POLITICS | CULTURE | TRAVEL
VOL. VIII | ISS. I | DECEMBER 2020
Women’s Strikes in Poland - Les Colleuses of Paris Women’s Strikes in Poland - Les Reflections of a Third Culture KidColleuses - MusicianofatParis War-Reflections of a- Third Culture Kid -and Musician War The SARS crisis Northern Ireland Brexit at & more... The SARS crisis - Northern Ireland and Brexit & more...
Message from the Editor:
Cover photo by Marta Rybicka, a documentary photographer based in Warsaw, Poland. instagram.com/_marta_rybicka
Welcome to the eighth edition of Trinity Frontier Magazine! We are a global affairs publication that covers politics, culture and travel, and we are very excited for you to read this December issue. This year we decided to step away from opinion pieces and focus on journalistic features articles instead. The idea came from the desire to encourage a more first-hand approach to learning about world affairs and to empower Trinity’s international community. In this vein, we have encouraged our writers to document either their own personal experiences abroad, or interview somebody elsewhere in the world about theirs. I hope these stories will be enriching and engaging reads for you. In this issue we have accounts from a student protester in the Women’s Strikes in Poland, a musician soldier on serving in the recent Armenia-Azerbaijan war, an Erasmus student’s encounter with Les Colleuses in Paris, and many more... I would like to thank our wonderful Trinity Frontier team for their hard work and dedication in producing this issue, especially with the challenges the COVID-19 pandemic has posed us this year. I would also like to thank Ayobami Ogungbe and Marta Rybicka for their photographic contributions, and lastly, I would like to thank Trinity Publications without which this issue would never have been possible. Happy reading! Eliza Meller
Editorial Team
Dear reader,
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: Eliza Meller GLOBAL POLITICS: Kate Glen CULTURE AND SOCIETY: Fadilah Salawu TRAVEL: Marie Ní Raghallaigh ILLUSTRATIONS: Anna O’Connor COPYEDITOR: Sophie Furlong Tighe DESIGN EDITOR: Julia Bochenek SECRETARY: Maya Kulukundis PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER: Oz Russell
This publication is partially funded by Trinity Publications
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TA B L E O F C O N T E N T S GLOBAL POLITICS
3 The SARS crisis: What is the next step for the Nigerian police unit? by Molly Riney
6 The 2020 Azerbaijan-Armenia war: an interview with an Armenian national by Michael Sonne
9 Northern Ireland, Brexit, and the children of the Good Friday Agreement by Hannah Weir
11 Musician at War: a letter correspondence with an Armenian soldier by Eliza Meller
CULTURE AND SOCIETY
13 Belonging Everywhere and Nowhere: reflections of a Third Culture Kid by Georgia Dillon
15 “None of us are safe. Nobody trusts anybody”: fears of a protester in the Polish Women’s Strike by Michaela Králová
TRAVEL
18 Nature in South Africa: My experiences with and overreactions to wildlife by Kate Glen
20 A first-hand experience with Cuban communism by Marie Ní Raghallaigh
23 “Fortes, fieres et en colere”: Les Colleuses of Paris by Donal O’Leary
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The SARS crisis: What is the next step for the Nigerian police unit?
Journalist and political activist Mojeed Alabi discusses the #EndSARS movement By Molly Riney
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In October 2020, tens of thousands of Nigerians took to the streets to protest the long-repeated abuses of the SARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad) unit of the Nigerian police. SARS have been linked to kidnappings, illegal organ trading, torture, blackmail, rape, extortion and murder. Despite the illegality of their acts, SARS continued to operate in Nigeria with little to no government intervention. The #EndSARS movement aims to change that.
nor is Nigerian police abuse. Mojeed explained why it suddenly gained such traction this October.
Mojeed Alabi is a journalist and political activist who serves as Deputy Head of Investigations at Premium Times. Premium Times is an award-winning investigative online news platform in Nigeria and one of the frontliners in political investigations throughout the continent of Africa. Mojeed has been a journalist for over a decade, often working closely with politicians and policymakers. I spoke with him about #EndSARS and its effect on the political climate in Nigeria. Though the campaign has only recently begun to receive international recognition, the group is not new,
“The COVID pandemic caused a lot of people to lose their jobs globally, and Nigeria was not an exception,” said Mojeed. “Aside from that, the unemployment rate had much more of an effect on the entertainment world. A lot of the people organising and promoting the #EndSARS movement now tends to be people in this industry. This is because a lot of people who were in the labour unions and political unions were banned from joining #EndSARS. And as the movement was leaderless, it relied greatly on people using social media. Because of their huge following online, those in
“Because of their huge following online, those in the entertainment industry hugely boosted awareness of the issue and the movement was able to command international respect.”
GLOBAL POLITICS the entertainment industry hugely boosted awareness of the issue and the movement was able to command international respect.”
The challenge of the policing system in Nigeria starts from the recruitment, the welfare and the quality of the individuals that the policing unit is able to attract.”
Mojeed emphasised that, “It’s important for us to identify the fact that this is not new. The crisis is not new. It’s that the people, the victims, have more time now because their businesses are affected. This made room for the great noise that the movement has created and it received a lot of acceptance from so many individuals and organisations because the people who headed the movement were finally people of influence.”
“It is not just about SARS. SARS is just one of many units within the policing system, all created to address public security. Surprisingly many of them, in fact almost all of them, are on very poor wages. Because those who could not find better alternatives end up working in the policing system - it is not an attractive career.”
When assessing why the abuses of the SARS unit are so prevalent, Mr. Alabi explained that the way the entire Nigerian policing system is set up is inherently flawed. SARS is not the only unit that suffers from corruption and abuses, it is a widespread institutional problem that has been neglected by the government for decades. Mojeed also emphasised that the reasons for SARS’s foundation are still very relevant. “SARS as a unit is important. Crime is very high in Nigeria due to the poverty level of the masses. As a result, Nigerians are very concerned about security of themselves and their properties, but at the same time, at the cause of achieving a more secure society, rights abuses became part and parcel of the policing system. There is so much corruption and abuse in the policing system.
