POLITICS | CULTURE | TRAVEL
VOL. IV ISS. I | NOVEMBER 2018
DEPORTATION AS A WAY OF LIFE - FEMINISMS OF INDIA MADE IN CHINA - KAVANAUGH EFFECT - QATARI DREAMS TURKEY’S ROAD TO TYRANNY - A PUB IN BERLIN & more
Message from the editor
Editorial Team
Welcome to the fifth edition of Trinity Frontier Magazine. The idea of Trinity Frontier emerged from a need to bring the experiences that students have beyond the front gate into Trinity. Trinity Frontier is a space for students to share their real-life adventures. Whether it’s political perspectives, a commentary on society or essential Travel tips, here is the opportunity to share experiences and learnings from across the world. This issue goes beyond Europe, to Bolivia, India, Japan, Morocco and Qatar. It also delves into a variety of topics including sports, refugee deportations and feminism.
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: Navika Mehta
We hope that you have enjoyed this issue as much as we have enjoyed compiling it. We welcome your feedback and ideas for the next issue. I would like to thank all the members of the Trinity Frontier team for their hard work and dedication in ensuring the high standard and quality of this issue. I would also like to thank the writers for bringing to fore ideas and topics that add so much value to the magazine. Finally, I would like to sincerely thank Trinity Publication for their constant support, guidance and encouragement, without which, this issue would not have been possible.
SECRETARY/TREASURER: Tamaki Marumo
Happy reading! Navika, Editor-in-Chief
INTL. RELATIONS & POLITICS: Pierre-Louis Boczmak SOCIETY AND CULTURE: Juliana Patelli TRAVEL: Christian Dunne
PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER: Hannah Rieger COPY EDITOR: Hannah McCarthy ONLINE EDITOR: Kateryna Kursenko LAYOUT & DESIGN: Stacy Wrenn ILLUSTRATIONS: Camille Devaney
This publication is funded partly by DU Trinity Publications Committee.
This Publication claims no special rights or privileges.
All serious complaints may be directed towards chair@trinitypublications.ie or Chair, Trinity Publications, House 6, Trinity College, Dublin 2. Appeals may be directed to the Press Council of Ireland. To get involved with Trinity Publications email secretary@trinitypublications.ie or get involved through our social media.
TABLE OF CONTENTS SOCIETY AND CULTURE 2 No people with no nation by Stacy Wrenn 4 Fighting spirit in Japanese Puroresu by Jenny Murphy 6 Angry Goddesses by Navika Mehta
TRAVEL 8 Bolivia te espera by Hannah Yael Rieger 10 Songs, stars and sand: a night in the Moroccan desert by Hannah McCarthy 12 The land of cycling, cheese, and cheap trains by Hana Efendic 14 The mainstream: pub-crawling in Berlin by Alanna MacNamee
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND POLITICS 16 Turkey: A final step towards one man rule by Aylin Dilan Demiralp 18 A wicked world cup by Christian Dunne 20 Is China conquering the developing world? by Francisco Onofre 22 The Kavanaugh Effect by Laura Browne
No people with no nation by Stacy Wrenn Deportation is the twenty-first century’s acceptable form of forced migration. At the borders of the European Union, capital is allowed to cross freely, and frequently, with little scrutiny. Human crossings, on the other hand, are treated with suspicion and unease. Their prevention is protected through the desire for state security and notions of state cultural identities. Borders are a mindset; a style of structure that requires the support of the people on ‘the right side’ for their continued existence. However, the prevalence of the perception of borders as a positive attribute of the state prevents such mobilization. To the citizen, a state border often conjures up feelings of protection. It calls to the deeply embedded need for stability and safety. For those on the other side of the fence, these feelings are replaced with dread, apprehension, and desperation, with lives halted in its shadow and generations raised stateless due to its rejection. In the process, they become what one resident of the Monte Mario camp in Italy referred to as “no people with no nation”. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) reports that there are 25.4 million refugees fleeing conflict or instability in their home country. Afghans are one of the largest refugee groups, with figures ranging from 2.5 to 6 million, as well as being one of the most deported. Finland has deported 2,600 people back to Afghanistan this year alone. There are designated ‘safe areas’ in Afghanistan that EU countries deport to, yet the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade does not recommend you to go there for a two-week sojourn. This is possibly due to the fact that the Taliban controls/operates
“ There are designated ‘safe areas’ in Afghanistan that EU countries deport to, yet the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade does not recommend you to go there for a two-week sojourn. This is possibly due to the fact that the Taliban controls/operates openly in 70% of the country. 2
Lufthansa plane viewed from the exterior of Berlin Schönefeld Airport, 2018. openly in 70% of the country. Of those who are deported to Kabul, many were actually born in Pakistan, Iran, and Iraq. The children of Afghan refugees then find themselves in the awkward position of belonging to what political scientist Peter Nyers has termed the ‘deportspora’, a sort of diaspora made up of rejected asylum seekers, the undocumented, and other otherwise stateless people. They often speak several languages, owing to their time spent on the borders of various European countries. At detention centres, their journey comes to an end with a plane ticket ‘back to where they came from’ - only for them to begin the journey anew shortly afterwards. A report earlier this year by the Norwegian Refugee Council and the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre revealed that 72% of Afghan deportees are forced to flee again due to violence, creating a cycle of re-departure and redeportation. The public invisibility and denial of the agency by way of enabling this cycle have made it necessary for asylum seekers to connect in the digital sphere as opposed to the domestic one. They often congregate in online-based
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societies with people with shared experiences, in spaces for them to share and form connections. The question asked is ‘where you were deported from’ instead of ‘where you were born’.
“ The public invisibility and
denial of the agency by way of enabling this cycle have made it necessary for asylum seekers to connect in the digital sphere as opposed to the domestic one. Social media networks and blogging platforms have long been known to be community hubs, and they have been particularly utilised in exposing the truths of the refugee crisis over the last few years. Volunteer groups such as AreYouSyrious? in particular have used their blog on Medium, a popular blog hosting website, to present information from the ground on the tightening of the EU border regime, increased hostility towards human rights defenders, and police brutality at points-of-entry.
platform, it shows that their case is not an exception to the norm but a reflection of a general fault and carelessness in the system. Facebook pages of Afghan deportspora, such as Khatrat-e talkh-e Afghana dar you-nan (Bitter memories of Afghans in Greece) or Panahjooyane andonezi (Refugees in Indonesia) are full of appeals for missing family members or friends who have been lost en route between one border and another. Photographs and names replace the numbers and statistics that unaffected groups are all too familiar with and give back some of the dignity that they are denied. Another platform with more varied content is Kabulblog, which was established by a Hazara minority who was deported from Norway in 2013. For him, journeying through the Taliban-dominated areas in southern Afghanistan to Pakistan where he grew up with his family would be an act of suicide. The video content on his blog has thousands of views and creates a sense of collectivity in isolating circumstances. To be rejected for no reason, to be associated with a society but to have no recollection of it, to be ‘repatriated’ to a country you have never even been to: thousands of young Afghan asylum seekers find themselves in this situation every year at immigration checkpoints in airports, ferry crossings, and informal bases in forests.
Increasingly, asylum seekers have taken it upon themselves to spread their message. The mic has been passed and it has no filter or censoring board of members between it and the global audience. Not only does it provide them with that
Anti-deportation protest outside the Foreign Ministry office in Helsinki, Finland, in 2018.
Stacy Wrenn is a final year Jewish and Islamic Civilisations student whose research focuses on the EU border regime.
