A.M.I.A.C.T.

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A.M.I.A.C.T. ALLISON MONTANA INSTITUTE OF ART, CULTURE and TRADITION

Project Definition Report August 2010



A.M.I.A.C.T. ALLISON MONTANA INSTITUTE OF ART, CULTURE and TRADITION

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS project team TULANE CITY CENTER with: Irene Keil (project lead) Michael Keller (team lead) Greg Barton Dan Kautz partners Faces of Culture (Sabrina Montana) consultants The Neighborhood Story Project (Rachel Breunlin) advisers + contributors Darryl and Sabrina Montana, Joyce Montana, Al Harris, Bruce “Sunpie” Barnes, Helen Regis, Matt Sakakeeny, Jeffrey Ehrenreich, Ivan Watkins and archivists at the following research institutions: Historic New Orleans Collection, New Orleans Public Library and City Archives, New Orleans Notarial Archives, Southeastern Architectural Archive, Tulane University Louisiana Collection, William Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive, Amistad Research Center



A.M.I.A.C.T. ALLISON MONTANA INSTITUTE OF ART, CULTURE and TRADITION

The following study was carried out with students at theTulane Architecture School through their applied urban research and community outreach program, housed in the TULANE CITY CENTER. In preparation for a new Institute of Art, Culture and Tradition - A.M.I.A.C.T. - as envisioned by “Faces of Culture”, a local nonprofit organization that seeks to protect street-based cultural expressions in New Orleans, research was done on a proposed site along North Claiborne Avenue, on its larger context - the neigborhood of Tremé, and on the street-based groups that are to become the focus of the new Institute. The report seeks to bring into focus the broad vision of the founders of the Institute; it tests the potential of the Claiborne site with planning and design studies, and develops a viable program for the building. A final rendering speculates on an architectural expression for the Institute within the context of Claiborne Avenue and the neighborhood of Tremè.


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TremĂŠ Square 196 Street-based Groups: Introduction Mardi Gras Indians Social Aid & Pleasure Clubs Neighborhood Brass Bands Skeletons Baby Dolls

CULTURAL CONTEXT

CULTURAL CONTEXT

PROJECT VISION

PROJECT VISION

INDEX

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

Introduction Goals Mission Financial Strategies Partners Project Description

Project Overview Site Zoning + Massing Program Phasing + Cost Estimates Design Concepts Phase 1 - Proposal

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Bibliography


“We made this little parade up Claiborne to Orleans, and for one brief, shining moment, there was this collection of Indians, Skeletons, Baby Dolls and Zulu passing all at the same time. It was like, ‘Yes! Oh, finally.’ I was able to bring this harmonic convergence of Carnival again. I don’t think it’s happened again. But that one time....” Royce Osborn, 2004, in: Rally of the Dolls, by Noah Bonaparte Pais, Gambit February 16, 2009


CULTURAL CONTEXT

CULTURAL CONTEXT


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The present thickly settled Dryades Market section was a swamp with a dirty shallow lake called Gormley’s Basin until about 1870. All of the residential sections of the city beyond Claiborne Avenue, with the above exceptions, were swamp tracts and dairy farms until the drainage system was built and their development began - about 1900. Cla

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WPA Guide to New Orleans, 1938

CULTURAL CONTEXT

The city developed much more slowly toward the lake because the swamp had to be cleared and drained. Bayou Road led to the old French settlements on Bayou St. John near the present head of Esplanade Avenue. Faubourg Tremé developed back of Congo Square in the 1830’s, and the building of the Pontchartrain Railroad in 1831 developed Elysian Fields Avenue and Milneburg. There was also a road along Bayou St. John to Spanish Fort. In the 1840’s Common Street was the chief road to the cemeteries and Metairie Race Track. A bridge crossed the New Basin Canal at this point and a shell road, a favorite ‘speedway’, led to Lake End (now West End). Until about 1858 Canal Street still had an old plank-covered canal from Claiborne on, and was slow in developing.


Pintado, 1804

Project Site Square 196

(old Square 70)

Tanesse, 1815

Pinistri, 1841


TREMÉ

The Neighborhood

The Faubourg Tremé, commonly known as Tremé, is the oldest urban African-American neighborhood in the United States and one of the oldest planned subdivisions outside the French Quarter. Geographically between N. Rampart and N. Broad, Orleans and Esplanade, it is often perceived as the area between N. Rampart and Claiborne, with the remainder toward Broad Street labeled The Sixth Ward.

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The Tremé neighborhood began as the Morand Plantation and two forts - St. Ferdinand and St. John - as depicted in a 1804 map by Vicente Pintado. The area was a cypress swamp adjacent to the important 18th century artery of the old portage route along Bayou Road. It was part of the City Commons, considered vacant and useless, good for public grazing and free firewood. It received its name from one Claude Tremé, a model hat maker and real estate developer who migrated from France and settled in New Orleans in 1783, purchasing land from the Morand plantation, subdividing and selling it to both Whites and Creole people of color. In 1794, a drainage and shipping canal was built to connect “the back of town” with Bayou St. John which in turn connected with Lake Pontchartrain. Carondelet Canal became a major artery for the passage of commerce. Flat-bottomed scows transported lumber, pitch, brick, seafood, and charcoal along its length. Its terminal basin in Tremé was always full of boats, and the banks were crowded with warehouses to store goods.

Tremè and Portage Route

The construction of the canal spurred development. In 1812 Faubourg Tremé was incorporated into the City of New Orleans and under the order of the city council city surveyor Jacques Tanesse began to subdivide the land on a plan similar to that of the French Quarter. The site of Fort Ferdinand, in axis with Jackson Square and the Cathedral, was left as an open public space called “Place Publique”. It was later named Congo Square, which already had been a setting for communal and market activities prior to the plotting of Faubourg Tremé, by some accounts already in the 1740s. The area behind the city had become a public place for New Orleans’ slaves to gather on their day off on Sunday afternoons for their musical ceremonies and voodoo rituals. The new suburb was soon to house a diverse population of Creoles, free persons of color, Americans and European immigrants. A 1841 map by S. Pinistri shows the settling of the area going well beyond Claiborne Avenue toward Broad Street. The area around the turning basin shows the new parish prison built in 1831 in a small square bound by Orleans, St. Ann, Tremé and Marais. Residences were built in the vicinity, and within a few years the Tremé market was established in a square near the Turning Basin where goods arrived from the Golf of Mexico to be distributed around the city. The market was located on the neutral ground of Orleans Avenue between Marais and N. Robertson. A photograph from the 1900s shows the building extended over Villere Street with a streetcar line below. It was demolished in 1932 to make room for the approach to the new Municipal Auditorium constructed behind the old Congo Square. Since 1841, St. Augustine’s Catholic Church has occupied the corner of St. Claude and Bayou Road (Governor Nicholls Street) and since then has become an important cultural and spiritual center for the community; so have the New Orleans African American Museum in the former Meilleur-Goldthwaite House from 1829 further down the street, and the Backstreet Cultural Museum in a former Funeral Home just across from the church. Just outside the border of Tremé was the famous red-light district Storyville, where from 1897 until its closure in 1917 live music thrived in dance halls and parlors. Many famous musicians played regularly in well known establishments such as Lula White’s Mahogany Hall, Tom Anderson’s Saloon, Johnny Lala’s Clubs and the Big 25.

CULTURAL CONTEXT


Christopher Porchè West; Second Line on N. Claiborne, 1980’s


From the time of Faubourg Tremé’s earliest settlement to its urbanization, free persons of color played a predominant role within the entire geographic area. Because of their integrated participation in the social, economic, architectural, agricultural, military, and religious development, they created an area unique in the history of the United States.

Tremé became home to a large number of “gens the couleur libre” (free people of color), defined as those who possessed property rights even while lacking political and civil rights. They usually gained their freedom during the colonial period and the American period prior to the Civil War through manumission, emancipation by father/owner, self purchase, military service, and (as established under Spanish rule) by living as free for at least 20 years. In the late 1800’s, Tremé was a vibrant, prosperous and ethnically diverse community. Free people of color residing in Tremé were some of the city’s finest craftsmen, artisans and musicians. “....the 1,792 free Negro males listed in the 1850 census were engaged in fifty-four different occupations; only 9.9 percent of them were unskilled laborers. Some of them even held jobs as architects, bookbinders, brokers, engineers, doctors, jewelers, merchants, and musicians.” J. W. Blassingame: Black New Orleans, 1860-1880, Chicago, 1973

In the 1900’s, Claiborne Avenue with its canopy of majestic oak trees in the middle became Tremé’s main business corridor for the African American community. Many businesses were spurred by the Old Basin, or Carondelet Canal, built in 1794 to drain the marshy lands behind town and prepare the land for subsequent habitation. The canal became an important shipping channel bringing goods and travelers to the edge of the old city. By the early 1820’s, it was reported that some 70 to 80 vessels could be found in the Canal on most given days. Its large turning basin in the heart of Tremé became a thriving commercial waterfront area which supplied goods for the many markets and stores developing around the basin and along Claiborne Avenue. Tremé has a rich cultural and architectural heritage. It once housed a wealth of Halls, Benevolent Organizations, and Social Aid and Pleasure Clubs. The soirees sponsored by them played an essential role in the life of the community. While they provided mutual aid in adversity, the Benevolent Societies also brought people together in celebration. “There used to be a lot of clubs....They used to meet regular. They had nights for ladies; they played cards, they had concerts - a piano player or two or three musicians; it all depended what night of the week it was. Sometimes they used to have very serious meetings, and talk about how to do something good for the members....When a member died, naturally all the members would meet at the club. They would have a brass band....” Sidney Bechet

Eighty percent of the lots between Dumaine and St. Bernard, North Rampart and North Broad were owned by persons of mixed heritage one or more times since the Spanish colonial period. New Orleans Architecture Vol. VI

The best known halls were The Veterans (on St. Philip between Claiborne and N. Robertson), The Co-Operators Hall, also “Hopes Hall” (at 922 N. Liberty between St. Philip and Dumaine), Economy Hall (1422 Ursulines between Villere and Marais), The Lions Club and the San Jacinto (both on Dumaine in or near the 1400 block). The San Jacinto of the pre-60’s attracted hundreds of fun seeking masqueraders to its all day dances on Mardi Gras; for years, it also was a boxing center for Black youth. The Lions Club was used by the Turco Riders, a group of sportin’ life people who frequented the local race track and dressed as jockeys on horses during their annual summer parade. By contrast, members of the Young Veterans Society wore knicker pants and derby hats for their parades. Tremé Halls were used for business meetings of the benevolent societies and for the societies’ summer banquets (called “Bon-Kays”). “Bon-Kays” were day-time affairs, noon till evening, which featured luncheon speakers and jazz bands that rendered a rousing version of “Home Sweet Home” just before breakup time.

CULTURAL CONTEXT

People and Culture


Michael P. Smith, Mardi Gras Indian on N.Claiborne, 1983


The Tremé, historically and of today, is well known for its tradition of jazz funerals and parade clubs like the 6th Ward Diamonds, the 6th Ward Highsteppers, and Tremé Sports. For over a century, brass bands, such as the Onward, Eureka, and Olympia have played for parades, benevolent societies’ burials and dances, church festivals, political rallies, Masonic processions and rituals, and on holidays such as Labor Day and Odd Fellow’s Day making Tremé a neighborhood with a rich and vibrant music tradition. Tremé streets have always been alive with music for more than a century - music for parades, funerals, church festivals, processions, dances, holidays, ordinary days. Street music is more than a special event; it is a daily celebration of life. As jazz clarinetist Sidney Bechet explained: “You know how it is - a parade, it just makes you stop anything you’re doing; you stop working, eating, any damn’ thing, and you run out, and if you can’t get in it you just get as close as you can.”

Historically, Jazz funerals and second line parades wound their way through the neigborhood, starting from nearby funeral homes and often terminating in St. Louis cemetery #1. Claiborne Avenue with its wide shaded middle became the main promenade, the front door of the community. Today, the longevity of its parading traditions and the evolution ot its associated music developed in its many halls and performance spaces define the cultural significance of Tremé. Anniversary parades and funerals still play a big part in the community’s life, and the many social clubs try to outdo each other in dress, music and dancing at their annual parades which take place in Fall and around Easter. On Monday night, about 25 of the city’s top-rung brass-band musicians mourned Kerwin James the way they hope to be mourned themselves: They paraded around Tremé, taking the same well-trod route that the spontaneous parades often take. They started at the corner of North Robertson and St. Philip streets, then criss-crossed through the quiet streets of old Tremé, which stretches from Esplanade Avenue to Basin Street, from Rampart Street to Claiborne Avenue. On horns and drums were James’ lifelong friends, bandmates from the New Birth Brass Band and members of the Rebirth Brass Band, including James’ brother, tuba player Phil Frazier. Dancing along with the band was a crowd of about 100 people, including about 30 children. At some street corners, the band stopped and played for a few minutes while fancy dancers strutted and dipped and elderly neighbors in bathrobes stepped out onto their stoops to wave and give their condolences to James’ family. At about 8 p.m., nearly 20 police cars swarmed to a Tremé corner, breaking up the memorial procession and taking away two well-known neighborhood musicians in handcuffs. The brothers, snare drummer Derrick Tabb and trombonist Glen David Andrews, were in a group of two dozen musicians playing a spontaneous parade for tuba player Kerwin James, who died last week of complications from a stroke he had suffered after Hurricane Katrina. The confrontation spurred cries in the neighborhood about the over-reaction and disproportionate enforcement by police, who had often turned a blind eye to the traditional memorial ceremonies. Still others say the incident is a sign of a greater attack on the cultural history of the old city neighborhood by well-heeled newcomers attracted to Tremé by the very history they seem to threaten. Times Picayune, 10.03.07

Until the mid-1950’s, all African Americans were prohibited from participating in official Mardi Gras celebrations on St. Charles and Canal Streets. The nexus of their Mardi Gras celebrations centered around Claiborne Avenue. Historically, the King of Zulu had arrived by boat at the nearby Carondelet Canal Turning Basin, and the Krewe of Zulu, brass bands and Mardi Gras Indians then paraded along the beautiful tree-lined neutral ground on Claiborne Avenue through the heart of Tremé. Masking Indian, the masking of Blacks as Native Americans, is strongly associated with Tremé, and although the various tribes don’t follow a set route, sometime during Mardi Gras Day they travel to meet at the neutral ground of Claiborne. Their historic meeting point at the intersection of Claiborne with Dumaine later shifted to the intersection with Orleans when Zulu changed its route to start uptown and end at Orleans.