The SARS unit was officially dissolved by the Nigerian government on October 11, 2020, and international coverage of the issue began to wane. On paper, this dissolution was a huge victory for those in the #EndSARS movement. In practice, this was not the case. The Nigerian government has made promises to address SARS as an issue several times over the past few years and little to no action has been seen. “What the government decided to do was abruptly disband SARS, but what happened was simply a change of name,” Mr Alabi revealed. “Nothing serious happened, the name has simply changed from SARS to SWAT. It is not the name that people take issue with, but rather the organisation as a whole. Now, in place of SARS, there is a new formation but how the government is going to go about the reforms that people are asking for is still
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unclear.” It is clear that the government’s decision to rename the unit under the guise of abolition was an attempt to put an end to October’s civil unrest and the resulting international scrutiny. One must also note the extremity of attacks on protestors during the recent protests. The number of people injured or killed by police is disputed. However, Amnesty International cited that at least twelve peaceful protestors were killed when police opened fire on the crowd during the Lekki Massacre of October 20. When asked what he felt the government could do to finally put an end to the repeated injustices, Mr Alabi had the following to say, “People want complete reform, a complete overhaul of the policing system in Nigeria. There is a need for the government to look after the welfare of the police. They need to ensure they are well paid, that they are well trained, that they are educated on psychology and psychiatric issues. Until that is done, they will not be able to attract quality people. Many of them are unprofessional, many are drunks, some of them carry guns. Even when you look at the weapons they carry, they are not as armed as the criminals they are going after. So they intimidate and challenge people on the street.
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“those who could not find better alternatives end up working in the policing system - it is not an attractive career.” “If the National Assembly is going to do anything, it needs to create an independent organisation, a well trained institution, that will be able to anchor the reform in the police service. These are issues that should be resolved once and for all if we want to have a quality policing system in Nigeria. Until all of these things are done, there will not be progress in the country.” Protests have continued within Nigeria following the establishment of the SWAT unit. There is still a great deal of condemnation and pressure on the government, and one can only hope that the continued pressure will lead to reform of the system. Regardless, #EndSARS has now been transformed from a small decentralized movement in Nigeria to wide scale protests and demands for reform nationally, and swathes of support and outrage internationally. It has projected a spotlight on the Nigerian government and the world is watching.
Photos by Ayobami Ogungbe, a freelance documentary photographer based in Lagos, Nigeria. instagram.com/bamiphotography/
GLOBAL POLITICS
The 2020 Azerbaijan-Armenia war: interview with an Armenian national
Armen Kaprelian expresses his concerns for the future of Nagorno-Karabakh By Michael Sonne
Note: This interview took place on 30 October 2020. On November 9 a ceasefire agreement ended six weeks of conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
The history of Karabakh is long, with evidence of ethnic Armenians settled in the region since before Christ. As for the recent portion of its history which contributes to the conflict, following the 1915 Genocide, wherein Ottoman Turks killed 1.5 million Armenians along with many other minorities, many regions of Western Armen Kaprelian is a twenty six year old Armenian Armenia were lost and regions like Karabakh were left national who, after completing a Master’s of Economics in peril. Armenia and the newly formed Azerbaijan in the United States, has returned to his native home were absorbed as members of the USSR, following of Armenia. Armen is currently working as a research which the Soviet government saw fit to give Karabakh assistant for the Ministry of the Economy for the to Azerbaijan as leverage for Azeri loyalty. Republic of Armenia. He is based in Yerevan, Armenia. He joins me via Skype for an interview to discuss his After a tense ceasefire for thirty years, war broke out once personal take on the ongoing Armenia-Azerbaijan war. more, with each side blaming the other. Strategically, it would not make sense for Armenia to have initiated this, considering the land was already maintained and Armen, the Western media has picked up this conflict on populated by them. In addition, Armenia knows that its radar. Please elaborate on the history of this conflict, their own military budget sits at $634 million, with and is Armenia the aggressor in this conflict? Azerbaijan at roughly $2.3 billion, so the status quo serves defensiveness. (2020 figures)
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What do you think Turkey stands to gain over this disputed region, given the evidence of Turkish influence on the side of Azerbaijan? Turkey and Azerbaijan have been longtime allies with strong ethnic, diplomatic, military, and economic ties. Turkey – especially with Ergodğan at the helm – has not hidden its desire for radical Islamic ‘Pan-Turkism’ from Istanbul to Baku to Ashgabat and beyond. Only Christian-Orthodox Armenia stands in its way, with the Karabakh region critical for Armenian national security. Azerbaijan military strikes have now also extended into Armenia proper. In addition, Turkey has recently been ramping up the aggressive anti-European and Russian rhetoric, while also sending military aid to Azerbaijan. This is especially worrying given the context of their NATO membership.
“Genocide Watch recently upgraded the Azerbaijan invasion of Karabakh to Stage Nine (extermination) and Stage Ten (denial).” International observers such as Genocide Watch have raised concerns about Azerbaijan’s actions. How far do you think a comparison to the 1915 Armenian Genocide is applicable and why do you think the international community is yet to heed this call? Genocide Watch recently upgraded the Azerbaijan invasion of Karabakh to Stage Nine (extermination) and Stage Ten (denial). Armenians worldwide have had to swallow a tough pill recently— the fact that despite suffering near extermination in 1915, the world is willing to watch the same happen again now with folded arms. The explanation for inaction thus far is complex. The two most obvious factors are as follows— first, the United Kingdom via BP [British Petroleum] has strong economic ties to Azerbaijan oil production (a multi-billion dollar market); second, Turkey’s NATO status makes navigating the region’s military affairs complicated and high-stakes. Additionally, despite some movement in recent years toward European markets, Armenia remains largely reliant on Russia for economy and military. This gives the potential for European aid to Armenia to be viewed as aid to the Russian sphere of influence. How do you view the situation at present? And what are news outlets missing from their coverage? On the battlefield, there will naturally be land taken and given. I have stated prior Azerbaijan’s greater access to resources, with thousands of mercenaries pouring in from Turkey, Pakistan, Syria, and elsewhere. In addition, they have been sold state of the art military equipment like drones from Israel and Turkey for years, with the recent breaking news of white phosphorus use in Karabakh— an extremely dangerous chemical weapon. Armenians will fight tooth and nail for their homeland, as they have been forced to do for millennia. I can tell you the spirit of the people here is very patriotic. The phrase on everyone’s lips here is the motto ‘Hakhtelu Enk’— ‘We Will Win’. We Will Win because we must win. The alternative is the genocide of Armenians in Artsakh.