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Angry Goddesses by Navika Mehta
Since its inception, the Indian constitution has given equal rights to men and women. This summer, however, the Thomas Reuters Foundation Survey ranked India as the world’s most dangerous country for women. A country that worships women as goddesses has now been declared unsafe for women. This time of year, India, with a majority Hindu population, celebrates festivals including Durga Puja, Navratri, Diwali - all worshipping and welcoming goddesses to their homes. Young girls are called ‘devis’, and when a girl is born people say that the Goddess Lakshmi (Goddess of Prosperity) has arrived at their home - yet several states in India have skewed and deteriorating sex ratios due to widespread female foeticide and infanticide. Gang rapes are rampant and are now being officially reported at an alarming rate. Marital rape is still legal. Historically, Indian women have been leaders, freedom fighters, artists, actors, pioneers, scientists, mathematicians, astronauts, dancers, and writers. From Rani Lakshmibai, the Queen of Jhansi, to Sarojini Naidu, the blood of Indian women has contributed equally to the soil of Independent India. PostIndependence, women contributed to the drafting of the Indian constitution, with Ammu Swaminathan, Begum Aizaz Rasul, Hansa Jivraj Mehta, Annie Mascarene, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur and many more ensuring that women in independent India received equal rights. Several legal provisions are characterised specifically for women as “crimes against women”: these include 7 crimes identified under the Indian penal code - Rape, Kidnapping, and abduction for different purposes, Homicide for Dowry and Dowry deaths and their attempts, Torture both mental and physical, molestation, sexual harassment and importation of girls. In the years following independence, Indian women continued to fight for their rights with movements like the Shahada Movement, and anti-price rise agitations led by women. Anti-alcohol movements were started to combat domestic violence in western and southern India and the Self-Employed Women’s
“ One thing is certain: Indian women are angry, and the state, the government and the people can no longer afford to ignore them or to try to repress their voices. 4
An artist hand-painting an idol to the goddess Durga. Association was established. There were campaigns against dowry, the practice of Sati (a funeral custom of selfimmolation by the widow on her husband’s pyre), domestic violence and rape. All of these campaigns and organizations were led and supported by women. The never-ending list of crimes against women in India clearly reflects the hypocrisy in society. The low Female Labour Force Participation rate of 27% (compared to 98% for men) also reflects a society that religiously idolizes women but continually disenchants them in society. While the government has organized programs targeting education for girls, resulting in an increase in the number of girls being educated, these efforts are not reflected in the labour force. A recent article in The Economist pointed out that India would be 27% richer if the number of women in the workforce increased. This lack of engagement could be due to low-paying jobs that employ many women, leaving them dependent on their husband’s salary. Often times, the lack of support for young mothers leaves no choice for women but to quit the workforce. However, with companies realizing the importance and benefits of women in the workforce, things are slowly improving as they adjust their policies and support services to attract women. Recent female-led movements have been creating a storm in Indian society and politics. The “Me Too” movement arrived in India when actress Tanushree Dutta accused a fellow actor, Nana Patekar, of harassment. As seen in many
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countries around the world, this one allegation opened the floodgates for women to come forward and report the inappropriate behavior of men in powerful positions across many industries, from film to journalism. These allegations have been met with serious consequences. A recent win for women in India was the removal of section 497 of the Constitution, which criminalised adultery and treated women as property of their husband, depriving women of dignity and equality. Chief Justice CJ Misra of the Supreme Court stated that the “unequal treatment of women invites the wrath of the constitution.” On a religious front, women have fought against the practice of Triple Talaq (the practice of instant divorce by Muslim men saying ‘talaq’ thrice) in the Muslim community in India. A victory for women has been the Sabarimala verdict. The Supreme Court struck down the rule of Kerala Hindu Places of Public Worship Authorization of Entry Rules 1965, which prohibited the entry of women between the ages of 10 and 50 into the Sabarimala Temple. Following this ruling, several female journalists attempted to enter the temple but were mobbed by protestors. Some even went and attacked the homes of these journalists as punishment, with a Malayalam actor threatening to rip women in half for trying to enter. Since the ruling, feminist activists and journalists have been trying to enter the temple but have faced severe attacks by the priests and devotees in acts of defiance. In the Dawoodi Bohra community, a Shia Muslim sect, women are fighting for a ban on the practice of Female Genital Mutilation. Muslims form the largest minority in India, but this is the only sect that is known to practice FGM. In another case, women in Kerala’s Christian community are fighting for justice after a nun was allegedly raped by a Bishop.
Mixed grouping of idols of Indian goddesses.
“ Regardless of the lack of safety, the risk of potentially destroying their careers, the threat of attacks on them and their families, and the reality of being boycotted from their communities and condemned by society, Indian women continue to fight These are all highly contentious issues surrounding religion and human rights and are essentially targeting men in high positions. Regardless of the lack of safety, the risk of potentially destroying their careers, the threat of attacks on them and their families, and the reality of being boycotted from their communities and condemned by society, Indian women continue to fight for their right to equality. In all fields, whether it’s being a fighter pilot, a scientist, a teacher or an athlete, Indian women have time and again excelled. Yet India’s highly patriarchal society still sees women in an extremely regressive manner. Female foeticide rates are increasing. High rates of rapes and acid attacks, and of human trafficking, are evidence of this oppression. One thing is certain: Indian women are angry, and the state, the government and the people can no longer afford to ignore them or to try to repress their voices. India may be the most dangerous country for women but that will never deter the fearless Indian women. Whether it’s the patriarchy, imperialist laws, religious authorities or the state, we will fight them all to reclaim our country and our right to freedom and equality.
Navika Mehta is the Editor of Trinity Frontier and a final year Politics and Economics student.
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Fighting spirit in Japanese Puroresu by Jenny Murphy The discourse surrounding professional wrestling usually centres around the United States and the World Wrestling Entertainment Company (WWE), the largest pro wrestling promotion in the world. Most people happily accept the stereotyped portrayal of pro wrestlers produced in Western media. This stereotype is perpetuated by well-known faces such as John Cena, The Rock, and “Stone Cold” Steve Austin. Despite its huge following, pro wrestling is often eagerly dismissed by many as “juvenile” and “fake”. This ready dismissal, however, disregards the massive numbers of people who attend or watch pro wrestling shows. The WWE’s YouTube channel has over 20 million subscribers, while annual U.S-based events such as Wrestlemania gather crowds of up to 101,000 people, with an additional 1.82 million viewers worldwide. These mass wrestling events and the Americanised culture of “sports entertainment” seem to be juxtaposed with the forms of entertainment deemed acceptable by Japanese culture. Therefore, it comes as a surprise that the second largest pro wrestling promotion in the world is New Japan Pro-Wrestling Company (NJPW). On 4th January 2018, the egg-shaped Tokyo Dome drew a crowd of over 34,000 fans to the long-running Wrestle Kingdom event. Run by NJPW, it is the largest pro wrestling event outside of the U.S. The popularity of pro wrestling or “puroresu”- a term which comes from the Japanese pronunciation of “prowres”- is so extensive in Japan that several western wrestlers such as Kenny Omega and Stan Hansen have become better known in Japan than in their home countries. For this reason, it is not uncommon for American wrestlers to learn to speak Japanese.