CULTURAL CONTEXT

People and Culture


The Old Basin Canal and Turning Basin were filled in; later, the Lafitte housing project was constructed in its place.

T R E M E

Claiborne Avenue

F R E N C H

Q U A R T E R 200 majestic live oak trees were cut down on Claiborne Avenue to make room for the elevated highway I-10.

The 16 square blocks of vibrant Storyville were demolished and replaced with the Iberville housing project.

Nine square blocks of historic houses around Congo Square were demolished for the construction of a fenced-in park and a theater of the performing arts.

BEAUREGARD PARK (CONGO SQUARE)


“Many of yesterday’s jazz legends walked up and down Claiborne Avenue. They lived there or visited friends and family there, in the heart of this culturally rich black neighborhood of New Orleans. Black store owners often lived in apartments above their establishments on Claiborne Avenue. Their front porches, where many a pickup session was held, faced out onto mighty rows of ancient oaks. The trees were four stories high and, according to some, the longest continuous chain of oaks in the United States. But that was before I-10 was built through, or rather over, Claiborne Avenue in the early 1960’s. The Roads that built America

Two large interventions in 1938 and in 1941 changed the neighborhood dramatically: the infamous Storyville district was razed to make room for the ten-block Iberville housing development, and the Old Basin (or Carondelet) Canal was filled in and replaced with the Lafitte Housing Project. The ill effects of these interventions are still felt today and only recently has there been a debate about the future of the housing projects and a redesign that attempts to repair the historic street grid and reconnect neighborhoods. A devastating blow was dealt to the community with several changes in the 1960’s, which affected two key areas that had defined life in Tremé for centuries: Congo Square - the historic and spritual center for the African American community, and Claiborne Avenue with its green promenade in the center providing a stage for the celebrations and expressions of life in the community. At the boundary with the French Quarter, nine square blocks of historic houses around Congo Square were demolished for the construction of a fenced-in park and a theater of the performing arts. Congo Square was absorbed in this performing art complex and lost its function and meaning. In the heart of the Tremé neighborhood, two-hundred live oak trees were cut down along Claiborne Avenue and nearly 500 homes removed to make room for an elevated highway. The once thriving business street with its park-like middle shaded by oak trees and used for gatherings, picnics, parades and celebrations - the treasured front porch of the community - was now severed in half and became more of a border than a uniting middle; houses and businesses along Claiborne deteriorated quickly and fell into disrepair within twenty years. Today, this stretch of North Claiborne Avenue is an assembly of poorly maintained houses and vast open land. The elevated highway has become a visual and psychological barrier between the two sides of Claiborne Avenue; the former parade ground has become a cemented parking lot, a dark and menacing space underneath a vast linear concrete structure.

underneath I-10 at Claiborne + Dumaine

“...More brick structures and historic buildings of quality than remain on any similar number of squares in the area beyond Rampart.....House types and styles, like those considered worthy of National Register status in the Vieux Carre were razed.” New Orleans Architecture, Volume VI

In the 1990’s, efforts were made by the city and the local community to reclaim the formal and informal public spaces of Tremé. Its value and potential as one of the nation’s oldest neighborhoods for people of color was recognized, and in 1998 the City Council authorized the creation of the Tremé Historic District to protect its architecture and its character. In 2009, the latest draft of a master plan for the city of New Orleans proposed to replace sections of the Interstate 10-Claiborne expressway with a tree-lined “urban boulevard”.

(article from Times Picayune, 3.23.09)

In July, the Congress for New Urbanism received a $15,000 grant from the National Endowment for the Arts “to support an urban development and environmental planning process” aimed at restoring North Claiborne.

(article from Times Picayune, 7.12.09)

CULTURAL CONTEXT

The Destruction


Gov Nicholls St

Ursulines Ave

St Philip St

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St Ann St

Orleans Ave

St Peter St

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St Louis St

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Bienville Ave

Iberville St

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St Bernard Ave

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TREMÉ

Collective Memory Map

THE MAP OF TREMÉ represents the collective memory of its people, layering past and presence into one map, one place. It is a map that should be continuously written and updated, reminding us of places, buildings, events, ceremonies, and rituals. As Maurice Halbwachs states, collective memory is important for the constitution of identity, and for place making.

location of Bayous in 1804 (Pintado map)

TREMÉ BOUNDARIES 35

property divisions from 1804 (Pintado map)

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Tremé Historic District, as defined by the Historic District Landmark Commission (HDLC)

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Extent of perceived Tremé boundaries

7th WARD

existing demolished / moved


Collective Memory “.....As this wave from memories flows in, the city soaks it up like a sponge and expands. A description of Zaira as it is today should contain all Zaira’s past. The city, however, does not tell its past, but contains it like the lines of a hand, written in the corners of the streets, the gratings of the windows, the banisters of the steps, the antennae of the lightning rods, the poles of the flags, every segment marked in turn with scratches, indentations, scrolls.”

Congo Square (now in Armstrong Park) Southern Railway Terminal (Passenger Station Canal St) Southern Railway (Freight Office Basin St) Southern Railway (Freight Sheds) train tracks on Basin Street Greyhound Bus Terminal Armstrong Park (600-800 N.Rampart) Municipal Auditorium Rabassa De-Pouilly House (Armstrong Park; moved from St.Ann) Old Parish Prison Carondelet Canal and Turning Basin 200 live oak trees and the grassy median at N. Claiborne Avenue N.Claiborne + Orleans (Mardi Gras Indian meeting point) N.Claiborne + Dumaine (historic Mardi Gras Indian meeting point) Tremé Market (Orleans neutral ground between Marais + N.Villere) Rocheblave Market (203 N.Rocheblave) Lebreton, or Old Indian Market (Dorgenois + Bayou Road) Circle Food Store (1522 St.Bernard) Krauss Department Store (1201-1217 Canal) La Branche Pharmacy (818 N.Claiborne) Rhodes Funeral Home (1716 N.Claiborne) Carr-Llopis-Boissiere Mortuary (1620 Dumaine) Charbonnet-Labat-Glapion Funeral Home (1615 St.Philip) Congress Hat and Cap Store (838 N.Claiborne) French Hospital, later Knights of Peter Claver (1825 Orleans) St.Peter Claver Church (1923 St.Philip) People’s Life Insurance Company St.Ann Shrine (2101 Ursulines). Ujamaa Square (Ursulines, between N.Galvez + N.Johnson). St. Louis Cemetery #1 (St.Louis + Basin) St. Louis Cemeteries #2 (N.Claiborne, between Iberville + St.Louis) St. Augustine Church + LA Museum of African American History Morand-Tremé House (now asphalt playground of St.Augustine church) St. James AME Church (222 N.Roman) Corpus Christi (2022 St.Bernard) Backstreet Cultural Museum; former Blandin Funeral Home (1116 St.Claude) NO African American Museum (Meilleur-Goldthwaite House) (1418 Gov.Nicholls) Passebon Cottage (1431-33 Ursulines) NO Jazz&Heritage Found. (Tharp-Sontheimer Funeral Home) (1225 N.Rampart) Tremé Community Center (1600 St.Philip) Sojourner Truth Community Center (2200 Lafitte) Greater Tremé Consortium (816 N.Robertson) Phyllis Wheatley Elementary School (2300 Dumaine)

Italo Calvino, Invisible Cities (Cities & Memory 3)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

Lafitte Housing Project Iberville Housing Project Storyville Alamo Dance Hall (Burgundy St. at 1001 Canal) Allegro Club (1618 Dumaine) Artesan Hall (Derbigny betw. Columbus + Kerlerec) Autocrat Club (1725 St.Bernard) Brown Derby / Gypsy Tea Room (Villere + St.Ann) Caldonia Inn (St.Philip at Rampart) Candlelight Lounge (925 N.Robertson) Carver Theater (2101 Orleans) Club Imagine (St.Bernard, near St.Claude) Coliseum Boxing Arena (401 N.Roman + Conti) Daysman Club Economy Hall (1422 Ursulines) Francis Amis Hall (1420 N.Robertson) Globe Hall (168 St.Peter near Congo Square) Harlequin/Clabon Theater (1031 N.Claiborne) Hope’s Hall; also: Co-operative Hall (922 Tremé, betw. St.Ann + Orleans) Japanese Tea Garden (1140 St.Philip) Les Jeunes Amis / Equity Hall (1477 N.Robertson, moved from 1321 Dumaine) Local 496 (Columbus + N.Claiborne) L’Union Francaise Hall (N.Rampart betw. Dumaine+St.Philip) Mahogany Hall [Lulu White] (235 N.Basin) Perfect Union Hall (N.Rampart + Dumaine) Perseverance Hall #4 (901 St.Claude) Picon’s Bar Saenger Theater (143 N.Rampart) San Jacinto Club & Hall (1422 Dumaine) Society of Inseparable Friends (1607 St.Philip betw. Claiborne + N.Robertson) St.Ann Hall (1315 Barracks) St.Cere Hall (N.Robertson betw. Columbus + Kerlerec) Tambourine and Fan (N.Claiborne + St..Bernard) Veterans Hall Zulu Social Aid & Pleasure Club (722-32 N.Broad) Lil Dizzy’s Cafe [formerly: Big Shirley’s] (1500 Esplanade) Willie Mae’s Scotch House (2401 St.Ann) Dooky Chase’s Restaurant (2301 Orleans) Chez Helene (1540 N.Robertson) Joe’s Cozy Corner (1532 Ursulines at N.Robertson) Ernie K-Doe Mother-in-Law Lounge (1500 N.Claiborne) Matassa’s J&M Recording Studio (840 N.Rampart) Montana House (N.Villere)

“ One can say that the city itself is the collective memory of its people, and like memory it is associated with objects and places. The city is the locus of the collective memory. This relationship between the locus and the citizenry then becomes the city’s predominant image, both of architecture and of landscape, and as certain artefacts become part of its memory, new ones emerge.” Aldo Rossi, The Architecture of the City

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S Q U A R E 1 9 6 (formerly 70)

History

When the Vieux Carrè was originally laid out in 1718, the area that was to become Faubourg Tremé and its subdivisions (including square 196) were outside of the city’s boundaries and fortification walls along Rampart Street. The land was part of a large cypress swamp stretching from the lake-side edge of the city toward Bayou St. John and its branches, with settlements occurring on high ground along the portage road that predated the city, “Le Chemin au Bayou St. Jean” – the road to Bayou St. John.

Square 196 was part of the City Commons, vacant land adjacent to the Road to the Bayou toward Canal Street. The cypress swamp was considered useless, not sought for purchase or concessions but used for public grazing and as a source of free firewood and fill during the dry season. It remained vacant for many years with a few occasional houses and plantations and a hospital. The “back of town” was considered too swampy for urban habitation, and settlement around New Orleans concentrated along the banks of the river. Charles F. Zimpel, map Tremé, 1834

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Tremè and Portage Route

With the construction of the Carondelet Canal and a turning basin in 1792-94 to serve as a transportation route and as a drain for the swamps, an important artery for commerce and travel was established aiding the development of the surrounding land. In 1807 the surveyor Jacques Tanesse laid out the subdivision for the area between Rampart and Claiborne and lots began to sell. His map shows the square (although not yet numbered] adjacent swamp land; Claiborne Avenue had not yet been established. The poor quality of the land extending back toward the lake from the Vieux Carrè did not deter Creole of color landowners from gambling on the future market for it. Rural land previously considered undesirable for city-dwellers because of its swampy condition presented an increasingly attractive investment opportunity, particularly for free people of color. In 1826, Joseph Piliè, the city surveyor, drew up a plan in preparation for the auctioning of the city-owned land and established lots and numbers for the land on either side of Claiborne Avenue. Square 196 [there called “square 70”] shows ten lots numbered from 1 to 10. . The first recorded evidence of subdivision and individual ownership of property in square 70 appears when, on August 3, 1842, Etienne Cordeviolle, a wealthy free man of color, and others purchased a series of lots from the sheriff at a public auction. Records show that the parcels to be used for the A.M.I.A.C.T project are identical to the ones Cordeviolle owned around 1842. He also resided at one of the addresses along North Claiborne Avenue and is listed with his business partner Francois Lacroix in the city directory of 1842 at “Claiborne between Main & St. Ann”.

CULTURAL CONTEXT

Square 196


North CLAIBORNE

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LAND OWNERS 1858

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SQUARE 70 later 196

shaded areas show location of A.M.I.A.C.T. project site DUMAINE

ST. ANN

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Etienne Cordeviolle

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Etienne Cordeviolle Etienne Cordeviolle Etienne Cordeviolle Etienne Cordeviolle

2 3 4

Elizabeth Liantand Rene Bougire Thony Romain

North ROBERTSON

Claiborne Avenue SQUARE 70

map by city surveyor Joseph Piliè, 1826 part of the City Commons and Faubourg Tremé with Carondelet Canal,


SQUARE 196

Etienne Cordeviolle

Most of the parcels that will become the site for the A.M.I.A.C.T. project were originally purchased and developed by ETIENNE CORDEVIOLLE, “a very flashy looking elegant fellow”, born Antonio Estevan Cordeviola, a wealthy free man of color who together with his partner Francois Lacroix, had a thriving textile business and many land holdings in New Orleans. Lacroix and Cordeviolle owned one of the most fashionable clothing stores in the city around 1840. The city directory of 1842 lists Etienne Cordeviolle as residing at an address located on one of the lots he owned along Claiborne Avenue.

Lacroix and Cordeviolle stationary billhead produced by a printing house in Paris

Etienne Cordeviolle was born Antonio Estevan Cordeviola on March 15, 1806 in New Orleans to Estevan Cordeviola, an Italian immigrant from Genoa, and Maria del Rosario, a native of Guinea. Cordeviolle operated a dry good store for several years before he became a notable builder and real estate speculator as well as a tailor in nineteenth century New Orleans. Together with his partner, the distinguished and wealthy Creole Francois Lacroix he oversaw a very successful clothing and textile business established in 1817 in New Orleans. As described in the book “Exiles at home”, by Shirley E. Thompson, they literally created the identity of the well-dressed Creole gentleman. An 1853 advertisement for Lacroix’s tailoring business boasted the best and most extensive assortment of clothing of every description, made in Paris. An 1874 newspaper reminisced about Lacroix’s artistry: his coats passed muster before the severest tribunals of Europe; his trousers made the dandies of Rotten Row or the Champs-Elysèes grown with envy “. The partnership ended by 1849; Cordeviolle retired from business in New Orleans and migrated to Paris, where he created fashions for Paris houses and drew a healthy income from his clothing designs, still continuing a business relationship with his former partner across two continents. Cordeviolle died in Paris on September 19, 1868.