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GLOBAL POLITICS Are there any international actors who are supporting Armenia in this conflict, and if so, why the support? The phrase, “actions speak louder than words” has never been truer. I and many Armenians like me grow weary of hearing NGOs or politicians denounce “violence on both sides,” and then fail to actionably follow up. A de facto war of attrition is a potential timebomb for genocide for the people of Karabakh. Surely, I am grateful for the steps many cities and nations have taken in recognizing the situation in Karabakh. However, this battle will ultimately be won through concrete diplomatic and military action and aid. Armenians domestically and abroad will continue to pressure nations to put their money where their mouth is and cut aid to our opponents who target civilians and to enforce peace in Karabakh.
“The phrase on everyone’s lips here is the motto 'Hakhtelu Enk'— 'We Will Win'. We will win because we must win." What could the international community do better in light of this conflict? I think Europe especially is beginning to accept the problems which have come with their decades long support of Turkey— a nation which is now making their discordant objectives more obvious. I hope that nations like France, Greece, and Germany move decisively to defend their own interests and those of a Western friendly Armenia. Is there anything further you wish to add? I forgot to mention earlier that Azerbaijan is forbidding most foreign journalists from entering their country and those who do enter are placed under strict supervision of the State. Yes, just one point to add. I encourage everyone to please go research this conflict yourself. Just remember that Turkey, Azerbaijan, and arms-supplier Israel have all failed to recognize the Armenian genocide.
Illustration by Anna O’Connor Photos by Eliza Meller
An Armenian boy named Eric sits on a statue of one of Armenia’s greatest musician heroes: Komitas. Yerevan, Armenia
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Northern Ireland, Brexit, and the Children of the Good Friday Agreement How today’s generation negotiate their identity in a threatened political middle ground By Hannah Weir The North continues to be a political football in the Brexit negotiation process, with each and every fall out in Brussels resulting in the rattling of Northern Ireland’s political and economic stability. While the loudest voices in politics clamour in the 24 hour news cycle, the Irish question of Brexit continues to invoke uncertainty among the youth in Northern Ireland regarding their political identity. The majority of my generation grew up without police checks and bomb threats— unlike our parents and grandparents. We have been repeatedly told that the colours of the flags on our streets and the creed of the neighbourhoods we grew up in are still an unshakable part of our makeup. Protestant parents mean you don’t speak Irish. You play soccer instead of GAA. You ask for a British passport form at the post office. You don’t have to be preaching the sermons of Ian Paisley to be making these choices – or have them thrust upon you – but there is a constant subliminal assurance that these choices are correct, since they are what you grew up with.
“Our choice between a British and Irish passport is now bound by practicalities and obligations we ourselves did not have a hand in choosing.”
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“The freedom to work in the muddied waters of what it means to be from the North have become muddier, and it’s up to Boris Johnson and co. to decipher just by how much.” Despite the latest Northern Ireland Life and Times survey showing increased support for nondenominational politics and the continuing growth of the “Northern Irish” nationalist identity, it is too soon to say that the old habits of old tribes are finally dying. Instead, we are awakened to the fact that the lived experience of people in the province can never be fully realised or solidified by legislatures. Our choice between a British and Irish passport is now bound by practicalities and obligations we ourselves did not have a hand in choosing. We see more and more people my age turn away from this, slowly and silently, and embrace the confusion of laying in the middle. This middle ground between orange and green perhaps is tinged with the regret of having not learnt Irish or feeling like you could support your local sports club. We have been tasked with being the first cohort to delve deeply into our history and heritage. As the truth about the past slowly and surely unravels, it is natural that our tribal colours begin to unstick. We are confronted with the reality that our nuanced existence cannot be boxed into either side of the community divide. Not Britishness nor Irishness is bound by the experiences we know to date.
GLOBAL POLITICS Brexit has thrown a serious spanner into the works, with even the most staunch unionists scrambling for Irish passports. The move towards the middle ground is “If there is anything to be gained from a natural one, however this integration and relaxation is Brexit and its implications, it’s the being marred by paperwork, red tape, and the outcome of a referendum decided by an English majority (who, nuance of the Irish border and all that realistically, probably couldn’t name the border counties if you asked). The freedom to work in the muddied comes with it being brought to the fore.” waters of what it means to be from the North have become muddier, and it’s up to Boris Johnson and co. to Not only is a cross-border trade deal an important decipher just by how much. factor for peace, it is also psychologically powerful. Border communities have the freedom to have their The intricacies of the Good Friday Agreement bring eggs in both British and Irish baskets, and identities can to light the difficulties a post-Brexit Northern Ireland comfortably occupy the middle ground. However, the would face without being given proper, bureaucratic realities of Brexit seem to dilute this choice to little more due diligence. The ‘blink and you miss it’ nature of the than an attempt to avoid a long queue at an airport. border between Northern Ireland and the Republic was As Sinn Féin firmly plant its feet in the pro-EU camp not only a symbolically important gesture in the quest and the DUP go above and beyond to ensure Northern to end the conflict, but an incredibly efficient practical Ireland is treated the same as the rest of the United exercise. With multiple properties quite literally having Kingdom, Northern Irish politics remain familiarly had one leg either side of the divide for well over twenty complicated. If there is anything to be gained from Brexit years, a prosperous and peaceful Northern Ireland has and its implications, it’s the nuance of the Irish border adapted life in peacetime around an invisible perimeter. and all that comes with it being brought to the fore. The Unionist Brexit Ultras continue to echo England’s rhetoric of British patriotism, but fail to understand that the last forty years have affected the two countries in acute and vastly different ways. It often feels like an act of desperation – an attention-seeking exercise – which fails to understand the gravity from which the Troubles sprang in the first place. The Northern Irish experience in a world trying to move on from the Troubles cannot be neatly set into one category or the other. This is especially true for those of us trying to navigate this new territory and pick up the pieces that the conflict left behind. Brexit threatens to shake the ground on which we should be treading carefully. Illustrations by Isobel Mahon
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Musician at War: a letter correspondence with an Armenian soldier Twenty year old Xoren Hovhannisayn describes his experiences serving as a military musician in the recent Nagorno-Karabakh war. By Eliza Meller Note: This article was written ten days before the ceasefire agreement was signed which marked the end of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war. It includes selected contents from a letter written by an Armenian soldier during the war, whose words have been translated from French by the author of this article. Two years ago, I had the privilege and absolute joy to perform with an extremely talented Armenian musician named Xoren Hovhannisyan. We were both seventeen at the time. I was in Armenia on a tour with my school orchestra and Xoren joined our gigs as a soloist on the kanoun (an Armenian stringed instrument that resembles the harp). It was one of the most memorable trips of my life. To this day the hauntingly beautiful pieces of Armenia’s musical geniuses – Komitas and Khachatur Avetisyan – hold a special place in my heart. When I first heard about the recent breakout of war in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, I immediately thought of Xoren. Following him on Facebook, and seeing his
pictures of himself in military uniform, I knew he had been serving in the army. He was conscripted when he turned eighteen, as is the requirement by the Armenian State. However, after competing in a selection process, he was admitted to serve in the military orchestra. When war seized the country, he still had four months left to serve. Concerned, I reached out to him, and after some weeks, he wrote back late at night from his barracks on Messenger. He told me about his experiences at war.