“ The popularity of pro wrestling or “puroresu”- a term which comes from the Japanese pronunciation of “pro-wres”- is so extensive in Japan that several western wrestlers such as Kenny Omega and Stan Hansen have become better known in Japan than in their home countries. 6
Professional wrestling has not always been as popular in Japan as it has been in the U.S. The Japanese-Korean pro wrestler Rikidozan, born in 1924, is known as the father of Puroresu and is credited with bringing pro wrestling into Japanese mainstream culture. In 1951, U.S-occupied Japan was in need of a hero who could forge a new image of the Japanese people: an image that would portray them as strong and resilient fighters. Rikidozan became that hero, with a wide smile and a fighting spirit. As a small, noble Japanese wrestler, his victories over taller
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“
Fewer theatrics or gimmicks and high levels of physical fitness and athletic ability are received by Japanese audiences with respect. and heavier American wrestlers greatly resonated with the Japanese audience of the time and reflected Japanese nationalist sympathies against The West. The cultural appeal of pro wrestling to the Japanese public was undoubtedly the fighting spirit of the wrestling heroes, which renewed their sense of national pride in post-war Japan. Pro wrestling in Japan adapted to the local culture and developed differently to U.S pro wrestling in a number of ways. Firstly, in Japan, Puroresu is presented in the form of a legitimate athletic competition. Many of the wrestlers have prior knowledge of martial arts and physical prowess, strength and agility are praised. “Strong style” is the term given to the predominant genre of Puroresu, in which much of the action involves full-contact strikes. This avoids the sometimes pantomime-style, non-contact wrestling more common in U.S fighting. Additionally, U.S wrestling is more likely to be presented in a soap opera style, with much of the storyline taking place in off-stage footage and interviews which are viewed by the audience between matches. Japanese fights, on the contrary, will often communicate an entire story arc through physical movement and body language, in just one match. This technique of weaving a story through a fight is a more skilled method of storytelling and requires a little more interpretation than the more conspicuously presented storylines of WWE. An important variance can also be noted in the reception of wrestling matches by the audience. Japanese culture is infamous for limiting public expressions of personal emotion and so Puroresu matches in Japan are consumed in a significantly different way than they are in the U.S.
Fewer theatrics or gimmicks and high levels of physical fitness and athletic ability are received by Japanese audiences with respect. Booing and name-calling, even in the case of “heels” or “bad guys”, is a rarity. In line with cultural norms, Japanese audiences will respectfully applaud at appropriate times throughout the fight. Japanese wrestlers are also praised for their commitment to “kayfabe”, the term which is used to describe the way in which fictional events in wrestling are portrayed as reality.
An injured fighter mid-match. Upholding kayfabe means ensuring continuity between matches so that the audience is immersed and engaged in the storyline. For example, if a wrestler loses a match, this should be reflected in how they present themselves emotionally and physically for their subsequent match. Upholding kayfabe allows the audience to suspend their disbelief and creates a form of entertainment which can exist in two separate realities. In this way, past characters such as Rikidozan and modernday Puroresu heroes Yujiro Kushida and Satoshi Kojima, who embody the nation’s fighting spirit, can transcend the boundary between fiction and reality and become cultural heroes, both inside the ring and out. The persistence of Kayfabe in Japan will ensure that the surprising popularity of this cultural phenomenon endures for years to come.
Jenny Murphy is a recent TSM Sociology and Spanish graduate who is currently living her best life on La Rambla in Barcelona.
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Bolivia te espera by Hannah Yael Rieger Last summer I got the chance to visit Bolivia for three weeks. I spent most of my time in La Paz but also travelled to the salt flats in the south-east of the country and to Lake Titicaca. During that time I got to know the diverse geography of the country as well as its rich cultural heritage and history. Bolivia’s multiculturalism is evident in the linguistic diversity (the Constitution of Bolivia recognises 36 official languages besides Spanish) and in the various cultural influences that have been expressed in art. It is, for example, interesting to note that while most Bolivians follow the Catholic Church, they also worship Pachamama, the goddess Mother Earth. I often found myself surprised by the diversity of the country and its people, the interaction with cultures from the past and the fascinating biodiversity of the land. The intensity of the country cannot be explained in words or pictures, but here are a few impressions from my trip to Bolivia.
To say it in the words of Boliva’s tourism slogan: Bolivia te espera - Bolivia awaits you!
El Alto is not only a very fast growing city and the second largest city of Bolivia but also the highest major metropolis in the world, as it is located on a dry plateau (the Altiplano) more than 4,000 metres above sea level. The triple- peaked mountain in the distance is the Illimani (see cover), which can be seen from most parts of La Paz as well as from El Alto. With its snow-covered peaks, it is the major landmark of both cities, and many locals feel a very strong connection to the Illimani.
The Salar de Uyuni is the world’s largest salt flat as it covers an area of 10,582 square kilometres. Among other things, the salt flat is made up of lithium, a vital component of most electric batteries. Although these lithium reserves are estimated to hold over a quarter of the world’s known reserves, the Bolivian government has yet to become a major player in the global lithium economy. For now, only 40 square kilometres are occupied by a mining complex which is part of a pilot project that aims to develop into a strong lithium industry. Environmental experts fear that a large-scale mining project could severely harm the region’s sensitive ecology. Although the salt flat is not particularly suitable for most forms of wildlife or vegetation, the Isla Incahuasi in the middle of the Salar de Uyuni hosts giant cacti and is a welcome resting spot for the birds that pass over the area. The “island” is actually the top of the remains of an ancient volcano and thus consists of deposits which imbed fossils and algae.
La Paz is located in the western part of Bolivia and it is the seat of government and the de facto national capital . Although the name of the city might suggest that it is a very calm place - la paz literally translates to peace - it is one of the busiest cities I have ever visited and its high population density means that everyone who stays in the city can indulge in a unique experience of its culture and native, as well as colonial, history. To connect the city of La Paz with the adjacent municipality El Alto, as well as to facilitate easy movement between different parts of the enormous city, a cable car system called Mi Teleférico was introduced in 2014. The residents use this cheap means of transport to move quickly between their place of work and the area they reside in, while tourists can get a better understanding of the diverse areas while travelling high above them.
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I came across an abandoned train falling apart next to the Avadar border control station, located near the point where the borders of Argentina, Bolivia and Chile meet. There is a train cemetery located close to Uyuni which served as a distribution hub before the mining industry collapsed in the 1940s and the trains were no longer used for carrying minerals to the ports of the Pacific Ocean. The infamous Lago Titicaca, which is situated between Peru and Bolivia lies at 3,810 metres above sea level in the Andes Mountains. It is not just a beautiful lake but a site of hundreds of years of history. Traces of the past cultures of the people that resided here can be found on many of its islands, while ruins and artefacts remain buried underwater.
Bolivia has an extensive variety of organisms and ecosystems due to the varying altitudes across the country. The country gained global attention in 2012 when it introduced its “Law of the Rights of Mother Earth� which accords nature the same rights as humans. This law is considered one of the most radical environmental bills in global history, as it specifically gives nature legal rights to life, regeneration, biodiversity, water, clean air, balance, and restoration. Bolivia is a fascinating country. Often it surprised me or shocked me. It felt like paradise one day and the next I could only see the impacts of colonisation or negative effects of the exploitation of natural resources. Some Bolivians welcomed me with open arms; others saw me as a rich white tourist to be ripped off. But I know one thing for sure: Bolivia me espera, Bolivia is waiting for me. I will be back one day.
The Isla del Sol is one of the largest islands of the Titicaca lake. As the terrain on the island is very steep and rocky, agricultural terraces are used for farming. The birthplace of the Inca sun god, there are over 180 ruins in the island, which can mostly be dated to the Inca period. East from the Isla del Sol you can find the smaller Isla de la Luna, or Island of the Moon. It is significant in Inca mythology as the place where the great creator deity Viracocha commanded the rising of the moon. The island is home to the ruins of the Temple of the Virgins which you can see in the picture (top right).