Lacroix and Cordeviolle were also wealthy real-estate developers speculating on the growing economy of New Orleans and its environs. They bought, sold, and collected large sums in rent on large parcels of property throughout the 1830’s and 1840’s, before they dissolved their partnership in 1848. “Their real estate portfolio included vast stretches of former plantation property that had recently been incorporated into the city proper. For example, within the span of one week in 1837 Lacroix and Cordeviolle acquired seventy-three lots that had just been carved out of the old Blanc Habitation in the area between Tremé and the lake.” (S.E. Thompson: Exiles at Home).

CULTURAL CONTEXT


collector for the Courier baker

collector of taxes on taverns cabinet maker printer keeper of stayed animals painter

Cordeviolle & Lacroix collector printer

trader

brick layer

grocer

tailor mason

clerk cooper

N. ROBERTSON STREET

square 196

Thomas Haggett James Grenage H. S. Nies Charles Seuzeneau Mrs. Alexander Baldwin J. Raymond Cazenave Antoine Mallevie Pierre Gros Francis Fernandez Vincent Bareau Francois Calderon Adolphe Courcelle Pauline Giraud S. B. Lea A. Legnard Mrs. Legnard Miss Aurora Macarty Victor Welles Jean Galla Mrs. Morris Louis Eugene Joseph St. Hubert Alfred Breard F. Jignac

seamstress drawyman

seamstress grocer grocer carpenter

DUMAINE STREET

grocer

contractor

grocer

Gustave Tournade Manuel Hains Mrs. Robigum (widow) James Roach Dorville (widow) Cavanaugh James Rutch

bookkeeper

J. C. Caloham Jacquil M’Conley J. B. Monier H. Pintare Guerin (widow) Valcour Azemar Charles Bello Wm. D. Cooper Jean Billaud Etienne Cordeviolle Drausin Trosclair J. J. Trosclair James Wilson (widow) L. E. Witel Joseph Bourgeois Mrs. Hubbard

ST. ANN STREET cigar maker artist

Celeste Dessalles George Estin Louis Fettet Dennis Frederic Theodore Gouyt Alex M.Cormick D.W.Williams A. Betta Thomas Birot Miss Rose Canellas M. Davis Martin Fleury Jean Marthe Edmond Orso Plema Mrs. Wood (widow) Joseph Morcelly Charles Bonneval John William Collins D. Forbes John Howell Cyrille Labiche Eugenie Lacroix Mirtile Lacroix Augustin Liautaud Miss Laurette Martin Theophine Meilleur Arsene Moreau Joseph Pitard Sauveur Sanson Theophile Delmas Michel Durel James Lilley Jean Moreal A. Rodrique O. Rollin

N. CLAIBORNE AVE.

RESIDENTS 1842 *

* as listed in the New Orleans city directory of 1842; people’s addresses are listed as living on: - Claiborne & Main (corner); -Claiborne & St. Ann (corner); - Claiborne between Main & St. Ann St.; - Claiborne between St. Ann & Main St.; - Claiborne near Main St.; - Claiborne near St. Ann; similar address descriptions for Main, Robertson and St. Ann Streets [note: Main = Dumaine].


SQUARE 196

Development

The Pinistri map from 1841 shows most of the square as being occupied by buildings; the same information can be extracted from the 1842 city directory that lists eighty-three people with their address as “between”, “near”, or “at the corner” of the block between Claiborne, Main, Robertson and St. Ann. Tax assessment rolls from 1858 show all of the lots along Claiborne Avenue as being sold, but give no indication as to the number of buildings on the lots. Square 70

Square 196

800 Claiborrne Ave The brick building on the St. Ann Street corner dates from 1924 and was built as a branch of the Hibernia National Bank. It is an excellent example of the brick commercial-institutional buildings of the period. Terracotta decorations and fancy brickwork distinguish this building, which is articulated by rhythmically spaced brick pilasters, with tile caps at both street elevations. The St. Ann Street elevation has triple windows, arched with concole keystones; four plaques of relief sculpture are inset above grille windows. A tile roof, variegated brown brick, tile string courses and capitals, ironwork in grilled windows, relief sculptures, cartouches, and bronze entrance details animate the building, giving a textural and sculptural effect. Since the 1960s the building has housed the Pizzo Leather Company. New Orleans Architecture, Vol. VI, p. 153

detail from Pinistsri map, 1841

Robinson Atlas plate 7, square 196, 1886

The first more detailed information about the built environment of square 196, specifically the front along Claiborne Avenue, appears in the Robinson map of 1886. It shows all lots along Claiborne occupied by buildings; all but one are indicated as brick buildings. The Sanborn map of 1896 tells the same story, adding the information that five buildings house a store, one a school, and two residences [doubles]. It also notes that Claiborne is “brick paved”. This information is confirmed by the business listings noted in the tax assessment rolls – in 1882 it lists Jean Barbè, crockery, on the corner of St. Ann and Claiborne. Antoine Paternostro, shoes, follows in 1893 on the opposite corner at Claiborne and Dumaine. In 1896 the businesses listed along Claiborne Avenue starting at St. Ann are crockery, notions, varieties, notions, shoes, dry goods, and novelty store. The Sanborn map of 1908 lists Claiborne as “brick paved”, Dumaine has “cobble stone”, and St. Ann is “not paved”; the Claiborne Avenue front is almost solidly built up with commercial structures, and it stays this way until at least the late 1950s. Around the time when the Interstate is being built, one can see a sharp drop in businesses, and by the number of addresses listed as “vacant”, or not listed at all, the deterioration of the street and its adjoining neighborhood can be read.

CULTURAL CONTEXT



CULTURAL CONTEXT Tracing the businesses in the 800 block of N. Claiborne between 1910 and 2008 shows a succession of stores, maintaining a vibrant mix until the late 1960’s when during the phase of urban renewal a large number of houses and whole city blocks not far from the 800 block were demolished and the elevated freeway constructed. The buildings at the corners - the National Bank of Commerce at the corner of St. Ann, and Congress Caps & Hats at the corner of Dumaine, were the stable elements with the bank operating from 1914-1949, and the hat store from 1930-1986. The Dumaine corner is remembered by people in the community not only for the place where African American men would traditionally get their hats, but also as a meeting ground for Mardi Gras Indians. Funerals would start at the Carr-Llopis-Boissiere mortuary in the middle of the block on Dumaine Street, and funeral processions and second lines would make their way up the street and turn left at the Claiborne corner to proceed to one of the cemeteries down the avenue. . LaBranche’s Pharmacy, located at 818 N. Claiborne in 1908, was a neighborhood meeting place for more than six decades, from 1905 to 1971. It is said that “it had a genteel soda fountain, a tiled floor, graceful metal chairs and tables, and a high hardwood ceiling”. Data were compiled from New Orleans phone books, city directories and tax rolls.


800

834 | 836 | 838

828 | 830

826 | 826 1/2

820 | 822

816 | 818

812 | 814

808 | 810

800

832 | 834

North Claiborne Avenue 1632

1630 | 1632

1626

1626

Dumaine Street

1620

1622

St. Ann Street

St. Ann Street

Dumaine Street

1622

1608

1608

1604 | 1606

1604 | 1606

1600 | 1602

1600 | 1602

North Robertson Street

1896

North Robertson Street

1940

BLOCK 196

0’

32’

1620

St. Ann Street

826

822 | 824

818 | 820

814

808 | 810

800

North Claiborne Avenue

1994

BLOCK 196

64’

1929 Stock Market Crash

1950+ Demolitions Around Congo Square

1910 1910

1920 1920

1938 1938

1949 1949

1958 1958

Solomon shoes Solomon shoes Carrano jewelry Huth dry goods

Natl.Bank of Commerce Solomon shoes Carrano jewelry Huth dry goods

Natl.Bank of Commerce VACANT Claiborne Rummage Store Hill H G Stores Inc (br) gros

VACANT Bacon Furn Co Bacon Furn Co Dwyer Louis

La Branche drugstore

La Branche drugstore

Natl.Bank of Commerce Egana John I hardware Battiste Sallie Mrs. Grand Super Market Excel Finance Co. Excel Finance Co (br) Salomon Camille shoes Salomon I Irving

Huth bakery

Huth bakery

Dresner Jacob notions

Abraham Mahommed notions Sullivan Jas M O’Brien’s Mattress Works

L.M.Dupre notions C. Paulos candy

L.M.Dupre notions C. Paulos candy

Gutierrez Alphonse Herbert’s Furniture Store Model Henrietta confr Chattard Robert barber

Johnson Clifton records Nu-Way Cleaners and laundry Dyer Pearl beauty shop Paramount tonsorial parlor

Paternostro Bella Congress Harry cap mfr

Congress Harry Congress Harry cap mfr

Frank’s Pool Hall Gray Fannie Mrs. O’Brien’s Mattress Works O’Brien Jos Johnson Clifton Telev. Serv Joe’s Bar Good Wear Shoe Serv. Reprs Paramount tonsorial parlor Best Shoe Shine Congress Harry Congress Harry cap mfr

not listed

Jones Sarah Mrs. B & J restaurant

N.Claiborne *800 808 *810 *812 814 *816 818 818 ½ 820 822 *824 826 *828 830 834

Salomon Bertha F Mrs. Shoe dlr

*836 *838

VACANT Almenia’s lunch room

Dumaine 1626

Paternostro bar

Paternostro bar

B & J restaurant

B


DEVELOPMENT OF SQUARE 196 834 | 836 | 838

North Claiborne Avenue

828 | 830

816 | 818

812 | 814

808 | 810

Businesses

800

834 | 836 | 838

828 | 830

816 | 818

812 | 814

808 | 810

North Claiborne Avenue

1630 | 1632

1626

1626

1626

1622

1622

1622

St. Ann Street

1620

Dumaine Street

1630 | 1632

Dumaine Street

1630 | 1632

St. Ann Street

Dumaine Street

800

1620

1620

1608

1608

1608

1604 | 1606

1604 | 1606

1604 | 1606

1600 | 1602

1600

1600

North Robertson Street

1994

und Congo Square

North Robertson Street

2009

BLOCK 196

BLOCK 196

1966 I-10 Construction Over Claiborne Begins

1958 1958

1968 1968

1978 1978

1988 1988

1994 1994

2008 2008

VACANT Bacon Furn Co Bacon Furn Co Dwyer Louis

Pizzo Leather Co Inc

Pizzo Leather Co Inc

VACANT

VACANT

VACANT

Clubb 77 VACANT

Disco Seventy Seven Club Lombard’s Lounge

Crystal’s Disco 81 Lounge John L’s Lounge

VACANT VACANT

Club Xscape Inc.

VACANT Almenia’s lunch room

Singleton’s Beauty Salon Viola’s Restaurant & Bar

parking lot

parking lot

Salomon Bertha Henry’s Bar

Salomon I Irving

Frank’s Pool Hall Gray Fannie Mrs. O’Brien’s Mattress Works O’Brien Jos Johnson Clifton Telev. Serv Joe’s Bar Good Wear Shoe Serv. Reprs Paramount tonsorial parlor Best Shoe Shine Congress Harry Congress Harry cap mfr

VACANT rear VACANT Johnson Clifton Telev. Serv Club 54 VACANT Paramount tonsorial parlor Paramount Shoe Shine

Johnson Clifton Telev. Serv Reliable Shoe Shine Parlor

VACANT

834-38 VACANT [3 businesses]

Congress caps

Congress caps

VACANT

VACANT

B & J restaurant

B & J restaurant

Vanwan Restaurant

VACANT



CULTURAL GROUPS

CULTURAL GROUPS


New Orleans Ward Boundaries

9

8 7

5

4

9

4

5

6

8

2

3

17 1

16

10

11 14

12 13

15


CULTURAL RESEARCH Mardi Gras Indians Marching Clubs + Social Aid & Pleasure Clubs Neighborhood Brass Bands Skeletons Baby Dolls

1 2 3 4 5

The city of New Orleans is divided into 17 wards - political divisions used in voting. Ward designations are important for local identity; people explaining their cultural identity often refer to their ward rather than their neighborhood. New Orleans has a rich tradition of street-based culture, deeply rooted in its neighborhoods and its communities. Its many forms of expression are displayed throughout the year in spontaneous and organized events. Different groups often appear at the same events contributing their specific cultural expression and allowing for a layering and a diversity of experiences unique to the city. Following is a presentation of the five cultural groups to be represented by the A.M.I.A.C.T. They are defined by their use of the street and their roaming through the city (much like the french situationist’s idea of the “dèrive”, the “drift” through the city). The groups are described through a standard framework of questions to allow for cross references and comparisons of groups and cultures.

A

Description of group

B

History of group

C

Structure of group

D

Attributes

E

Activities

F

Performances

G

Derives / urban impact

H

List of groups in New Orleans

Cla

ibo

rne

Ave

What are the common characteristics of the group? (making it specific and different from other groups) What are the origins of the group, how was it founded? (including conflicting stories about origins) How is the group organized and structured? (hierarchies, positions, roles) What attributes define the group and/or its positions? (objects, costumes, masks, songs, etc.) What are activities throughout the year specific to the group? What are the defining rituals and performances of the group? How does the group make use of the urban context ? How does it occupy the city and its streets / places? Which are the individual groups that belong to a specific cultural group ?

CULTURAL GROUPS


1 Flag Boy, Mardi Gras Day, Irene Keil, 2007 2 Red Hawk in blue, Eric Waters 3 Chief Larry Bannock, Michael P. Smith, 1983


CULTURAL GROUPS

MARDI GRAS INDIANS

“Shallow water, oh! Mama!” “Oh! Here come a gang from way Uptown. That pretty White Eagle had a golden crown! Oh! My spy boy in red and white. Hey! Mardi Gras morning, he treat me right, When I come and tell ‘em, Mardi Gras Day, I’m low-down Eagle, got dirty ways! If you hurt these flags, then they’ll hurt your spy! Hey! Mardi Gras Morning you got to die!”

