing was arranged to meet Serbs from Kosovo. This asks two questions: was it impossible? Or, the fact that many Serbs from Kosovo do not recognized Prishtinë/Prishtina’s institutions have made Think Young believe it was not worthwhile.

Nevertheless, the different meetings were culturally very interesting as our interlocutors were from different origins, backgrounds and age. The project was based on collaboration between Think Young and the Uni Group Junior Enterprise, a group of Albanian Kosovo young studying at the American University in Kosovo. That was a rich collaboration for the young students that we were since it allowed us to be all the time with locals. Among all the people we have met, the will to go forward in the rebuilding of Kosovo was prevalent. Though many questions are still unanswered about how to fight unemployment, what is the best way to normalize the situation with Serbia and how to get northern Kosovo under Prishtinë/Prishtina’s authority.

One possibility that has come many times on the table is the visa liberalization. It seems this could be a step forward on the path towards the European Union; on the road to equality towards the other Balkan countries; on the way for a better future.

Many youngsters and students are confused concerning the current situation, which they consider as a handicap. The lust for European experience is enormous among young people in

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people in Kosovo, though a great majority of them say it wants to go back home afterwards. They want to use this European experience as a tool to rebuild their country. Brussels is clearly considered as an opportunity.

Many times, university students explained that their visa application (for instance for Belgium) had been turned down without any sort of explanation. For example, the case of these students who won an essay contest which prize was an internship at Think Young’s office in Brussels. This kind of situation affects young Kosovars; making them doubtful about what can the EU bring to them.

Though, despite some disappointments, many see the EU as the key for Kosovo’s future. European institutions are considered as the ones able to normalize the relations with Belgrade. Moreover, some think the European Union will carry the weight of the reconstruction. Kosovo’s hopes are henceforth oriented towards Europe, towards integration.

An integration that will have to compose with Serbia, there is no choice for Prishtinë/Prishtina. Another key for the future will be the interior integration: the relations between Serbs and Albanians. The wounds are still open and it will take time before the human and political tensions are eased.

Though, we have to notice a slight difference between the 18 to 25 years old and their parents on this issue.

To the question: “Would you be able to marry a Serb?” The main answer was a very shy “Yes”. A response very quickly followed by: “But my parents would not accept it at all…” The reminiscences of the war are unavoidable and are visible in every political aspects of Kosovo’s daily life.

If the visa liberalization now seems getting closer for Kosovo (talks between Brussels and Prishtinë/Prishtina have opened in January), there is still a long way to go for the EU integration. But among young people the belief in a brighter future is important.

Damien Roulette

LOOKING INTO THE RELIGIOUS FACE OF KOSOVO _INTERFAITH RELATIONS The religious diversity is visible all over Kosovo, with many mosques, Catholic churches and Orthodox monasteries dispersed in the territory. But faith does not play a central role in the lives of the people, especially of the young who grew up in a secular state.

Since Kosovars do not put too much emphasis on religion, the religious differences are not an issue. As Albanians were originally Catholics but a large number of them became Muslims during the previous centuries, now inter religious friendships marriages and are socially accepted. _INTERECTING RELATIONS The nature of interethnic relations is extremely complicated in the whole Balkan region, and particularly in Kosovo. Although many scholars conclude that ethnicity is socially constructed and must not be an obstacle for peaceful relations between communities, the groups living in the Balkans have developed a strong ethnic and national identity over the centuries. This and many other factors have brought the region to prolonged conflict and war, from which is still struggling to recover.

Despite the existence of several ethnic groups living in the territory of Kosovo, the main communities viewed as opposing each other are Serbs and Albanians as they were fighting against each other in the war. Yet twelve years after the war, the unresolved problem concerning the recognition of Kosovo’s independence and Serbia’s objection to it is a cause for the persistence of the tensions between these two groups.

In Kosovo, different versions of history and incompatible narratives are still visible not only in everyday conversations and media reports, but also in history textbooks and education sys-

tems.

Therefore, Kosovo needs to fight another enemy, one that has no particular nationality, religious, cultural or political background – it is the emergence of homogeneous thought and dogmatism, impermeable to dialogue with anyone else perceived to be outside the lucky tribe, and built around rigid understandings of identity and of enmity. _THE MULTICULTURAL SOCIETY Can we talk of Kosovo as of a multicultural state? Surprisingly, in this small territory there are six ethnic groups, each symbolized by a star on the 2008 adopted flag. These are Albanians, Serbs, Bosniaks, Turks, Gorani and the group of Roma/Egyptians/Ashkali.

After the independence was declared in 2008, Kosovo had the unique chance to build a secular and multicultural society. For that reason, the pressure from the international community imposed as the main goal for the government to be the implementation of the provisions from the Ahtisaari plan regarding minorities and the avoidance of separation along ethnic lines.

The government made progress in the legal implementation of these provisions, so in the new constitution of Kosovo the minorities are defined as communities and enjoy extensive rights and privileges. The government also took the responsibility to get passed through the parliament a resolution that would adopt the measure for improvement of minority conditions and dealing with the past.

Overall, 2 million Euros have been invested in the implementation of the Ahtisaari plan related to communities.

As a result of the process of decentralization, the government has created some municipalities composed mainly of minorities (Graèanica, Novo Brdo, etc.). Although this has apparently improved the life of the people and calmed the tension, it has resulted in ethnic segregation which might have adverse effects in the future.

At this point, 95% of the Ahtisaari

plan has been implemented, except the provision that relates to the creation of a municipality in Northern Mitrovica. The current developments that came as a result of the international pressure indicate that the conflict is not to remain frozen and that the solution is to be found soon. _THE COMMON BALKAN IDENTITY The communities that constitute Kosovo have to understand that they share the same past and have a common future and common interests.

Not only here, but all over the countries that emerged after the break-up of Yugoslavia and the SEE communist block, there are obvious displays of a common Balkan identity despite the conflicts between different groups.

There is a common cultural identity that these states share, and Kosovo enters the group because its official languages are Albanian as in Albania and Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian (BCS) as in other ex-Yugoslav countries.