Hannah Yael Rieger is the Public Relations OďŹƒcer and a third year Jewish and Islamic Civilizations and Spanish student. She is a fan of feminism, dark chocolate and Scandinavia.
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Songs, stars, and sand by Hannah McCarthy
It was late December 2017. After several months on Erasmus in Seville, near the very southern tip of Spain, I decided to take advantage of my host city’s proximity to Africa. I boarded the 5 a.m. ferry from Algeciras across the Strait of Gibraltar with a gang of new friends, all of us bleary-eyed but excited. I had never visited Africa, and, disembarking at the Spanish enclave of Ceuta and crossing the border into Morocco, the realisation that I was watching the sunrise on an entirely new continent left me beaming from ear to ear. The next two days were spent bussing around the country, from Erfoud to Ifrane and the beautiful, bustling imperial city of Fez. At each stop we experienced new sights, smells and sounds, not even remotely familiar to most of us. We happened to be in the city of Meknès during the carnivallike Mawlid celebrations, marking the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday. We spent the day wandering through the city’s loud, colourful outdoor market, sidestepping the streams of excited children rushing by, and ate melt-in-your-mouth tagine in a restaurant overlooking the hubbub, listening to the call to prayer when it sounded across the square. On the third day, the bus took us all the way south, near the border with Algeria. We reached Merzouga, a small town on the edge of the enormous dunes of Erg Chebbi, a large sea of sand formed by the desert winds. There, in the
The Ksar of Ait-Ben-Haddou, outside Merzouga, Morroco.
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“ We clambered on one at a time, gingerly settling into the saddle and holding on for dear life when the camels lurched up, hind legs first. looming shadow of the Erg, we stayed overnight in a small but cosy hotel. Bright and early the next morning, I packed my bag for a chilly night in the desert - three pairs of socks, my warmest pyjamas, and my bulky, knitted cardigan (none of which, as it turned out, were quite warm enough!) - and we headed off towards the edge of the dunes. Our journey to our desert camp was on camelback, which was an adventure in itself. We clambered on one at a time, gingerly settling into the saddle and holding on for dear life when the camels lurched up, hind legs first. Miraculously, we all managed to avoid taking an undignified nosedive into the sand. Then we were off. The camels’ gait was slow and steady, thankfully – they’re not the most comfortable ride, even at a slow pace. We travelled through deep valleys and steep ridges of golden-red sand, the sun bright and the sky clear above us. The train of camels snaked along ahead into the distance, disappearing and reappearing as they navigated the towering dunes. Finally, at the base of a huge mountain of sand, we reached our campsite. It resembled a tiny village of colourful camel-hair tents, Berberstyle. We carefully disembarked from our camels, giving them one final affectionate scratch on the head to thank them for their hard work, and were split into groups and assigned tents. I found myself sharing with six girls, each of us from a different country: Ireland, France, Belgium, Peru, Poland, the Netherlands, and Germany. We said hello and got to know each other before finding the main tent, where we had dinner of couscous and vegetables and fresh fruit for dessert. As the night got chillier and chillier, some of the Berber guides - chatty and charming men, who seemed to speak Berber, Arabic, French, English, and every language in between
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- started a campfire a little outside the site and we huddled around it, trying to stave off the legendary desert night-time cold. As the flames sparked and danced in the air, someone, inevitably, started a sing-song. It was clichéd, in a way, but very hard not to join in, especially when someone enthusiastically began the chorus to Volare by the Gypsy Kings. None of us quite knew all the words, but that didn’t matter. Standing by the fire, I noticed some people leave and begin to trek up the massive dune of sand which loomed over our camp. We had all climbed it earlier, as the sun set on us, panting and struggling to get a foothold in the soft sand. Wondering what the view would be like up there now, when the sun had gone down and there was nothing in the sky but millions of stars, I began the slow, hard trudge up the dune myself. I passed some people coming down as I went up, but overall it was very quiet: I might as well have been the only person in the world. I got about four-fifths of the way to the top when I decided to stop. Gratefully sitting down on the cold sand, breathing hard from the difficult climb, I looked out across the desert.
“ We spent the day wandering through the city’s loud, colourful outdoor market, sidestepping the streams of excited children rushing by, and ate melt-in-your-mouth tagine in a restaurant overlooking the hubbub, listening to the call to prayer when it sounded across the square. There were miles and miles of sand dunes stretched all around me. Under the moonlit sky, they appeared blue. It was completely silent. One or two people had ventured up a little further than me, and they too sat alone, taking a moment to appreciate the view. It was like being on a boat in the
Alleyway in Rabat, Morocco.
middle of a frozen sea of sand, the waves rising and dipping into the distance. I remember looking for the furthest dune I could see and wondering how many miles more stretched out even beyond that. The sky above me was equally limitless. Another sea – but of twinkling stars. With my breath turning to fog in front of me and faint snatches of laughter and song drifting up from below, I sat for ten minutes, trying to memorize as much as I could. I wondered if I might ever get to see such a sight again. I eventually, reluctantly, stood up and began the much-easier climb down, leaving the silence and the sea of sand behind. When they say the desert is freezing at night, they’re not lying - I didn’t sleep much. But it was worth it. If I close my eyes, I can still see the blue sand stretching out before me.
Hannah McCarthy is the Copy Editor of Trinity Frontier Magazine and a final year European Studies student. She enjoys languages, reading, and hopes to one day visit Morocco again.
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The land of cycling, cheese, and cheap trains by Hannah Efendic In August, I left Ireland to study in what I thought was the land of cycling, cheese, and cheap trains. I wasn’t disappointed with my findings. Since my arrival, I have visited many towns and broadened my knowledge of this pretty, homey place, learning some Dutch along the way, and of course, eating local mayonnaise. Here I will share my experience with you, and some favourite photographs from my stay in the Netherlands so far. My first photos are of Tilburg, a town located in the south, twenty minutes’ train ride from Eindhoven. It is where I am staying in the Netherlands. The pre-sunset tranquillity, the cyclist, and the red brick houses depict well what I see every day here. In this neighbourhood - and all around - the houses really do look the same. The first town I explored by train was Breda - a fifteenminute ride from Tilburg. When I arrived, it was raining, and the umbrella I brought from Dublin proved useless. But as I observed medieval buildings and entered the Grote Kerk (Church of Our Lady) - one of the most important monuments in Breda - the sun came out and I stumbled across a pretty café. My next city of interest was Amsterdam, which a lot of us know well already. It can be very busy, particularly with cyclists. Until coming here, I hadn’t realised the danger of hitting another bike. It really is terrifying. On top of that, many of the buildings here were built in such a way that they appear slanted and look like they would like to whisper to you.
One of the most thrilling experiences you can have in the Netherlands is purchasing your first bike. I opted for a vibrant blue-and-orange one; it had caught my eye, and even though my father wasn’t impressed initially, he took it for a spin in front of the University. The handles are curved and upright, traditionally Dutch, which took a while getting used to. Now I have established a connection with this blue-orange bike and I yearn to bring it back to Ireland with me, although sadly I know I cannot.
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The tulip market was worth the visit as it was my first time witnessing so many bulbs in one concentrated place. It’s a real mystery how such beautiful flowers can grow from something that looks, basically, like an onion. Perhaps it’s a lesson for us to be patient, and never to judge straight away.
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The Madame Tussauds wax museum was worth the entrance fee, especially to see this little gingerbread guy.