Darryl ‘Mutt-Mutt’ Montana’ Big Chief, Yellow Pocahontas, 2007


Mardi Gras Indian Tribe List UPTOWN DOWNTOWN NINTH WARD WESTBANK

UpT DnT 9W WeB

Apache Hunters [Big Chief Preston Whitfield] UpT Bayou Eagles Bayou Renegades Black Cherokee Black Eagles [Big Chief Jerod Lewis] UpT Black Feathers [Big Chief Lionel Delpit] Black Hawk Hunters Black Seminoles [Big Chief Iron Horse] Blackfoot Hunters [Big Chief Ronald Beham] DnT Carrollton Hunters [Big Chief Carl Reed] Cherokee Hunters Cheyenne Hunters [Big Chief Reginald “Suge” Williams] DnT Choctaw Hunters [Big Chief Edgar Jacobs] 9W Comanche Hunters [Big Chief Keith “Kiki” Gibson] 9W Congo Nation [Big Chief Donald Harrison] Creole Osceola [Big Chief Clarence Dalcour] Creole Wild West [Big Chief “Lil” Walter Cook] UpT Fiyiyi [Big Chief Victor Harris] DnT Flaming Arrows [Big Chief Alfred Doucette] Geronimo Hunters [Big Chief Tom Landry] UpT Golden Arrows [Big Chief Peppy] Golden Blades [Big Chief Derrick T.Hulin] Golden Comanche [war chief Juan] Golden Eagles [Big Chief Monk Boudreaux] UpT Golden Sioux Golden Star Hunters [Big Chief Larry Bannock] UpT Guardians of the Flame [Big Chief Brian Nelson] Indians of the Nation Mohawk Hunters [Big Chief Tyrone Casby] WeB Morning Star Hunters 9th Ward Hunters [Big Chief Romeo Bougere] 9W 9th Ward Navajo [Big Chief Derrick Magee] 9W 9th Ward Warriors [Big Chief Ira “Ralo” Rawlins] 9W Red Hawk Hunters [Big Chief Nelson Burke] 9W Red White & Blue Seminoles [Big Chief Keithoe Jones] 9W Seminole Hunters Seminole (Semolian?) Warriors 7th Ward Hard Head Hunters [Big Chief Otto “Chief Fiyo” DeJean] DnT 7th Ward Hunters DnT 7th Ward Creole Hunters [Big Chief Jermaine Cooper] DnT

7th Ward Warriors [Big Chief Ronald “Buck” Baham] Trouble Nation [Big Chief Markeith Tero] Uptown Rulers Westbank Indians White Cloud Hunters [Big Chief “Lil” CharlesTaylor] White Eagles [Big Chief Eugene Junior Thomas] Wild Apaches [Big Chief Ray “Hatchet” Blazio] Wild Bogacheeta [Big Chief Nathaniel Maniger] Wild Magnolias [Big Chief Bo Dollis] Wild Mohicans [Big Chief Catrell] Wild Red Flame Wild Tchoupitoulas [Big Chief Jolly (George Landry)] Yellow Jackets [Big Chief Thomas Sparks] Yellow Pocahontas [Big Chief Darryl “Mutt-Mutt” Montana] Young Brave Hunters [Big Chief Reginald Gifford] Young Cheyenne [Big Chief Thomas Dean] Young Hunters Young Magnolias Young Monogram Hunters Young Navajo

INDIAN RED

solo: chorus: solo: chorus: solo: chorus: solo: chorus: all: solo: chorus: solo: chorus: solo: chorus: solo: chorus: solo: chorus: all:

Ma Day Cootie Fiyo Eee Yah Yeh, Eee Yah Yeh Ma Day Cootie Fiyo Eee Yah Yeh, Eee Yah Yeh We are Indians, Indians, We’re the Indians of the nation, The wild, wild creation We won’t kneel down We won’t kneel down We won’t kneel down Not on the ground Oh how I love to hear them call my Indian Red Jocky-Mo Feeno Hondo, Hondo, Hondo In the morning Hondo, Hondo, Hondo In the evening Hondo, Hondo, Hondo All day long! We won’t kneel down We won’t kneel down Not on the ground Not on the ground Oh how I love to hear them call my Indian Red!

DnT DnT 9W UpT UpT UpT UpT UpT DnT


Only the Chief can sing the solo of this song, but in it he must introduce the rest of the tribe by naming their roles: Spy boy, Flag boy, Wild man, Third chief, Second chief, Big chief, Council chief. Each role is introduced in the first line of the English lyrics, replacing “Indians”; “I got a spy boy, spy boy” thus replaces “We are Indians, Indians” in the next repetition of the stanza above. Each role has important functions. When the role is mentioned, the individual in it is spotlighted in his costume and dancing. The song “Indian Red” is particularly important because it forecasts the structure of the confrontations or mock battles with the other tribes. Each rank confronts others in the same rank in opposing tribes, from scouts and wild man (unranked, lowest status) up to third, second and first men in the following ranks: flag boy, spy boy, chief (Draper 59). Amos Landry of the Wild Tchoupitoulas comments, in Les Blank’s movie “Always for Pleasure”: “Spy boys meet first, you know. They dance and talk to each other, you know, until they cut each other loose. Then it go on down the line: Flag Boy meet Flag Boy, on down to Second Chief, then down to Big Chief.” When each man meets his opposite number, a dance ensues across an invisible line. The dance encodes complex communication systems; given movements have clear and specific meanings. Usually the dance moves parallel similar flag signals. For example, to signal that trouble is coming, the flag boy, who holds a high flag above him to signal to the rest, will move the flag across himself. Similarly, in a spy boy’s dancing, crossing the forearms or wrists signifies trouble or “humbug”. The sign for peace is similar for flag codes and dancing: the opening of arms into a raised “V” (Draper 104-13). These codes are known by members of all tribes K. VanSpanckeren, The Mardi Gras Indian Song Cycle: A Heroic Tradition

A. Description of group (Usually) working-class African American men/women in New Orleans who pay hommage to American Indians on Mardi Gras day by dressing in elaborate, handmade, beaded costumes; performing set dance moves and chanting in a call-andresponse style. B. History of group Slaves were not able to play instruments nor congregate in numbers. They had Sunday afternoons off and would gather at Congo Square in the Tremé to celebrate and worship. Due to segregation legislation, many Africans intermarried with local Native American tribe members. The affinity between the two cultures, along with Caribbean influences, spawned a unique, new tradition. The first known Mardi Gras Indian tribe, the Creole Wild West, started parading in the mid-to-late 1880’s. Historically, when physical fighting amongst tribes was commonplace, “gangs” of Indians would perform specific songs whilst approaching another tribe to declare their intent, peaceful or combative (Draper 373). Members became notorious for carrying weapons such as sharpened spears and hatchets, and concealing guns and knives in their costumes. Infamous rivals, Uptown and Downtown gangs would meet at the “battlefield” (present-day site of the Loyola Avenue train station) to settle grudges. These encounters “served as institutionalized means of resolving conflicts” (Draper 38). Today, aesthetic competition, in the form of sewing and beading, has replaced physical altercations. C. Structure of group Big Chief, 1st Queen, 2nd Chief, 2nd Queen, 3rd Chief, 3rd Queen, Trail or Council Chief, Spy Boy, Flag Boy, Wild Man. Tribes will have fluid memberships, with masking lineups changing from year to year. Tribe members must be chosen directly by the group leader. The organizations represent entire neighborhoods. D. Attributes Elaborately crafted, brightly colored suits with feathers, rhinestones, pearls, beadwork, sequins; the “Uptown style” with flat bead work and the “Downtown style” more sculptural and solidly constructed. Headdresses reminiscent of those by American Plains Indians. Props include flags, poles, mock weapons, musical instruments including drums and tambourines. E. Activities Spending hundreds of hours sewing suits to mask on Mardi Gras Day. Leading up to Mardi Gras Day, tribes will hold “Indian practices” at important local bars in the neighborhood to rehearse song structures. Each member’s specific position within the tribe will dictate certain positions and actions. F. Performances Every Mardi Gras Day, “tribes” of African Americans dressed as Plains Indians take to the streets of New Orleans. Parading through black neighborhoods they display their costumes and flags, sing and chant in a specialized argot, while treating themselves to the hospitality offered in neighborhood bars and private homes. Although working all year on designing and sewing their costumes, they only show them in public on Mardi Gras Day, St. Joseph’s Day and Super Sunday [date fluctuates]. Organized into a rigid status hierarchy of official positions, the tribes celebrate their own worthiness in chants and songs, while remaining vigilant for competing tribes who might challenge them with aggressive word play. G. Derives / urban impact Set starting and end point with erratic movement through neighborhoods; no set route. Traditionally, downtown tribes would meet at corner of Dumaine and N.Claiborne [now at Orleans and N. Claiborne]. H. List of groups in New Orleans - see tribe list

CULTURAL GROUPS

Mardi Gras Indians


1 Big 9, Eric Waters 2 TremĂŠ Sports Social Aid & Pleasure Club, Michael P. Smith, 1982 3 Black Men of Labor, photographer unknown


CULTURAL GROUPS

SOCIAL AID & PLEASURE CLUBS

Just a closer walk with Thee “Just a closer walk wtih Thee Grant it, Jesus, is my plea Daily walking close to Thee Let it be, dear Lord, let it be. I am weak, but Thou art strong Jesus, keep me from all wrong I’ll be satisfied as long As I walk, let me walk close to Thee. Through this world of toil and snares, If I falter, Lord, who cares? Who with me my burden shares? None but Thee, dear Lord, none but Thee. When my feeble life is o’er, Time for me will be no more; Guide me gently, safely o’er To Thy kingdom shore, to Thy shore.”

Doc Paulin Funeral photographer unknown


NOVEMBER TO REMEMBER

NINE TIMES SOCIAL & PLEASURE CLUB TENTH ANNIVERSARY PARADE

NOVEMBER 23, 2008 at 12 noon

A TRIBUTE TO CARVER: BRINGING IT BACK! PARADE ROUTE 3436 Louisa Street Mrs. Gail’s Place Up Louisa to Pleasure / U-turn Pleasure to Louisa / To Higgins left on Higgins to Almonaster / Left on Almonaster over the bridge / Up Almonaster to N. Johnson / Right on N. Johnson

Avenue Bar Dumaine St. Gang S & P Club To Franklin Ave. / Left on Franklin to St.Claude / Left on St. Claude

3310 St. Claude Neighborhood Story Project To Desire / Left on Desire to Galvez / Left on Galvez to Louisa / Right on Louisa to N. Miro / Right on N. Miro

3221 N. Miro Pierre Family Continue to Desire / Left on Desire

2540 Desire The Wing Shack Up Desire to Florida / Left on Florida to Piety / Right on Piety / Over the track up Louisa DISBAND AT SAMPSON PARK

2008 KING

2008 QUEEN

Mr. Anthony Dowell

Mrs. Yolanda Platenburg

DUKES

MAIDS

Mr. Alton Denson Mr. Freddie Turner Mr. Ricky Elpage Mr. William Price

Ms. Lisa Moore Ms. Tamala Carter Ms. Ranlisha Moore Ms. Tiffany Kaufman

2008 MEMBERS Raymond (Pres.), Larry (V. Pres.), Raphael (Sec.), Corey (B. Man.), Troy, Bino, Mike R., Gerald, Mark, Keith, Mike S. Eric, Rich A., Trueblood, Charlie, Herman, Terry, Tracey, Wayne, Lawrence, Rich B.

NINE TIMES WOULD LIKE TO SAY THANK TO THE NORMAN DIXON FUND, NEIGHBORHOOD STORY PROJECT, MUSICIANS FUND, TASK FORCE, MRS. GAIL, PIERRE FAMILY, DUMAINE ST. GANG, AND THE WING SHACK FOR THEIR SUPPORT. PLEASE LEAVE YOUR TROUBLES AND ATTITUDE AT HOME. THIS IS A FAMILY PARADE.


CULTURAL GROUPS

ROUTE SHEETS


Social Aid & Pleasure Club List A

2nd Line Jammers Social 6T’9 SA&P Club

B

Better Boys Big Nine SA&P Club Big 7 Big Steppers SA&P Club Black Men of Labor SA&P Club Bon Temps Roulez

C

Calliope High Steppers Social Club CTC Steppers

D E

Devastating Ladies Devastation SA&P Club Diamonte’ Ladies Distinguished Gentlemen Divine Ladies SA&P Club Dumaine Street Gang SA&P Club

F

Fazzio’s First Division SA&P Club First Ladies Five Booster Club Furious Five SA&P Club

G

Golden Trumpets S&P Club Good Children SA&P Club

J

Jolly Bunch SA&P Club Just Steppin’

K

Keep N it Real S&P Club

L

Ladies of Dynasty Ladies of Essence SA&P Club Ladies of Unity SA&P Club Ladies Prince of Wales Ladies SA&P Club Lady Buck Jumpers Social Club Lady Jetsetters SA&P Club Lady Rollers SA&P Club Lady Rulers Lady Sequences Marching Club Lady Zulu’s

M

Mahogany Ladies SA&P Club Money Wasters SA&P Club

N

Nandl Exclusive Gentlemen & Ladies SA&P Club 2002 New Generation SA&P Club New Look SA&P Club New Orleans Bayou Steppers SA&P Club 2002

Annie Mae High Steppers Avenue Steppers Social Club Avenue Steppers 1995 1993

1985 2000

Extraordinary Gentlemen

N

New Orleans East Steppers New Orleans Men Buck Jumpers Nine Time Ladies SA&P Club Nine Times Men S&P Club N’Krumah Better Boys SA&P Club N’Krumah Third Division SA&P Club No Limit Stepper’s

2005

O

Ole & Nu Style Fellas Olympia Aid SA&P Club Original Big 7 SA&P Club Original Black Majic SA&P Club Original C.T.C. Steppers Original Four SA&P Club Original Gentlemen Original Lady Buck Jumpers Original Mens Prince of Wales Original New Orleans Ladies Original Prince of Wales SA&P Club Original Step ‘n Style

1997

P

Perfect Gentlemen S&P Club Pigeon Town Stepper’s SA&P Club Positive Ladies SA&P Club Popular Ladies S&P Club Prince of Wales SA&P Club

R

Real Men SA&P Club Revolution SA&P Club

2001 1995

S

Scene Boosters SA&P Club Second Line Jammers Single Ladies Single Men Sixth Ward Diamonds Sophisticated Ladies SA&P Club Sudan SA&P Club

1995

1996 2000

1928

1994

1983

2004

T Tambourine & Fan The Chosen Few The Rollers Tremé Sidewalk Steppers 1994 “No Other Club Has Swagger Like Us” U Undefeated Divas 2000 Unknown Steppers 1999 Untouchables SA&P Club

2001

V

Valley of Silent Men SA&P Club VIP Ladies

W

Westbank Steppers S&P Club

Y

Young & Old Men Legends SA&P Club Young Men Olympian S & Benevolent Club 1884 Young Steppers S&P Club

Z

Zig Zag Zulu SA&P Club

2004

1909


A. Description of group Originally, the groups were benevolent or mutual aid organizations one would pay (bi)weekly dues to in order to build equity. The groups functioned as monetary and social safety nets among communities. Now, the associations operate more so in a historical-preservation capacity representing their communities during their annual parades and assisting at funerals. “It takes the older ones to keep the younger ones in line. They don’t know what they doin’. Norman, Bucket, Arthur, uh.... And me. Oh yea-Junius, Leon.... We the head. It takes the older dudes in the Young Men to keep up with the young men in the Olympians. They got respect, they got dignity, and they got soul. You don’t see us clowningthat’s a disgrace to the organization. By the same token, do your thing.” (Dorn Kemp, Young Men Olympian, in: Helen Regis: Second Lines....)