Kosovo also has a similar architecture, music and cuisine as other Balkan countries; and the geographic proximity and history made possible that people have similar mentality and social practices, very different from those in other parts of Europe.

Thus there is a need for re-establishing normal relations between the respective countries and nations. But genuine reconciliation would be hard to achieve if the past is not seriously dealt with, and refusing to confront the past is often justified through an overly-simplistic strategy of “forgive and forget”.

Doris Manu

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/// PUBLISHED ARTICLES

Very good stuff written by collaborators of ThinkYoung all over Europe in more than three years.

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ARTISTS LONG TO ESCAPE KOSOVO GHETTO Kosovar artists hope that longpromised visa liberalisation with the European Union will help end their enforced isolation from European culture. Kosovo’s unofficial status as Europe’s “ghetto” is a source of huge frustration for the country’s artists some of whom can’t even attend their own foreign exhibitions because of visa requirements.

Travel for citizens of the country that declared independence from Serbia in February 2008 remains difficult. Unlike nationals from neighbouring countries, Kosovars need a visa to travel to European Union countries and are unable to visit some destinations because their passports are not accepted there.

Graphic designer Rrezeart Galica has twice had a visa application rejected as a result of which he had to pull out of exhibitions where his work was due to be displayed.

“In late 2009 I received an invitation from a cultural association in Paris to open an exhibition there,” he recalled.

“I started completing the required documentation to apply for a French visa.

As the visit was related to a cultural activity, I thought it would to easy. “I prepared almost all my 30 works, printed about 200 posters and catalogues and was convinced that the visa would be given easily, but I was rejected,” he added.

“I never thought that France, as a cradle of European culture, would be able to refuse me.” Director Blerta Zeqiri, whose film last month won a prize at the prestigious US Sundance Festival, was unable to travel to a film festival in Egypt in 2003 because she could not get a visa.

This problem means that Kosovar artists are often effectively barred from participating in international festivals or exhibitions, she says. “There are places where it is very difficult to travel to, not only because of the visa but because they don’t recognise the passport of Kosovo – like Bosnia or

Argentina,” Zeqiri adds.

She describes the procedure for obtaining visas for artistic reasons as complicated and time-consuming, involving collection of “millions of documents.“ The work of the artist can often be introduced without the artist being present, but being present is important because it often gives rise to new contacts and projects in which Kosovo can participate,” she continues.

Playwright Doruntina Basha said she has found the visa application process insulting. “The visa application proces is very offensive. Dozens of documents have to be submitted proving that the applicant is not a liar, and, more importantly, that he plans to return home after the trip,” Basha said.

“What artist is not going to return home?” she asked.

Arian Krasniqi, a playwright and cultural critic, believes Kosovo’s isolation has impoverished cultural life. “Visa facilitation would promote the cultural and artistic life of our country,” Krasniqi said. “Artists are not able to develop in these conditions.” Albert Heta, co-founder and artistic director of the Stacion Center for Contemporary Art, in Pristina, agrees; Kosovo’s isolation and the absence of free movement have impacted on cultural life.

“The greatest impact is… Kosovo’s feeling of isolation, which results from our inability to communicate with the world,” Heta said. Alban Muja, a wellknown Kosovar artist, has not himself faced difficulties in securing visas, but fears that others have been deprived of an important learning experience.

“For people dealing with creativity it’s almost impossible to aim to do something if freedom of movement is missing because you don’t have the opportunity to see what is happening around the world,” he said.

“Unfortunately, many of our young artists do not have the opportunities that their peers in any normal country have, and as a result they have very little information,” Muja added.

_TURNING FRUSTRATION INTO INSPIRATION But some artists are turning this theory on its head, using Kosovo’s isolation as a paradoxical source of inspiration. When Galica was unable to travel to Paris for his exhibition, he decided to turn the experience and his feelings about it into an art work.

“I began thinking about a concept based on remembering the French rejection that had ruined my exhibition.

Many other artists had suffered the same fate, so given these facts and others related to Kosovo citizens, I decided my next concept in Berlin would touch on the visa liberalisation issue,” he said.

“I asked others who had applied for visas to scan the rejection part, thinking of doing something called “JO MË” [No More].

“The concept was in a form that aimed to appeal to Europe to lift visas [on Kosovars],” he added. “Coincidentally, the exhibition opened two days before the EU started the dialogue on easing visas [for Kosovo],” Galica noted.

Other artists have worked on the same theme. A 2010 exhibition called “White Wedding”, featuring six Kosovar var artists – Arta Agani, Artan Balaj, Arzana Kraja, Dafina Hajra, Lorik Sylejmani and Majlinda Lekmendi – was a deliberate reference to the socalled “White” Schengen list.

It is membership of this list that allows the nationals of a country to enter Europe without visas. Balaj, one of the artists involved, told Balkan Insight that the message had been aimed at Brussels bureaucrats – and appeared to work. “The exhibition was received with great interest by the public,” he noted.

“The audience was largely composed of decision-makers on Kosovo, European Parliamentarians and representatives of the diplomatic corps in Brussels.”

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_GHETTO DOOR CRACKS OPEN?

ISOLATED YOUNG EUROPEANS

Artists may not have to target EU officials in such a deliberate manner in future.

On January 19, Cecilia Malmstrom, European Commissioner for Home Affairs, visited Kosovo to announce the start of a dialogue on a visa liberalisation process. If Kosovo meets a series of standards it will eventually become part of the EU’s visa-free zone, Malmstrom confirmed.

Heta says the change cannot come soon enough. “Imagine that we’d seen all the changes that have happened around the world; instead we have been in a ghetto all this time.

“We could have developed new ideas, won new prizes and made a difference,” Heta added. Muja says the process already has taken too long and there is no end in sight.

“The extension of this dialogue has damaged Kosovo artists and their progress. “Our youngsters will be stuck for years to come.”

But others feel more optimistic. Photographer Jetmir Idrizi says if the visa dialogue process succeeds, it will change the whole perspective of Kosovo artists.“Of course if this happens, it will be a beneficial change,” he said.

“I hate the bureaucracy of the embassies. “We will have the chance to explore new cultures, see the works of others and integrate… and this is the most beautiful thing that can happen to a ghettoized artistic scene,” Idrizi added.