My next destination was Arnhem, located in the east of the country and home to the Hoge Veluwe National Park, the biggest natural park in the Netherlands. It was privately owned from 1909 to 1935 by businessman Anton Kröller and his wife Helene Kröller-Müller, who collected Van Gogh’s artwork before he became famous. When the couple lost their wealth, the park became nationalised and the paintings were given to the state. In the west of the park is the Kröller-Müller museum where some of Van Gogh’s work can be found today. I biked to the museum in the park, and even though the cycle was tiring, the beauty of the surrounding forests more than justified it.
The city known for the treaty that was signed in 1992, Maastricht delivered a lot more than was expected by someone who is uninterested in bureaucratic EU paperwork. I saw a building with Karl Marx’s face on it, wandered into a church where a choir was performing and came across some funky art pieces in the Bonnefantenmuseum of fine art. The old town was striking and photogenic. It made me consider what life must have been like in medieval times.
‘The true artist helps the world by revealing mystic truths’ - the priest from Tilburg who led the trip explained that this is what Van Gogh accomplished with his work: being touched by nature and having the urge to express it somehow.
One of Maastricht’s highlights was the Dominican bookshop, built within a former church. I’ve never seen the likes of it before. As a book lover, it was truly something special; balloons, singers, and hot chocolate interspersed between shelves of words and stories from around the world. I couldn’t resist buying two books - although thankfully one was on sale!
My journey so far has left me with countless memories and I highly recommend visiting the Netherlands.
Hana Efendic is a third year Economics student currently on Erasmus in the Netherlands. She has a strong love for Bosnia and books.
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The mainstream: pubcrawling in Berlin by Alanna MacNamee
Ah, Berlin. Clubbing capital. Nightlife mecca. Point of pilgrimage for thousands of ravers, rockers and general party-lovers, all seeking to scale new heights of hedonism. And home, to the worst nightlife I’ve ever experienced, courtesy of the New Europe Tours Berlin Pub Crawl. Back in May, I arrived in this most un-German of cities, hoping to spend the summer there. I needed a job, and given my poor German language skills, I immediately seized the opportunity to work as an English-speaking guide on a pub crawl. Little did I expect what transpired: a rare insight into another side of Berlin, one that many tourists to the city will not even be aware of - The Mainstream. My first night saw me shadowing seasoned guide Elif, who was a student from Turkey. Elif kicked things off by gathering the twenty or so people partaking in the crawl outside a charity shop, where she advised them of the details of the tour. These included some nasty surprises. Crawlers would need to buy at least one tram ticket (€2.80 a piece), while the “free drinks” constituted “a free shot on entry at the second and third bars!”. Privately, she told me these “shots” were a watery vodka-cranberry mix. “And after that, it’s on to a club
“ This cheesy club is not unlike Copper Face Jacks: the music is appalling and there is a very real risk of pulling a lad from County Mayo with seven dance floors,” - although all seven would not be open, given that it was a Wednesday - “where you have VIP entry!” Looking around, she demanded excitedly, “Are you ready to party, Berlin style?” The first stop was AlexOase in Alexanderplatz, a tropical-style bar whose purple signage was more Benidorm than Berlin. Once inside, Elif dispatched our charges, pointing in the direction of the bar. Keen to ascertain the finer points of crawl leading, I began quizzing Elif. Her answers were drowned out by the shrieks of three nearby Israeli girls - keen participants on the tour - celebrating the end of their military service. By now I was more than ready for a drink and followed Elif in ordering a Malibu and pineapple juice. I soon regretted that I’d not opted for something stronger. Standing around waiting to go to the next bar was wearying in the extreme, and I, unfortunately, got caught talking to a bartender who wanted to moan about his struggles as a hip-hop musician in a city in thrall to hardcore techno. At last, the time came to move on and I was able to escape this tiresome charade. However, getting a group of twenty people who were loath to leave behind drinks they had paid extortionate prices for proved about as easy as it sounds: that is, not very. A young Swiss man was almost left behind, while the Israeli girls began desperately trying to source some hashish. Chaos reigned all the way until our arrival at Bar Number Two.
Alexanderplatz, Berlin, Germany.
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Though AlexOase was bad, this bar was worse. Really, it wasn’t even a bar: it was the basement of a restaurant, with décor not unlike the GAA club where I attended teenage discos. In fact, the music was a similar and preternaturally terrible compilation of R&B remixes from about 2009. More than one Pitbull track featured. I looked around
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for Elif. She was sat slugging her third gin and tonic and listening to an American wax lyrical about the Berlin Wall. I couldn’t get out of this bar quickly enough, and seemingly neither could the crawlers. A sizeable number of them were complaining that their €10 “fishbowls” had been almost entirely free of alcohol. I can personally attest to the veracity of this allegation. As their clamours worsened it became clear that something had to be done to diffuse the situation. That’s when Elif showed her true worth. She produced a rogue bottle of vodka and doled out the shots. The final bar was located beside Warschauer Straße, in quite a salacious part of the city, if truth be told. By now our charges were wilting and one girl had left to go home. All I could do now was to keep track of the suddenly-hungry revellers searching for pizza and shield them from street hawkers trying to sell them all manner of dubious items. “F-Bar” was a slightly more authentic establishment, though it possessed a distinctly dodgy atmosphere. A blonde teenager jerked erratically in the corner. He was scaring an American girl from the crawl and said girl’s boyfriend was made to go and speak with him. I looked around for Elif, momentarily forgetting she had gone to check on an Indian man who was puking in the toilets. Thankfully she returned in time to save the day, and to usher us onwards to the final destination: the club.
“ A blonde teenager jerked
Warschauer Straße, Berlin, Germany.
In a rare stroke of good fortune, however, I didn’t have to stay for long at Matrix. Having deposited our charges on a dancefloor peopled by at least two British stags and soundtracked by The Ketchup Song, Elif told me our work was done, and we made our escape. And so it came to be that I left a Berlin club at two in the morning rather than at two in the afternoon. That was my first and last shift on the New Europe Tours Berlin Pub Crawl. The manager comprehensively ghosted me and I did not receive a cent for my labour. But while I may not have received monetary compensation, I did gain something else: in a city where everything and everyone is alternative, it felt alternative to go mainstream. What I got to experience was the true Alternative Berlin.
erratically in the corner. He was scaring an American girl from the crawl and said girl’s boyfriend was made to go and speak with him.
Anyone who hasn’t been living under a rock will be aware of the wild reputation of the nightclubs of Berlin. Our last stop, Matrix, is not among their number. In fact, this cheesy club is not unlike Copper Face Jacks: the music is appalling and there is a very real risk of pulling a lad from County Mayo.