B. History of group African-American Social Aid & Pleasure Clubs grew out of organizations of the mid to late 1800s called Benevolent Societies, which many different ethnic groups in New Orleans formed. They would help dues-paying members defray health care costs, funeral expenses, and financial hardships. They also fostered a sense of unity in the community, performed charitable works, and hosted social events. The New Orleans Freedmen’s Aid Association, founded in 1865, provided legal counsel, loans, and education to newly freed persons of color. Furthermore, these clubs became the first instances of insurance policies among African American communities, with members receiving financial help when sick or burying deceased members. For the burial of a member, African-American benevolent associations would often hire bands to play music during the funeral procession. Each of the city’s wards had its own group or “club”. In modern times, the clubs shifted their purpose to community-based operations, or clubs were formed for the sole purpose of “parading”. Since the late 1990’s, Kings and Queens started to appear on the parade routes; occasionally, floats where added to the parades. C. Structure of group Grand Marshall leads the parade followed by banner bearer, club members [main line] and onlookers [second line]. Club dues normaly cost hundreds of dollars a year along with additional expenses for suits, shoes, and general finery that members wear during their parades. Each organization has its own bylaws, some of which are held in great secrecy, and each decides whether it is to be for social services or just fun. Clubs vary greatly in sizes. D. Attributes Members dress in often brightly colored matching suits and hats; with handmade decorated ribbon sashes, handkerchiefs, feathered and decorated fans, and umbrellas - all embroidered, engraved or imprinted with the organization’s name. E. Activities Historically, clubs would fund burials and accompanying jazz funerals for members. Contemporary groups are still involved in providing jazz funerals, but focus on marching in their annual parades. Many groups are active in community projects and programs for adults and children. F. Performances Each Social Aid & Pleasure Club puts on an annual parade with individual parade route, style and purpose where club members follow one or several hired brass bands and showcase their outfits and dance grooves. The clubs also participate at funeral processions. G. Derives / urban impact Clubs parade annually through their neighborhoods along routes which are published with “route sheets” listing date, time, route, stops (bars, club headquarters, homes). People line parade routes ready to jump in and second line at any moment. H. List of groups in New Orleans - see club list

CULTURAL GROUPS

Social Aid & Pleasure Clubs


1 Rebirth Jazz Band at the Sudan Club annual parade, Michael P. Smith, 1986 2 Brass Band on N. Claiborne, Rawston Crawford, 1956 3 Jazz funeral Freddy Smith, Ed Newman


CULTURAL GROUPS

NEIGHBORHOOD BRASS BANDS

“When you hear that beat, It’s New Orleans you meet. That thrill gets in your feet, When you hear that Second line. Young and old you meet, They’re dancing in the street You see old men, you see young men, They all dancing in that Second line.” music + lyrics: Paul Barbarin

Pin Stripe Brass Band, Olympian Aide Club parade Michael P. Smith, 1983


Neighborhood Brass Band List

People who participated in the clubs and the second lines were revered as individuals who were trying to maintain and preserve our culture. We were very poor, and there were too many mouths to feed for us to afford to participate in the clubs, but my family were very supportive of the participants. We had more second lines in the Tremé than anywhere else—we became a very traditional brass band-oriented community.” (Norman Smith, ref9.8)

SAXAPHONE

SNARE DRUM

BASS DRUM

SECOND LINE

Neighborhood Second Line Structure

TUBA

First Line: brass band, sponsoring group (eg, SA&P clubs), or, in the case of jazz funerals, members of the family

TRUMPET

Second Line: neighbors, friends, plus anyone else in the street compelled to follow and dance

TROMBONE

Back Line: Provides rythmic structure

Baby Boyz Brass Band Chops Funky 7 Brass Band Da Truth Brass Band Dirty Dozen Brass Band Forgotten Souls Brass Band Free Agents Brass Band Highsteppers Brass Band Hot 8 Brass Band Mahogany Brass Band New Birth Brass Band New Wave Brass Band Original Big 7 Brass Band Original Pinstripe Brass Band Original Royal Players Brass Band Paulin Brothers Brass Band Pinettes Brass Band Real Untouchables Brass Band Rebirth Brass Band Small Souljas Brass Band Smitty Dee’s Brass Band Soul Rebels Brass Band Stooges Brass Band Storyville Stompers Brass Band TBC Brass Band Tremé Brass Band Young Pinstripe Brass Band

Front Line: Allows flexibility for lead melody, including solos and improvisation

NEIGHBORHOOD SECOND LINE STRUCTURE Brass band line-up: position of instruments


A. Description of group Local marching bands performing everything from jazz funeral dirges to up-tempo parade songs. Defining characteristics include structured improvisation and a dynamic relationship to the second line. “We’d be having a few beers and maybe some barbecue in the Tremé on Sunday afternoons. Only me and the cornet player were regular musicians, the rest of the guys would just be blowing on horns, beating drums, that kind of thing. We’d make a hell of a racket and march round a few blocks. Just weekend fun.” Tuba Fats describing the early incarnation of the Dirty Dozen Brass Band, in: M. Burns. The Great Olympia Band. New Orleans: Jazzology Press, 2001)

B. History of group New Orleans’ brass bands emerged as a synthesis of post-Civil War marching bands and African-American heritage. While sharing a similar, mutualistic trajectory with the birth of jazz, the development of “ragtime” (as it was called circa 1900) is nonetheless distinct. The primary role of brass bands in New Orleans is accompaniment for the jazz funeral and second line, with historical patronage from social aid and pleasure clubs, as well as local political parties. Bands formed in communities from plantations to churches, with musicians both skilled and self-taught. Over the past century, aside from the street parade, the venues for brass bands changed. During the early 1900’s, bands performed at balls, in the 1910-1920’s dancehalls, 1940-50’s juke joints (like Mama Lou’s), but by the early sixties, fell out of fashion with the rise of rock & roll. With the growing opinion that brass music was “Uncle Tom” music, it began to lose relevance to black communities. It was not until the mid 1970’s that an audience was ready for a resurgence. Modern groups incorporated R & B elements, performing arrangements of popular songs by Michael Jackson and Stevie Wonder. While early influences include African and Caribbean rhythms, Delta blues, and church hymns, later inspiration came from funk and hip-hop. [Ludwin thesis] C. Structure of group Typically, groups used 10-12 instruments: 3 cornets (later replaced by trumpets), 2 trombones, 1 alto horn, 1 baritone horn, 1 clarinet, 1 tuba, 2 drums for percussion. (Schafer: Brass Bands and New Orleans Jazz. Baton Rouge LSU Press, 1977) Modern bands will generally include at least 6-9 instruments: 2-3 trumpets, 1-2 trombone, 1 saxophone, 1 tuba, 1 bass drum, 1 snare drum. D. Attributes Traditional dress for jazz funerals is typically comprised of black suits, black hats, and black ties. A historical uniform might involve blue shirts, white pants, tan shoes, and white band caps with the group name embroidered in gold. (Armstrong, Louis. Satchmo: My Life in New Orleans. New York: Da Campa Press, 1986). Various contemporary groups appear less formal, wearing t-shirts and jeans. E. Activities While historically brass bands played jazz funerals and marched in parades, contemporary bands additionally perform all over the city, from weekend block parties in the streets to gigs at local clubs, as well as events aimed at the lucrative tourist market, referred to as ‘mock parades’. F. Performances Parades and funerals; band is lead by a grand marshall for a traditional funeral; following the band are club members and finally second liners picked up along the way. G. Derives / urban impact Neighborhood brass bands’ circuitous movement through the urban fabric relates to the function they are performing, and/ or the specific sponsor. For example, jazz funerals involve a dirge procession to the cemetery and, after the body is buried, an up-tempo return to either the sponsoring organization’s or mourner’s home. Bands will follow traditional parade routes, and, occasionally, unplanned derives at block parties. H. List of groups in New Orleans - see band list

CULTURAL GROUPS

Neighborhood Brass Bands


1 Skeletons at Super Sunday parade, Irene Keil, 2009 2 Skeletons - Call Out, Charles Silver 3 Skeletons, Charles Silver


CULTURAL GROUPS

SKELETONS

“We are the North Side Skull and Bone Gang We come to remind you, yes before you die You better get your life together Next time, you see us It’s too late to cry Oh, Ashes to Ashes and Dust to Dust You better straighten up, girl, before you come see us You better get your life together Next time you see us, it’s too late to cry.”


Very early on the morning of Mardi Gras Day with tambourines, drums and shouts of "Skull and Bones ! ", "Bone Gang's here ! " and other chants and alarms that echo down the empty streets, the Bone Men make their way through the old neighborhoods. They run onto porches and using gigantic ham bones they knock on doors and go into homes where they yell "Wake Up ! You Next !" and can be seen challenging sleepy children: "Did you do your homework ? Don't Lie to me, I'll know. If you don't do your homework you're going to see me again, tonight." Charles Silver, Shadows and Spirits


A. Description of group Skeleton maskers; reminders of mortality (memento mori). The first krewes out in the streets on Mardi Gras morning, traditionally invading the Tremè community before dawn with shouts of warning: “YOU NEXT”, waking up the neighborhood and scaring children into good behavior. Often parade with the Mardi Gras Indians. B. History of group “The Skeletons marched beginning in the 1930s. Dressed in black Union suits decorated with a skeleton pattern, these maskers carried on one of the traditional Carnival costume schemes, one that ties into themes of death and resurrection. Today, a similarly attired group is called the Skull and Crossbones gang.”l [Zulu exhibit at Presbytere, New Orleans, 2009] Skeletons can be linked to the Haitian immigration to New Orleans (from French colony Saint Domingue), others claim the tradition came from South Africa, via a merchant marine. Similarly dressed Skull and Bone Gangs can be found parading through the streets druing Carnival celebrations throughout the Caribbean, Central America, the West Indies and Africa. Tootie Montana started out as a Skeleton prior to masking as Indian. The North Side Skeleton group had been resurrected in the 1990s by Al Morris after it had vanished from the streets. He does not remember any other skeleton groups that roamed the neighborhoods - uptown, on the west bank, further downriver - that boasted a specific name. He recruited Bruce “Sunpie” Barnes to join his one-man gang and for several years, the two men were the only ones dressed in skeletal garb. Hurricane Katrina dispersed his people and the numbers masking each year since Katrina range between three and six people. C. Structure of group Big Chief (or First Chief), Second Chief, Spy Boy, Flag Boy, Wild Man, Medicine Men, Priestesses, Gate Keeper. Hierarchy of group is similar to the Mardi Gras Indians. Membership by invitation only. D. Attributes Black costumes with painted white bone-structures, oversized papier-mache skeleton heads over wire frames, butcher’s apron with drawings of skulls and words (“You next,” “The end is near,” “Drugs do this”); carrying freshly butchered gigantic animal bones, skull flag hung from patined crutch topped with feathers. E. Activities Constructing skeleton outfits; making skeleton heads from paper machè to mask on Mardi Gras morning; F. Performances Waking up the community before dawn on Mardi Gras Day by parading with conga drums and tambourines, knocking on doors and playfully scaring little children. Besides Mardi Gras the Skeletons appear on All Saint’s Day; they often parade with Mardi Gras Indians and Baby Dolls. G. Derives / urban impact Roaming the streets of Tremé, engaging in a “call-out”, a call and response exchange between the gang and the community, calling out “social warnings” - all about those things that could bring about one’s demise in an expedient way. H. List of groups in New Orleans North Side Skull & Bones Gang, lead by Big Chief Al Morris - since his retirement Bruce “Sunpie” Barnes has taken over this role and is now the Acting Chief.

CULTURAL GROUPS

Skeletons; also: Skull and Bone Gangs


1 The Baby Dolls, B. Smith, 1938 2 Baby Doll at Antoinette K-Doe’s funeral, Irene Keil, 2009 3 Anonymous, Oldest living Baby Doll, 1938


CULTURAL GROUPS

BABY DOLLS

....”If you wanted to be a Baby Doll with the original Baby Dolls, you had to dress like the Baby Dolls, in the years that I had it, you know. We would parade in the street and stop at different houses. And everybody would be out there: “Oh, the Baby Dolls is coming, the Baby Dolls is coming.” Well, I love to sing, too. And I’m an old Creole, OK, so when we sing what we donl’t know the words to something, we go “La la la la la la.” So the house that we would stop by, they would have cold drinks for you, and red beans and rice, you know. And you could have something to eat, and then we’d just go along, you know.” interview with Miriam Batiste Reed, by Noah Bonaparte Pais, Gambit 2009

Baby Doll at Second Line for Antoinette K-Doe’s funeral Irene Keil, 2009


“I was the first Baby Doll. Liberty and Perdido [Uptown Streets} was red hot back in 1912 when that idea started. Women danced on bars with green money in their stockings, and sometimes they danced naked. They used to lie down on the floor and shake their bellies while the men fed them candies. It wasn’t like the downtown red-light district [Storyville], where they made more money but paid more graft. You had to put on the ritz downtown, which some of the girls didn’t like that. You did what you wanted uptown…Them downtown bitches thought their behinds was solid silver.”