Trina Gojani, an author and translator, feels likewise. “I’ve never been to Paris but I love the story of Quasimodo in Notre Dame, and I’ve never been to the Netherlands but would love to see where Van Gogh came from,” she said.

“The only possibility for me to perceive the world right now is through books and movies,” she adds.

Kosovo declared independence on February 17, 2008, joining the free world and becoming the world’s 193rd nation state. Its chosen path now is toward European integration, with a wish to become fully integrated into the Euro-Atlantic family of democracies.

Kosovo is home to the youngest population in Europe, with an average age of 25.9. It is for this reason that Kosovo’s government launched an advertsising campaign with the slogan “Kosovo: the young Europeans’’. The irony, however, is that these youngsters are not free to meet the Europe they are supposed belong to!

Although Kosovo has historically, culturally and socially been part of Europe and is certainly one of the most pro-Western countries on the planet, it is consistently rebutted by the European Commission: when it comes to freedom of movement, Kosovo’s citizens are hugely isolated from the rest of Europe. There are a number of obstacles holding Kosovo’s residents back from the rest of Europe, including the fact that they face the highest rejection rate of all Balkan countries when applying for Schengen visas and that they are the only people in the Western Balkans who need visas to travel within their own region and EU countries.

No visa is required to enter Kosovo and as a result, peoples from all over the world have settled in the country over the last decade. Yet free movement without a visa is only possible for Kosovars in five countries, which makes it the country with the highest level of visa restrictions imposed upon it in the world. Kosovo is followed by Afghanistan, whose citizens can travel visa-free to 20 countries, then Iraqi (23 countries) and Somalia (25 countries).

The visa regime has cultivated an environment that disallows cultural exchanges and youth development. The stifling black-listing from the Schengen area also discourages economic de

Arbër Selmani

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velopment and has negative impact on business relations in Kosovo. Entrepreneurs face difficult barriers to enter the Schengen Area, where they could discover potential business opportunities. Kosovo has the lowest number of cooperation contracts with the EU member states in terms of student exchanges, worker mobility and other forms of experiences abroad. Without the opportunity to travel, the citizens of Kosovo develop skewed perceptions of the outside world, based on media impressions and biased outlets, which contributes to rising feeling of Kosovo’s isolation from the rest of Europe.

It seems that when the European Commission states that the Balkans have European perspective, it does not refer to Kosovo. Few EU member states disagree on Kosovo’s independence, yet Kosovar residents of all ethnicities remain confined to a visa.

This is, I believe, a serious problem for the European Union’s interests in Western Balkans. Kosovo should be walking together with its neighbours to advance a common European future.

It is absurd that in the 21st century there are two million people trapped living in the very heart of Europe.

Hopefully, in the near future, the walls built around Kosovo will fall, the doors of Europe will open and will let these young Europeans in.

Rozafa Kelmendi

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A YOUNG FEMALE PRESIDENT FOR KOSOVO Kosovo finally got a new president who has the support of the majority of the deputies of the parliament. Her name is Atifete Jahjaga. She is 36 years old, made a strong career in the Kosovo police force for the past 11 years and never thought to undertake a political commitment up to the point when she was put forward as a candidate in the framework of the discussions that took place among three political parties, PDK, LDK and AKR. Many questions rise on how and why this decision was met, whether the young female and politically inexperienced president will be able to meet people’s expectations in this troubled period of Kosovo’s politics. Many doubts can be crossed while reading the comments of readers on the web portals of Kosovar newspapers but at the same time also many appraisals.

The dissatisfaction of the people who voted Vetëvendosja seems to meet the satisfaction of the rest of the population who was looking for a compromise among the political forces.

The political crisis that Kosovo has experienced in the past months which started (long) before the parliamentary elections of the end of 2010 and escalated up to the unconstitutional election of the president on February 23, 2011, seems to have now reached a turnaround. In the months to come the political parties will work on constitutional and electoral reforms and will prepare the path for new parliamentary and presidential elections.

The young leaders of Vetëvendosja, a party which since shortly merged with the other new political entry of last year, FER, will have the opportunity to show their commitment and gain more support while following the path of defending the interests of Kosovo’s people and economy also in the parliament. In the meantime the people, especially young people of Kosovo, have the opportunity to become more active, require transparency and accountability from the politicians who

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hold the power and to decide to become more involved in the new political run that unofficially started today.

In the end it is the active involvement of people, especially of young people in the political process, which could enable change in Kosovo. They still have to understand that the right to vote especially in a crucial moment of the history of a country is in reality a responsibility and should be considered as such by all people who are eligible to vote. Democracy and constitutionalism in a free independent Kosovo and even the independence of Kosovo is not a given. People have to fight for them each day. As observer of the developments in Kosovo, I can only hope that young people will understand their role and will undertake their commitment accordingly.

In the meantime Kosovo will be run by the first female young president who has put Kosovo’s integration in the European Union as a priority for her presidency. As a professional Atifete Jahjaga brings with her long experience in defending the public order and respecting the institutions, as a young woman she has the chance to bring a fresh perspective into the political instability of the past years. Perhaps not deliberately, but by her being a successful president, Atifete Jahjaga can also seize the tremendous opportunity to inspire more young and talented female professionals to enter a political career which might finally cause a highly needed mentality change in Kosovo’s politics and society.

Lindita Komani EX YU. WESTERN BALKANS: LOOKING AT THE PAST TO BETTER FACE THE FUTURE Civil society organizations in the former Yugoslav republics are united by one goal: face the truth about the past. In a quest for one million signatures within six weeks, more than 1,500 associations and individuals from all nations of former Yugoslavia have joined forces in a project billed

as the largest joint human rights action in the region, which was wrecked by ethnic wars in the 1990s.