“Why is this difficult? Because it isn’t easy to see a mother cr y for her son who was just eighteen years old.” As a military musician – the official title ascribed to him – Xoren serves most of the time in the rear. He sends food and ammunition to the frontline and helps doctors in the medical centres. His unit is “on guard 24 hours a day,” he writes. On top of that, they are having to work under restrictions to stop the spread of Covid-19. “The pandemic complicates everything,” he says. “Recently there’s been a spike in infections, and already there isn’t much room in the hospitals with the casualties of war.” In response to the increase in cases, the Armenian government has imposed harsher restrictions throughout the country as well as on the army. “Of course in the battlefield everything is different, it is more difficult to follow the sanitary rules. So we try to avoid the spread of infection in the rear to help the front.”
Xoren and Eliza perform with the school orchestra in a televised concert in Gyumri, 2018. (Photo by: Armenpress).
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GLOBAL POLITICS
“We all want to go back to the battlefield quickly so we can finish it all and so that this is not left on the shoulders of the next generation!” Before joining the army, Xoren studied at the State Conservatory of Komitas in Gyumri and worked as a kanoun teacher. In August this year, he also won first prize in an online international music competition during his military service. He now plays the euphonium in the military orchestra, but he’s also having to fill in for Bus journey to Yerevan, 2018. Photo by Eliza Meller the bass drum player who has been sent to the frontline. Despite the horrors that everyone on the battlefield Being part of the military orchestra, he gets more free and in the rear experiences every day, music is there time than other soldiers and he spends it practicing his to give people peace and endurance. Xoren knows the kanoun, which he brought with him to the rear. However, importance of his role, “We are still able to preserve a this doesn’t come without performing his duties as a musical atmosphere, even here in the field.” military musician. When a funeral is announced for the fallen soldiers Xoren quits his post at the rear for a couple of hours to join his orchestra in the procession. Looking back, I remember the smiles Xoren and I would “We play as they carry the coffin. We listen to the exchange during a concert just before his performance National Anthem before burying the body. Then comes of “Tavig” by Avetisyan. He always played the piece note the applause for the hero.” For Xoren, attending these perfect. Our orchestra was in awe of how beautifully he funerals is really hard. “Why is this difficult? Because it performed. It makes me sad that he is playing in such isn’t easy to see a mother cry for her son who was just brutal circumstances now, but I also understand how important his musical presence is to his fellow soldiers. eighteen years old.” I know that Xoren is putting his all into every note of every performance for families of the deceased and for He tells me he may one day be deployed to the frontline the army. It gives me hope that the army has somebody if the need arises. He says he is “perfectly ready”. When like him on their side. As the Armenians say, “hakhtel the soldiers come back from the frontline to recuperate, yenk!” (we will win!). they hang out together with the rear workers and often form friendships. Xoren recounts the story of a friend he met who told him about his experiences from the battlefield, “there was no horror movie that could match the terrors that he saw,” he said. Though these moments are only brief as soon they are deployed again and plunged back into their nightmares. “There were some who did not come back, some we got personally close to. We promised we’d parent each other’s kids...” But these horrors are far from discouraging to young soldiers. “You know,” Xoren continues, “even with all of this, I see determination in their eyes. Not a step back! We all want to go back to the battlefield quickly so we can finish it all and so that this is not left on the shoulders of the next generation!” This unyielding fighting spirit is very much kept alive with music, as Xoren tells me, “Our patriotic songs help us in all of this. They are very beautiful and strong. When you go online you see soldiers singing them on the battlefield.”
Xoren on military service by a river in the village of Vorotan, south of the town of Goris, 22nd October 2020. Photo taken by his soldier friend Vahagn Ayvazyan.
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Belonging Everywhere and Nowhere: Reflections of a Third Culture Kid Being a Third Culture Kid can be difficult and exhausting By Georgia Dillon The term ‘Third Culture Kid’ was established in the 1950s by American sociologist Ruth Hill Useem to refer to, “individuals who follow their parents on their overseas assignment, relocating to one (or more) countries for a period of time with an option to either repatriate or stay abroad if permitted.” The first culture is your parent’s nationality or your own, usually what is on your passport. The second is the host culture, where you relocate. The third is a combination of the two. I spent the majority of my developmental years in Ireland. I was born here, as were my parents. I shared the typical experiences of the small town Irish children I grew up around. I went to a Catholic school. I lived near my extended family. I was an angel in my fourth class play. My social life and hobbies were based around my school and local community centre. Everyone knew everyone, and often, everyone’s’ business. These years were some of my happiest ones. I was always outdoors, whether running around and building forts out of hay bales in my Grandad’s fields or playing cops and robbers on the green with my school friends. Reflecting on these years evokes a feeling of community, of belonging.