Louisiana Writers Project of the Works Progress Administration, 1930


A. Description of group Women dressed in satin infant costumes, with pacifiers, bottles, umbrellas; dancing on parade routes. “”We was all looking sharp. There was thirty of us - the best whores in town. We was all good lookin’ and we had money all over us, even in our bloomers, and they didn’t have no zippers...When them Baby Dolls strutted, they strutted. We showed our linen that day, I’m tellin’ you.” Baby Doll interview from the late 1930s (as quoted in Mardi Gras: New Orleans, by Henri Schindler)

B. History of group As to where it began, Royce Osborn, a filmmaker and Seventh Ward native, says: “Nobody knows that, nobody living,” The practice stopped in the 1980’s and was revived by Antoinette K-Doe and Miriam Batiste in 2004. - “The Baby Dolls, a group of African-American women began marching together in the early 20th c., probably in the 1910s. Zulu exhibit, Presbytere, New Orleans, 2009 They took their name from the costumes they wore, baby doll dresses.” - Mriam Batiste claims that her mother [Alma Trepagnier Batiste] started out with her club - they were the original Baby Dolls downtown, the first Baby Dolls that came out named “The Million Dollar Baby Dolls” consisting of the whole Batiste Miriam Batiste, in interview with Noah Bonaparte Pais, in Gambit family - her nieces, nephews, sisters, brothers. - “A group of uptown prostitutes became the first females to parade at Mardi Gras sometime around 1912, when they banded together as the Baby Dolls, hanging around the Zulu parade, cavorting on the streets - “walking raddy” - as an James Gill, in: Lords of Misrule answer to the downown women of Storyville. - Beatrice Hill, who claimed to be “the first Baby Doll,” recalled: “Liberty and Perdido was red hot back in 1912 when that idea started. And we decided to call ourselves the Million Dollar Baby Dolls....I remember one nigger trying to tear my quoted from “Gumbo Ya-Ya” stockings open to get at my money till my man hit him over the head with a chair.” - Dr. John recalls the Baby Dolls in the late 1940s, their parade called ‘Gangster Molls and Baby Dolls’. - “A lesser-konwn but striking group of Baby Dolls from further downtown were known as Satan (spelled Satin) and Sinners. Film footage shows Satan with his red union drawers and with white cotton boxers worn outside. Along with his long red tail and his red horns he carried a decorated umbrella. A man carried a sign saying “Satin and Sinners” and the Baby Dolls followed three abreast strutting in red satin baby doll outfits....they would meet in the 6th Ward and throw down in the streets.” Jerry Brock, in: The Million Dollar Baby Dolls C. Structure of group No structure or hierarchy within the group. Historically, it was an African American group of women [some claim, also men dressed as Baby Dolls]. The modern Baby Dolls (K-Dolls, named by Antoinette K-Doe) are a mix of black and white women. D. Attributes Tight, scanty skirts and bloomers, satin blouses with lace, poke bonnets tied under their chins with ribbon, lace bobbysocks - “in hot pink and sky blue” (Austin Leslie), carrying with them baby bottles, pacifiers, umbrellas, sometimes wearing a diaper. E. Activities Sewing outfits to mask on Mardi Gras Day; community work - visit in nursing homes [K-Dolls] F. Performances Dancing and singing all over town, turning tricks in bars along the way; historically marching with Zulu parade on Mardi Gras Day. Miriam Batiste: “We Baby Dolls would come out about 6 o’clock in the morning. We had the Devil and the Dirty Dozen. The Dirty Dozen consists of men who want to dress in ladies’ clothes.” G. Derives / urban impact Parading along loosely organized routes - historically, around St. Claude, St. Bernard, St. Philip, London, Claiborne - with rest periods for food and drinks. H. List of groups in New Orleans Antoinette K-Doe’s “K-Dolls”; formed in 2004; the group numbered 50 members in 2005.

CULTURAL GROUPS

Baby Dolls



PROJECT VISION

PROJECT VISION


“The project is to be a cornerstone. The goal is not to change the spirit of Tremé; instead, it is to preserve and reaffirm Tremé and North Claiborne Avenue as the business district that it was prior to its collapse when the expressway was raised. The project will help to make Claiborne viable for business again. It will encourage new businesses to move into the area.” Sabrina Montana, 2009, in a conversation with students at the Tulane City Center


A.M.I.A.C.T.

Introduction

The New Orleans Mardi Gras Indian Museum, a component of the organization ‘Faces of Culture’, will be housed in the Allison Montana Institute of Art, Culture and Tradition. The future site of the AMIACT at Dumaine Street and North Claiborne Avenue is located in the historic Tremé, one of the oldest urban African American neighborhoods in the country, on a parcel where once the prominent Congress Hat shop stood, a place where during the 60’s African American men purchased caps and hats. This location has often been considered a highly charged place of international significance as a point of origin for countless genres of music, birthplace of uniquely New Orleans artists and cultural expressions, and the heart of Carnival in the African American community. It is the corner where traditionally Uptown and Downtown Mardi Gras Indian tribes used to meet. The Institute is named after the legendary Chief of Chiefs, the late Allison “Tootie” Montana, who was affectionately admired and respected locally and internationally for his remarkable artistry and life commitment to the tradition that began in his family in the late 1800’s. “Masking” Indian for more than 50 years with awe-inspiring creations of bead and feather suits, he raised the aesthetic and cultural value of the Black Indian tradition and brought street performance traditions to a level of artistry truly worthy of museum representation.

PROJECT VISION

The Allison Montana Institute of Art, Culture and Tradition (AMIACT) was established by Faces of Culture Inc. to document, educate, preserve, present and celebrate the unique cultural heritage and street performance traditions of people of color, native to the City of New Orleans. These street traditions are the activities of Black Mardi Gras Indians, Marching and “Stepping” Clubs, Social Aid and Pleasure Clubs, Neighborhood Brass Bands, Skull and Bone Gangs, as well as the Baby Dolls.


“The museum will enhance the quality of life for the local community by offering a venue, validation and a geographic center for the study and celebration of century-old traditions.�

Sabrina Montana


A.M.I.A.C.T.

Goals

TO SECURE funding and financial support to construct the Institute and all its related programmatic activities.

TO ACQUIRE books, scholarly papers, private collections, artifacts, video recordings and other media archives to build up and enrich the collection. TO DEVELOP AND IMPLEMENT public education programs and workshops, interactive multimedia presentations and exhibition opportunities, as well as community outreach programs, particularly in the areas of historical and cultural preservation and ethnographic research. TO ESTABLISH a fiscal structure that is self-sustaining with incremental growth through memberships, fundraising, donations, admissions, and performances. TO PROVIDE a platform and resources for investigating the primarily African yet interwoven heritages of Indigenous, Creole and Caribbean peoples who historically contributed to shaping the local culture. TO CONTRIBUTE to the overall quality of life for the neighborhood and the people of TremĂŠ and the City of New Orleans.

PROJECT VISION

TO CONSTRUCT AND OPERATE a free-standing, state-of-the-art museum and multimedia cultural facility which will house priceless permanent collections, temporary and rotating exhibitions, galleries, archive storage, an auditorium theater with a large stage, offices, class rooms and meeting spaces, gift shop, and a small cafè.


THE ALISON MONATAN INSTITUTE OF ART, CULTURE AND TRADITION is dedicated to the presentation, preservation and celebration of the unique cultural heritage and street performance traditions of people of color, native to the City of New Orleans. It pays tribute to the masterful artistry , music and ritual expression produced in the local cultural activities of the various Carnival and Second Line groups that contribute to the perpetuation of ancient and vital ancestral traditions which can be traced to Africa, as well as to Indigenous American Indian and Creole Caribbean influences . THE ALISON MONATAN INSTITUTE OF ART, CULTURE AND TRADITION is committed to sustain and promote the community-based groups and organizations, as well as creative individuals who produce the unique local culture. The Institute’s mission is focused on public education regarding the proud heritage and historical context for local cultural expressions through only the highest quality permanent and rotating exhibitions, events, workshops and performances.

THE ALISON MONATAN INSTITUTE OF ART, CULTURE AND TRADITION is also committed to expanding the audiences for Black Indian and other performance traditions as we recognize that they are embedded in, and essential to the very fiber of our culturally rich city . These traditions have survived for centuries despite a lack of outside exposure or validation until recent decades. By offering this new platform for local artisans to exhibit their work and gain local and international exposure, the Institute seeks to honor and celebrate their longstanding survival and the maintenance of their heritages despite rampant poverty and scarce career development opportunities. THE ALISON MONATAN INSTITUTE OF ART, CULTURE AND TRADITION is dedicated to showcase and research only the highest level of artistry, aesthetic integrity , historicity and authenticity of the local culture . The Carnival


A.M.I.A.C.T.

Mission

THE NEW ORLEANS MARDI GRAS INDIAN MUSEUM as part of the Institute will provide an opportunity for the local community as well as for traveling visitors to enjoy the local culture in an authentic setting through performance presentations, workshops and object epistemology . Multimedia kiosks, year round programs and educational presentations will engage the public and will link the local community and culture to the region and the world . THE ALISON MONATAN INSTITUTE OF ART, CULTURE AND TRADITION will honor the legacy of the legendary Chief of Chiefs, Allison “Tootie” Montana , who was affectionately admired and respected locally and internationally for his remarkable spirit and artistry . In the more than fifty years of “masking” Indian with awe-inspiring creations, his artistry has been recognized as master craftsmanship by many institutions around the world, such as the National Endowment for the Arts and the New Orleans Museum of Art. His influence and his efforts to unify the Black Indians and to raise the aesthetic and cultural value of their tradition make him an undeniably exemplary model , namesake, and figurehead for

the Institute.

TODAY

more than thirty distinct Indian Tribes and Marching Clubs have been dispersed by the devastation of Hurricans Katrina and Rita. Their survival and the presentation of their local culture has become an enormous national and international concern. The Institute aims to fill voids locally, academically, in tourism and in international appreciation and consumption of the unique local heritage

and culture.

PROJECT VISION

Carnival and street performance traditions of the people of color native to New Orleans directly connect this city’s unique traditions to the broader African Diaspora and thus stimulate discourse and research that aims to increase cultural understanding. It will build effective models for archiving and presenting community as well as family histories.


Financial Strategies

FUNDING / DONATIONS Funding through formal partnerships with the City of New Orleans and the State of Louisiana and with other local organizations and institutions in the region and beyond which share interests and ambitions common or parallel to those of the AMIACT. MEMBERSHIP Development and marketing of the AMIACT membership and membership services to a local, state, national, and international constituency. SPONSORSHIP Solicitation of short and long-term contributors to assure the upkeep and growth of the institution, its collections and public porgrams. EDUCATIONAL SERVICES Funding through educational services rendered locally and nationally. ADMISSION Revenue from admissions to the Institute and its collections. SPACE RENTAL Revenue from rental of select museum facilities and spaces for events and performances. GIFT SHOP / CAFÈ REVENUES Revenue from sale of gift shop merchandise and from cafè sales.

EVENTS

Revenue from events at Institute facilites. ONGOING FUNDRAISING Establishment of the position of a Development Officer responsible for raising money from private sources to support the museum’s programmatic activities or capital projects.


A.M.I.A.C.T.

Partners

SOUTHERN UNIVERSITY OF NEW ORLEANS The Museum Studies Graduate Program

Collaboration with AMIACT to provide hands-on learning and experiences for graduate students preparing for a career in museology. AMIACT will serve as a teaching facility that evokes a standard of excellence in museum methodologies and pedagogy.

XAVIER UNIVERSITY OF LOUISIANA

The Mardi Gras Indian Initiative a partnership formed to perpetuate the continuation of the Mardi Gras Indian culture and tradition

AMISTAD RESEARCH CENTER, NEW ORLEANS The Amistad Research Center will partner with AMIACT to develop and implement sustained teaching units to promote the use of primary sources in the delivery of classroom instructions to students enrolled in history and English in a high school setting. ASHE CULTURAL CENTER, NEW ORLEANS The Ashe Cultural Center and AMIACT will co-host a series of forums for artists and keepers of the culture that will focus on funding, uniformity, business and the importance of tradition. TULANE CITY CENTER, NEW ORLEANS The Tulane City Center, the Tulane School of Architecture’s applied urban research and outreach program, will partner with AMIACT to assist with project research, visualization, and preliminary planning and design tasks regarding fundraising and the construction of a new building. NEW ORLEANS AFRICAN AMERICAN MUSEUM The New Orleans African American Museum and AMIACT will partner to develop joint activities that highlight the cultural traditions of Tremé and of other African American communities. 18th STREET ARTS CENTER, SANTA MONICA The 18th Street Arts Center, a residency program located in Santa Monica, California and AMIACT will partner to engage in an exchange program to promote collaboration and interaction between artists and arts organizations locally, nationally, and internationally.

PROJECT VISION

Implementation of year-round programs that engage children in learning activities that include history, designing, sewing, singing and dancing rituals of the Mardi Gras Indians, thus promoting and supporting “young keepers of the culture”.


ACQUISITION

preserving

STORAGE

archiving

COMMUNITY OUTREACH

EXHIBITION TEMPORARY + ROTATING

documenting

MUSEUM EXHIBITION

AUDITORIUM

PERMANENT COLLECTIONS

PERFORMANCES GIFT SHOP+STORE

LECTURES

EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS

EDUCATION

CAFÈ

ARTIST-IN-RESIDENCE PROGRAM COMMUNITY MEETING SPACES

SCHOLARLY EXCHANGE


A.M.I.A.C.T.