The diverse “Coalition for RECOM” (Regional Commission for Truth-Seeking and Truth-Telling about War Crimes and Other Serious Violations of Human Rights in the former Yugoslavia) aims to submit the signatures to parliaments in all former Yugoslav countries in June, to advocate the establishment of an independent inter-state investigative body, tasked to establish and publicly disclose facts about the recent Balkan wars. Demonstrations backing the movement were also organized on the launch day of the campaign, Tuesday April 26, in capital cities throughout former Yugoslavia including Pristina, Sarajevo, Ljubljana, Zagreb, Skopje, Podgorica and Belgrade. The organizers of the project, the Coalition for RECOM, comprise a non-political network of non-governmental organizations, associations and individuals in the region.

This coalition favors establishing a Regional Commission to garner the facts about victims of war crimes and other Human Rights violations committed in former Yugoslavia between 19912001.

An estimated 160,000 people were killed and millions left homeless by these ethnic wars in the former Yugoslavia, which began in Slovenia and ended in Kosovo. Yet a decade after armed conflict ended, no State has completed a list of those killed in the wars. More than 15,000 people are still registered as missing.

In Kosovo, the government has officially designated April 27 the National Remembrance Day of Missing Persons and the new elected President of Kosovo, Atifete Jahjaga, has promised that the government will work seriously to ensure that families of missing people know the fate of their missing loved ones. Although war ended in the country over ten years ago, it is claimed that around 1,800 people are still missing and many families have questions that have remained unanswered.

Aside from the action of Coalition for RECOM, ongoing dialogue between Pristine and Belgrade sparks hope for the families of missing persons, because their agenda includes discussions on issues of war crimes and missing persons.

Dealing with the past is not only an international obligation for States, but also a necessary part of the European integration to which all States of the region aspire. It is believed that truthseeking initiatives will create a foundation for a peaceful and prosperous region.

Rozafa Kelmendi ALBANIA. THE NEGLECTED ALBANIAN TRAGEDY Some of the most important elections of the past 20 years for Albania took place on May 8; the local election battle for the capital Tirana especially was in many ways considered to be a battle for the future of Albania.

The leadership of this region could determine whether Albania shifts away from the aggressive political culture to which its citizens have become accustomed during the last two decades of democratic transition. Here I recount my election experiences and what they could mean for Albania’s future.

3pm: exactly the time when the last ballot box for the mayor of Tirana was being counted. There was no TV screen on the bus and the radio stations were broadcasting only modern or traditional Albanian music. The hot sun, as well as a loud discussion between a girl from Gjilan (Kosovo) and a guy from Korça (Albania) on all that’s great about Prishtina and Tirana, Albanian dialects and their favourite political leaders in Albania, added to my tenseness: the girl favoured Sali Berisha (Albania’s Premier Minister and leader of the Democratic Party of Albania) and the guy Edi Rama (Tirana’s Mayor and leader of the Socialist Party of Albania).

A phone call changed everything. The girl’s mother announced that Lulzim Basha, the candidate of the Democratic Party and of the Alliance for the Citizen, had won the elections by 56 votes. Almost all passengers in the bus- including the bus driver, a man from Kosovo- applauded. They started laughing and talking loudly until another passenger received a text message announcing a new, different result, which was that Edi Rama had won by 10 votes. This time, a big “noooo…!” reverberated around the bus.

Was this really the end? _THE TORTURE OF THE LAST BALLOT BOX

_8 MAY, ELECTION DAY The election process itself used new techniques in a drive to demonstrate Albania’s capacity to organize transparent, quality elections. TV screens around the country stream the counting process live. Whilst election outcomes- including those for the municipality of Tirana- are not yet known, I am sure that today’s events will remain in the minds of Albanians for a long time to come. _14 MAY, SATURDAY This Saturday, whilst the counting process was still going on, I found myself on the bus from Prishtina to Tirana at

Back in Tirana a few hours later, I heard that the result was still being contested, because counters found that some ballot papers for the mayor of Tirana had been placed in the boxes meant for election of leaders in Tirana’s mini-municipalities. TV archives from Election Day eve showed that even the President of Albania, Bamir Topi, placed his vote in the wrong box.

The confusion was understandable: the ballot paper used to elect the mayor was a very similar colour to that used to elect the leader of the minimunicipalities.

As stated by Albanian Law, the Central Election Committee, which monitors nationwide and municipal elections,

also began to count the votes. The candidate of the Socialist Party and the Alliance for the Future, Edi Rama, declared his own victory, whilst the candidate of the Democratic Party and the Alliance for the Citizen, Lulzim Basha, declared that he would wait until the end of the counting process before making any declaration about his victory or loss.

I can imagine that night must have been real torture for some people and cause them to laugh, smile or even to cry. _21 MAY, NEARLY TWO WEEKS AFTER ELECTION DAY Almost a week since last Saturday and nearly two since Election Day and the counting process is still going on, still streamed live on TV. The candidate Basha is in the lead by more than 60 votes, yet the result is still not finalised. It should be surprising to read how in a democratic country a coalition of supposedly left-leaning parties wants to stop the vote counting and to force the Central Election Committee to declare a preliminary result. The election battle is so closerun (last Saturday, Rama held only a 10 vote advantage) that one gets the impression that the socialist coalition is pushing for a quick declaration because they fear the final result. Their election campaign was fought under the slogan “E vetmja rrugë - The only way” and they don’t want to lose the battle for Tirana. People joke about the Socialist slogan, saying that they are indeed the only way…to hell. Reflecting on recent events, I wonder what this kind of behavior would mean for a consolidated democratic country. How would such a coalition and its leader be judged in a developed democratic country? Would they be praised and supported in their actions or rather wary and disapproving?

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_THE NEGLECTED ALBANIAN TRAGEDY These elections are symptomatic of the post-communist tragedy from which Albania has been suffering over the past 20 years, which has never been properly addressed.

Members of the ex-communist party of Albania have never learnt that accepting electoral defeat is a fundamental aspect of democratic political systems. This failure to accept loss explains most of the troubles that have led to criticisms of Albania in the international media over the years of democratic transition.

Another worrying problem in Albania is that little has been done by the state and judiciary to condemn crimes against humanity committed during the communist era. Equally, little has been done also to prevent violations of the rule of law. This had meant that the networks of the communist dictatorship which destroyed the life of hundreds thousands of people in Albania from 1944- 1989 have not been uprooted.