I had an assigned friend called Marisol. She had a Chicago twang and a larger than life attitude. She would become my safety net for the years I was there. Over those three years, the only thing I ever felt alienated by was the way I spoke. From day one, I was asked to repeat myself, to explain what my words meant. I was taken out of class and put into ‘special’ English classes, as they knew that my “first language was Gaelic.” I was told what was and wasn’t okay about what I said and the way I said it. Yet there was no problem, other than a lack of intention to understand me and to understand other cultures. So, I moulded myself around the people around me. I mimicked how they spoke, how they dressed, even the way they At the age of nine I left my village and moved to held themselves— full of confidence. I was entitled Naperville, a large suburb of Chicago, home to a to the space they took up. Ten year old me felt like I hundred and fifty thousand people. It was affluent— belonged. worlds away from my home village. It had an Apple store, and eleven different Starbucks’. I went to our “I plastered on a smile. I was well local elementary school. It was much bigger than my adjusted. I was exotic. I was so primary school back home, with over a thousand kids, not in uniform, but in their own clothes! It felt like a enthusiastic to be in a new country and dream and a nightmare all at once. excited to experience their culture.”
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CULTURE AND SOCIETY As a child, your parents prepare you for moving away. You say goodbye to your friends, your family, the nameless neighbours on the road that offer you a smile every time you see them. What they don’t prepare you for is returning home. At first, you’re a shiny new toy. People want to hear your accent, your stories, see your clothes and things. But what comes next is less pleasant; you’re too American, too loud, too opinionated. You can’t speak about your own childhood experiences without being called out for bragging but can’t relate to the collective experiences your peers have had without you. Coming home for secondary school was potentially the hardest thing I’ve ever done, perhaps even worse than emigrating. People had made their friends; everyone I had been close with before leaving were in new groups. It was isolating. I felt that any connections I had made, both before I had left and while abroad, were no longer there. Everyone else had moved on, and I was alone in my experience. So again, I altered myself to fit in. To feel some sense of belonging. It all changed again when I emigrated for the second time – as many Irish people do – to Australia. At fourteen years old, I had established a group of friends at home. I was experiencing the normal problems that young teenagers face – homework, my skin, petty friend drama – and I finally felt settled. The second move was harder. I was older and more aware of cultural differences. I was also old enough to miss the people in my life significantly more. My grandparents were aging, my friends growing and developing new interests. After the last time, I knew that nothing would be the same when I came back. This felt a lot like mourning. Mourning friendships, the loss of connection with those closest to you, and what hurt most of all— knowing that while you were struggling alone, day after day, everyone at home was okay. They had support, friends and family around them. But no one wants to make friends with the sad girl. So, from the first day at my new school onwards, I plastered on a smile. I was well adjusted. I was exotic. I was so enthusiastic to be in a new country and excited to experience their culture. I was putting on a façade every day, desperate to make people like me, and desperate to make people at home believe I was having a good time. So, all the good times, of which there were many, were plastered on Instagram; all smiles and sea and tans and beaches, not a glimpse of the sadness and isolation that accompanied it. I felt as if I had become a shell of my former self.
“I mimicked how they spoke, how they dressed, even the way they held themselves— full of confidence. I was entitled to the space they took up.” I am so privileged to have travelled as a child. This entire piece chronicles what could be seen as the largest first world problem on earth. I got to see cities that many people only dream about before I was sixteen. I count my blessings often, yet, I find this difficult to reconcile. It’s hard to balance how the experience that I have been so fortunate to have has resulted in a sense of social anxiety that still haunts me— the fear that I will never fit in, that I am always too much, or not enough. This is a common experience among Third Culture Kids. Lois Bushong, a US based family therapist and author of the book Belonging Everywhere and Nowhere, Insights into Counselling the Globally Mobile has stated that, “repeated losses caused by regular moves can trigger anxiety and stress.” However, this also offers a broader worldview and a better ability to cope with change. This mess of positives and negatives, of great privileges and losses, is central to the identity and sense of belonging I’ve finally found for myself as a Third Culture Kid. Photo by Georgia Dillon Illustration by Anna O’Connor
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“None of us are safe. Nobody trusts anybody” : fears of a protester in the Polish Women’s Strike In conversation with human rights activist and college student Magdalena Kata By Michaela Králová
Red lightning bolts and the hashtags #ToJestWojna (#ThisIsWar) have seized media platforms around the world this October. The Women's Strike in Poland has amassed the largest protests in the country's history since the Solidarność (solidarity) movement which brought about the fall of communism. On October 22, the Constitutional Tribunal introduced a ruling to ban abortion in the case of severe or fatal foetus impairment. Even before this, Poland had one of the strictest abortion policies in Europe. This ruling would now legalize an almost total ban on abortion in Poland, except in the cases of rape, incest, or if the mother's health and life is at risk. In the country of thirty-eight million people, fewer than two thousand legal abortions are performed each year. But, according to
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women's rights groups, up to two hundred thousand operations are performed illegally or abroad a year. The human rights activist Magdalena Kata – a committed student participant in the protests – spoke to me about women's rights in Poland, clashes with nationalists, and her fears for the future of her country.
“None of us are safe. Nobody trusts anybody. Sometimes it feels like we are not a nation anymore.”
CULTURE AND SOCIETY Would you say the current protests mark a cultural shift in Poland? Cultural? Somehow, yes. Our ancestors fought for Poland, for our nationality and the rights we enjoy today. Now we are losing them. Our nation is very clearly divided now. We fight with each other. None of us are safe. Nobody trusts anybody. Sometimes it feels like we are not a nation anymore. I am not saying that this division only happened recently with the "Women’s Strikes" (which should be called "people with uterus strikes" to be more inclusive and to tackle the LGBTQ discrimination problems in Poland). For me, the division somehow always existed and was building up with many previous events that might have left some slight mark. Now it has just exploded and left a clear mark on our nation. What is more, all of these events are just a diversion from other rulings that have been passed.