Alanna MacNamee is a final year English student who enjoys the weird and wonderful side of travel, and also appreciates a glass of sangria (or three…)
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Turkey: a final step toward one-man rule by Aylin Dilan Demiralp
In Turkey, the YKS exam is a one-sitting exam, where each subject covered within four years of high school is examined in one test which lasts for three hours. When the government announced a couple of months before the exam that the presidential and parliamentary elections would take place on the day of the exam itself - eighteen months earlier than planned - the whole country plunged into chaos. Plane tickets had to be returned, graduation day had to be rearranged, and the curriculum had to be changed. The exam was, naturally, postponed. Thus, the selection of the Election Day was in no way rational. Turkish politics after the 2013 protests, and especially after the failed coup d’état attempt in 2016, gradually came to resemble the irrational philosophy of nineteenth-century Europe. The fear of losing his seat made Recep Tayyip Erdogan, both president of the state and the head of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), embrace populist rhetoric and a fear-mongering, right-wing stance characteristic of rightwing parties on the rise around the world. He shaped his discourse through the mystical spirit of the “Millet”, referring to a people of Turkish descent who saved their nation from foreign invasion. This idea is very similar to the German notion of “Das Volk”, found in German Romantic nationalism (Koru). In his speeches, Erdogan warns the Millet against enemies threatening them from both inside and out, in an effort to justify the consolidation of his power. Outside, is the West. Everything that Erdogan does not likefree press, opposition parties, academics- is presented as tools used by the West in order to undermine Millet. In his foreign policy, he portrays himself as the champion of Muslim people. Indeed, he has been an advocate for Palestinian human rights, and a critic of Islamophobia. However, under his leadership, Turkey-Israel trade rose to its highest level, and by 2011 Turkey had become Israel’s sixth largest export destination. He also does little to defend the rights of Muslim minority groups, such as the Uyghurs in China. In other words, he is a champion of Muslim rights when it suits him politically. This villainization of the West was amplified after Turkey detained pastor Andrew Brunson, a US citizen, under the charges of espionage. This arrest exacerbated US-Turkey relations, which resulted in economic sanctions. Brunson was eventually released from his two-year arrest after Turkey failed to use him as a bargaining chip against the US. Erdogan, in addition, denies that Turkey is in a financial crisis, whilst simultaneously and paradoxically blaming the West
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for this crisis. At the beginning of the year 2018, 1 US Dollar corresponded to 3.77 Turkish lira; by the time of the election, 1 US Dollar had risen up to 4.74 Turkish Lira. The exchange rate has been steadily rising since and reached $1=₺6.5 in September 2018. Erdogan’s aggressive denial of this situation is also seen in the arrest of Idris Ilhan, who was blamed for terrorist propaganda after he tweeted that the rate had gone over $1=₺7.5. Turkey is in crisis and Erdogan needs to understand that it is not because of a Western enemy trying to undermine the Turkish economy: it is a result of his authoritarian rule, which has made Turkey an unreliable place for investment. Since the failed coup attempt in 2016, Erdogan has also suspected that enemies are working from the inside. Indeed, Turkey had been in a two-year state of emergency until recently. As a result, over fifty thousand people have been arrested under questionable charges and more than one hundred and sixty thousand people have lost their jobs. Many members of the Turkish parliament, especially the ones belonging to HDP, a party advocating for the rights of minorities, have been detained. Under the state of emergency and with evidence of severe electoral
Pro-Erdogan rally, July 2016.
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misconduct, Turkey switched to a presidential system that gave Erdogan supreme dominance over Turkish politics. He has since then built a coalition with a nationalist party and alienated everyone who doesn’t fit under the description of Millet: anyone speaking out about human rights became terrorists and enemies of the Millet. His nationalist endeavours even impacted Turkey’s foreign policy when, on March 18th, Turkish forces seized the city of Afrin in northern Syria, previously dominated by the Kurdish leftist democratic union. The date of the operation was not picked at random - it mirrors the Turkish victory in the Gallipoli campaign of 1915. However, this time the victory was not over European imperialist designs; it was instead an act of Turkish interference in the seven-year-long Syrian civil war. The operation was celebrated all the same by the Turkish people. Recep Tayyip Erdogan had come to power in 2002 with the promises of peace, an end to civil war, and economic stability. By 2005, Kurdish language rights were on track to be recognized, accession talks to join the EU were advancing, and Turkey was experiencing rapid economic growth. However, Erdogan is now pushing for the re-establishment of capital punishment, has seized control of independent media, banned Wikipedia, and has jailed tens of thousands of innocent reporters, elected politicians, academics and human rights defenders. He has galvanised people around nationalist ideals by reigniting the civil war against the Kurds, both within and outside Turkish borders. Thus, the timing of
these elections couldn’t be any better for the ruling party. It was indeed obvious that Erdogan wouldn’t get into a race that he couldn’t be sure of winning. However, Erdogan, though clearly a strategic thinker, did not anticipate such popular resistance against his attempts to silence any opposition. When Twitter was banned, the number of tweets from Turkish people increased by 138%, and they also found ways to bypass the Wikipedia ban. Erdogan thus encountered fierce opposition in the elections. The opposition’s strongest candidate was Muharrem Ince, a teacher representing the venerated statist party CHP, founded by Kemal Ataturk.
“Everything that Erdogan does not like - free press, opposition parties, academics - is presented as tools used by the West in order to undermine Millet. The rest of the opposition was made up of Meral Aksener, known as She Wolf and popular with Turkish youth in spite of her anti-Kurds tendencies, on one side, and on the other, Selahattin Demirtas, a pro-LGBTQ+ candidate who supports Kurdish rights and who has been campaigning from prison where he is being held as a political prisoner. Though contested, the election was inevitably won on the 24th of June 2018 by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, with 52% of the votes. The result gave Erdogan’s autocratic government legitimacy and, to some extent, a popular mandate to further his personal rule. For the West, Erdogan used to be a figure that proved that Islam and democracy could coexist peacefully. However, the result of this election is not remotely close to a political victory for Islam - it is yet another victory of nationalism. But the 20th Century has shown us that authoritarian regimes are not invincible, and they often break down violently - thus giving us good reasons to worry about Turkey’s future. Baydemir, MP of the city of Sanliurfa, said: “In my opinion, AKP will lose eventually. Erdogan is repeating the practices of dictators from world history. Pinochet lost eventually. Franco as well. Hitler also lost. But until these figures lost, they made their societies lose, made their societies suffer under their rule” (Cupolo). What will happen in the case of Turkey, only time will tell.
Aylin Dilan Demiralp is a first year student from Turkey and Russia, studying Middle Eastern and European Languages and Cultures.