Program Diagram and Project Description

Darryl and Sabrina Montana, the founders of ‘Faces of Culture’, own lot 838 N.Claiborne and the adjacent lot 1626 Dumaine. They are seeking to develop the Alison Montana Institute of Art, Culture and Tradition on these lots. Negotiations are underway to purchase four adjacent empty lots at 816 – 830 N. Claiborne for additional exhibit space and necessary museum support facilities; they are also seeking to purchase the corner lot with a historic commercial brick structure at 800 N.Claiborne to house visiting artists as part of an artist-in-residence program to be operated in conjunction with the proposed Institute. The Institute will have two major exhibit spaces – one, to house a permanent collection of the impeccable and internationally renowned artistry of the Chief of Chiefs – Allison “Tootie” Montana, memorabilia of the Montana family, a collective of Mardi Gras Indian suits [including children’s suits], Social Aid and Pleasure Club regalia, Baby Dolls and Skeleton costumes, replication of “shoe pimping”, and a collection of video interviews from the making of “Tootie’s Last Suit”; the other, to allow for temporary exhibitions on a rotating basis, to show the newest acquisitions and pieces on loan, and to celebrate community and artist-in-residence work. The Institute will also provide spaces to collect, preserve, document, archive and securely store artifacts and material. It will provide a place for the collection and display of visual and print media with access for the public and for resarchers. A series of classrooms and an auditorium will allow for interactive multimedia and hands-on workshops for public education and engagement, for performances, lectures, panels and symposiums. Outdoor spaces will celebrate the performances of the street based cultural groups and connect the museum with the neighborhood. A gift shop will showcase local artists and merchandise original to the Mardi Gras Indians with artists receiving an established percentage of proceeds from the sales – the Institute will recognize and seek to “value” and set market rates for such works of art. A cafè will serve the needs of the visitors and allow for catering functions in the building. The institute buildings will re-establish an urban edge along Claiborne Avenue which historically was the business center for the African American and Creole community. It will reconncet with the street, support its parading tradition and honor the significance it once had for the celebrations of the Mardi Gras Indians. The design of the building will implement green and sustainable strategies; it will respect the scale and texture of the few remaining historic buildings around and will evoke the buildings that once stood along Claiborne without reverting to a mere stylistic copy.

PROJECT VISION

The site for the AMIACT is located in the historic Tremé neighborhood of New Orleans and is comprised of several lots along Claiborne Avenue. The building at 838 N.Claiborne and corner of Dumaine Street once housed the Congress Hat Shop – a prominent place established in the 30’s - where for more than 30 years African American men purchased their caps and hats. Due to severe deterioration, the building had to be razed in August 2005.



CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL


TREMÉ

SQUARE 196 + SITE Claiborne Avenue


AMIACT

Project Overview

CLIENT Faces of Culture, a non-profit organization in New Orleans. PROJECT New construction of building(s) and renovation / build-out of existing brick structure to house an institute and museum to document, educate, preserve, present and celebrate the cultural heritage and street performance traditions of people of color, native to the City of New Orleans. LOCATION 2nd Municipal District, Square 196, bounded by N.Claiborne Avenue, Dumaine Street, N. Robertson Street and St. Ann Street. Phase 1 - Phase 2 - Phase 3 -

838 N. Claiborne + 1626 Dumaine two empty lots: owned by Faces of Culture 816-830 N. Claborne four side-by-side empty lots: Faces of Culture is seeking to purchase lots 800 N. Claiborne corner lot at St. Ann, together with brick building [former bank]: Faces of Culture is seeking to purchase lot and building

ZONING HMC-2 Historic Marigny/Tremé Commercial District height restriction: 50 ft max. height from grade floor area ratio: 2.2 max. parking: as listed for category “museum” in high density districts: 10 spaces minimum + 1 additional space for each 400 sq.ft. of floor area in excess of 2,000 sq.ft. off-street parking spaces shall not be located in the front yard

FLOOD ELEV. “Only the Benchmark Certificate, provided to the property owner by a Licensed Land Surveyor can definitely state the required elevation above the existing elevation on a specific lot. For this site it appears to be located in an A3 flood zone. The law requires that the elevation of the building be at or above the Base Flood Elevation (for this site the BFE is 1.5 ft above sea level) or 3 ft above the curb whichever is higher. What is unknown, until the surveyor completes his work, is the existing elevation of the curb to which 3 ft must be added, or sea level in relation to the lot which may result in a building being higher than 3 ft above the curb.” (Edward Horan, Zoning Administriator, Dept. of Safety & Permits; March 09)

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

HDLC All property is located in the Tremé Historic District “The area of the district between N.Claiborne Avenue and N.Rampart Street is subject to the full control of the commission. “ (HDLC)


St. Ann

Dumaine

N. Robertson

N. Claiborne Interstate 10

838 N. Claiborne 818-830 N. Claiborne

800 N. Claiborne


SITE

Aerial Map and Square 196

N. ROBERTSON

35'0"

15

6'

37'0"

16

B

74'5"4"'

(14 in assessment)

(11 in assessment)

(18 in assessment)

(19 in assessment)

1/2 of 4 152'6"7"'

10

(7 in assessment) 64'0"

838

127'0"

127'10"5"' 39'2"4"'

828-30

22

31'11"5"'

1623-25

(3 in assessment)

A-1 24'9"4"'

824

3 33'2"

820-22

51'0"

D

not assessed 64'0"

not assessed

45'0"

32'0"

816-18

2 31'0" in assessment 812-14

1633

B 32'0" 808-10

A 64'0"

800

N. CLAIBORNE

Phase 1

Phase 2

ST. ANN

32'0"

1619-21

(D-1 in assessment)

96'0"3"'

31'11"5"'

31'11"5"'

B PT. A

not assessed 64'4"

not assessed

A

127'10"5"'

(E in assessment) 63'11"1"'

1626

31'5"

10' 20' 30' 40'

B-1

64'1"

H RT NO

0'

32'3"3"'

1624

1615

127'10"6"'

25'3"4"'

1626 in assessment

1613

64'0"

64'10"

DUMAINE

not assessed

1609-11

34'0"

D

SQUARE 196

1622

1607

117'5"4"'

128'0"

1620

1603

34'0"

32'0"1"'

128'0" 1608

(17 in assessment)

1601

111'5"4"'

128'0"

2

93'6"5"'

63'11"

1604-06

33'2"

92'0"

A

Phase 3

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

(13 in assessment)

815

33'10"5"'

35'2"

1

819

30'0"

35'10"

3

823

30'0"

825

30'0"

30'9"

92'0" 1600-02

827

33'10"5"'

829


ELEVATION DUMAINE

S I T E

ELEVATION CLAIBORNE

S I T E

S I T E


SITE

Views and Description

Dumaine

St. Ann SQUARE 196

The lots to be developed for the Allison Montana Institute of Art, Culture and Tradition are situated in Square 196 along N. Claiborne Avenue, a street which traditionally has been the commercial artery for the African-American community as a counterpart to Canal Street. Lined with bustling ground-floor shops and businesses, with a wide grassy neutral ground shaded by a canopy of large oak trees, Claiborne was an important piece in the urban puzzle. Countless Claiborne memories recall the experience of a place where everyday shopping, funeral marches, sunday picnics and second line parades converged and found a stage for their performances.

Today, the trees are long gone and the area has deteriorated greatly due to the severe and violent cuts into the urban fabric of the TremĂŠ neighborhood. The construction of Interstate 10 has sliced the neighborhood in half; the constant noise and pollution from the elevated freeway has caused a flight of businesses to other areas in the city. Subsequently, many buildings which used to be part of an ensemble that clearly defined the urban edge along the street and distinguished the public zone from the private block interior have been torn down and left the area looking more like a war zone than a city block. Congo Square

Historically, the lots to be used for the development of the Institute have been owned and developed by Etienne Cordeviolle, a wealthy Creole and free man of color with a textile business and land holdings in New Orleans. Records show that in 1842 his residence was listed on one of the lots.

Jackson Square

In a recent development, a new masterplan for the City proposes the removal of the elevated highway to restore the former streetscape. The idea has gained support and a recent article in the Times Picayune newspaper showed renderings of Claiborne Avenue, again with a tree-lined middle. The street still is an important stretch in the roamings of Mardi Gras Indians and funeral parades still wind their way through the street to the nearby St. Louis cemeteries.

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

At square 196, only two buildings are remaining on Claiborne Avenue - a former bank at the corner of St. Ann, vacant for over 20 years, and an adjacent commercial structure which now houses a music club; only three builldings are left standing on Dumaine Street. The gaps along the perimeter of the block leave the formerly protected and private back yards of houses along N. Robertson and St. Ann exposed and vulnerable.


1

lot at 838 N.Claiborne to be developed in PHASE 1 lot area = 4,048 sf

3 N. ROBERTSON

2

adjacent (4) lots at 816-830 N.Claiborne to be developed in PHASE 2 lot area = 8,233 sf

2 1

3

4,048 sf lot area

1 64'-0"

838 N.Claiborne

8,233 sf lot area

3,654 sf lot area

2

3

130'-2"

816-830 N.Claiborne

64'-0"

800 N.Claiborne

64'-0"

63'-3"

lot at 800 N.Claiborne existing building (former bank) to be developed in PHASE 3 lot / building area = 3,654 sf


SITE

Zoning and Maximum Buildable Area

ZONING permits a maximum floor area ratio of 2.2, and a maximum building height of 50 ft (which would allow for 3 - 4 floor levels). There are no setback requirements and any new building could occupy the site fully given the proper fire protection at the perimeter walls. The diagram shows one possible massing configuration using the maximum allowed square footage on the site for a 3-story buillding.

1 4,048 sf x 2.2 = 8,906 sf permitted 8,906 sf : 3 (levels) = 2,969 sf /level N. ROBERTSON

2 8,233 sf x 2.2 = 18,113 sf permitted 18,113 sf : 3 (levels) = 6,038 sf /level

3 3,654 sf x 2.2 = 8,039 sf permitted the existing building has 3,654 sf by code, additional 4,385 sf of floor area are permitted 16’

50’-0”

-10

46’

64'-0"

838 N.Claiborne

2 6,038 sf / level (3 levels)

130'-2"

816-830 N.Claiborne

3 3,654 sf / level (2 levels)

64'-0"

800 N.Claiborne

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

1 2,969 sf / level (3 levels)

/2”

64'-0"

47'-4"

-4 1


The site for the AMIACT project is located in the historic Tremé neighborhood of New Orleans and is comprised of several lots along Claiborne Avenue. The building at 838 N.Claiborne at the corner of Dumaine Street once housed the Congress Hat Shop – a prominent place established in the 30’s - where for more than 30 years African American men purchased their caps and hats. Due to severe deterioration, the building had to be razed in August 2005. Darryl and Sabrina Montana, the founders of ‘Faces of Culture’, own lot 838 N.Claiborne and the adjacent lot 1626 Dumaine. They are seeking to develop the Alison Montana Institute of Art, Culture and Tradition on these lots. Negotiations are underway to purchase four adjacent empty lots at 816 – 830 N. Claiborne for additional exhibit space and necessary museum support facilities; they are also seeking to purchase the corner lot with a historic commercial brick structure at 800 N.Claiborne to house visiting artists as part of an artist-in-residence program to be operated in conjunction with the proposed Institute. The Institute will have two major exhibit spaces – one, to house a permanent collection of the impeccable and internationally renowned artistry of the Chief of Chiefs – Allison “Tootie” Montana, memorabilia of the Montana family, a collective of Mardi Gras Indian suits [including children’s suits], Social Aid and Pleasure Club regalia, Baby Dolls and Skeleton costumes, replication of “shoe pimping”, and a collection of video interviews from the making of “Tootie’s Last Suit”; the other, to allow for temporary exhibitions on a rotating basis, to show the newest acquisitions and pieces on loan, and to celebrate community and artist-in-residence work. The Institute will also provide spaces to collect, preserve, document, archive and securely store artifacts and material. It will provide a place for the collection and display of visual and print media with access for the public and for resarchers. A series of classrooms and an auditorium will allow for interactive multimedia and hands-on workshops for public education and engagement, for performances, lectures, panels and symposiums. Outdoor spaces will celebrate the performances of the street based cultural groups and connect the museum with the neighborhood. A gift shop will showcase local artists and merchandise original to the Mardi Gras Indians with artists receiving an established percentage of proceeds from the sales – the Institute will recognize and seek to “value” and set market rates for such works of art. A cafè will serve the needs of the visitors and allow for catering functions in the building. The AMIACT buildings will re-establish an urban edge along Claiborne Avenue which historically was the business center for the African American and Creole community. It will reconncet with the street, support its parading tradition and honor the significance it once had for the celebrations of the Mardi Gras Indians. The design of the building will implement green and sustainable strategies; it will respect the scale and texture of the few remaining historic buildings around and will evoke the buildings that once stood along Claiborne without reverting to a mere stylistic copy.


BUILDING Program Spaces

The Institute will provide spaces to archive, secure and properly store, restore and display priceless artefacts, collections and memorabilia depicting the artistry of New Orleans street-based cultural groups. It will house educational and community outreach programs including an artist-in-residence program with spaces for artists to live and work. It will engage the community with interactive multimedia and hands-on workshops, performances, lectures, panel discussions and symposiums. It will provide a research facility for scholars and a learning environment for the general public. The project will be carried out in 3 PHASES corresponding to the configuration and acquisition of the lots along Claiborne Avenue.

preserving

STORAGE

archiving

COMMUNITY OUTREACH

EXHIBITION

documenting

TEMPORARY + ROTATING

GIFT SHOP+STORE

LECTURES

CAFÈ

ARTIST-IN-RESIDENCE PROGRAM COMMUNITY MEETING SPACES

SCHOLARLY EXCHANGE

ADMINISTRATION

430

MUSEUM SUPPORT archives museum storage

EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS

EDUCATION

950

EXHIBIT SPACES permanent temporary, galleries

AUDITORIUM

PERFORMANCES

ENTRY / FOYER

MUSEUM EXHIBITION PERMANENT COLLECTIONS

total sf

4,200

1,200 3,000 2,500 4,800

7,300

EDUCATION

1,800

COMMUNITY+ OUTREACH

2,400

ARTISTS-in -RESIDENCE

2,100

CAFÈ

540

STORE

390

Total Net circulation + service

TOTAL GROSS EXTERIOR

30%

21,110 6,333

27,443 2,450

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

ACQUISITION

program space


1.1

1.11

1.6

1.8

1.12

1.12

1.5 1.1

1.4

First Level

1.2 1.11

1.11

1.11

1.11

1.11 1.6

1.3

1.7

Second Level

1.9

Third Level

1.12

1.10


BUILDING

Project Phasing

PHASE ONE MUSEUM

exterior spaces

interior spaces

program space

sq.ft.