Did you feel as though your rights as a woman were sufficiently protected before this ruling? Not really. We still live with the stereotype that women are inferior to men, that they should stay at home and take care of kids. It has been
changing but I feel like the mainstream mindset is still set on this. And does the government help to combat this stereotype? Not really. Yes, I can vote. But is it easy for me to get a morning after pill if I need it? No. If it wasn’t for some organizations taking care of it, even getting a prescription from a doctor on time would be impossible. Am I fighting for better treatment and payment in some work environments? Yes. Even if there are laws backing you up, this country just works wrong. The Tribunal and the judiciary system are so damaged that in many cases you wait too long, in quite unfair trials, and you simply do not have the money for the process.
How violent have the strikes and protests been? It depends on the city and the people. At the beginning it was fine, then there were some events with the police, arrests without reason. But worst of all are the nationalists. The leader of the ruling party told them to "fight for Poland and churches". Nationalists then started targeting the protests. When we are going to them, we have applications and are constantly looking at Facebook pages to check where nationalists were seen. They use gas, knives and other weapons, so you cannot show what you think anymore. Some time ago I could go around the streets alone with my protest signs and banners. But now there is no chance, unless you want to get beaten up. You put on the signs when joining a crowd and when you leave you take them off immediately. If you are not going home with a group, you should constantly be on the phone with somebody. And do not even get me started on the "national" march on the eleventh of November
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(National Day) - a band of animals, devastating Warsaw and calling themselves patriots? And the government allows that?
"Some time ago I could go around the streets alone with my protest signs and banners. But now there is no chance, unless you want to get beaten up." What have been the reactions of your Prime Minister? Well, disappointing. Besides all of this being disappointing, he is focusing on vandalism and he says there will be harsh consequences for it. Yes, some protesters vandalize, but this is a very small percentage. They target churches because our government and the Church are tied like no other. The aim of a strike though is not to vandalize, we disapprove of this. He also said that he will try to make prenatal examinations accessible for all women— at the moment it is allowed for women over 35 years of age. The President does not support the strikes, does not support abortion, yet is willing to adjust some small changes in the ruling. Who would believe that when there are only lies everywhere?
What would you say is the most likely outcome of the Women’s Strike? I truly do not know and that terrifies me. Anything could happen in this country now. Protesters are getting more tired, the strikes are growing smaller. The talk about strikes is wider but the power of the strikes is getting smaller. There are conferences, live videos, and many statements given. There will probably be some changes made to the ruling— only small and not satisfactory ones. So the fight will still go on. People will leave the country as soon as possible. Besides that, our government will pass other rulings, like the one concerning vaccines. It feels like they are playing bingo or the wheel of fortune with different topics to cover up the mess they are creating. I really hope it will come to an end someday and that we will be normal citizens. I still believe in Poland as a country. I just do not believe in the Polish government and the Polish Church.
Photos by Marta Rybicka, a documentary photographer based in Warsaw, Poland. instagram.com/_marta_rybicka
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TRAVEL
Nature in South Africa: my experiences with and overreactions to wildlife Remember when we could go places? By Kate Glen The view from the top of Table Mountain
In a pre-Covid world (last December), I travelled Growing up from Dublin to South Africa. It seems insane in Ireland, I to think of it now, but I took no less than three am not used planes, squashed beside absolute strangers, all to animals of us completely maskless. I remember stepping that are any off the plane and travelling through customs at more dangerJohannesburg along with a flood of other pasous than a fox. sengers from multiple other flights. Two guards The wildlife in at the beginning of the entrance to the customs South Africa line stood with little gadgets in their hands. was however, Oblivious and sleep-deprived, I walked right much more past them before one shouted at me to stop. Condeadly. Only fused, I turned around, already rifling through an hour’s drive my bag, unsure which documents they wanted— up the coast my passport, my boarding card, or my letter of from the prisaccommodation? I was wrong on all counts; the tine beaches of guard just held up the gadget and pointed it at Stilbaai is Mosmy forehead from a distance then nodded me sel Bay, home to Seal Island— a world famous through. location for spotting great white sharks who congregate in the area in large numbers. When It was the first time I had ever had my tempera- I asked my boyfriend if sharks were often seen ture checked at an airport. It was the first time I in Stilbaai, his answer was not reassuring. “No, had seen a thermometer like that. I have never seen a shark attack.” That was not my question. Oh, how little I knew. So, instead of swimming, I walked along the From Johannesburg I took a flight to George air- beach, eyes peeled to the ground. I picked up port and then drove from George to Stilbaai, a dried out sea urchins and stared in awe at the coseaside town a few hours east of Cape Town. My lourful sea snails that covered the shore line. I boyfriend is South African, and we were staying became obsessed with native wildlife; a lone flaat his parents’ house for New Year’s. I had never mingo that we would see in the river each day, been south of The Equator before, and looking at the tortoise in the driveway that ate chunks of the stars that night I saw the Southern Cross for fresh watermelon from our hands, the families the first time. I made sure to look at these new of grouse that we saw every morning in the garconstellations as much as possible. Orion was den, flocks of a dozen or more tiny black birds upside down, but I couldn’t tell because the only with bright red chests who moved as though part of the constellation I can ever make out is with a single mind, and stunning African starthe belt and even though it is technically back- lings with their multicoloured, metallic-sheen wards, it looks the same. feathers. I would see ordinary brown sparrows, and in my more romantic moments - supported
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by my vague primary-school level knowledge of hospital is to cut out the bite area with a knife. bird migration patterns – wondered if I had seen “But they’re rare around here, right?” the exact same bird in Ireland during the sum- “Relatively.” mer.