These communist relics continue, therefore, to ruin opportunities for Albania in Europe. The recent assault by socialist members of the Albanian Parliament on the Central Election Committee meant, for example, that President José Manuel Barroso cancelled his trip to Albania that was planned for May 20. Barroso’s cancelled trip raises questions about Albania’s relationship with the EU. Albania has applied for Candidate Country status with the aim to join EU soon and this trip would have been symbolic. Albanian’s accession wish still remains strong and I only hope that those who are a danger to Albania’s present won’t succeed in the future.

Lindita Komani KOSOVO. OLYMPIC VERSUS POLITICAL GAMES The Olympic Games are considered as a medium to spread the message.

of unity and peace, while celebrating the spirit of sportsmanship. Organizers of the Summer Olympics “London 2012” and States that have safe participation in this activity, the greatest sports event that will take place on July 27, 2012, have started the count down to the opening of these Games.

In the same continent where the big event will take place, there is a small country that is struggling to join the big sports family. And there is a particular young lady that carries the sporting dream of her nation.

Since 1991, when Kosovo’s athletes quit racing in ex-Yugoslavia, they have not been able to compete on an international level. The war against Serbia was the first stopper for the athletes.

It ended in 1999, but since then the Kosovarian athletes have been trapped in a game of politics.

The Olympic Committee of Kosovo (OCK) was officially established in 2003, but still it is not a member of the International Olympic Committee and therefore its athletes are not entitled to participate in the Summer or Winter Olympic Games. As such, the OCK has not been granted an abbreviation or code to represent Kosova in international sporting events. To achieve that, Kosovo should be recognized by the United Nations as an independent State and meet various sports requirements before gaining the Olympic status. As a precondition for this there is the international acceptance of Kosovo’s five Olympic federations, but Kosovo currently has four internationally recognized Olympic federations.

While the effort to be accepted internationally continues, athletes from Kosovo are unable to compete at international competitions. The only competition that was offered to them is Kosovo and few neighbor countries, where there can be no quality increase of sports activities and careers of talented athletes. Many young girls and boys in Kosovo are doomed to have only local sports career, which takes place under very difficult conditions and usually ends quickly. They might

train for years and then not get to compete at international competitions, and that is causing Kosovo lost of generations of talented sportsmen. Isolation of Kosovo sports has made clubs try to go abroad individually and develop games with foreign opponents. ‘‘Ippon’’ Judo Club from the city of Peja achieved the biggest success in that direction. The work and professionalism demonstrated at the club made International Judo Federation allow the athletes to participate in high-level competitions under the federation’s flag. Majlinda Kelmendi, an athlete from this club is considered the best athlete in Kosovo, and she is the only one in the country fighting for Olympic rate.

Judging on her success, she is expected to reach this rate, but it is not known if she can represent her country at OG London 2012.

She started her international sports career as 8 year old at a competition in Sarajevo, where she won the bronze medal. Since then she won a lot of medals at international competitions, including a gold medal at the European Championships in Yerevan, where she had no other choice than to compete under the Albanian flag, a situation enabled by her double citizenship. She went gold also at junior World championship of Paris, in 2009, becoming the world Number 1 in the 52 kilograms category.

Now at the age of 20, this young Kosovarian judoka is fighting against international politics which are standing in her way of competing at Olympic Games under the flag of her country.

Having that in mind sport is one area where no participant is worried about another’s nationality, race, religion or Engagement in athletic activities is recognized as significant for building character, self-esteem, ethics and a sense of community among young people. And that is a reason why the opportunity to join the Olympic competition would give young Kosovarian athletes new opportunities, as the country tries to move on from the devastating war of the 1990s and build a

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better future.

It is the Olympic symbol itself that represents the unity of the world. The Olympic flag that we are familiar with, consists of five intertwined rings that represent five inhabited continents: America, Africa, Asia, Australia and Europe. So why can’t Kosovo be there?

Olympic Games also are not living up to Coubertin’s ideals: ‘’The most important thing in the Olympic Games is not to win but to take part, just as the most important thing in life is not the triumph but the struggle. The essential thing is not to have conquered but to have fought well.’’

And that’s what Majlinda is one of the worlds best at!

Rozafa Kelmendi KOSOVO. THE ISSUE OF STABILITY When I think that almost 45% of the population of the Republic of Kosovo, my country, is unemployed, that 35% of the people live in poor conditions, 18% face death and that corruption exists, it looks like we are far away from becoming part of the European Union. It’s not our will that is put in doubt. However we know EU people are not “foolish” enough to accept us if they expect stability because they won’t find anything like that.

Still, if you think about the country’s development in the after-war period, the EU only made one mistake when they asked for State stability in Kosovo, because in fact the Republic of Kosovo is the most stable country in the Balkans.

Moreover, if we take a look at the EU request and then think about the stability of countries that are already EU members, we have many examples of countries whose people have abused State finances.

It is ironic to see how countries are considered “almost-stable” when the percentage of unemployed people is about 30%, or how they are also considered “stable” when their youth are uneducated and spend their lives in

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coffee bars and pubs. There are even “stable” countries where citizens vote “once in a while”, and countries where nothing changes. Kosovo has always been “stable”. During the electoral campaigns, politicians often promised to change and improve our country for a better future; those were only a bunch of lies and then of course a lot of “stability” came.

A stable economy is another requirement to be a EU member State. Maybe I’m not exaggerating this, but the “stability” was always there. Economic tenders are always won by inexperienced people.

As a newborn, Kosovo is the biggest victim of Former-Yugoslavia, which means that it is far away from gaining EU membership. Five European countries do not recognize Kosovo as an independent country. There are corruption, murders, and all sorts of crimes, that are justified because “we are in transition”: Japan was recently shaken by a powerful earthquake that devastated the country. If we compare the photographs taken just after the quake with those taken 6 months later, Japan looks like a different country.

Japanese people did a masterpiece rebuilding their country in 6 months.

Instead, 11 years have not been enough to improve Kosovo, and still the only reason is that we are in Transition. The fact that the police files were stolen inside the police depart ment some years ago would have been a huge scandal all over the world, but in Kosovo, instead, the Prime Minister said: “The police was careless in this situation; we have to be more careful”.