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A wicked world cup by Christian Dunne
“ World Cups have never just Qatar 2022 will not be like other World Cups. Since its conception, the tournament has found itself under the shadow of shady political dealings and corruption. It will take place in a non-footballing nation; a small country unsuited to hosting the tournament. More significant than that, though, is the way in which the country is preparing itself to stage the event. In the reckless push to build the infrastructure required, Qatar has engaged a brutal system built on the exploitation of migrant labourers. This tournament has always been subject to question, and since the award of the World Cup to Qatar, FIFA has undergone a change. In 2015, an FBI investigation into racketeering and money laundering ended the football administration careers of many of FIFA’s most influential personalities. Controversial leader Sepp Blatter finally fell, and the bidding process for the 2022 World Cup was examined. As the dust settled, though, one wondered if anything really changed at all. FIFA remains associated with a culture of bribery and
been about football, and such large-scale, globally-watched events will always be harnessed for strategic reasons by those who organise them. corruption and has done little to shake the notion that its Zurich headquarters is a place where money talks. The new leader, Gianni Infantino, represents continuity rather than change. Crucially, despite whistleblower evidence of bribery in the bidding process, the World Cup in Qatar in 2022 remains in place. World Cups have never just been about football, and such large-scale, globally-watched events will always be harnessed for strategic reasons by those who organise them. Accordingly, they should be subjected to the appropriate level of scrutiny. Most notably, in 1978, the World Cup was staged in Argentina and de facto leader General Jorge Rafael Videla oversaw a memorable tournament, harvesting the joy and goodwill that came with it. Simultaneously, strongman Videla lived up to his 1976 promise, when he had declared that ‘as many people as necessary must die in Argentina so that the country will again be secure’, as his regime oversaw the murder and torture of political opponents. With hindsight, it may be trite to suggest that 1978 should not have taken place in Argentina. It is certainly easy to assert that now, with the benefit of history behind us. But it is difficult to broach such ideas in a sport where the discourse is so often defined by the inclination to separate football and politics. This is not an entirely valid way of thinking about the issue. Football did not murder or torture innocent Argentinians but it is clear that the World Cup endorsed and legitimised Argentina at the time, and represented a powerful propaganda tool to be used for Videla’s agenda. It should never have taken place under a violent regime like la última junta militar. The fact that it did is a stain on football’s past. Now, football can take a different course. With 2022 approaching, as the four-year tournament cycle clunks into gear, an army of migrant workers hammers away at World Cup construction sites. Hundreds of thousands have come, in the
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main, from South Asia and Africa, and live in camps which by law are situated outside of the city. Exceedingly long hours are worked, while the camps themselves compound a sense of isolation. Workers are segregated from Qatari citizens. Some are lured to Qatar under false pretences by agents; others are willing to take the work because even the scant pay and dangerous conditions offer hope of escape from the poverty in their home countries. A Guardian investigation in 2013 found evidence of forced labour, withholding of wages and denial of access to drinking water. Conditions mean that workers are at risk of death, and in summer that year approximately one Nepalese worker died every day on construction sites in Qatar. Early in 2018, a law change meant that employers could no longer prevent employees from leaving the country - a notable victory for migrant workers - but routine confiscation of passports means that many, still, are forced to remain. Amnesty International has reported serious exploitation, and the International Trade Union Confederation concluded that the migrant workers were, in essence, modern slaves. As Hans-Christian Gabrielsen, leader of the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions, said in October 2018, ‘If we were to hold a minute of silence for every estimated death of a migrant worker due to the construction of the World Cup, the first forty-four matches of the tournament would be played in silence’. What these workers build will be stadiums, but also monuments to human suffering, left there to remind us of the shameful price paid to throw football’s biggest party. The Qatar World Cup is essentially a folly. Rearranged to take place in winter because the climate prohibits a popularlyfavoured summer tournament, it will be staged in a country where ‘fans’ in the past have been paid to fill empty stadiums in the domestic league, as supporters have little interest. FIFA will assert that in choosing Qatar they are trying to grow the sport by expanding football’s reach, but suggestions of a corrupt bidding process lead to scepticism. Yet it is more
Preview of the main Qatari stadium.
than that. This has become a wicked World Cup and it is being chiselled into existence by many thousands of souls at terrible human cost. As we near 2022, there is a sense of inevitability: an idea that no matter what any fan, or any player, or any individual at all can do, the systems which govern the sport will find a way to remain or to reemerge. There is a feeling that the way of operating which has led to a situation like the one in Qatar will always prevail. As far as FIFA is concerned, the unconvincing reforms after 2015 seem to support this idea. So often, apathy reigns. But football does not have to sleepwalk into the future. Football administrators, media organisations, coaches, players, fans and anyone else who disagrees with what is happening to hundreds of thousands of human beings on behalf of the game in Qatar can act on that belief. The lives lost up to this point are never coming back, but now, with some conviction, the sport can write itself a new history. Otherwise, we are headed towards football’s greatest shame.
“FIFA remains associated with a culture of bribery and corruption and has done little to shake the notion that its Zurich headquarters is a place where money talks.
Christian Dunne is our Travel Editor. He is a final year History student and an avid Chelsea fan.
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Is China conquering the developing world? by Francisco Onofre As the Cold War came to an end in the early 1990s, the upcoming millennium heralded a bright future for liberal democracy. The question that now remained was not how, but when the countries from across the iron curtain would inevitably democratize? The EU directed its diplomatic firepower at the eastern bloc to incentivize a seamless transition to democracy, which, save for the unfortunate case of Yugoslavia, was surprisingly successful. Even the constituent republics of the former Soviet Union failed to harken back to their bloody genocidal pasts. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, most embraced the core tenets of liberalism and hurried to join the Western world order and its institutions. However, China’s current astronomic rise from an agrarian society to an economic and geopolitical powerhouse has countered the general trend of liberalization that pervaded the 1990s. In “The End of History”, Francis Fukuyama predicted that economic liberalization would inevitably bring about political liberalization. Indeed, it was expected that once societies
Jungliangcheng Power Plant.
got richer, the pursuit of material wealth would overpower the fickle appeal of authoritarian ideology. In many cases, Fukuyama was right: many dictatorships embraced freemarket capitalism and democracy, entering the western sphere. However, China’s rapid modernization clearly didn’t mean westernization. Although the increasingly-large Chinese middle-class is now travelling to Europe and America, buying port wine or Irish whiskey, watching Hollywood movies, or even supporting Manchester United, they haven’t found their new habits incompatible with their lifestyle in China. In fact, access to western luxuries has only reinforced their belief that the current system works. The utmost source of legitimacy for a political order is the failure of the status quo ante. Three decades ago, China was as poor as Malawi; since then, its economy has expanded nine-fold, lifting hundreds of millions out of chronic poverty. This speaks to the success of Deng Xiaoping’s down-to-earth policy of “seeking truth from facts” by observing local conditions and focusing on tangible benefits. Deng once told Ghanaian President Jerry Rawlings to not “copy our model. If there is any experience on our part, it is to formulate policies in light of one’s own national conditions.” This year at Davos, Xi Jinping made the grand opening of the “new model” for developing nations “who want to speed up their development while preserving their independence”. Reading in between the lines, this speech showed strongmen that China would willingly trade their economic growth without democratization in exchange for their loyalty. Domestically, this new model of governance implies the reviving of the founding myths of Maoist China and a commitment by the Communist Party to its Leninist ideas of control over every aspect of private life. Those hoping that global leadership would push the Chinese to accept and engage with a rules-based global order have been starkly proved wrong. Clearly, it seems that the China of the 21st century is one in which it will behave according to its own terms. The “Great Helmsman”, as Xi has been described by Chinese state media (alluding to Mao’s own grandiose title) is now
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constitutionally set to rule for life over 18% of mankind with an iron grip. Xi’s Chinese Communist Party (CCP) systematically deprives its people of political rights and religious freedom, while monopolizing media and internet access, all of which crucial pillars of any civil society with a robust social fabric. Additionally, it is planning to install an Orwellian social credit system. The dire situation of Tibetans and Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities further underscores the CCP’s dismal human rights record. China’s efforts to regain international glory and right the wrongs of its ‘century of humiliation’ at the hands of western powers are no longer silent, as initially defended by Deng Xiaoping. Nowadays, the road to superpowerdom is blatant and boisterous -- China’s emphatic investments in infrastructure across the developing world show its clear ambitions to redesign the architecture of the world economy. But it does so with a purely realist-driven, for-profit ambition, particularly in Africa, where its appeal is clear.