$ / sq.ft.

cost total

entry court+porch - 1.1 roof terrace/garden - 1.2 green roof - 1.3

1,302 239 854

x 25

$ 59,875.00

x 250

$ 1,867,500.00

SUB-TOTAL hidden cost 30%

$ 1,927,375.00 $ 578,212.00

TOTAL ESTIMATED COST PHASE 1

$ 2,505,587.00

store - 1.4 entry / reception - 1.5 galleries - 1.6 permanent exhibit - 1.7 classrooms - 1.8 collection/archives - 1.9 administration - 1.10 circulation - 1.11 service - 1.12

2,395

390 472 1,238 1,235 799 680 438 1,558 660

7,470

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

In PHASE 1, the cornerstone of the Institute - the museum - is built on the corner of Dumaine and Claiborne. The building will house various collections of artefacts and memorabilia and the museum administration; it will provide spaces for temporary exhibits, lectures, classes and community meetings, and will have a gift shop/store for the sale of artefacts produced by the artisans in the community. An entry court on Dumaine will provide an outdoor space for performances, with a porch stretching to Claiborne Avenue to engage parades on their way down Claiborne Avenue. Double-height spaces inside connect entry and foyer with the circulation spaces above allowing light and views to pass through the building. A green roof with a roof terrace accessible from the third level can be used by the museum staff and for donor events. The museum is conceived as an independent building able to function while the second phase building is being constructed.


2.1 2.9

2.4

2.9

2.6

2.11

2.11

2.10

2.10

2.3 2.4

2.8

First Level

2.8

2.8

2.5

2.8

2.8

2.8

2.8

2.7

2.8

Second Level

2.2

Third Level


BUILDING

Project Phasing

PHASE TWO MUSEUM SUPPORT + STORAGE In PHASE 2, additional exhibition spaces, an auditorium, and more community spaces on two levels will be added to the museum, together with a large area for processing, archiving, and storing of artefacts and collections. The addition is seemlessly linked to the phase 1 building by extending its circulation spine and adding another exit stair at the end. An interior courtyard brings light into the center of the building. It can be used as a “work yard� connected to the museum storage area, or, linked to the circulation corridor, it can provide a tranquil garden and a respite from the museum.

exterior spaces

interior spaces

program space

sq.ft.

$ / sq.ft.

cost total

courtyard - 2.1 green roof - 2.2

911 2,405

x $25

$ 82,900

x $220

$ 3,124,880

SUB-TOTAL hidden cost 30%

$ 3,207,780 $ 962,334

TOTAL ESTIMATED COST PHASE 2

$ 4,170,114.00

reception phase 2 - 2.3 galleries - 2.4 outreach - 2.5 auditorium - 2.6 collection/archives - 2.7 interactive displays - 2.8 collection storage - 2.9 circulation - 2.10 service - 2.11

3,316 502 1,515 1,353 1,016 1,852 392 4,810 1,992 772

14,204

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

Community outreach spaces are placed along Claiborne Avenue. The possibility to access them individually from the street or from the museum circulation corridor makes them flexibel and adaptable to many use-scenarios.


3.4

3.4

3.5

3.6 3.2

3.5

3.6 open to below

3.6 3.6

3.1

First Level

3.3

Mezzanine Level


BUILDING

Project Phasing

PHASE THREE ARTISTS + COMMUNITY In PHASE 3, an existing building at the corner of Claiborne and St. Ann will be converted to a community space and cafè on ground level, together with studios and small apartments for artists-in-residence on ground and mezzanine level above. Each component can be accessed individually from the street or communally from the inside. The existing height and the roof shape of the commercial structure allow the insertion of a mezzanine level for the artist apartments.

existing interior (1 level) (to be converted to:)

new inserted mezzanine

$ / sq.ft.

cost total

x $150

$ 848,100

hidden cost 30%

$ 254,430

TOTAL ESTIMATED COST PHASE 3

$ 1,102,530.00

PHASE 1 PHASE 2 PHASE 3

$ 2,505,587.00 $ 4,170,114.00 $ 1,102,530.00

TOTAL ESTIMATED COST

$ 7,778,221.00

artist workspaces - 3.1 community space - 3.2 cafè - 3.3 storage - 3.4 circulation - 3.5 4 artist living units - 3.6

sq.ft. 3,654

2,000

5,654

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

program space


21

21

20 4 8

9

14

Third Level

14 10

7

13

16

14

16

14

4

4

16 8

6 11

16

11

11

11

Second Level

14 5

1

5

13

13 3

2

5

5 11

First Level - entry

14

19

4

4

11

17

18

12 11

16

11


BUILDING Project Phasing - SUMMARY

The STRATEGY FOR PHASING is to establish a museum presence with core functions with a building on the site at Dumaine and Claiborne currently owned by the Institute’s founder, Faces of Culture, in order to take immediate action to recover, restore and preserve artefacts most in need of protection (Mardi Gras Indian suits). The building in the first phase will provide mainly exhibition spaces and classrooms for educational programs on ground and upper levels, and administrative offices and a small area for archive and restoration on the third level. The placement of the circulation core with two exit stairs and a combined passenger and freight elevator allows for a seemless extension in the second phase.

Entry court / porch Store Entry / reception Circulation Temporary exhibit / gallery Permanent exhibit Classroom Collection / archives Administration Auditorium Interactive displays Community outreach Collection storage Service / support Artist workspaces Artist living units Community meeting Cafè Courtyard / garden Terrace / roof garden Green roof

The much larger BUILDING OF PHASE 2 will provide additional exhibit space on ground level that can be linked to the already existing exhibit space of phase 1; it will provide a series of spaces for community outreach programs along Claiborne Avenue that will help to activate the street also at times when the museum is closed; it will showcase the work of the museum and the Institute in a series of interactive windows along Claiborne Avenue, much like storefronts on a commercial street. A small AUDITORIUM on the second level is placed in close proximity to classrooms, exhibit spaces and community outreach areas to allow flexibility for the type of events and their links to the Institute and the museum. A large portion of the second phase building will be devoted to STORAGE AND ARCHIVES at the back of the site. A courtyard is placed between the more active and public Claiborne side of the building and the “back-of-the-house” functions along the property line, bringing light to the center and framing the views from the access corridor. In phase 3, an existing BRICK STRUCTURE at the corner of St. Ann and Claiborne will be converted to an artist-inresidence program, a cafe, and a community room. Entries to artist studios and cafe from Claiborne and to community room and artist apartments from St. Ann reinforce the public/commercial versus the private/residential nature of the two streets. With the COMPLETION of the project, square 196 and its front along Claiborne Avenue will be restored to its former role as an active and bustling stretch within the urban fabric. It will be an important cultural and spiritual center for the neighborhood and hopefully foster further development along Claiborne Avenue.

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

The PHASING gives the Institute the opportunity to fundraise in order to successivly acquire the lots necessary for the completion of the project. The presence and success of the museum can support and fuel all fundraising efforts. A terrace and roof garden at the administrative level could be used for private functions and donor events. As ADJACENT LOTS are acquired, they could be used to place temporary storage units in support of the museum until the second phase of development starts.



PHASE 1 Building Proposal

Inside, space is connected vertically with a series of double-height volumes which provide the visitor with glimpses of other levels. Moving through the museum one encounters moments where all all three levels can be experienced simultaneously.

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

The corner building addresses Dumaine Street with an entry courtyard and a raised linear porch at the building edge which extends through the building and connects to Claiborne Avenue. The museum store is placed at the corner to activate the intersection of Claiborne and Dumaine. Large glazed areas on ground level allow views and glimpses into exhibit spaces and galleries.


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The proposed buildings are not isolated objects turning their backs to the street. Instead, their position on the site, their design, and their use of materials will connect them to the physical, historical and cultural context so that they can become part of a larger whole and begin to repair the damage afflicted on the neighborhood, evoke memories of spaces and buildings lost, and provide a spiritual center for the people.

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

The buildings should respect their environment and employ sustainable strategies and technologies, not as an add-on element to a “regular� building but fully integrated into the design and the lay-out of all spaces.


Design Concepts - CONTEXT

1 2

BUILDING MASSING - reinforces the original parcel sizes and references the historic fabric of the neighborhood. BRICK CLADDING - as historical reference: Brick cladding was typically used on lower stories of commercial buildings on Claiborne. Brick emphasizes a 2-story volume (typical along Claiborne Avenue); metal cladding of 3rd level + roof of proposed museum visually reduces height and integrates 3rd level into roof. Brick cladding links existing brick structure of phase 3 building at St. Ann to new complex. 3 ROOFS - rmuseum roof shapes reference existing pitched or hipped roofs in neighborhood. 4 FOOTPRINT - of new buildings re-establishes the urban edge along Claiborne and reclaims the historically prominent corner at Dumaine; strenghtens and repaires the perimeter wall of the urban block. 5 MUSEUM STORE - at corner of Dumaine and Claiborne is reference to famed Congress Hat Store. 6 INTERACTIVE WINDOWS - allow pedestrians to interact with museum exhibits; activate the urban street edge..

[3]

[5]

[6]

[1]

[4]

[2]


S I T E and B U I L D I N G

Design Concepts - ENVIRONMENT

1 2 3

OVERHEAD GLAZING - brings glare-free top lighting into work spaces. TRANSPARENCY - brings natural light into program spaces. METAL PATTERNED CANOPIES + SCREENS - shade outdoor and indoor areas and protect exhibits from direct sun and light exposure. 4 GREEN ROOFS - reduce HVAC load of building and improve air quality in city. 5 INTERIOR COURTYARD - brings natural light and air into center of building.

[4]

[4] [5]

[2]

[3]

[3]

[2]

[2]

CONCEPTUAL PROPOSAL

[1]


Design Concepts - CULTURE

1 2

SCREEN PATTERNS - are a reference to Indian feathers; generated from a pixellated photo of an Indian suit. GENIUS LOCI - building footprint occupies the corner as historical reference to the traditional Mardi Gras Indian parade and meeting ground at corner of Dumaine and Claiborne. 3 OPEN SPACE AND PATH - porch and entry court provide spaces for Mardi Gras Indian parades. 4 VISIBILITY OF CULTURAL EXPRESSION / TRANSPARENCY - various glass walls allow visual connection to the outside.

[1]

[4]

[3]

[2]


BUILDING Conceptual Proposal


Design Concepts - EXHIBITS

Mardi Gras Indian suits of Big Chief Allison “Tootie” Montana and Big Chief Darryl “Mutt-Mutt” Montana; Yellow Pocahontas; currently stored in a private house without proper protection or environmental controls; in need of an adequate and safe place to be restored, conserved and made accessible to scholarly research and public viewing.


Bibliography

NEW ORLEANS / TREMÈ Toledano, Roulhac and Christovich, Mary Louise: New Orleans Architecture Vol. VI - Faubourg Tremè and the Bayou Road. Gretna: Pelican Publishing Company, 2003 Crutcher, Michael Eugene: Protecting ‘Place’ in African-American Neighborhoods. Urban Public Spcae, Privatization, and Protest in Louis Armstrong Park and the Treme, New Orleans. Dissertation, LSU, May, 2001 MARDI GRAS INDIANS Breunlin, Rachel; Lewis, Ronald W.; Regis, Helen: The House of Dance and Feathers: A Museum by Ronald W. Lewis. New Orleans: UNO Press/Neighborhood Story Project, 2009, pp. 64-117 Ehrenreich, Jeffrey: Bodies, Beads, Bones and Feathers: the masking tradition of Mardi Gras Indians in New Orleans. City & Society, vol 16 issue 1, pages 117-150 Draper, David Elliot. Mardi Gras Indians: The Ethnomusicology of Black Association in New Orleans. Tulane University Dissertation, 1973 Martinez, Maurice M. and Hinton, James E: The Black Indians of New Orleans. documentary film, 1976 Smith, Michael P.: Mardi Gras Indians. Gretna: Pelican Publishing Company, 1994 VanSpanckeren, Kathryn: The Mardi Gras Indian Song Cycle: A Heroic Tradition. MELUS (The Society for the Study of the Multi-Ethnic Literature of the United States), Vol.16, no.4, pp. 41-56 SOCIAL AID & PLEASURE CLUBS / SECOND LINES Breunlin, Rachel; Lewis, Ronald W.; Regis, Helen. The House of Dance and Feathers: A Museum by Ronald W. Lewis. New Orleans: UNO Press/Neighborhood Story Project, 2009, pp. 124-159 Regis, Helen. Second Lines, Minstrelsy, and the Contested Landscapes of New Orleans Afro-Creole Festivals. Article in: Cultural Anthropology, vol. 14, no. 4 (Nov. 1999), pp. 472-504 Smith, Michael P. A Joyful Noise. A Celebration of New Orleans Music. Dallas: Taylor Publishing Company, 1990 BRASS BANDS Burns, Mick. The Great Olympia Band. New Orleans: Jazzology Press, 2001 Burns, Mick. Keeping the Beat on the Street. The New Orleans Brass Band Renaissance. Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 2006 Ludwin, Steven. Here to Stay: the Evolution of the Modern New Orleans Brass Band. Tulane University thesis, LD 5434.T911 2003ludw Sakakeeny, Matt. Instruments of Power: New Orleans Brass Bands and the Politics of Performance. Dissertation: Columbia University, 2008 Schafer, William. Brass Bands and New Orleans Jazz. Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 1977 SKELETONS Breunlin, Rachel; Lewis, Ronald W.; Regis, Helen. The House of Dance and Feathers: A Museum by Ronald W. Lewis. New Orleans: UNO Press/Neighborhood Story Project, 2009, pp. 176-182 Silver, Charles. Signs of Life: New Photographs from New Orleans. www.charlessilver.com/signsoflife.html Winkler-Schmit, David. Sacred Ground. Article in Gambit, Jan 22, 2008 BABY DOLLS Burns, Mick. Keeping the Beat on the Street. The New Orleans Brass Band Renaissance. Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 2006 Brock, Jerry. The Million Dollar Baby Dolls. article in: New Orleans Beat Street vol II, issue 2 Pais, Noah Bonaparte. R.I.P. Antoinette K-Doe. Blogofneworleans.com, 2.25.2009 Pais, Noah Bonaparte. Rally of the Dolls. Gambit Schindler, Henry. Mardi Gas: New Orleans. New York: Flammarion, 1997, chapter 6, pp. 138-142




new orleans 2010


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