If you manage to steal files in a police department, that means that you can easily kill 20 people in the middle of the day.

12 years have gone by and I’m 12 years older now, so if I multiply this by 5, I will be quite old when this country has the possibility to become part of the EU. It is understandable that foreigners stayed for such a long time after the war, because not many of them could help us, if we didn’t firstly help ourselves. It is often said that young

people can move mountains, but I do not think they can move a terrible foundation. Millions of Kosovars have been lost and we cannot get them back with a snap.

One of the things I can do, however, is to help create a good education system in Kosovo, so that these things won’t happen again.

Arbër Selmani KOSOVO. ON THE PATH OF YOUTH IN KOSOVO More than 50% of the population in Kosovo is under 25 years old. This is why ThinkYoung, the first think-tank concerned with young Europeans, decided to do a project in Kosovo, sparked by our idea to work in bridging the cultural gap between countries of Eastern and Western Europe. Our first project “Advocacy for Young People in Kosovo” was motivated by the goal to raise awareness of the youth population in Kosovo and their struggles to study abroad due to visa restrictions.

Besides filming the documentary “A po vjen n’Prishtine? – Wanna Come to Prishtina?” in February 2010, ThinkYoung organized an essay competition “Promising Kosovo” and conducted two surveys on European integration and visa liberalization. The outcome of the project was then successfully presented at a conference in the Google office in Brussels in January 2011.

What can foreign citizens do to help young Kosovars have access to better opportunities in Europe than those they have now? Leaded by this question, we wanted to explore with our own eyes what kind of needs we could address with our expertise.

The success in meeting these goals, in the first project, as well as the engament of a diverse range of individuals, civil society and political actors has led us to launch a second edition for our project, Sustainable Kosovo.

The second documentary in Kosovo conducted by ThinkYoung as part of the second edition of our project was guided by the idea to extend our re-

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guided by the idea to extend our report on young people in Kosovo beyond the capital city. Since ThinkYoung is concerned with young people, our aim in the second project is to show young people involved in securing the sustainable development throughout Kosovo. Thereby, we visited the cities Gjakova, Meje, Prizren and Mitrovica to catch a broader picture. Accompanied by our friends from Uni Group, a junior enterprise from Prishtina, we met with young people who showed us around their hometowns.

Stephanie Harfensteller TOWARDS DEMOCRACY Travelling towards Democracy: the fight for visa liberation in Kosovo.

The most precious resource of the Republic of Kosovo- the world‘s yougest nation- is its young people. After many centuries of war and repression, Kosovo has now know democratic freedoms for ten years, following the war of independence in 1998. Social and economic conditions are improving and there is once again life, laughter and love between people.

My country is known for its healthy, educated and enlightened youth. Most of the population is young and we want to share this attribute with the world.

We count amongst our population many young graduates who, through scholarships and grants provided by international organisations and foreign embassies based in Kosovo, have studied at home and abroad. I am proud that despite the many hardships our young people have faced, they have nevertheless bounced back with their heads held high.

A friend of mine, Dite Gashi was lucky enough to have studied at the Mccallum High School in Austin, Texas, through the Youth Exchange and Study (YES) Programme, run by USA Embassy in Kosovo. Dita told me that it was an unforgettable experience to have met young people from all over the world, all of whom accepted him without judgment. “I met a family that

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accepted me as their child; I made a brother and a sister, too,” he said.

“I’m already invited back next summer!”.

Many youth organisations working in Kosovo strive to bridge the knowledge and understanding gap between Kosovars and their Western neighbours. I myself have been involved in a number of workshops, seminars, debates and competitions.

Last year, chance brought me to work for the Kosovar branch of the YMCA, the first global organization dedicated to young people. Young people play an influential role in the running of the YMCA and since attending a conference they organised to celebrate International Youth Day, I have been an active member.

4Tuned Cities Festival is an international festival that took place in Pristina (Kosovo), Amsterdam, Skopje and Sarajeva in September 2010; the brainchild of Youth of Kosovo, a Prishtina-based organisation. In conjunjction with many young Kosovars and foreigners, we worked on a project entitled “Zines”. A zine is a small publication of original or appropriated texts and images, shorter and with a smaller circulation than normal magazines or newspapers. This project was popularly received by Kosovars, many of whom who were not informed about this medium of artistic expression.

Nevertheless, we, the youth of Kosovo, have complaints to lodge. We are isolated from the whole Europe. We are the only Balkan country to have been rejected from receipt of visa liberalization. We are therefore deprived of the right to travel, educational freedom and exposure to foreign cultures.

Although we still fall short of meeting certain conditions set by the EU, visa liberalization would be wonderful for us. Now, more than ever, the youth of Kosovo need new perspectives and renewed hopes.

Eduar Kukan, chairman of European Parliament`s Delegation for South East Europe said that “The EU should not allow residents of Europe to be isolated. I would therefore welcome

the decision to propose a strategy to create a visa-free regime for Kosovo.”

Kukan was right that we Kosovars deserve a small dose of freedom, now!

Kosovo needs to meet the conditions of the Building Migration Partnership, just as all the other Balkan countries.

The Government in Kosovo should must work harder to adopt laws for repatriation and reintegration of refugees. Those European politicians unopposed to the integration of Kosovo in the EU said that it would receive the same treatment as other Balkan States regarding visa liberalization, but this hasn’t happened to date.

Young Kosovars are concerned about this and do not know for how many years this process will be derailed.

Let’s hope not for eternity! We are organizing televised debates ( RTK, RTV21, KTV, BIRN in Kosovo ) and certainly want to find a solution. Help us to share our knowledge with you accept us Europe.

Arber Selmani MY VISA STORY - DARSEI I was checking my email when I heard something that I did not really expect.

My visa was refused from the Belgium embassy after waiting painfully for two months. It was one of the moments where I was confused whether I should blame myself or not. That is the typical thing that I do when something goes wrong.