“‘No, I have never seen a shark attack.’ That was not my question.” I can recall another fond yet terrifying memory from a drive around another nature reserve. While seated in the open-topped safari jeep, an electric-blue insect flew into the cab and landed on a seat. It was easily larger than my palm, but not knowing what it was we stayed calm and it flew back out again after a minute. We later learned it was a tarantula hawk wasp. With a seven millimeter long stinger, though its sting will not kill you, the pain is second only to the I would frequently gasp at the beauty of small bullet ant on the Schmidt Pain Index. With inbirds with long, trailing, colourful tails that tense pain lasting for about five minutes, one reflicked and floated in the air behind them as they searcher’s advice if stung is to, “just lie down and flitted from branch to branch of the trees outside. start screaming”. Upon asking what these stunning, unique birds could possibly be I was informed (with a shrug), These experiences primed me to a certain ex“Oh, just some kind of sugarbird.” If those birds tent, and later that week while in my bedroom, existed in Ireland not only would their beauty I opened my backpack, and a large black insect demand every citizen know their exact name jumped out at me. Screaming, I trapped it using (in Latin), it would undoubtedly be the national multiple towels and went to the kitchen to grab a glass and piece of paper. Hands shaking, I picked bird. In South Africa, it was just another avian. them up, but was luckily saved by my boyfriend’s mother who saw my insect-catching equipment “The only way to avoid death when and offered to help. She solemnly took the glass, not near a hospital is to cut out the gently eased open the door to the room, and carefully shifted the towels to reveal the insect. bite area with a knife. ‘But they’re After a moment of silence, which I could only asrare around here, right?’ ‘Relatively.’ ” sume at the time was shock at the sheer amount of venom contained in one finger-sized insect, While the beauty was never lost on me, the she burst out laughing. danger of wildlife remained a theme. Walking “Kate,” she gasped, “that’s a cricket!” through the bushy grasslands of the nearby wildlife reserve I was told to watch my step: “The I cannot wait to go back. neighbours mentioned they found a puff adder up here the other week.” I did not know what a puff adder was, but it Photos by Kate Glen didn’t sound good. Upon asking, I was informed that they were highly venomous, and called ‘puff adders’ because the site of the bite quickly ‘puffs’ up with extreme swelling due to their venom. The only way to avoid death when not near a
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TRAVEL
A first-hand experience of Cuban communism Expoloring Cuba: unique and unforgettable By Marie Ní Raghallaigh
Marie drinking a fresh piña colada on a tobacco farm
Last summer, I spent ten days exploring Cuba, from the crumbling architecture and busy streets of Havana, to the sprawling green valleys of Viñales and the colonial cobblestones of Trinidad. Cuba is truly unlike anywhere else I have visited. Not only does the immersion in a country filled with colourful 1950s Chevrolets and people puffing on cigars create the illusion that you have travelled back in time, but the Communist regime and the realities of the US trade embargo make it a distinctly unique place to visit.
“Unfamiliar with the currency, I only noticed later that night that I had mistakenly – or purposely – been given a 1 CUP coin rather than 1 CUC.”
or for the purchase of luxury items. However, as one CUC is worth twenty five CUP, this can create huge inequality in practice. Under the Communist regime, Cubans are paid the equivalent of only $20 to $25 a month in CUP. Therefore, working in the tourist sector has massive benefits due to the opportunity to receive tips in a much weightier currency. A frequently quoted Cuban statistic is that taxi drivers make approximately twenty times more money than doctors, and this is true due to their exposure to tourists, and consequently, tips.
One evening, while enjoying some live music on the promenade in Havana, I purchased a beer from a lively stall. Unfamiliar with the currency, I only noticed later that night that I had mistakThe first peculiarity I noted was the dual-cur- enly – or purposely – been given a 1 CUP coin rency system in operation. There are two sepa- rather than 1 CUC. This meant very little to me rate currencies— the Cuban peso (CUP) and the as I had only lost the equivalent of 98 cents. But Convertible Cuban peso (CUC), which is pegged the fact that this meant an increase in someto the US dollar at par. The CUP is used only by one’s monthly salary by almost five percent was the locals, while the CUC – introduced in 1994 to deeply humbling. Moreover, the CUP coin actubolster the economy – is used mostly by tourists, ally made a very unique souvenir to take home as tourists don’t usually trade in that currency!
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Travelling to Cuba is synonymous with an almost-complete, non-optional social media detox. Access to the internet is expensive, difficult, and unreliable. I quickly became accustomed to large throngs of people with their faces buried in devices on the fringes of public parks, as parks are one of the only Wi-Fi hotspot locations. To get access, you must queue (for a long time) at an official store or kiosk to purchase a prepaid ETECSA card. An hour of internet costs one dollar. When contrasted with the average monthly wage, this is extortionate. The card itself must be scratched like a scratch card to reveal a password, which you then input after connecting to a Wi-Fi hotspot in one of the public parks. However, the internet service is very unreliable and many websites, such as Snapchat, are blocked due to censorship. This was a striking culture shock for a social media addict like myself!
Hunger Strikers Memorial in Havana
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Trinidad: a UNESCO World Heritage site
Overall, the only real issue we experienced with the internet was the day my boyfriend’s final year exam results were scheduled to be released. We were unable to connect to the Wi-Fi for hours, and after getting connected – following a break to get some food – the Trinity website had crashed (classic). However, celebrating with ninety cent mojitos more than made up for any difficulties! Although still a Communist government, certain sectors of the economy are becoming partially privatised after Raul Castro’s expansion of the rights of Cuban business owners or ‘cuentapropistas’. “Casas particulares” are a striking example of an element of entrepreneurship in a Communist society. These are private homestays throughout Cuba, and are the most popular accommodation for tourists. The families that run the casas must obtain a licence from the government, yet they keep the profits made after taxes and fees. My boyfriend and I stayed with several different families and couples throughout our trip, and it was certainly a unique way to experience the local culture. Our hosts made us breakfast every morning – normally complete with fruit juice from freshly picked pineapples, mangoes, or papayas – and gave the best recommendations for things to do, places to eat, and where to stay next.
TRAVEL One of the most interesting aspects of the trip was a horseback tour of a tobacco farm in Viñales, where we spoke to local farmers about government quotas that are placed on their production. Farmers must produce a set amount of tobacco, and the first ninety percent goes to the government. The farmer is permitted to keep the final ten percent for personal consumption or to sell, but as one farmer remarked with a twinkle in his eye, “Sometimes it is a Cuban divide, ninety percent for the government, twenty for me!” This quota system is the same for other agricultural produce in Cuba such as coffee. Government payment can be a novelty. The farmers recounted that when their produce is good and quotas are met, the government may reward them with several bottles of top quality rum, then all the local families come together and sing and dance the night away in celebration. Several tour guides and taxi drivers were more than happy to answer our many questions about other aspects of Cuban life. One man spoke about the lasting impact of the Cuban relationship with the Soviet Union before its collapse in 1991, and how learning Russian had been compulsory in school. Moreover, most imports at that time had come from the Soviet Union. He pointed out that the tour bus we were travelling in was in fact an old Soviet army truck. Another taxi driver spoke of compulsory conscription for all males upon reaching eighteen, and how he had been sent to Angola to fight in support of the Communist-aligned People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola in the 1975 civil war.