“ China has been keen on sustaining the myth that tighter links with developing nations offer a win-win for both sides. However, its foreign policy has often relied on predation and the abuse of smaller countries, while economically it has depended on protectionism and intelligence theft to further its own goals Many Africans enjoy the appeal of China because it is ready to engage in business and not treat it, like the West often did, as an ‘aid’ case. “I am a big Sinophile because I recognize we need China’s investment and we need jobs and trade and we need something to happen,” says Dambisa Moyo, a Zambian economist. “Americans are not prepared to write big checks to drive trade and job creation in Africa anymore.” The reality is that the Chinese model has proved far more effective in terms of eradicating poverty than the American model. Americans tend to be more ideologically-driven, assuming that democratic institutions will automatically take root, with little regard for how a society can prepare for such a transition. In many sub-Saharan African countries, liberalization and privatization were encouraged without the necessary accompanying safety nets and regulatory frameworks. More importantly, democracy was incentivized without rule of law or an essential underlying political culture,
often resulting in woeful outcomes. The ultimate undertaking for the governments of developing countries is to weed out poverty and attend to other structural problems in their societies, such as corruption and extremism. What they do need is a strong government with the means to deliver the most basic needs of their societies, not a liberal democracy. At the moment, this model simply fails to match the successes of the outcome-driven Chinese model, as clearly shown in the failures in Haiti or Iraq. For many budding strongmen struggling with the consolidation of authority within their domestic political arenas, China’s rise, underpinned in an internal consensus ensuring political and macroeconomic stability, offers an ideal alternative to liberal democracy. As long as China maintains its pragmatic foreign and economic policy, it will be viewed by the developing world as a modest leader-byexample - while America is the pedantic, hypocritical lecturer. This is further underscored by America’s incapacity to practice what it preaches to others. Few will take America’s defence of human rights seriously as long as children are separated from their parents at its borders or pointless wars are waged overseas. These double standards on America’s part are ones which its ideological adversaries are happy to exploit. At least China is honest about its intentions, most would say. China has been keen on sustaining the myth that tighter links with developing nations offer a win-win for both sides. However, its foreign policy has often relied on predation and the abuse of smaller countries, while economically it has depended on protectionism and intelligence theft to further its own goals. Many of its infrastructure programmes in developing countries often include grave encroachments upon states’ sovereignties, as well as debt traps: putting these vulnerable states at the mercy of their creditors. In many cases, like Sri Lanka or the Maldives, infrastructure is a cover for military expansion. The current protests in Vietnam highlight the difficulties in embracing Chinese investments while defending state sovereignty. Additionally, when confronted with blatant human rights abuses prompted by their economic expansion, the Chinese are unapologetic in their dismissal of such claims, answering with the traditional ‘business is business’ quip. Much to my discontent, the appeal of the Chinese model is undeniable. The cost to the efficient governance of the western American model is simply too large for developing states to incur. The question that now remains is whether a future Pax Sinensis, currently replacing the Pax Americana, will truly bring about an improvement in the human condition of the developing world -- my guess, sadly, is that it won’t.
Francisco Onofre is a final year History and Political Science student with a passion for diplomacy and conflict resolution.
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The Kavanaugh Effect by Laura Browne
On Saturday 6th October 2018, judge Brett Kavanaugh was elected and sworn in as a justice on the Supreme Court, the highest court in the United States. Despite Kavanaugh’s turbulent journey from judge to justice after sexual allegations were made against him by Dr. Christine Blasey Ford, the Senate voted 50-48 to confirm him. The case of Kavanaugh’s appointment will be remembered in American history for years to come as it did not remain a mere judicial matter, but became the most politically-influenced court ruling that has hit the United States in years. The appointment of Judge Kavanaugh has shaken the foundations of the Supreme Court’s legitimacy. What should be a non-partisan institution, the court in this particular case, has jumped from being a legislative branch to being a politically-ruling branch. The appointment of Kavanaugh is feared to have damaged the trust between US citizens and their Supreme Court. The case has strengthened the divide that already existed between the Democrats and the Republicans. The coming midterms have provoked more debate than usual, as they are seen as a vote on Donald Trump’s presidency. If these elections change nothing, it will be believed that Americans want more of what they have now. At time of writing, the Republicans have control of the House, but control of Congress is up for grabs. What makes these particular midterm elections interesting is the as-yetunknown impact of the appointment of Brett Kavanaugh. Throughout this case, the Republicans have slammed the Democrats for ‘dragging Kavanaugh’s name through the
“The case of Kavanaugh’s appointment will be remembered in American history for years to come as it did not remain a mere judicial matter, but became the most politically-influenced court ruling that has hit the United States in years.
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dirt.’ One Senator in particular, Lindsey Graham, vouched for Kavanaugh and described him as someone who is ‘not Bill Cosby’ nor ‘ Harvey Weinstein’. The Kavanaugh Case has added fuel to the battle between the Republicans and Democrats. On one hand, you have Republicans who are angry about the way they believe Democrats have treated Judge Kavanaugh: the question is, will that urge Republicans to counter the Democrats by turning out at polling stations? On the other hand, could the appointment of Brett Kavanaugh galvanise Democrats to turn out in higher-than-usual numbers? The fact is that the appointment of Brett Kavanaugh is one of the least favourable decisions that Americans have seen being made in relation to their Supreme Court. The quickly-increasing tribalism recognised in US politics for months now has been exemplified by the Supreme court ruling. Another battle in American politics is the fact that Justice Brett Kavanaugh tips the balance, making the Supreme Court shift more to the right. Kavanaugh will replace Justice Anthony Kennedy, who has been called the ‘median justice’ for more than half his tenure. It is said that Kavanaugh’s ideologies align more with those of fellow justice Neil Gorsuch, who went to the same elite preparatory school as Kavanaugh. This will result in a more conservative Supreme Court, with 5 out of 9 Justices leaning right. Trump’s support for Kavanaugh and lack thereof for Dr. Ford has sparked an outcry amongst the Democrats. At a Mississippi rally, Trump brazenly mocked Dr. Ford and discredited her allegations. For the leader of an extremely polarised nation to speak so boldly against an apparent victim of sexual assault is very damaging to the trust of the citizens of the United States. If we put aside the allegations made against Kavanaugh and focus rather on how he portrayed himself during his
“For the leader of an extremely polarised nation to speak so boldly against an apparent victim of sexual assault is very damaging to the trust of the citizens of the United States. testimony, is it possible for America to have faith that its newly-elected Supreme Court judge will be fair and impartial? Or is the essence of that ruined? Republicans have defended Kavanaugh’s outbursts during his second hearing as those of an innocent man whose reputation is being torn down. Others, however, are more critical of Kavanaugh. Members of the public, politicians, senators, lawyers from Harvard Law School, and many more have expressed their doubt that Kavanaugh will be a non-partisan member of the Supreme Court. Justice Cheryl Kagan spoke out about Kavanaugh’s appointment and the effect it has on the credibility of the Supreme Court. She emphasised how the court ‘orders through their legitimacy’. She expressed her concern should the American public no longer respect and therefore listen to the Supreme Court, the highest power in the judiciary. A burning question continues to challenge America – can Brett Kavanaugh ever again be the man we saw in the first round of hearings? Or did the second round expose him as the kind of judge he is, and the justice he will be? As the case of Brett Kavanaugh closes and the sun sets on the US Supreme Court appointment, the full extent of the damage that has been done will not be revealed until the next few months. Some will say the Democrats launched this attack on Kavanaugh as a way to keep him out of the Supreme Court for expressing his controversial views on issues such as abortion others simply saw a polarising man who was not fit to be their Supreme court judge. The Brett Kavanaugh Effect will be first seen after the midterm results are released, but will be felt for many years thereafter. The extent of the damage is unknown, for now. But for many citizens, this appointment will neither be forgiven nor forgotten.
Above: Anti-Kavanaugh protest in Washington, D.C. Opposite, bottom right: Dr. Ford swearing in at court.
Helpline numbers: Dublin Rape Crisis Centre (1800) 77 8888 Cork Sexual Violence Centre (1800) 496 496 Rape Crisis Midwest (1800) 311 511
Laura Browne is a second year Sociology and Social Policy student.
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