After days and days passed, I figured out that I have no reason to blame myself. This being said, I believe that I have shown the character and personality that deserves the visa. Through my career, I have never being involved in issues that would damage my reputation, and therefore influence the visa allowance. Moreover, in the summer of 2009 I earned the American Visa J1, which is issued for the students who show the character of spending a summer working in the States. It was issued for four months, and it is similar with the one I expected to get from the Belgium Embassy.

The next argument against the decision of the embassy is the fact that I study at the American University in Kosovo, where I pay 5800 euro per year. Currently I am in the third year, and I have one year to go. If the embassy has found a reason that would bring to give up my studies, I would be pleased to hear them.

What makes me angry even more is my current status: a student. This status is supposed to open doors, it should provide its owner with every opportunity possible, it is supposed to provide advantages in any case. Unfortunately, none of them happened this time. I feel discriminated and outraged.

And then the file from the Embassy came. It contained the reasons for their decision. Honestly, it would better if I never received that file. It was fully covered with citations from different laws, laws that had nothing to do with my concrete case. I had an official invitation from Think Young which was put at the basis of my application for visa. And if is a real reason that would be in the favor of this rejection from the Embassy, I would stop believing that I possess the most basic ability of rational thinking. Therefore, the letter to me was reasonless and valueless.

Darsei Canhasi MY VISA STORY - BLERTA October 15th was the day, when we (Darsei, the president of Uni Group organization that collaborates with Think Young and me) went to the Embassy of Belgium to apply for visa. Along the road, we started discussing details about our trip in Brussels, about the people, the weather, the buildings, and everything else that can’t be very important for someone else, but which for us was the brighter future.

My drama starts here: after we met the person in charge at the Embassy, we sent our documents. She checked them, and everything was fine. But, something was very strange. They

didn’t tell us about the day when we had to go for the answer, like other embassies do. It also there that the first doubts started. The days passed by, I was preparing the stuff for my trip, and at the same time, was working hard on my exams and everything else that I considered that was very important to finish before I was going to leave Prishtina to go to the Capital of Europe. There was no news from any direction.

After two weeks, I started checking up, first by asking the president of UNI Group, as the closest source of information, then the other contacts from Think Young. Sometimes, I felt like I was asking too often for an answer.

Darsei and me stayed in touch, either via phone or via e-mail, consulting each other on how could we could indicate that we wanted to get a faster answer.

During the third week, after a lot of debates, the president of UNI Group contacted with the Embassy of Belgium in Prishtina, and the answer he got was that the best way to accelerate the procedures was by making pressure to the Foreign Office in Belgium, and it would be the best if the members of Think Young were involved in this matter. They contacted with the Foreign Office, and what I understood from the correspondence I had with them was that the people at the Office were too rude and non-cooperative. According to them, the decision can be obtained between two weeks to a month.

As the days were going by and the deadline was getting closer, the doubts increased, the hopes and everything else were slowly going down.

We were not so enthusiastic as we were before, the level of the stress was getting higher and this situation started to become an obstacle in my routine, not only in my professional field but in my emotional one too. Despite attempts to hide this from my family and friends, sometimes I was feeling so bad and it seemed to me like I had worked hard for nothing.

Worst of all was that I was not able to do anything, just to wait.

Sometimes, when Darsei and I met, he was so cold and in those moments I thought I was alone in all this. All this stress was not about receiving a positive answer, but only about receiving an answer, be it Yes or No. This happened on December 10th, while I was checking my mail, one month and 11 days after our application for visa.

The thing I least expected to see in that day was a message with the subject: bad news - VISA REFUSED. But it was there, waiting for me to be read.

In those moments my brother was standing there near me and helping me reading. I couldn’t believe that they had let us waiting for one month and a half, and all this for a negative answer?! After a few days, Darsei and I went to the Embassy to take our documents. That day, on December 14th, the atmosphere wasn’t the same like one month ago. We were very upset, even though we had already got the answer four days before. After we had to wait for one hour, we got our documents and a letter where the reason for the refusal was written reason.

It was written in French. None of us speaks this language, so we translated it and finally understood what the only thing that was written, meant: La decision de refuser la delivrance d’un visa prise conformement a/aux article(s) _de la Convention d’application de l’Accord de Schengen du 14 juin 1985, _de la loi du 15 decembre 1980 sur l’acces au territoire, le sojour, l’establissement et l’eloignement des etrangers.

My drama doesn’t end here. After all this experience, Belgium remains me something very cold, untouchable and distant. Everyone, who is going to read or hear my story, will perhaps consider it to be something very elusive, but believe me, by being a part of a free and very privileged society, you have forgotten how is to be refused. I wish that next time we will be there representing our country, our lifestyle and everything else, because only we can

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do it perfectly as we have been part of our society for two decades. And, you can make it possible by considering us equal with others, and letting us travel in Europe without visa, because WE ARE PART OF EUROPE TOO. Blerta Zogiani KOSOVO ELECTIONS Is Kosovo really ready?

I am a young citizen of the European Union, now living in Kosovo, which declared independence from Serbia on February 17th 2008. This past weekend, on Sunday December 12th 2010, the Republic of Kosovo held its first parliamentary election since the declaration of independence.

During this fall, I have followed the election via Kosovo media as 26 political parties have competed for votes to get into Kosovo’s 120-seat parliament. The election was won by the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK) led

by Hashim Thaci, prime minister of Kosovo since 2008. He will be forming a government with the Democratic League of Kosovo (LDK), founded by Kosovo’s former president Ibrahim Rugova and led by former mayor of Prishtina, Isa Mustafa. Other main parties include the Self-Determination Party (Vetëvendosje), led by political activist Albin Kurti, which believes in the “Greater Albania” and the reduction of international control over Kosovo; the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK), led by the former Kosovo Liberation Army commander Ramush Haradinaj, who is currently on trial for war crimes in The Hague; and the New Kosovo Alliance (AKR), an alliance made up of several Kosovo Albanian parties and led by the construction business millionaire Behgjet Pacolli. An interesting newcomer in Kosovo politics for the 2010 elections was the New Spirit Party (FER), led by young, welleducated Kosovo Albanians, which suggested a whole new way of thinking in Kosovo politics.