“One man recounted that he had heard many stories of people involved in the IRA who had fled to Cuba to evade capture, changing their names upon arrival.” Many of these taxi drivers and tour guides expressed delight when they heard we had travelled from Ireland to visit their country, openly declaring their support for the Irish Republican Army and the nationalist struggle for independence in Ireland. Che Guvara posters can frequently be spotted throughout both the North and South of Ireland in support of the United Ireland movement, but it was unusual to be on the other end of this international discussion. One man recounted that he had heard many stories of people involved in the IRA who had fled to Cuba to evade capture, changing their names upon arrival. We were equally fascinated when, on the outskirts of Havana, we stumbled across a monument in memory of the Irish hunger strikers which was erected by a woman whose twenty four year old brother was killed by the British Army in Northern Ireland in 1976 and whose cousin was the famous Bobby Sands. It was an odd feeling to be so far from home, yet for such a strong connection to exist between this tiny Caribbean island and our own country. Cuba is utterly unlike anywhere else I have visited— their economy, culture, people, and history are all equally fascinating; its picturesque location on a colourful, tropical island makes it seem infinitely trapped in the 1950s. While the Communist government has bred inequality and poverty, the provision of free healthcare and education is laudable, and the recent privatisation of some sectors suggest an economy that is open to change.
Photos by Marie Ní Raghallaigh
The Malecon promenade in Havana
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“Fortes, fieres et en colere” : Les Colleuses of Paris An Erasmus student’s impressions of the French feminist movement By Donal O’Leary Despite “égalité” encompassing one third of its inherent silence. the country’s renowned slogan, French society leaves much to be desired in the realm of gender One can scarcely equality. According to the French Ministry of Internal Affairs, 146 women were murdered by their then or former spouses in France in 2018. This statistic and many others like it have proved as incendiary as it is frightening. In August of the following year the Colleuses set out to make heard the voices of victims of femicide and other gendermotivated crimes. If you have been to Paris – or any city in France since late last year – you will likely have noticed the murals of the Colleuses— capitalized characters in black ink on a white background spelling out a message which serves to unveil the violent injustice that women or gender minorities face.
The contents of these messages range from the simple naming of a victim, to the citation of a statistic, to a strongly worded protest against the status quo. It is a simple concept, however the minimalist aesthetic of the murals – coupled with their abundance – make for a striking social/street art movement which has a heavy impact and speaks louder than many others despite
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walk for ten minutes in Paris proper without being reminded of the dangers the city – and indeed the home – poses for women.
The Colleuses, a name that translates roughly as “women who glue things,” gather from eight o’clock at night – a time that spells discomfort for many women – to prepare and paste their collages. Information on upcoming meetings is typically delivered via social media. The Instagram account associated with the Paris group, “@collages_feminicides_paris”, currently boasts 78.6 thousand followers and provides all the necessary information for any aspiring members. This information includes essential materials and techniques for creating a collage, the history and mission of the movement and what little regulations there are on who can and cannot join. The Paris groups are open to a “mixité choisi” (selected mix) of people including transgender men, non-binary people, cisgender and transgender women and “all people on the gender minority spectrum”. The groups have thusfar remained closed to cisgender males with hopes to create a “safe space” for women and gender minorities without the aid of those who cannot identify with their plight. The composition of the groups is, however, subject to change depending on region due to the decentralized nature of the movement. The Colleuses are regulated predominantly by a shared belief in the cause. Aside from the exclusion of cisgender males, the movement is incredibly open, featuring no filter based on political beliefs or personal opinions. While excellent in theory, this leads to a number
TRAVEL What should strike us most about the Colleuses is the exemplar they set for social movements in their genre. It is often the case that modern movements consist of a minority within or outside a community abusing its voice. This has led to many becoming frustrated with legitimate causes and tuning out when cries genuinely need to be heard. The greatest movements serve to and succeed in giving a voice to a community which does not have one. By displaying the horrors that happen in the privacy of homes all over France ,the Colleuses provide a voice for the victims and inform the public of the “patrie indifférente,” (indifferent homeland). They do this with just a short, blunt and critical message pasted in a public space that demands people’s attention.
of discrepancies in the sentiments behind various collages. I saw one such mural on the pedestrian walkway by the Seine plastered just next to Pont Neuf. The message read, “La prostitution destruit les femmes,” which translates as “prositution is destroying women”. Myself and a friend I was sharing a drink with at the time remarked that the sentiment of this mural did not seem in line with that of the movement, and was even potentially anti-feminist (although the question of prostitution is a point of contention in modern feminism). Much to our amazement, two young women, who it would seem were equally vexed by this aberration, emerged from a group under the bridge, tore the questionable message down, and were met with applause. Giving ownership of the movement to the entire gender as opposed to a specific group has strengths and weaknesses— the latter being the inevitability of ideologically deviating murals and the former being the potential for self-correction, as long as the belief in the mission is strong.
In November 2019, the Assemblée nationale voted to lower taxes on donations made to aid organisations dealing with domestic abuse. While this seems a shockingly inadequate response to a mounting issue, in reality there is little a government can do in matters like this. The threat of violence against women is not a legislative issue but a social one. No law can be passed, for example, to make murder or sexual assault more illegal than they already are. This is why the Colleuses rest in the social sphere, making themselves known in the very spaces where the violences are perpetrated. One can scarcely walk for ten minutes in Paris proper without being reminded of the dangers the city – and indeed the home – poses for women. Their collages – striking in appearance, in content, and in their omnipresence – create an atmosphere of sombre acknowledgement and sorority. We can only hope will inspire some change in a country that desperately needs it. And with recent developments at home relating to Image Based Sexual Assault, we in Ireland are certainly not above the need for a voice of the same power and poetry that the Colleuses bring to the streets of Paris. Photo by Donal O’Leary Illustration by Anna O’Connor
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“There is no greater agony than bearing an untold story inside you.” — Maya Angelou
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