Hashim Thaci’s victory is not very surprising. Although more than 50% of

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Kosovo’s population is under 26 and I gather from young people around me that they are unhappy with the government and the on-going corruption and unemployment in Kosovo, Hashim Thaci does represent nationalistic values with which Kosovo Albanians identify themselves. Hashim Thaci used to be an important member of the former Kosovo Liberation Army, fighting for Kosovo Albanian independence before the war and representing Kosovo at the Rambouillet talks in France that led to Serbian military forces being driven out of Kosovo in the 1998-1999 Kosovo war. The memory of the war is still deeply rooted in the population of Kosovo, but not everyone believes in the “Greater Albania”, nor the sudden reduction of international help, although the mechanisms by which the international community lends a helping hand to Kosovo can and should be brought question.

Kosovo needs new air to breathe – new attitudes, new perspectives, new systems, new mentalities - which is maybe why an alliance like AKR and the newcomer party FER were formed in the first place. But is Kosovo ready for this? Whether Hashim Thaci will be able to lead Kosovo into a brighter, European future is still a question which only the future can answer. The population of Kosovo needs a strong leader who really knows how they tick. They need someone that is able to connect past history with the desire to become part of the future. Not only the Muslim faith of many Kosovars illuminates their existence but also the fact that they are Albanians. Attached to Albanianism are a very special set of traditions and culture. Is an alliance too complicated? And is a party like FER too much too soon?

As a 22-year old Swede living in Kosovo I obviously have to adapt to Kosovo society - which includes corruption of all forms. This is the most frustrating part of living there regardless of your origin. But one cannot point out any politician or party that without a doubt un-corrupted: every party claims to believe in a corruption-free Kosovo and

yet the government is nevertheless considered the most corrupted institution in the country. It is therefore very hard to know which party to support in order to fight corruption. My guess is that corruption will go on with Hashim Thaci. But considering the circumstances, corruption will go on in Kosovo until the Kosovo Albanian leaders understand that a corrupt system really is not sustainable for the future, regardless of which party is in power.

That does not mean that Kosovo and the international community should give up on fighting corruption. If there is a will, there is a way. And in order for Kosovo to enter the European Union, corruption needs to be combatted.

Anna Wiman KOSOVO YOUNGSTERS’ POTENTIAL Unleashing Kosovo youngsters’ potential in the European Union. Since its independence on February 17th 2008, Kosovo has been an important and controversial issue for the European Union. EU perspective will require a combination of the Kosovar leadership meeting the criteria set forth and European Union political will. Kosovo can only pursue its European dream by investing , empowering and spreading the potential of its natural fountain of youth. ThinkYoung, as an international organization of young people for young people, chose to focus one of its main projects on Kosovo, a European country where more than half of the population is younger than 26 years and which is still left without any concrete European Union perspective. The project “Advocacy for Young People of Kosovo” is mainly aimed at raising awareness on the situation of young people in Kosovo with special focus on the visa liberalization issue.

The outcomes of the project showed that Kosovo is a country of talented young individuals who have concrete ideas on how to contribute to their country’s development. Moreover they have pragmatic requests to the EU policy makers and an opinion about

the relations of their country with the Europeans.

There is much work to be done in making European citizens aware of the issues young people in Kosovo faces, especially the fact that currently they have to apply for a visa in order to travel, work and study in the European Union. Achieving visa liberalization for all citizens of Kosovo will require real and tangible reform, but if the EU and Kosovo Government demonstrate the necessary political will, visa-free travel could be around the corner. On one hand Europe can and must do a lot to help Prishtina into improving Kosovo economic and social condition in order to allow youngsters in Kosovo have access to better opportunities than those they have now.

On the other hand, the government of Prishtina must put up strong efforts to meet the EU criteria especially through a forward movement in the fight against corruption and organized crime, reform of border and migration management, security of documents, and protection of personal data and of media rights. Kosovo’s leaders need to place its European Union future at the centre of decision-making and act now. It is up to them to show to Brussels’ decision makers that they’re truly committed to Kosovo’s European perspective in order to overcome the obstacles on their path. They started doing something but it is not enough.

Indeed despite the fact that Kosovo has adopted several reforms and that its neighbouring countries in the Western Balkans do have visa free travel to the EU, up to now the EU has not opened a visa dialogue towards Kosovo.

The European Commission, while presenting the “Enlargement package 2010” last November, revealed that it is not ready to start negotiations with Kosovo over visa liberalization because Prishtina does not have a reintegration package for its returnees.

For other countries, the signing of a readmission agreement, which facilitates the return to their own country of persons residing without authoriza-

tion in a Member State, was sufficient to obtain visa liberalisation. Notwithstanding the fact that Kosovo’s parliament has adopted a re-admission law, which helps paving the way to start visa dialogue, and has signed a number of readmission agreements with EU members, an official visa dialogue is still far from being opened. This situation might fuel views that the world’s youngest country is being treated differently than the other countries in the Western Balkans. Many argues that the main problem is the Member States fear of illegal migrants and they have a prejudice that after visa liberalization Kosovars will flood into EU and start mass migration.

A survey ThinkYoung conducted among Kosovo students is that 89% of them stated that given the chance to work and study abroad for a short period of time, they would return to Kosovo in order to contribute to the building of their society and economy.

This is definitely a positive attitude of the youngsters and shows that the EU Member States’ fear of an influx of permanent migrants from Kosovo if visa liberalisation is to be granted is rather unfounded.

What comes out here is that this situation affects young people first, being disabled from travelling and working abroad and consequently not being granted the same opportunities as other European youngsters.

In the very fast changing globalized world where we live in, young people are considered as invaluable resources which can help society towards higher prosperity, open-mindedness and understanding among people. Young people inspire for change, growth and development. The European Union, as an international institution coordinating politics and economy, promoting development and peace, needs all European youngsters to be involved in facing these challenges.

Michela Palladin

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Stephanie Harstenfeller Damien Roulette Doris Manu Elena Georgalla Lazaros Kal Dardan Lajqi Pranvera Bojniku Blerta Zogiani ArbĂŤr Selmani Rozafa Kelmendi Lindita Komani Darsei Canhasi Anna Wiman Michela Palladin All photos by Damien Roulette

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